S P A T I U M , International Review,

No. 17-18, December 2008, Belgrade ISSN 1450-569X

SCOPE AND AIMS

The review is concerned with a multi-disciplinary approach to regional and urban planning and architecture, as well as with different aspects
of land use, including housing, environment, etc. It attempts to contribute to better theoretical understanding of a new spatial development
processes and to improve the practice in the field.
EDITORIAL BOARD
Prof. Borislav Stojkov, PhD (Belgrade)
Prof. Predrag Cagić (Belgrade)
Prof. Darko Marušić (Belgrade)
Prof. Milica Bajić-Brković, PhD (Belgrade)
Prof. Branislav Đorđević, PhD (Belgrade)
Mihailo Čanak, PhD (Belgrade)
Nada Milašin, PhD (Belgrade)
Miodrag Vujošević, PhD (Belgrade)
Marija Nikolić, PhD (Belgrade)
Mila Pucar, PhD (Belgrade)
Slavka Zeković, PhD (Belgrade)
Branko Bojović, Arch. (Belgrade)
Igor Marić, PhD (Belgrade)
Ines Maričić, Arch. (Belgrade)
EDITORS
Prof. Dobrivoje Tošković, PhD (Belgrade)
Prof. Dušan Joksić, PhD (Belgrade)
Nada Milašin, PhD (Belgrade)
Marija Nikolić, PhD (Belgrade)
Mila Pucar, PhD (Belgrade)
Miodrag Vujošević, PhD (Belgrade)
Slavka Zeković, PhD (Belgrade )
Tijana Crnčević, PhD (Belgrade)
Acad. Vladimir Nikolaevič Belousov (Moscow)
Kaliopa Dimitrovska-Andrews, PhD (Ljubljana)
Vlatko Korobar, PhD (Skopje)
Prof. Juhani Pallasmaa (Helsinki)
EDITOR IN CHIEF
Nada Milašin, PhD
GUEST EDITORS
Miodrag Vujošević, PhD
Jasna Petrić, PhD
SECRETARY
Ines Maričić, Arch.
LECTOR
Snežana Lekić
COMPUTER DESIGN
Jelena Živanović Miljković
COVER PAGE DESIGN
Ines Maričić, Arch.
PUBLISHER
Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia
Nenad Spasić, PhD, director
ADDRESS
Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia
"Spatium"
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Printed in Serbia by Jety, Belgrade

spatium
 CONTENTS

Da-Mi Maeng, PhD 1 URBAN FORM AND PLANNING IN THE

Housing & Urban Research Institute, INFORMATION AGE: LESSONS FROM LITERATURE
Seoul, Korea
Zorica Nedović-Budić, PhD
Department of Urban and Regional Planning
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Milica Bajić Brković, PhD 13 DIGITAL REALM: IMPLICATIONS ON

Faculty of Architecture, University URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING
of Belgrade

Aleksandra Stupar, PhD 21 LIVING IN THE TECHNOPOLIS:

Faculty of Architecture, University BETWEEN REALITY AND IMAGINATION
of Belgrade

Zoran Njegovan, PhD 27 EXPERIENCES AND DILEMMAS OF STRATEGIC

Faculty of Agriculture, University of ACTION PLANNING IMPLEMENTATION ON THE
Novi Sad LOCAL LEVEL

Tony Jackson, MSc 31 USING SEA TO MAINSTREAM SUSTAINABLE

Barbara Illsley, MSc DEVELOPMENT: SOME LESSONS FROM SCOTTISH
School of Social and Environmental PRACTICE
Sciences, University of Dundee

Maša Perović, MA 38 GREEN DEVELOPMENT AND PARTICIPATION –

Middlesex University, London IMPLICATIONS FOR COUNTRIES IN TRANSITION:
CASE STUDY OF STARA PLANINA, REPUBLIC OF
SERBIA

Branko Cavrić, PhD 45 PARTICIPATORY MEASUREMENTS OF

Department of Architecture and Planning, SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND
University of Botswana and Department of QUALITY OF LIFE IN POST-SOCIALIST ZADAR,
Geography, University of Zadar CROATIA
Silvija Toplek
Department of Geography,
University of Zagreb
Ante Šiljeg
Department of Geography,
University of Zadar

Slavka Zeković, PhD 55 EVALUATION OF THE CURRENT URBAN LAND

Institute of Architecture and Urban SYSTEM IN SERBIA
& Spatial Planning of Serbia

spatium
 Vladan Đokić, PhD 61 NEW MODEL OF LAND CONSOLIDATION AND
Faculty of Architecture, University RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN SERBIA
of Belgrade
Stevan Marošan, MSc
Faculty of Civil Engineering, University of
Belgrade

Jelena Živanović Miljković 68 SOME MEASURES FOR SOIL REGULATION IN

Institute of Architecture and Urban BELGRADE PERI-URBAN ZONE
& Spatial Planning of Serbia

Boško Josimović, PhD 72 IMPLEMENTATION OF GIS IN SELECTION OF

Nikola Krunić, MSc LOCATIONS FOR REGIONAL LANDFILL IN THE
Institute of Architecture and Urban KOLUBARA REGION
& Spatial Planning of Serbia

Uroš Radosavljević, MA 78 CONDITIONS INFLUENCING WATERFRONT

Faculty of Architecture, University DEVELOPMENT AND URBAN ACTORS CAPACITY
of Belgrade AS A STRATEGIC RESPONSE

Vladan Đokić, PhD 84 PROMOTION OF THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF

Ana Radivojević, PhD MEDITERRANEAN CITY IN THE SCOPE OF
Mirjana Roter-Blagojević, PhD UPGRADING CULTURAL TOURISM
Faculty of Architecture, University
of Belgrade

Tijana Crnčević, PhD 92 THE SYSTEM OF GREEN SURFACES IN SPAS WITH

Olgica Bakić SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE CASE STUDIES:
Institute of Architecture and Urban VRNJAČKA, KANJIŽA AND PRIBOJSKA SPA
& Spatial Planning of Serbia

UNDERSTANDING PLANNING CULTURES-NEW KOLKATA

Dobrivoje Tošković, PhD 98 A REVIEW ON SALT LAKE CITY, KOLKATA, INDIA:

Institute of Architecture and Urban MASTER PLANNING AND REALIZATION
& Spatial Planning of Serbia

REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH 106

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 711. 2 : 004
711 :007

URBAN FORM AND PLANNING IN THE

INFORMATION AGE: LESSONS FROM LITERATURE

Da-Mi Maeng, Zorica Nedović-Budić

This paper focuses on the relationship between information and communication technologies (ICT) and urban form, and on
urban planning response to spatial and economic consequences of ICT. It starts with literature-based review of how urban
environments in the United States change with technological advances and explanations of the relationship between ICT and
urban form. The paper also includes a discussion of the manner in which ICT impact is handled by urban planning. The
literature review points to insufficient attention to the dynamics between ICT and urban planning and increasing gap between
physical and economic development implications of ICT. It is the role of urban planners to balance the consideration of the
physical and economic aspects against the prospects and opportunities offered by ICT.
Key words: Information and communication technologies (ICT); Urban Form; Urban Planning

INTRODUCTION Table 1. Metaphors of the ICT-based City

Innovations in information and communication Metaphor Author Definition

technologies (ICT) are pervasive, substantially
affecting many spheres of our lives (Castells, Toffler A new production system of a household with mixed
Electronic cottage
1981 activities (production, consumption, and leisure)
1996). The impacts of ICT have often been
compared to the transformations of society A suburb which is independent from cities through
Technoburb Fishman 1987
access to ICT
brought by the Industrial Revolution. Despite
Dutton A city where information highways provide all kinds of
their symbolic similarity as major Wired city
et al. 1987 ICT services to business and households
breakthroughs in economic history, however,
A city where networks play a central role in
the difference between the Industrial Revolution Informational city Castells 1989 informational society and “space of flows” shapes the
and the Information Revolution is substantial, networked society
in that the latter transforms materials to Batty A city fully equipped with ICT networks to gain
information as the main production factor and Intelligent city
1990 competitive advantage
introduces flexibility in work and living patterns
Batty A city with a degree of invisibility of the economic and
whereas the former shifted the production Invisible city
1990 social activity based on ICT
mode from land to materials and assumed the
physical proximity of work and home A concentration of individuals, households, firms, and
Fathy
Telecity public agencies interactively interconnected to one
(Brotchies et al., 1987). 1991
another via remote services
Urban environments have always stood in
City of bits Mitchell 1995 A digital network city
close relationship to the technologies of
production, transport, and communications. Lean, green cities with “dematerialization,
Over the past century many efforts to plan the E-topia Mitchell 1999 demobilization, mass customization, intelligent
operation, and soft transformation”
ideal urban environment have elaborated on the
relationship between the urban environment Horan
Digital places A city sharing space in both physical and virtual worlds
2000
and technology (Phillips, 1996; Ruchelman,
A new type of global city with high levels of Internet
2000). Examples include: Ebenezer Howard’s
Townsend adoption that “operate in an economy where the
Garden City, Tony Garnier’s Cité Industrielle, Network cities
2001 transport costs of information and knowledge are fairly
Frank Lloyd Wright’s Broadacre City; Le insensitive to distance”
Corbusier’s Contemporary City, and recently Hwang A city where access to ICT is omnipresent; one can do
the principles of new urbanism (Congress for Ubiquitous city
2005 “anything from anywhere at anytime.”
the New Urbanism, 1999). Their influence on

