Renee Karunungan

The history of Philippine media

This was written as part of my literature review for my PhD

The Philippines is one of the most dangerous countries to be a journalist. Data from the
Committee to Protect Journalists (2019) show that there have been 156 journalists killed in the
country from 1992-2019, while the National Union of Journalists in the Philippines (2019) counts
murdered journalists to 185 since 1986. The deadliest killings happened in 2009, where 33
journalists were gunned down and buried in a mass grave for covering a gubernatorial candidate
registering to run for the upcoming elections in Maguindanao. According to the International
Federation of Journalists (2018), the Ampatuan massacre, as the incident was called, is the single
deadliest recorded attack on media anywhere. In an interview with the IFJ (2018), Luis Teodoro of
the Centre for Media Freedom says that 90% of killed journalists reported on corruption and
criminal syndicates. Commission on Human Rights lawyer Jacqueline de Guia asserts that most
killings are politically motivated, where the journalists killed speak against politicians.

Under the Duterte presidency, 12 journalists have been murdered. According to IFJ (2019), 11 of
the 12 killings happened before Duterte marked his second year as president, the highest number
of journalists to be killed in the first two years of any president in the Philippines. It does not help
that in one of his speeches, Duterte said, “Just because you’re a journalist you’re exempted from
assasination, you son of a bitch.” Duterte has threatened and harassed media organisations such
as Rappler and ABS-CBN. Rappler and their CEO, Maria Ressa, has been constantly harassed by
different cases such as tax evasion and cyber libel. Ressa has been arrested twice already. Duterte
has also threatened to block the license renewal of the ABS-CBN franchise, which expires in 2020.
Reporters Without Borders (2019) notes that the harassment faced by journalists and alternative
news sites include online harassment campaigns by Duterte’s troll armies.

STOPKIL
 STOPKILLIN:
JOURNALISTs

[File: Aaron Favila/AP Photo]

NUJP (2019) reports that there have been 128 cases of assault on media workers under Duterte
from June 2016-April 2019, with threats from the police by “red tagging” or tagging journalists and
communists and naming them as destabilisers of the government. Perhaps the biggest win for
journalists during Duterte’s administration is the guilty verdict handed down to the Ampatuan
brothers last December 2019, who were convicted of murder and were given a sentence of
reclusion perpetua without parole. The Ampatuans were the masterminds behind the mass
killings in Maguindanao.

The close relationship between media and politics is not new in the Philippines. According to
Coronel (2001, p.5), Philippine media are “products of a turbulent history” and that the “tradition
that defines Philippine journalism is polemical and political,” whereby the rise of media has been
closely knit with political upheavals. Sussman (1990, p.36) argues that “it would be ahistorical and
myopic” to look at Philippine politics and press outside its history of colonisation and tutelage of
the United States that ultimately led to the ousting of dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

During the Spanish colonisation, heroes Jose Rizal, Marcelo H. Del Pilar, and Graciano Lopez
Jaena, to name a few, used journalism to wage a campaign on independence which triggered the
Philippine revolution. Similarly during the Marcos dictatorship, journalists helped in the 1986
EDSA People Power Revolution who continuously wrote about the Marcos family despite risking
their freedom and their lives. However, in the coming decades after, mass media chose to become
primarily a chronicler of events, government watchdogs, and/or entertainment media (Rosario-
Braid and Tuazon, 1999).

A. Pre-Spanish and Spanish colonisation

Prior to colonisation, indigenous Filipinos had their own ways of communication, writing on
trees, leaves, and bamboo tubes using saps of trees as ink (Agoncillo and Guerrero, 1978). A town
crier called the Umalohokan served as the announcer of important news such as new laws or
policies enacted by the town’s chieftain (Philippine Cultural Education, 2015).

Colonisation changed the social, political, and cultural structure of the Philippines. In 1521,
Ferdinand Magellan came to Philippine shores, the start of a 300-year colonisation by the
Spaniards. The first newspaper, Del Superior Govierno, was established in 1811 by the Spanish
Governor General whose aim was to bring news about Spain to local Spaniards (Rosario-Braid
and Tuazon, 1999). The first daily newspaper La Esperanza, was established in 1846 and also
catered to the Spanish elite; the first regional newspaper El Ilocano and the first publication for and
by women, El Hogar, were published in 1893 (Rosario-Braid, and Tuazon, 1999). These publications
dealt with history, science, and religion to avoid being censored.

According to Rosario-Braid and Tuazon (1999),

Philippine free press has its roots in nationalistic
newspapers aimed to raise consciousness about
the oppression experienced by Filipinos at the
hands of the Spaniards. These publications, such
as the La Solidaridad, were elitist, started by the
Ilustrados (Filipino educated class) who lived in
Europe,like propagandists Graciano Lopez
Jaena, Marcelo H. Del Pilar, and Jose Rizal who
were facing censorship in the Philippines
(Teodoro, 1999).