spatium 1
urban planning and development has varied,
with some implemented nationally or
worldwide. As technologies and their impacts
on urban environment change, their
relationship calls for new or adapted concepts,
ideas, and models. Although specific planning
and design ideas in the new information era are
only emerging, metaphors based on futurism
and utopianism have been used over the past
two decades to describe the changing ICT-
based city: electronic cottage (Toffler, 1981),
technoburb (Fishman, 1987), wired city
(Dutton et al., 1987), informational city
(Castells, 1989), intelligent city (Batty, 1990a),
invisible city (Batty, 1990b), telecity (Fathy,
1991), city of bits (Mitchell, 1995), e-topia
(Mitchell, 1999), digital places (Horan, 2000),
network cities (Townsend, 2001) and
ubiquitous city (Hwang, 2005)(Table 1). These
metaphors have tried to redefine the city itself
and the notion of space, time, distance, and
even territory with regard to a rapid
development of ICT (Firmino, 2005).
Despite significant research on ICT and their
general association with urban form and
economy, which has focused on agglomeration
of economies, there has been little attention to
the interactions between ICT and urban
planning. There may be several reasons,
including a relatively short history of ICT, their
rapid change, and the invisibility and
complexity of ICT infrastructure. The passage
of Telecommunications Reform Act of 1996
allowed market-driven development and
management of ICT infrastructure in the United
States. That has prevented involvement of the
public sector and attention to how ICT
infrastructure will affect future development of
communities (Bradbury and Becker, 1995).
The lack of guiding conceptual frameworks is
also a challenge for study of ICT and urban
planning. Graham and Marvin (1996; 1997)
argue that many urban planning professionals
and scholars still see urban environments in a
traditional framework instead of recognizing the
dynamics of ICT and urban environments.
Recently, many regional and local
governments have emphasized economic
development agendas characterized with the
above metaphors to reshape their communities
and attract more businesses. ICT certainly have
potential as policy tools for bringing urban
2 spatium
fragments together and enhancing the capacity
of urban policy-making. Many localities,
however, often view ICT as the main possibility
for driving economic development, instead of
considering them as tools to complement other
plans and policies that strengthen the physical
aspects of urban life and thus the quality of life
(Graham and Marvin, 1996). Since spatial and
economic aspects are interwoven, focusing on
either one can result in spatially and
economically uneven development in the
region or community.
The purpose of this paper is to review the
relevant literature to sharpen our understanding
of the relationship between ICT and urban form,
and of how urban planning responds to both
the spatial and the economic consequences of
ICT. First the paper considers how urban
environments in the United States have
changed with technological advances. It then
reviews several theoretical perspectives on the
relationship between ICT and urban form and
presents the explanations of this relationship
found in the literature. The paper also includes
a literature-based discussion of the manner in
which ICT impact is handled by urban
planning. Finally, the paper provides a brief
conclusion about the potential of urban
planning to manage and benefit from ICT in
urban context.
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW:
TECHNOLOGIES AND URBAN
DEVELOPMENT FROM THE
INDUSTRIAL ERA IN THE U.S.
This section offers a chronology for how cities
in the U.S. have been shaped by technological
changes from the early industrial period to the
late industrial, mass production metropolis,
and postindustrial metropolis periods
(Ruchelman, 2000) (Table 2). In the early
industrial age (1820-1869), the construction of
railroads, one of the most significant
technological advances, stimulated urban
development. In 1830 the first railroad track,
13 miles long, was laid in Baltimore, then the
second largest city in the U. S. In 1852
Baltimore and the Ohio River were connected
by rail, later extended to Chicago, St. Louis,
and Cleveland (Library of Congress, 2006).
Cities in that era were market centers for
imports and exports of commodities. In such
small and compact mercantile cities, residents
were mixed in different income levels and
social classes and densely clustered around a
port or central railway station that was an
important site for commerce and trade (Soja,
2000). However, with extensive
industrialization, there arouse competitive
industrial cities, which needed new spatial
solutions for the problems of urban-industrial
capitalism (Soja, 2000).
The late industrial period (1870-1919) was a
time of technological innovations: telephones,
electricity, elevators, and automobiles1. These
technological advances dramatically changed
the centralized structure of a city, with
expansion of the urban center as well as
suburbanization (Soja, 2000). For instance, the
introduction of an electric streetcar line
expanded Boston’s city boundary out 6 miles
in the late nineteenth century and also began
the physical separation of work from home
(Phillips, 1996). Simultaneously, with
elevators in general use, skyscrapers were built
in urban centers, leading to recentralization of
businesses in the city. Also, during the early
twentieth century, the development of
electronic power and the spread of
automobiles and telephones transformed the
patterns of movement of people, goods, and
ideas. In particular, as Pool (1976) argued, the
telephone had two opposite effects on the
urban form: urban concentration and dispersal.
The period of the mass production metropolis
(1920-1969) was a golden age for road
building. Most importantly, the passage of the
Interstate Highway Act in 1956 created the
national system of Interstate Highways
(Weingroff, 1996). Innovations in
communications and transport technologies
1
In 1877 the first private telephone lines were placed
in service between homes and offices (AT&T, 2006). In
1879 the first commercial power station opened in San
Francisco, and ten years later the first air-conditioned-
elevator began operating in New York City (Energy
Information Administration, 2006). The Ford Motor
Company produced the Model T in 1908; by 1927, 15
million Model Ts had been manufactured (Ford Motor
Company, 2006).
ended the “compact walking city”2 and
changed the urban internal structure (Phillips,
1996, p. 98). The expansion of downtown was
intensified both horizontally and vertically. In
addition to change downtown, technological
innovations (e.g., automobile, electricity,
telephone) allowed cities to spread to their
hinterlands (Macionis and Parrillo, 1998).
Massive highway construction led to high
dependence on automobiles and accelerated
suburban development. During the post-World
War II era, the suburban pattern of low-density,
single-family development known as urban
sprawl occurred around most metropolitan
areas (Nelson and Duncan, 1995). During this
period, high-voltage electrical systems were
introduced, reducing the cost of power
transmission, and allowed manufacturing to
move to the periphery of the metropolis in
addition to residential suburbanization.
Finally, the postindustrial-metropolis period
(1970 to the present) is characterized by a new
level of advanced technologies, principally the
computer and the Internet. Since IBM’s
personal computers (PCs) were first released
in 1981, they have been widely used in homes
and businesses. Furthermore, advances in
computing, storage, and telecommunications
have enhanced the capability of ICT – most
prominently in the Internet.
This current period is characterized by
decentralization in most metropolitan regions.
Several empirical studies address the
decentralization of economic activity and
employment, and particularly focus on the
polycentricity of suburban employment centers
(Gordon and Richardson, 1996; McDonald and
Prather, 1994). Edge cities have emerged as
new centers with white-collar jobs, shopping,
and corporate headquarters (Garreau, 1991).
An edge city is defined as any place that “has
more jobs than bedrooms, is locally perceived
by the population as one place, and was
nothing like city as recently as thirty years ago”
(Garreau, 1991, p. 6). A further concept is that
of edgeless cities, as a new, dispersed and
2
Walking city refers to a city whose area lies within a
comfortable walking range. Before the mid-19th century,
with transport technology was not introduced to the
public, all American cities were walking cities (Phillips,
1996).
edgeless metropolitan form with low
population density and high automobile
dependence (Lang, 2003). An edgeless city is
defined as non-downtown office space that is
not an edge city. Lang (2003) argues that
Table 2. Technology and Urban Development:
From the Early Industrial Period to the Present
Period Technology
Early industrial (1820-1869) - Railroad
Late industrial - Electricity
(1870-1919) - Elevator
- Telephone
- Automobile
Mass production metropolis - Road building
(1920-1969) (e.g., highways)
Post-metropolis - Personal computer
(1970-present) - ICT (e.g., Internet)
edgeless cities are spread over the nation,
although the general shape is difficult to define
because of their lack of definite boundaries.
With prosperity of suburbs and exurbs,
traditional cities have declined as industrial
and corporate centers. However, since the late
1990s, cities have begun to fortify their
traditional role as centers of business,
commerce, and other cultural activities (Kotkin
and DeVol 2001).
In an extensive effort to understand the
postmetropolis, Soja (2000) introduces six
different discourses that can analyze the
restructuring of the postmetropolis: a
Postfordist Industrial Metropolis, a Cosmopolis,
an Expolis, a Fractal City, a Carceral City, and a
Simcity. The first two discourses focus on the
causes of the new urbanization process; the
third and fourth discourses focus on the urban
consequences of globalization and postfordist
economic restructuring; the last two discourses
focus on how the postmetropolis, in and
around Los Angeles in particular, has managed
to adapt to globalization and economic
restructuring. The author notes that these six
discourses arouse as analyses of previous
metropolitan forms and so themselves may be
pervaded by inherent problems: uneven
development of a Postfordism; globalization of
labor, capital, and culture in a Cosmopolis; an
edge-citied Expolis; a disordered and polarized
Fractal City; exclusionary gated-communities
Urban Form and Development
- Initial urban growth (e.g.,
population influx in cities)
- Expansion of cities
- Beginning of urban dispersal
(suburbanization)
- Massive residential suburbanization
- Beginning of commercial
suburbanization
- Decentralization of metropolitan
regions (e.g., polycentricity of
suburban employment centers)
- Urban revitalization with
technological advances
- Global city network
of a Carceral City; and an urban imaginary
Simcity.
Over the past century, urban environments
have responded to various technological
innovations differently. Some technologies with
other various factors affected urban form to
change its entire landscape; others improved
the quality of urban life. ICT, in turn, are bound
to affect urban form through the processes of
economic development and such changes in
land uses as redevelopment (Maeng and
Nedović-Budić, 2004). For instance, Audirac
(2003) examines the emerging information-
age landscapes in India and Mexico, occurring
at the metropolitan edge. Tayyaran and Khan
(2003) foresee that telecommuting and
intelligent transportation systems may lead to a
multinucleated urban form and a general
decentralization, with all their adverse effects of
urban sprawl. ICT therefore pose a challenge to
urban planners. However, ICT also present an
opportunity within urban environments to
improve the quality of life. In any case, the
relationship between ICT and urban form
requires concepts and models different from
those associated with earlier technologies.
spatium 3
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON perspective here (Figure 1). depth in theoretical explanation reduces the
ICT AND URBAN FORM complexity of ICT and of their spatial
The complexity of the interactions between ICT
manifestations and effects. Despite that
and urban form challenges existing theoretical
Graham and Marvin (1996) discuss a range of drawback, technological determinism is
frameworks and models. The theoretical
analytical perspectives about the relationship accepted by many planning scholars and
perspectives presented above have both
between ICT and urban form. The major professionals (Brotchies et al., 1987; Fathy,
advantages and disadvantages for explaining
perspectives include: 1) technological 1991; Pascal, 1987).
the causes and effects of ICT on urban form
determinism, 2) futurism and utopianism, 3)
(Table 3). The logic of technological Similarly to technological determinism,
urban political economy, and 4) social
determinism, though straightforward and futurism and utopianism tend to simplify the
construction of technology. The four
simple, is also limited in assuming that complex interactions between ICT and urban
perspectives, stemming from theories in social
technological innovations are the determining form and are unclear in envisioning how cities
and technological sciences, provide various
growth factor in society and urban may be shaped by the development of ICT
analytical frameworks for examining the
development. For as yet there is no proof that (Dodge and Kitchin, 2001). Utopianism dates
relationship of ICT and urban form. Urban
the advances in ICT have been the primary back to the late nineteenth century, when
ecology complements them as another relevant
cause of transformations of urban forms. This technological promises for a better urban
perspective’s lack of sufficient proof and of society and quality of life were relied on to deal
TECHNOLOGICAL DETERMINISM with negative aspects of industrial cities.
Several examples of industrial-age utopias
ICT Urban (e.g., Howard’s Garden City, Wright’s
Effect
Broadacre City; Le Corbusier’s Radient City)
were also founded on technological advances.
UTOPIANISM AND FUTURISM
The hope for a practical utopia continues
today; both futurism and utopianism assume
Solution to Advance in that ICT will play a crucial role in enhancing
ICT Urban Problems Urban Form
urban life (Graham and Marvin, 1996).
However, although these approaches provide
visions of a better future, they remain
speculative and idealistic. Neither approach
URBAN ECOLOGY explicitly regards technology and society as
ICT inseparable and interrelated.
Process of Adjustments in
Population Expansion Social Organization & On the other hand, urban ecologists consider
& Migration Urban Form technology specifically as part of the overall
change in urban form. Their basic assumption
is that a collective process of adaptation
URBAN POLITICAL ECONOMY
occurs, rather than individual processes.
Political, Economic, Social, Restructuring
Although that assumption does not reject
& Cultural Dynamics of Capitalism individual activity, urban ecology focuses on
Capitalism the consequences of actions at the macro
level. Furthermore, urban ecology describes
Development & urban form by examining where and how
Application
of ICT different activities take place, rather than
explaining why they do (Kleniewski, 2002).
SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF TECHNOLOGY In contrast to the somewhat simplistic,
speculative and idealistic explanations offered
Social Shaping by by the first three perspectives described above,
Use & Application Effects on
Organizations &
Cities
the perspectives of urban political economy
Individuals of ICT
and the social construction of technology
recognize the complex relationship between
ICT and urban form. The urban political
economy perspective considers economic
Note: Adapted from Graham and Marvin (1996, p.79) forces and the unequal social relations of
Figure 1. Perspectives on the Relationship between ICT and Urban Form capitalism to be the main factors explaining

4 spatium
ICT and urban phenomena. ICT are also seen
as playing a major role in economic
globalization (Graham and Marvin, 1996).
Urban political economy tends, however, to
overemphasize the restructuring of capitalism
at the macro level and to neglect technological
development as a social process (Graham and
Marvin, 1996).
The social construction of technology, on the
other hand, stresses the social shaping of
technology at the micro level, but pays limited
attention to social structure and the power
relationships within which technological
innovations occur (Kline and Pinch, 1999). It
also declines to address the “reciprocal
relationship between technological artifacts
and social groups,” explaining that
“technology and society are mutually
constitutive” (Mackenzie and Wajcman, 1999,
p. 22). The social constructivists demonstrate
how social groups are shaped by technology,
but only sporadically analyze the identities of
social groups involved in the process. Despite
complexity and uniqueness of approach,
neither the urban political economy
perspective nor the social construction of
technology succeeds in fully explaining the
Table 3. Theoretical Perspectives on ICT and Urban Form
Theoretical
Advantage
Perspective
Technological - Simple, straightforward logic
determinism - Widely accepted
Futurism & - Simple, straightforward logic
utopianism - Providing visions for the future
- Emphasis on the important role
of ICT in urban enhancement
Urban ecology - Recognition of technology as
part of the overall change in
urban form
- Understanding of where and
how different activities occur
Urban political - Understanding of economic
economy forces and the unequal social
relations of capitalism as the
main factors in explaining ICT
and urban settings
Social - Emphasis on the social
construction of shaping of technology at the
technology local level
complex relationship between ICT and urban
form. However, in combination these two
perspectives comprehend the relationship
between ICT and urban form as composed of
different, correlated levels (Graham and
Marvin, 1996).
Each of the five perspectives described above
has some utility for understanding the
relationship between ICT and urban form. They
all can contribute to the theoretical background
for examination of that relationship and its
effects. Some literature on the effects of ICT
assumes that ICT will cause changes in
society, economy and geography (Abler, 1991;
Cairncross, 1997; Mitchell, 1995; Naisbitt,
1995; Negroponte, 1995; Toffler, 1981). For
instance, Mitchell (1995; 1999) argues that the
global digital network, as a whole new urban
infrastructure, will dramatically affect urban
form and urban life. Others assert that ICT are
necessary but not sufficient to generate spatial
restructuring; they consider ICT to be an
enabling technology (Nijkamp and Salomon,
1989). Townsend (2000) argues that mobile
technologies of ICT may not result in massive
changes such as transport and
communications technologies (e.g.,
Disadvantage
- Lack of a sufficient proof
- Limited depth in theoretical explanation
of technological cause and urban effect
- Idealistic and speculative
- Simplification of the complex
interactions between ICT and urban form
- Simplistic approach
- Basic assumption of a collective way of
adaptation (rather than an individual
process)
- Lack of understanding of causal factors
- Overemphasis on the restructuring of
capitalism at the macro level
- Exclusion of technological development
as a social process
- Limited attention to the social structure
and power relationships
- Lack of understanding of the identities of
different social groups
automobiles and telephones) brought about in
urban form. The following section discusses
the urban structural manifestations associated
with recent ICT.
ICT IMPACT ON URBAN FORM
Research on the relationship between ICT and
urban form can be encapsulated in two main
views3 – of spatial restructuring and of
economic restructuring (Audirac, 2002). Since
the spatial and economic effects are closely
interconnected, the body of literature examined
here is organized according to its major
themes. The former focus examines how urban
space responds to ICT, using a centralization-
decentralization dichotomy and discusses new
urban forms; the latter focus examines the
relationship through which the economic
forces of capitalism and technological change
support the restructuring of global capitalism.
In terms of theoretical perspectives, the spatial
restructuring focus derives mostly from
technological determinism, utopianism and
futurism, and urban ecology; the economic
restructuring focus derives mainly from urban
political economy. While the spatial
restructuring focus is based more on empirical
analysis at the regional or local level, the
economic restructuring focus is theoretically
organized on a global scale (Audirac, 2002).
Spatial Restructuring
The spatial restructuring perspective focuses
on how urban space responds to ICT, including
a centralization-decentralization dichotomy and
a discussion of the newly emerging forms
(Table 4). Many academics debate whether the
impacts of ICT on urban form are centrifugal or
centripetal. That dichotomy, derived mainly
from technological determinism and urban
ecology, centers on the role of ICT – whether
they reinforce the importance of cities as the
centers of production and consumption, or
reduce the need for physical proximity
(Gottmann and Harper, 1990; Graham and
Marvin, 1996). Discussion of new urban forms
explores how urban form might respond to ICT,
and what ICT might generate.
3
Since some studies deal with both spatial and
economic aspects on the impacts of ICT, they are cited
in regard to both views.
spatium 5
Centralization
The proponents of centralization believe that
the role of central cities will remain active or
even be strengthened by technological
innovations. In their pioneer empirical work,
Gaspar and Glaeser (1998) suggest that with
advances in information technologies the
demand for all kinds of human interactions will
increase and eventually the role of cities as
centers of various activities and interactions
will strengthen. Confirming the Gaspar and
Glaeser’s approach, Panayides and Kern
(2005) find that ICT developments result in an
increase of face-to-face interactions and
expand the size of a city under the assumption
that city residents use more electronic
interactions than those on the periphery.
Hall (1999) and Kotkin (2000) argue that the
recentralization and prosperity of urban centers
will take place despite the reduced importance
of physical proximity in urban space. From
their case study, Kotkin and DeVol (2001)
argue that the urban revitalization process has
been seen since the late 1990s. Although the
process is still in its infancy, some “first-tier”
cities, such as New York, San Francisco,
Boston, Los Angeles, and Chicago, have
started to profit from this transformation.
Sassen (2001) also finds a tendency of “highly
specialized services”4 (p. 82) to concentrate in
global cities, expressing in their spatial logic a
form of agglomeration. Hence, the global city
acquires a new urban spatiality that depends
on networks and is generated by the
combination of economic globalization and
ICT.
Decentralization
In contrast, the advocates of the
decentralization thesis see a centrifugal
tendency in urban form with technological
advances. The decentralization thesis dates
from the 1960s; many proponents of the
centralization thesis appeared in the 1990s.
This may be because the decentralization
thesis was the scholars’ initial reaction in the
early days of ICT. Webber (1964) considers the
mode of communications to be a prime factor
4
Highly specialized services are accounting, legal, public
relations, programming, telecommunications, and other
such services (Sassen, 2001).
6 spatium
reshaping urban form. In this view, freedom to
communicate causes a dispersion of physical
locations and greater mobility of people, and
reduces the significance of traditional urban
patterns and the locations of work and home.
Thus, Weber (1964) defines urban realms as
“neither urban settlement nor territory, but
heterogeneous groups of people
communicating with each other through space”
(p. 116).
Pascal (1987) agrees with Webber in that
“technological change ramifies through
societies, altering economies and thereby
diffusing the interactions in space” (p. 597).
His consideration of the relationship between
ICT and urban form is based on the entropy
paradigm: the tendency of technological
advances to diffuse first within cities and then
in the rural areas. Thus, new technologies will
reduce the attractiveness of cities as centers of
human interactions and work. Building on
Webber’s (1964) speculation about the “non-
place urban realm,” Fainstein and Fainstein
(1989) and Atkinson (1996) maintain the
decentralization thesis, proposing that ICT will
eventually result in the “death of distance.”
Gordon and Richardson (1997) claim that
advances in ICT stimulate dispersion of urban
areas, as do the automobiles, and that as a
result, physical proximity becomes redundant.
In several surveys conducted in the U.S. and
Canada, Tayyaran and Khan (2003) discover a
trend toward multinucleated urban form “where
a number of urban satellite nodes, containing
mixed business and residential land uses, are
located at some distance from the central core
and along radial transportation corridors” (p.
96). In the U.S., the Office of Technology
Assessment (1995) noted that uneven and
dispersed urban development will continue
with technological advances. That study
confirms that, through their effect on industries
and employment, technological innovations
have a significant potential to influence the
structure of metropolitan areas, leading to
growth in some places and simultaneously to
decline in others.
Dual Forces: Beyond Centralization vs.
Decentralization
Looking beyond this simple dichotomy, the
literature also suggests that a complex
combination of centralization and
decentralization is more likely. Gottman and
Harper (1990) propose that communications
technologies work in two directions – to
concentrate and to disperse social and
economic activities. Similarly, Hawley (1986)
explains that both centripetal and centrifugal
forces take place simultaneously in urban form.
In a centripetal tendency, units of an
organization (i.e., human settlements) cluster.
A centrifugal tendency spreads units outward in
response to location requirements and
competition for location. Graham and Marvin
(1996) state that, although the centralization or
decentralization dichotomy can increasingly be
viewed as having ICT as an explanatory
variable, the dichotomy is too simplistic to
capture the complex interaction and linkages
between ICT and urban form.
Thus, despite the diminished importance of
physical factors and spatial hierarchy, the