The Katipunan, a Filipino nationalist organisation, was founded in 1892 and aimed to separate the
Philippines from Spain. To strengthen and widen the organisation, their official newspaper,
Kalayaan (freedom), was published in 1898 with Emilio Jacinto as editor (National Historic
Commission of the Philippines, 2012). Although only one issue was published, historians agree
that the Katipunan’s growth from 300 to 30,000 was the publication which published revolutionary
Andres Bonifacio’s two famous poems: “Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa” (Love of Country) and “Ang
Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalog” (What the Tagalogs Should Know) (Rosario-Braid and Tuazon,
1999; National Historic Commission of the Philippines, 2012). Other newspapers widely read
during the revolution were La Independencia, La Libertad, and El Heraldo de Iloilo.

B. American colonisation
During the American period English became the de facto medium of instruction (Lorente, 2013)
and became the language of new newspapers in the Philippines like The Manila Times (1898),
Manila Daily Bulletin (1900), and Philippine Free Press (1908) — most of which were published by
Americans and pro-American (Rosario-Braid and Tuazon, 1999). Nationalist newspapers such as
El Renacimiento and El Nuevo Dia were threatened with suspension after publishing about abuses
of the American government, while another newspaper called Sakdal, published in the regional
language of Tagalog, became a hit with the masses for attacking American imposed taxes and
abusive capitalists and landlords (Rosario-Braid and Tuzaon, 1999).

Sakdal was founded in 1930 by Benigno Ramos

(left) and became a platform for the oppressed
“and later helped establish an underground
movement that soon primed itself as a
revolutionary group against the American
occupation” (Deyro, 2019). Sakdal became the
official organ of the Sakdal Movement that
demanded immediate independence of the
Philippines from the United States (Deyro, 2019).

According to Deyro (2019), “Readers were encouraged to share their copies with others. In the
provinces, it was said that one copy was read by more or less 10 individuals. In communities with
illiterate citizens, groups of 10 to 20 people would listen to the pages read aloud. An estimate of
around 200,000 to 400,000 readers was recorded.”

Sakdal eventually became a political party called Sakdalista Party and won national and local seats
in the 1934 elections (Rosario-Braid and Tuazon, 1999).

C. Japanese Occupation and Postwar Era

During World War II, all publications except those used by the Japanese — Manila Tribune, Taliba,
and La Vanguardia — were closed, and all publications were censored by the Japanese Imperial
Army (Rosario-Braid and Tuazon, 1999).

After the war, Philippine press was regarded as the “freest in Asia” and was said to be the “golden
age of Philippine journalism. Most newspapers were wholly or partly owned by businesses, as it is
today. These newspapers also owned radio stations and television channels. For example, The
Manila Chronicle, owned by the Lopezes, also owned thirty radio stations and television channels
(Rosario-Braid and Tuazon, 1999).

Salvador Lopez (1984), former president of the University of the Philippines, describes this time in
Philippine journalism, “with media owned, organised, and operated by rich families or powerful
corporate bodies, it followed that they were instinctively committed to the defense of their own
clan’s interest.”

In the 1950’s farm programmes, features, documentaries and government programmes were
broadcast on the radio and television was introduced in 1953 catered to the elite, with televisions
costing $600 at the time. In 1960, local brands were made available, making television accessible to
more people. In the 60’s, most shows were canned programmes from the United States, which
were cheaper than television stations producing their own shows (Rosario-Braid and Tuazon,
1999). According to Rosario-Braid and Tuazon (1999, p. 301), this era saw Philippine media as “real
watchdog of the government.”

D. The Marcos Years

In the 1960’s to the early 70’s, the government began building its own information structures to
compete with private media and under Ferdinand Marcos, built the National Media Production
Centre, Malacanang Press Office, and Public Information Offices (Lent, 1974). Marcos also
acquired control of some private media including, for example, the Manila Bulletin, which was
acquired by his top military aide Hans Menzi; the Philippine Daily Express, which reported on the
good image of the president, was founded in 1972 and was edited by Enrique Romualdez, the
cousin of Marcos’ wife (Lent, 1974). Before the declaration of Martial Law, most press and media
were owned by political-business clans (Sussman, 1990).