essential geographic advantages of the core
cities remain significant and continue to attract
population and activities (Kotkin, 2000).
Castells (2000) notes that “information
technologies contribute to ‘megalopolitan’
concentrations in a restricted number of nodal
areas on the planet, which network among
themselves,” but that they contribute “to the
sprawl and multi-centering of population and
activities within these nameless urban
constellations” (p. 455). Townsend (2001),
viewing centripetal and centrifugal tendencies
in combination, proposes “a new network of
networked metropolitan regions” that
surmounts geographic limits through the
advances in ICT. Wong (2004) also accepts the
dual view of ICT’s relationship with urban form,
because of greater spatial flexibility and
mobility that ICT offer in urban form.
Based on the empirical study of the
Washington, DC metropolitan region, Maeng
(2007) find that ICT are functioning as a
centripetal force as well as a centrifugal force
once the technology is more evenly distributed
throughout the region. The findings also point
out that geographic location still matters for
ICT, despite the premise of the “death of
geography.” As Graham and Marvin (1997)
note, with advances in ICT, space and time
obstacles are being overcome selectively, and
place-based ways of livings are still important
in the shaping of cities. Zook (2000), too,
claims that the elimination of locational-based
networks has not yet fully occurred with the
Internet, as had been expected from its space-
transcending nature.
New Urban Forms
In addition to the dichotomy of centralization
and decentralization, another common theme
in the context of the spatial restructuring by ICT
is new urban forms. Some of those examples
are the electronic cottage, telecity, city of bits,
e-topia, digital places, and the aerotropolis.
Ideas about emerging innovative urban forms
are offered mainly by advocates of
technological determinism or of futurism and
utopianism. Toffler (1980) envisions “the
electronic cottage” as a new production
system based on the new capabilities of ICT. In
the electronic cottage, a household becomes a
place of mixed activities – production,
consumption, and leisure. Building on Toffler’s
concept of the electronic cottage, Fathy (1991)
claims that the use of ICT in urban activities
functionally and structurally produces a
“telecity,” in which virtual networks and
information-based activities are superimposed
on a city’s existing physical form. The telecity
accommodates teleworkers and provides
information services to both its residents and
other customers, using telecommunications
networks. The telecity therefore is a
concentration of individuals, households,
firms, and public agencies interactively
interconnected to one another via remote
services.
In a similar vein, Mitchell (1995) foresees a
digital network city, the “city of bits.” He
examines the global digital network and the
relationship between physical places and
virtual spaces. Drawing on the notion of
recombinant DNA in genetics, he introduces
the concept of “recombinant architecture” for
the city of bits, in which underground networks
replace networks on the ground and the
existing urban form gradually changes.
Mitchell also hopes for an “e-topia,” where a
digital revolution and new economy provide a
promising alternative to the uncontrollable
growth of cities in the post-industrial era. E-
topias would be “lean, green cities that work
smarter, not harder” (Mitchell, 1999, p. 147).
Mitchell expects that physical and virtual
spaces would work independently but major airport corridors become clusters of
supplement each other within adapted urban high-tech jobs, thus establishing an
patterns, rather than the existing urban patterns aerotropolis. Kasarda posits that accessibility
being replaced by new ones. substitutes for location in the new economy.
Confirming this thesis, Maeng and Nedović-
Building on such efforts to understand the
Budić (2008) find that the location of the ICT
nature of ICT-based cities, Horan (2000)
cluster identified in the Washington, DC
suggests that “digital places” can share space
metropolitan region is related to proximty to
in both physical and virtual worlds. He
Dulles International and Reagan Washington
examines “how and where cyberspace and
National Airports.
physical space interact” in a conventional city
(p. 12). His analysis of “placemaking” The discourse on the spatial restructuring by
activities in digital places points out the ICT can be summarized in three major views:
segmentation and recombination of places as centralization-decentralization dichotomy,
stimulated by technology. Borrowing from beyond the dichotomy, and as new urban
Mitchell’s concept of “recombinant forms. Although the decentralization thesis has
architecture,” Horan suggests “recombinant generated a lot of interest in the early stages of
design” for digital placemaking at several ICT, it now becomes somewhat outdated.
levels: home, work, community, and city. In Instead, the recent literature suggests that the
recombinant design, ICT is the catalyst for dual tendencies of ICT – centripetal and
rearrangement of urban places into different centrifugal – are more likely to happen in urban
and possibly better forms. environment. Discussion of new urban forms,
primarily based on futurism, has not been
Table 4. Perspectives on Spatial Restructuring
Spatial restructuring Examples
- Revitalization of urban center (Hall 1999; Kotkin 2000; Kotkin
and DeVol 2001)
Urban
- Increase in face-to-face interactions and city size (Gaspar and
centralization
Glaeser 1998; Panayides and Kern 2005)
Dichotomy - Global city (Sassen 1991)
Urban - Non-place urban realm (Webber 1964)
decentralization - Entropy Paradigm (Pascal 1987)
- Beyond dichotomy, mix of centralization and decentralization
Combination (Gottman and Harper 1990; Graham and Marvin 1996)
- ‘Megalopolitan’ concentration (Castells 2000)
- Electronic cottage (Toffler 1980)
- Telecity (Fathy 1991)
- City of bits (Mitchell 1995)
New urban form - E-topia (Mitchell 1999)
- Digital places (Horan 2000)
- Aerotropolis (Kasarda 2000)
- Ubiquitous city (Kim 2008)
Kasarda (2000) describes the rise of widely received by urban scholars and
“aerotropolis” as advances in ICT stimulate professionals. One new vision that is emerging
more air travel due to more long-distance – the ubiquitous city – may be considered as
businesses and the emergence of e- both futuristic and pragmatic given the
commerce. To respond to the new economy’s concrete steps towards its implementation, in
demands for “speed and reliability,” the South Korea in particular (Kim, 2008).
aerotropolis is located along major airport
corridors and “based on low density, wide
lanes, and fast movements” (p. 3). A region’s
spatium 7
Economic Restructuring
The economic restructuring perspective draws
mainly on urban political economy and focuses
on the relationship by which the economic
forces of capitalism and technological change
support the restructuring of global capitalism.
This viewpoint also stresses a fundamental
change in the organization of production in the
world economy (Audirac, 2002). Unlike the
research on spatial restructuring, most of the
work in terms of the economic restructuring is
theoretical and tends to address the global
scale (Audirac, 2002). Friedmann and Wolff
(1982) are among the early scholars to
systematically emphasize consideration of the
processes of global economic restructuring for
understanding the internal dynamics of cities.
They argue that “the character of the urbanizing
processes – economic, social, and spatial –
which define life in these ‘cities’ reflect, to a
considerable extent, the mode of their
integration into the world economy” (p. 309).
The idea of global city formation has been
further developed by Castells (1989; 1996)
and Sassen (1991; 2001).
Castells (1989) defines the “informational
mode of development” in order to understand
the new urban-regional and global process. He
relates this mode to the emergence of a new
socio-technical organization and to the
restructuring of capitalism as the basis of
society’s institutional and economic
organization. He explains an informational
economy as one where knowledge and
information processing have the capacity to
work as a unit in real time on a global scale
(Castells 1996). Castells (2000) predicts that
cities will share the new logic of the
Information Age despite their historical,
cultural, and economic diversity. This new
logic is defined by the combination of
territorial decentralization and locational
concentration, and by network as a unit.
Castells earlier (1996) pointed out that
networks play a central role in informational
society and are appropriate tools for a capitalist
economy. His most recent work notes that
cities exhibit a complex interaction between the
space of flows and the space of places
(Castells 2004). The space of flows is a new
spatial form of the networked society and the
main domain of global technological
8 spatium
movement and flow, whereas the space of
places is the geographic space of everyday life.
A society with both the space of flows and the
space of places is likely to experience wide-
ranging changes in physical space, economy,
employment, history, and culture (Castells
1996).
Similarly, Sassen (1991) explains that the
advances in ICT, among other factors, have
transformed modern capitalism into a global
network of corporations and cities. That new
industrial complex dominates economic
growth in major cities and contains the
elements of a new type of a city, a global city.
Sassen (2001) maintains that over the last
decade the spatial dispersion of production
and the reorganization of the financial industry
have created new forms of centralization to
manage the global networks of production sites
and financial markets. These new forms of
centralization shift the locus of control and
management. As a result, cities such as New
York, London, and Tokyo have gained
increased importance as centers of finance,
global services, and management.
Furthermore, Sassen (2001) argues that global
cities often tend to “consolidate” rather than
disperse, for three reasons: (1) the significance
of the centrality of global cities in securing
connectivity and supporting functions
dependent on the ICT; (2) the complexity of the
global financial system across borders; and (3)
weaker national identities.
Thus, the economic restructuring perspective
stresses fundamental changes in the
organization of capital and production in a
world economy brought about by a
socioeconomic paradigm based on ICT
(Audirac, 2002). Although there is general
agreement on this perspective, some of the
observations remain speculative because of
lack of empirical studies. The results of such
studies would be most useful in guiding urban
action at local and regional levels. Some
sporadic work on how ICT affect urban
planning is reviewed in the next section.
URBAN PLANNING IN THE
INFORMATION AGE
Although in recent years considerable research
has examined the influence of ICT on urban
form, a significant gap is the lack of attention
to the linkages between ICT and urban
planning. That shortcoming may have several
reasons, including the relatively short history of
ICT and also their rapid changes. Fast changes
of ICT and their impact on different aspects of
society prevent urban planning from dealing
with the interaction between cities and ICT. The
urban planning’s incapability to track these
changes results in speculation by planning
academics and professionals and a risk for
them to assume technologically deterministic
views (Firmino, 2008). Moreover, urban
planning may have been hampered in
monitoring the changing technological
landscapes and addressing the resulting issues
in a timely manner.
Unlike traditional urban physical infrastructure,
most ICT infrastructure is invisible to the
public, being composed of underground
networks of cables and fiber optics, and
satellite-based telecommunications (Graham
and Marvin, 1996). Batty (1990b) also makes
the observation that “cities are becoming
invisible to us and this invisibility is increasing
faster than our ability to adapt our research
methods to these new circumstances” (p.
130). Since traditional urban planning has
heavily depended on visible and tangible
space, urban scholars and planners find the
invisible and intangible characteristics of ICT
difficult to handle (Firmino, 2008).
In addition to its invisibility, ICT infrastructure
is highly complex. Networks of the Internet, for
instance, are very complicated and
decentralized, unlike the hierarchically
organized ones seen in traditional urban
infrastructure (Townsend, 2003). ICT
infrastructure is built primarily by the private
sector and simply protected by federal and
state regulations, whereas traditional
infrastructure is usually owned by the public
sector (Moss, 1998). That divergence in
ownership has kept public sector and planning
in particular from participation in ICT
infrastructure, and has obscured recognition of
how ICT infrastructure can affect development
in their community (Bradbury and Becker,
1995). Finally, the lack of useful theoretical
and conceptual frameworks for study of ICT
and urban planning is also a challenge.
Graham and Marvin (1996; 1997) note that
many urban planning professionals and
scholars still view urban form in a traditional
framework, overlooking the actual dynamics of
ICT and urban form – in short, paradigm
challenge occurs.
Furthermore, as ICT start to influence our life
and urban landscapes substantially, the role of
urban planning becomes controversial. For
instance, the influence of ICT on urban
activities, and decentralization in particular,
may destabilize the basis of top-down planning
interventions, which usually are operated from
a centralized agency (Townsend, 2000).
Changes in the concepts and approaches of
urban planning are required to match
technological advances and their impact;
however, many scholars agree that the
importance of urban planning will be refocused
(Cecchini, 1999; Graham and Marvin, 1996;
Graham and Marvin, 1997; Hack, 2000;
Luithlen, 1998). To provide insight on the
challenges that urban planning faces, some
studies focus on such specific issues as
planning responses to the land use changes
associated with ICT. As McMahon (1999) has
pointed out, dealing with the new types of land
uses (e.g., business and industrial parks and
telework centers) and ICT infrastructure
requires changes in planning mechanisms and
strategies, including revising zoning
ordinances or streamlining the development
review process.
The passage of Telecommunications Reform
Act of 1996 brought attention to the link
between the impacts of ICT and local planning.
The consequent conflicts with local land use
decisions have to do with the possibility of
“unreasonable discrimination” against
providers of personal communications services
(Lawlor, 1999). Although the 1996 Act does
not deny zoning powers to localities, it
prevents them from regulating access to
telecommunications services. Yet, local
government has been concerned primarily
about the locations of cellular towers because
of their effects on community character and
aesthetics (Duerksen and Goevel, 1999).
Stand-alone cellular towers generate concern
about their visual impact due to their high
visibility. There are also environmental
concerns raised about their radio-frequency
emissions, despite the fact that these are below
the safety limits adopted by the Federal
Communications Commission (Maeng and
Nedović-Budić, 2004).
Evans-Cowley et al. (2002) and Evans-Cowley
(2003) explore the planning responses of
major U.S. cities to the development of
colocation facilities, finding that only a few
cities have formal policies about them. The
authors suggest that by incorporating ICT
infrastructure systems into the comprehensive
plan as traditional urban infrastructure systems
have been, cities will develop a better
understanding of the possibilities of future land
use for ICT infrastructure. In particular,
recognizing the connections among land use,
business needs, and ICT infrastructure can
help the planners develop policies to influence
where such facilities locate (Evans-Cowley,
2003).
In their case study of the Washington, DC
metropolitan region, Maeng and Nedović-
Budić (2008) explore how local governments
of Washington, DC and Loudoun County have
responded to the development of collocation
facilities. On the one hand, Washington, DC
tried to get ahead of the development of
colocation facilities with an emergency
moratorium and then zoning regulations. That
policy resulted in a sluggish market for ICT.
Loudoun County, on the other hand, was very
supportive of new development of colocation
facilities but failed to foresee the possibilities
for their oversupply.
With regard to the impact of ICT-based activity,
several studies suggest specific ways for
planning to respond to telecommuting
(Grustein, 1996; Handy and Mokhtarian, 1995;
Helling and Mokhtarian, 2001) and to home-
based businesses (Maeng and Nedović-Budić,
2004). Handy and Mokhtarian (1995) note that
land use planning does not have specific tools
to deal with telecommuting. They present
cases where existing zoning regulations do not
allow for mixed-use development that could
make telecommuting more attractive. On the
other hand, home-based businesses are self-
regulated and require no permit except that
local planners strongly recommend that they
should maintain the residential character
(Maeng and Nedović-Budić, 2004). Some
studies focus on how current planning practice
can best utilize new technologies, and how it
can respond to their immediate effects, mainly
with zoning. In their comparative case studies
of Chicago and Seoul, Maeng and Nedović-
Budić (2004) find that, since zoning is the
primary planning tool for regulating land uses,
local governments try to regulate ICT-related
development and its issues by updating their
zoning.
The literature thus points to a lack of deeper
understanding of the linkages between ICT and
urban planning and utilization of more complex
policies and interventions. Gillespie (2002)
also notes that planners need to “develop
awareness” of the influence of the urban
development in the Information Age (p. 71).
The importance of ICT is currently recognized
in terms of their applications that can enhance
planning tools, rather than for their “aggregate
socioeconomic and spatial consequences”
(Warren et al., 1998, p. 50).
CONCLUSION
The activities related to ICT grow rapidly and
become increasingly evident in urban
environments. Urban planning researchers,
however, have only started to comprehend the
relationship with ICT. Sporadic empirical
evidence about the phenomenon suggests the
lack of a practical framework for managing
ICT’s implications. The purpose of this paper is
to extend our knowledge of the relationship
between ICT and urban form and of how the
urban planning field responds to the spatial
and economic consequences of ICT. First, this
paper provides an overview of how
technologies have been shaping urban
development in the United States and presents
several theoretical perspectives on the
relationship between ICT and urban form. There
follows an examination of the impacts of ICT on
urban form as presented in the literature,
focusing on spatial and economic
restructuring; and also the body of literature on
the role of planning associated with ICT.
The literature on the role of planning
associated with ICT points to that urban
planning does not pay much attention to ICT
and their impact on urban form. Although many
local and regional governments now see ICT as
an opportunity for their economic development
and growth, urban planning tends to lag behind
in recognizing the possibilities of ICT and has
spatium 9
little understanding of the interactions between
the spatial and economic impact of ICT on
urban environment. Furthermore, urban
planning has traditionally centered on physical
planning and planning for economic
development has had a lower priority than
other major areas of planning.
Dynamic articulation between physical
planning and economic development will
generate effective urban policy for the
challenge of urban planning is to manage the
linkage between the economy and the quality
of life (Castells, 2004). Levy (1990), for
example, argues that planning’s role should be,
among others, to integrate local economic
development efforts into a larger planning
framework. As the technological innovations in
ICT continue, and the speed with which they
affect our lives increases, the urban planning
response to ICT becomes more difficult
(Luithlen, 1998).
Urban policies and strategies that are based on
the interactions between ICT and urban form
have begun to appear in regional and local
governments, but the responses of urban
planning have been slow. Graham and Marvin
(1997) claim that ICT are powerful new tools
that can help confront contemporary problems
of urban management and development, and
help incorporate ICT into economic and spatial
development. Urban planning in the ICT era
becomes more about marketing cities in a
global market, whereas traditional planning
focuses on the physical aspects of urban form
and concerns only local issues (Luithlen,
1998). Urban planning now has to negotiate
more with business communities and look
more at the trend toward a global economy
(Cecchini, 1999). As Graham and Marvin
(1997) argue, urban planning will rapidly
emerge as an active agent shaping how ICT are
applied in urban space, despite the challenges
of urban planning faces now.
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12 spatium
 711 : 004
711 : 001.895