Marcos declared Martial Law in September 1972. Marcos ordered the press secretary and national
defense to take over all forms of media and accused the media of disseminating “false, vile, foul,
scurrilous statements, utterances, and pictures” as well that it was used by “lawless elements”
(Dresang, 1985).
Right after the announcement of Martial Law, only one newspaper, one television station, and the
government-owned radio station were allowed to continue business (Rosenberg, 1974). The Daily
Express was the first allowed to re-open, followed by Manila Bulletin. With the shutdown of
publications and broadcast media, Marcos allowed new pro-Marcos media to open such as the
Times Journal, People’s Journal, People’s Tonight, owned and operated by Marcos’ brother-in-law
(Dresang, 1985).

The press was highly controlled in this period, news reports were screened and censored by the
newly formed Department of Public Information and the media that were allowed to operate
became the ally of the government while journalists and editors who continued to write against
Marcos and his government were arrested and incarcerated (Rosario-Braid and Tuazon, 1999). One
of the first journalists to be arrested was Joaquin Roces, publisher of the Manila Times, who had
been one of the harshest critics of Marcos. Other journalists detained include Teodoro Locsin,
editor of Free Press; Napoleon Rama, writer of Free Press; Maximo Soliven, Manila Times columnist.
Pro-Marcos journalists were “wined and dined” by Marcos and were appointed to top
government posts (Lent, 1974).

According to the Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication (1984), there were five ways
that Marcos controlled the media: 1.) legal restrictions on the free flow of information through
presidential decrees; 2.) indiscriminate libel cases against journalists; 3.) coordination of
government press agencies with editors; 4.) unwritten guidelines or taboo topics; 5.) military
interference.

Alternative press began to emerge in the 1980’s to counter the government’s propaganda. Among
these were Veritas, Pahayagang Malaya, Business Day, and Inquirer. “Xerox journalism” where
censored news clippings from foreign press were also disseminated to the masses (Rosario-Braid
and Tuazon, 1999). Campus publications like the University of the Philippines’ Philippine Collegian,
Ateneo de Manila University’s Pandayan, and Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila’s Ang Hasik
became a medium for voices opposing Marcos (Rosario-Braid and Tuazon, 1999). During this
period, although a chilling effect has taken over journalists, the nationalist tradition of the press
was slowly rekindled. According to Rosario-Braid and Tuazon (1999), Who Magazine and WE
Forum were the boldest and most remarkable publications of the time, reporting about human
rights victims, indigenous communities resisting development programmes, and public
sentiments.

In 1982, another crackdown on government opposition recurred and authorities shut down WE
Forum after a series of articles questioning Marcos’ credentials as the “most decorated veteran” of
World War II. By 1983, press freedom in the Philippines had been liberalised and started returning
to their pre-martial law reporting of crime of society news, although criticisms of government in
media were scant and most continued their coverage of activities by Marcos and his family
(Dresang, 1985). After opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated in August 1983,
mainstream media’s coverage of the assasination and its aftermath became more balanced and
opposition publications rose in number and popularity (Dresang, 1985).

Doeppers (1984), in an interview with Dresang (1985), notes a trend in the Philippines where
media outlets have proliferated at crucial times in the country’s history — in the late 1800’s
(revolution against Spain), in early American colonisation, and in 1945 (the end of Japanese
occupation). In 1985, at the tailend of the Marcos regime, alternative media had gained more
credibility than pro-Marcos media. According to Rosario-Braid and Tuazon (1999, p.316),
“alternative media nurtured the democratic and freedom-loving spirit of the silent majority so
much so that when the four-day revolution happened, the Filipinos were ready for the event.”

The rise of Corazon Aquino into power was

aided by the media. Particularly, the Catholic
Church’s radio station, Radio Veritas, was made
available for Aquino’s campaign. Manila
Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin also used the
radio station to urge the people to form a
barricade and rally on the streets to protect the
rebels, which led to the People Power Revolution
(Sussman, 1990).
According to former University of the Philippines president Francisco Nemenzo, as quoted by
McCargo (2003, p.20), “Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to
mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours.” Another crucial support for Aquino’s presidency
was the United States’ press who reported favorably on Aquino’s campaign and which Aquino
used to boost her credentials outside of controlled local press (Sussman, 1990).

E. Post-Marcos to present-day media

A new constitution was created after the dictatorship and the freedom of the press became
protected under Article IV of the Bill of Rights. Philippine media returned to what it was in the
60’s, in the tradition of American colonial newspapers featuring commercial advertising (Sussman,
1990) and media ownership limited to the business elite (Coronel, 2001). After the fall of Marcos,
there was a boom in the newspaper industry answering to people’s hunger for news. In the 1990’s,
television and radio had the most audience reach; newspapers still set the agenda and both TV
and radio got their cues from newspapers (Coronel, 2001).

The largest media, ABS-CBN, was reopened and was the leader in changing its news model
similar to the United States’ infotainment format, where coverage is crime, sex, and occult.

Tandoc and Skoric (2010) identified the Philippine news market to be different from the West.
David et al (2019, p.334) notes:

The country has a high poverty rate of 20% to 25% (living below US$1.50 a day) with low levels of high school
completion. The population does not read newspapers regularly, in part because of their cost. Broadsheets are written
mostly in English, which is widely understood, but English reading comprehension is concentrated among political and
business elites and the small, albeit growing, middle class. The majority of news consumers rely on free net- work
television, mostly through its primetime news programs. A survey of urban Filipinos found that 14% reported reading
newspapers while 95% reported watching television (“8 in 10 Filipinos Consume Media Content Through Multiple
Screens,” 2014).

The division between the “elite” and “mass market” has also divided news content where
broadsheets are mostly in English and contain news about politics and business while television
and tabloid news are in Filipino and contain news about crime and entertainment (Elumbre and
Carreon, 2007).

While the Philippines is said to be the “social media capital of the world” and the Internet has
grown to be a media platform where Filipinos get information, telecommunication infrastructure
remain underdeveloped in some areas, making television and radio the main source of
information in the countryside (Estrella and Loffelholz, 2019).

Print Media

Print media in the Philippines is on a decline. In 2013, barely one in ten Filipinos read a newspaper
everyday and only 28% read a newspaper once a week (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2013).
The two formats of Philippine newspapers are broadsheets and tabloids, with tabloids
outnumbering broadsheets in numbers and copies sold (Estrella and Loffeholz, 2019). There are 40
national dailies (both broadsheet and tabloid), 60 regional and community newspapers, and 14
newspapers in foreign languages like Chinese. According to a survey conducted by Nielsen in
2017, out of the top 10 most read newspapers seven are tabloids and three are broadsheets.
Tabloids are cheaper, smaller, and mostly in people’s native language.

Estrella and Loffeholz (2019) note that print media consumption provide a glimpse of the
demographics of Philippine news readers who prefer tabloids with sensationalised content, the
bizarre and appalling (heinous crimes and show business).

Radio

Radio remains to be the second most used media in the Philippines with 41.4% of the population
listening to radio once a week (PSA, 2013). It reaches the most remote areas. According to the
Media Ownership Monitor of Reporters Without Borders (2017), radio is “the most pervasive
media” in the Philippines. Filipinos mostly listen to FM stations for music. On the other hand, AM
stations deliver news and public affairs (Reporters Without Borders, 2017). Ninety percent of
radio stations are privately owned and companies who also own television stations like ABS-CBN
dominate the market. Television shows get their radio spin-offs and other television shows air
simultaneously on the radio.

Television

Photo: CNN Philippines

Television is the most used and most trusted media in the Philippines with 81% of the population
watching television, 71.6% of which watch at least once a week (PSA, 2013). In a survey by Nielsen
in 2016, 58% said television is their most trusted source of political information.

There are more than 400 television stations nationwide dominated by the two biggest
conglomerates, ABS-CBN and GMA, who have an audience share of 81%. Both operate nationally
and regionally.

Regular programming are similar across stations. It starts with early morning news programmes,
followed by variety, lifestyle shows, or cartoons; entertainment shows for lunch; soap operas for
the afternoon, followed by evening news; and another round of soap operas or reality TV for
primetime (Estrella and Loffeholz, 2019).

All television franchises are approved by the government, particularly by Congress and regulated
by the National Telecommunications Commission. Recently, ABS-CBN has been told to stop
reporting criticisms about Duterte’s drug war or else their television franchise will not be
renewed. In 2020, the Congress refused the renewal of ABS-CBN’s franchise and the broadcasting
company has stopped airing its shows.

Digital Media
The Philippines ranks first in the world in terms of time spent on social media (Camus, 2017).
According to We Are Social’s (2018) Global Digital Report, the Philippines tops the world in terms
of social media usage, with 71 million users spending an average of 4 hours and 12 minutes a day
mainly on Facebook.

Digital media plays an important role in Filipinos’ everyday lives and in socio-political situations.
Filipinos’ active use of digital and social media varies from being the “Selfie Capital of the World”
(Time, 2014) to using $200,000 worth of campaign funds employing social media trolls for political
propaganda (Bradshaw and Howard, 2017). Even before the rise of the Internet, Filipinos have
used technology to engage in socio-political activities. In 2001 former president Joseph Estrada
was impeached, it was known to have been fuelled by a series of text messages used for
mobilisations (Montiel and Estuar, 2006).

Philippine media continues to be diverse, with television and radio still being the most popular
media platform for getting information. However, the rise of the Internet and social media has
made a difference in information sharing where users can simultaneously be producers and
consumers of information. Social media has been used to discredit traditional media and has been
used to proliferate disinformation for political propaganda.

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