DIGITAL REALM: IMPLICATIONS ON

URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING

Milica Bajić Brković

The implications of ICT on urban planning and development is the topic of this paper. At the outset, the relationship between
the “intelligent environment”, and planning and development is outlined, followed by the discussion on new perspectives in
the planning value system, and creation of the value-chains. The ICT based planning products and processes are outlined and
explored. The author argues that ICT not only affects the very understanding of planning, its role and its attributes, but also
changes the planning’s scope, and the character of its performance. The challenges to the ICT alternative are highlighted in
the last section, and debated vis-à-vis observed benefits. Implications for the concrete planning practice are at the heart of
the overall discussion.
Key words: Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), www, Internet, Urban Development, Urban and Spatial
Planning, Planning Methodology.

INTRODUCTION
The use of ICT in the planning profession
started already in 1970s. It took less than
twenty years to move from the initial use whose
function was to facilitate different statistical
operations, computation, or map drawing, to
the major support for planning and
management purposes. Currently, there are
many ICT technologies and services in
operation, ranging from simple tools aimed at
providing supplementary means to facilitate
access and communication, or sustain urban
democracy, to the most complex forms created
and maintained to improve the public domain,
and development and management of cities
and regions. Public services and resources
thus become closer to their citizens, while
different actors participating in the
development process are provided with a new
arena for developing dialogue, cooperation,
and exchange. Today, the ICT sector is viewed
not only as a technology option which provides
support, and facilitates managing different
processes, but as a major development factor
as well.
E-services are amongst the most rapidly
growing industries today. In more developed
countries, there are hundreds of thousands of
operating modules in almost every city or
region. Some countries, like Italy or Singapore,
have begun to gradually replace the traditional
model of the face-to-face office work by the e-
alternative. The situation is quite different in the
transition and developing countries,
nevertheless there are examples of those who
already embarked on strategies to successfully
join the world of the new knowledge economy.
Estonia, Cyprus, Slovenia or Hungary in
Europe, as well as Korea, Malaysia and
Thailand in Asia, or Brazil and Mexico in Latin
America, are among the leading countries and
provide good examples1.
How does the "intelligent environment" affect
the way we plan and manage places? Are we
approaching a new planning paradigm? Is the
conventional planning diminishing? These are
some of the key issues the profession is
challenged with today.
This paper casts light on some of these
questions. The discussion focuses on the
emerging e-based planning paradigm, and
questions associated with it. The challenges of
1
Millennium Indicators, UN, ESA/STAT, 2003.
the alternative are highlighted/identified and
debated vis-à-vis the observed benefits and
shortfalls. The potentials for further
development of its applications are identified,
and several proposals for future strategies and
actions are presented here.
THE STATE OF THE ART
Many countries place the information and
communication technologies (ICT) high on
their development agenda, and rank them
amongst the key determinants of their future
development. Although ICT taken alone is not a
determinator of future development, nor it
guides and shapes our cities and regions
independently of other forces - political, social,
economic and cultural, its influence on
development is incontestable and increasing.
The ICT space is a place where people meet,
but it is also an economic place, a powerful
economic resource that fully participates in
shaping development of many regions and
cities world-wide. It fully participates in many
developing strategies, and make possible for
countries, cities and towns to successfully
integrate into the new knowledge economy.
Many actions taken both by governmental and
nongovernmental sectors towards "wiring" their

spatium 13
nations are taking place worldwide. Creation of
"intelligent nation" or “intelligent environment”
is often placed among countries’ main
development objectives, and different
institutions and bodies explore opportunities
for new arrangements to ease the integration of
ICT into their daily operations and actions.
Although the private sector has already
established itself as a major shareholder in the
cyber space, one can also observe a steadily
growing influence of national and local
governments. In some countries, ministries for
ICT have been established, while others have
developed specifically targeted strategic
documents related to ICT, or development
agendas within which ICT is placed among
their top priorities for the next decade. The aim
is to take ICT to its fullest potential in order to
(a) "catch up" with the growing global
knowledge economy, (b) increase
opportunities to enter the world-wide
technologically based economy, or to play a
role within it, (c) improve efficiency of relevant
institutional operations, and (d) enhance the
quality of life for their citizens.
In some countries, their governments use the
ICT revolution as a tool for human development
and are therefore committed to transforming
their countries into globally competitive,
technology-driven societies. The objective is to
enhance understanding of the role ICT has and
adopt best practices to increase knowledge,
develop and leverage competencies and create
jobs with the ultimate aim of improving the
socio-economic well being of their citizens
(Bajić Brković, 2002, Sergi&Bajić Brković,
2002).
In order to exploit technology as a business
and social facilitator, governments continue to
invest, build and facilitate the development of
information technologies, telecommunications
and Internet infrastructures within their
territories. The aim is to create intelligent
nations, where technology is pervasive in use
and is incorporated into every aspect of the
improvement of society – at work, at home and
at play. The key strategies usually include the
establishment of technology parks, the
liberalization of telecommunications sector, the
expansion of Internet connectivity,
development and implementation of different
14 spatium
action plans, investments into physical
communication infrastructure, etc.
Over the medium term, national strategies
mainly focus on:
(1) Enhancing the infrastructure for increasing
competitiveness by focusing on areas such as
telecommunications, industry/academic
collaboration in research and development,
venture capital, long-term education policy and
intellectual property protection;
(2) Creating and strengthening the market for
ICT services through governments procurement
procedures and encouragement of strategic
alliances between local and foreign firms
involved in information technology;
(3) Enhancing general capabilities, both in
individuals through skills training as well as
management development and in industry
through the formation of business associations
and co-operation among competitors, to deal
with mutual issues and emerging trends in the
ICT industries.
(4) Promoting transparency and accountability
in conducting government business and
encouraging public participation in decision
making procedures. Delivering the sensitization
programmes and developing instruments to
monitor the work of public authorities and their
designated officers.
(5) Developing policies and legislation which
are critical to the process and further
advancement towards the “intelligent nations”
objective.
THE INTELLIGENT ENVIRONMENT
AND PLANNING
The context within which planning works has
dramatically changed in recent years. A major
transition from traditional and rule-book
practice has taken place world-wide.
Traditionally, planning was concerned with
creating “grand plans” for building and
construction. Most planning systems were
designed to cope with urban expansion in
regions and cities conceived as relatively self-
contained (Healy, 1997). The spatial policies
were developed and implemented to shape the
welfare state, and improve the overall living
conditions for citizens, yet predominantly on
the local or regional level. While these are still
the characteristics of planning in some
countries, in others they no longer provide
general rationale for planning practice. A need
for supply of functional spaces solely is
diminishing, while another need for supply of
opportunities is growing and taking a leading
role instead. Places today are faced with
pressures for economic competitiveness,
greater accountability and participation,
improved quality of life for citizens and global
environmental responsibility (Healy, 1997).
Flexibility and innovation, openness and
partnership, transdisciplinarity and cooperation
of professional and layman knowledge, are but
a few new features of the planning practice
today. The ideal model is not the one that
prescribes, but the one that provides and
supports (Bajić Brković, 2002). Planning has a
different and a new role, it is aimed at creating
flexible frameworks and orientation, while cities
and regions continue to evolve.
While many factors have contributed to these
processes and have influenced development of
planning discipline, it is the development of
information and communication technologies
that marked the era and opened up the new
frontiers for the profession.
The ICT support aims to ease access to
different information resources relevant for
development and management, to sustain and
foster further development of “spatial”
democracy, and annex new forms of
management to the ones already in use. Public
services and resources thus become closer to
their citizens and different actors participating
in the planning and management processes are
provided with a new arena for developing
dialogue, cooperation, and exchange. The
ultimate goal is to construct a more
comfortable social milieu and a more
democratic and fair social environment.
There are many ICT based technologies/tools
available today, which are, or can be used in
planning, through a step-by-step process, to
plan, design and develop best solutions. Some
of them have been around since the advent of
new streams in ICT, www, and Internet in
particular. Others have gone mainstream over
the last few years. The most simple is a
website typically used as a foundation for
delivering services, and the place where most
citizens initially go to explore types of services
that are offered, while the more sophisticated
include the Civic Web Network - CWN
(Devetaković-Radojević, Bajić- Brković, 1999;
Bajić-Brković 2002; Sergi and Bajić-Brković
2002), Online Portals (Steins, 2002), or
Gateway (Creech et. al. 2001). All of these
combine different tools and technologies,
accordingly shifting from a simple “storage
and communication space” to a new public
realm or a business arena. All of them can be
implemented as part of the knowledge
networking and decision making strategy for
planning, and development management.
The majority of technologies have not
exclusively been designed for planning
purposes. Many of them were invented and
built up to improve communication in general.
It was only after they turned into full use in
other fields, that their potential application to
planning become perceptible, and benefits for
planning recognized. By employing the Internet
based technologies, for instance, a more
efficient and effective working surrounding
could be created, more intensive and
coordinated management of the environment
developed, and a switch from monitoring to
management attained.
THE ICT VALUE CHAINS AND THEIR
EFFECTS ON PLANNING
The application and use of ICT on a large scale
has brought in a new agenda, and created a
substantial change with respect to culture,
economy, public concerns, and social values.
The ICT has significantly impacted all aspects
and forms of human behavior, and started the
transition of many disciplines, including
planning and management of urban
development.
In planning, the most significant changes came
across the value system the profession has
been based on for decades. A whole range of
new values appeared impacting the
understanding of planning, its role and its
attributes, as well as the scope and character
of its performance. The universally well-known
and widespread in use have become many,
regardless of geography, culture, or planning
system, like:
• real time or instant communication,
• speed,
• accessibility,
• efficiency,
• mobility,
• transparency, and
• visualization
For instance, the mobility of information and
access to information are among the key
development factors today. It was not so thirty
or fifty years ago. With the advent of Internet, it
gave to the world a global network with a
tremendous and unanticipated capacity to link
places and people with no regards to
geography or time. The Internet world has
changed many facets of day-to-day life, while
its communicatibility and capacity to
reconfigure access has changed the meaning
of distance. Connecting places to places, or
linking people to each other, has become an
icon of modern societies, and an essential
point for the planning practice if it is to be
“good” or sustainable.
Or, the transparency, efficiency and economy,
the key words of the e-option. All three are
closely connected to the information
networking and channeling organizational and
operational resources for planning purposes.
Planning departments and planning agencies,
governments, or non governmental bodies,
employ the new e-based technologies more
and more often, and for different functions.
Sometimes, simply for disseminating
information about their day-to-day activities,
on other occasions, to improve their
management or to make their decision more
visible or appealing to public.
What does any of these have to do with
planning? Everything. The impacts they have
are many-sided. Not only that ICT can be
applied in almost every segment of urban and
spatial planning and management, they also
contribute to other planning related sectors by
increasing their capacity to meet their own
needs.
Once created, values do not stay idle or
passive. They do not simply happen and then
stay. Their introduction starts out another
process, commonly known as the value-
chain process, which leads toward
creation of new products and new
procedures. This is a general rule, which
could be observed in any field or any
profession where creativity and innovation
provide a drive. The same applies to planning,
and there is an abundant evidence to support
that.
Over the last two decades a series of new
planning products and planning related
procedures have been invented and brought
into practice. They are either entirely new,
normally not known or used before, thus
originally created, or came across as a result of
the upgrading or improvement of the existing
forms already in use. The later came out in
response to the advancement of external
factors usually with no relation to planning
itself, like, for instance, specific technical
solutions, availability of new infrastructure, etc.
The new products
The most widespread new products are the
following:
• work at home
• e-government
• e-commerce
• e-education and e-universities
• e-entertainment
• e-museums
• e-libraries
These products create different effects on
urban development strategies, the physical,
social and economic profiles of cities and
towns, the mobility in space and time, or
influence particular urban services and sectors
of economy. In countries where ICT have been
implemented in a more thoroughly way, cities
and regions are already changing their physical
substance and shape. Not that often is that
visible, nor it has been explicitly brought to our
attention. But let us not ignore the evidence
which already exists, e.g., only in California
there are more than 200 000 no-place jobs
created only over the last decade, or the 50%
reduction of trips related to the local
government operations with their citizens, in
Bologna. Distance education based on ICT
capacities, and www in particular, has mounted
up to 40% in some universities which
subsequently have reduced number of trips,
demand for housing, etc. There are many other
examples which support the belief expressed in
this paper that our cities and regions are on a
spatium 15
big move, and will substantially change the
way they operate and look, in the future.
• Will the new products replace the existing
ones? Or, will they merge and work
together?
• How shall we handle these changes in our
cities and towns?
• Are we approaching a revolution in urban
development, or is the evolution at stake?
• Are the new solutions sustainable? How can
we measure their sustainability?
• What is the relationship between the growing
ICT and other development drives we
recognize today? Do they support each
other, collaborate, or the other forms of their
relations are emerging?
These are some of the questions the profession
is faced with nowadays. They need further
clarification and the systematic and in depth
investigation, while their importance
progressively grows in time. They are as
important for the theory, as they are for the
everyday planning practice.
The new procedures
Along with the new products, a range of the
new planning related or decision making
procedures emerged during the last two
decades. An account of their progress
resembles the one previously described for the
new products, and takes approximately the
same path. They emerged either through the
process of upgrading of the existing forms
which at the time were already in use, or via
the inventions of new ones. In contrast to the
products though, these changes appear to be
far more complex, more advanced and
comprehensive, and took place in a
comparatively less time. A list of new
procedures is rather extensive; the more
sophisticated ones are often of a restrictive
use, and are employed in more developed
countries only, while there are others whose
implementation has already took place on a
massive scale worldwide. Among the most
common are the following:
• e-decision making
• e-elections
• e-public polls
• e-public participation
• e-institutional collaboration
• e-public hearings, etc.
16 spatium
All of them generate rather substantial impacts
on planning, urban development and urban
management. They change routines of daily
operations, and secure positive effects as for
efficiency, effectiveness, accessibility, and
time-budget, regardless of where they are
applied or level of management in question.
They create:
ƒ Opportunities for improved service delivery
at lower cost;
ƒ Increase efficiency of delivery, and improve
quality of decision-making processes;
ƒ Improve quality of communication between
different local/national bodies and
departments;
ƒ Provide easier access to different
information, government departments and
bodies for all concerned, including citizens;
ƒ Improve quality of communication between
local authorities and their citizens, by adding
new opportunities for participation expansion
in the local community affairs;
ƒ Provide opportunities for citizens to
communicate with their governments in an
easier and more efficient way;
ƒ Support the democratization process and
public involvement.
Development problems often arise from
shortcomings associated with inappropriate
national or local institutional arrangements,
quality of decision-making procedures,
availability of information, or mode of
communication between different
governmental bodies, local governments and
citizens. Experience from both developed and
developing countries demonstrate that an
effective approach for confronting these issues
is to formulate an appropriate management
strategy and develop action plans, as well as to
provide appropriate tools for their
management. The strategic approach is based
on participation, building commitment and
choosing effective policy interventions. The key
policy messages that inform this approach
center around: (1) public support and
participation, (2) policy interventions, (3)
service delivery, (4) institutional capacity, and
(5) bridging the knowledge gap about the
development issue.
The information and communication
technologies and especially the Internet based
technologies provide the considerable support
in developing and executing these strategies
and procedures. Their employment does not
only improve the existing practice, but may
also influence its further development, and
support the creation of momentum for the
overall better environmental management by:
ƒ Providing the tools for mobilizing public
support and participation;
ƒ Improving policy interventions;
ƒ Building institutional capacity;
ƒ Strengthening service delivery;
ƒ Closing the knowledge gap.
The employment of ICT, and Internet based
technologies, in particular:
ƒ Facilitate communication between all parties
involved in every development/environment
related decision making, be it the
governmental, citizens’, international or
national organizations, or any other
concerned party;
ƒ Support and facilitates the informed
consultation process through which
development/environmental issues are
clarified, key actors are drawn in, political
commitment achieved, and local priorities
are set;
ƒ Facilitate the formulation of an overall
development/environmental strategy;
ƒ Facilitate exchange of environmental
information between different agencies,
national and international, as well as
functioning of the network of national focal
points and regional centers with other
organizations;
ƒ Provide complementary technical support for
national or local monitoring systems, e.g., in
the follow-up or consolidation phase;
ƒ Support global environmental/spatial
monitoring by providing a link between
hundreds of national or international
organizations which monitor changes in the
atmosphere and climate, freshwater, coastal
and air pollution, food contamination,
deforestation, the building up of the
greenhouse gases, acid rain, and all other
environment related issues;
ƒ Create opportunities for citizens to
participate in planning and development
related issues, as well as in all related
decision making procedures;
ƒ Improve quality of communication between
governments and their citizens.
RESPONSIVE PLANNING AND GOOD
PLANNING PRACTICE
As for the planning alone, the substantial
changes and diversification have occurred in
selecting the mode planners use to
communicate with each other, ways and means
they use in creating or formulating planning
related knowledge, or in communicating their
products to public and third parties.
A variety of user-friendly technologies is
already available. Its range is constantly
enlarging, either by employing new and
innovative solutions, or by modifying the
existing ones or using them in a more creative
and innovative way. This dynamics has been
observed and explained by Bajić Brković (2008
and 2004) in a comparative study on the
employment of the Internet based technologies
over the period 2004 to 2007.
Not all technologies are equally functional.
Some of them may be employed throughout
the whole planning process, while others may
be good only for a particular segment of the
process, or serve at specific stage. The more
sophisticated they are, the broader and more
extensive they are. As for the perspective of a
single use, it has been observed that
complexity and refinement do not always play a
major role. For instance, a simple webpage is a
very useful instrument for many pre-planning
activities, and quality of its performance makes
it equal to the most sophisticated ones.
However, it is not the same as for other
procedures. In the plan-making process,
decision making, or for those used throughout
the implementation process, only the most
sophisticated rank as very successful, while the
more simple often are of no use. Some of them
could be extremely useful for a particular
situation or specific project only.
Notwithstanding their usefulness, a careful
scrutiny of their applicability reveals that often
their use is conditioned, and functional only in
the well prepared environment. Web GIS, on-
line communities and CMS are the most
successful and can practically be applied at
any stage as superior tools.
If the assessment is carried on against the
criteria of the quality of planning, the situation
is rather different. In the analysis Bajić Brković
developed (Bajić Brković, 2004) it was a set of
criteria usually used for describing every good
planning practice that was employed, and
against which the potentials of the e-based
option was evaluated.

Table 1: Perception on Use and Applicability (2004)

Pre-Planning Planning Process Decision Making Implementation Monitoring

E-mail •
Webpage ••• • • • •
Electronic Listserv / Discussion Group ••• • •
Web-based Audio/ Video Conference • •
Electronic Journal/ Newsletter •• •
Online Sharing of Documents/Publications •• • • • •
Online Database of Legislation / Policy •• • • • •
Web GIS • •• • •• •••
On-line Planning Studio ••• •
Web Portal/ Electronic Gateway • •• • •• ••
On-line Communities ••• ••• ••• •• •
Content Management System • ••• ••• ••• ••
Number of dots indicates the level, ranging from applicable (one dot) to very applicable (three dots).
Source: Bajić Brković, 2004

Table 2: Perception on Use and Applicability (2007)

Pre-Planning Planning Process Decision Making Implementation Monitoring

E-mail • • • • •
Webpage ••• ••• •• •• ••
Electronic Listserv / Discussion Group ••• •• •
Web-based Audio/ Video Conference •• •• ••
Electronic Journal/ Newsletter •• • •
Online Sharing of Documents/Publications •• •• •• • •
Online Database of Legislation / Policy •• •• • • •
Web GIS • ••• ••• •• •••
On-line Planning Studio • ••• •
Web Portal/ Electronic Gateway •• •• •• •• ••
On-line Communities ••• ••• ••• •• ••
Content Management System • ••• ••• ••• ••
Number of dots indicates the level, ranging from applicable (one dot) to very applicable (three dots).
Source: Bajić Brković, 2008

spatium 17
The criteria are:
• Efficiency (performing in the best possible
way and least wasteful manner);
• Effectiveness (capacity for producing a
desired result/effect);
• Collaboration/cooperation (capacity for
enabling two or more parties to work
together effectively);
• Transparency
• Public involvement
• Equity of access
In general, all technologies contribute to the
quality of planning, and enhance the quality of
its performance. However, some of them
contribute more in respect to a particular
criterion, or a set of criteria. The general rule
observed before - the more sophisticated
instrument the more effective it is, does not
apply always and everywhere. For example, a
website ranks as good as some of the most
sophisticated ones against the criterion of
effectiveness, transparency and to some
degree is relevant for the public involvement,
or equity of access. The fact that even the
simplest technology may improve the planning
practice and enhance its responsiveness,
indicates how important the e-option could be
for planning, especially vis-à-vis often heard
argument that financial and technical
limitations restrict its use.
The majority of instruments meet the criterion
of providing or improving the transparency of
the planning process. They may also be used
Table 3: Technology vis-à-vis the Quality of Planning
Efficiency
E-mail
Website
Electronic Listserv / Discussion
Group
Web-based Audio/ Video
Conference
Electronic Journal/ Newsletter
Online Sharing of
• •
Documents/Publications
Online Database of Legislation /
Policy
Web GIS • •
On-line Planning Studio • •
Web Portal/ Electronic Gateway (•)
On-line Communities
Content Management System • •
(•) conditioned or optional Source: Bajić Brković, 2008
18 spatium
to enhance collaboration and cooperation
among the stakeholders in the planning
process in general. Some of the instruments
are likely to increase the efficiency and
effectiveness of planning, while others can be
employed to support public involvement and
empower public participation.
THE PROSPECTS: ARE WE READY
FOR THE ALTERNATIVE?
The ICT is already there, and the planning
profession is well aware of its existence.
However, an effective and efficient alternative
can develop only under the condition that the
profession itself is ready for it, or is willing to
change and adapt, at least as to the following:
• To restructure and reform its knowledge, and
develop new forms and types of knowledge;
there is a need to develop a new know-how
as to what, and as to how; the relationship
between the existing and the ICT conditioned
knowledge should be particularly focused,
and the appropriate responses developed;
• To expand its capacity to accept new, and
to adapt; the ability to adapt itself imposes
specific requirements on status and
development of the know-how capacity, not
only as to what, but as to how as well.
The know-how
• Do we have the right knowledge to
successfully perform in an ever changing
ICT world?
Effectiven- Collaboration/coo
Transparency
ess peration
• (•)
• (•) • (•)
• •
• •
•
• •
• •
(•) (•)
• (•)
(•) (•) (•)
• (•)
• •
• How relevant is the current knowledge
planners have vis-à-vis the requirements
strictly arising from the growing application
of ICT?
• What constitutes a new knowledge?
• Will the universal knowledge take us to the
knowledge society?
• Is the general knowledge on ICT sufficient
and suitable for planners, or is there a need
to develop the specific ICT know-how
tailored to the needs planners have?
• Is the profession fully aware of different
impacts of the transition that is taking place,
and does it recognize a profile of a new
knowledge?
• What is the relationship between the cyber
and physical space, and what is the role of
planning within it? Shall we start planning
the cyber equivalents of our cities and
towns, shall we include them in strategies
and plans which we develop for the physical
space, or, shall we ignore the existence of
cyber reality altogether?
So far, these questions have been addressed
rather sporadically and only by a few
researchers. The research on these is rather at
the initial stage. The theory is rather
hypothesizing than investigating, while the
practitioners exercise the pragmatic and if-then
approach.
The ability to adapt
• Do we have capacity to adapt?
• Who should evaluate planners capacity to
Public Involvement Equity of Access
•
•
(•)
•
(•) (•)
(•)
•
• (•)
• •
 adapt? Should the assessment be taken from
within-by planners, or should it be taken
from outside?
• Should the process of adaptation be guided,
or rather be left open?
• If guided, whose responsibility is to guide it?
Does the responsibility rest with planners, or
governments, schools, professional
associations, or ...?
• What is a specific role planners should take
throughout the process of adjustment?
Thus far, introducing the ICT and e-based
option into planning procedures, have not
necessarily lead to the entirely new paradigms
or planning models. Rather, the alternative is
aimed at providing a supplementary means to
facilitate and support the existing ones,
providing additional means to ease the access
to different information resources relevant for
urban development and management, to
sustain and foster further development of urban
democracy, and to annex new forms of urban
management to the ones we already exercise
today (Bajić Brković, 2008; Bajić Brković,
2007).
However, it is the ever growing ICT that
reminds us that there may be another
perspective, and makes intellectuals and
professionals think that the other option is also
likely to happen. The profession should not
stay aside and let things happen; rather a more
proactive approach should be taken.
On another side, there is a question of
resources. Often they are not sufficiently
developed to support the alternative, or are
missing. Many countries have not developed
their comprehensive ICT strategies yet, or have
approached their development in a rather
partial or defragmented way.
In order to provide a comprehensive support,
and create a momentum for the shift, apart
from what already is in force, other actions
should include:
ƒ Supporting all interested parties to become
proactive, instead of being responsive and
"letting the technology happen";
ƒ Supporting national/local business in
developing and using the web based
alternative;
ƒ Supporting local initiatives, by developing
specifically designed incentives for local
community projects;
ƒ Opening up the educational barriers, and
focusing on human capital. Approach the
issue of the e-education in a
comprehensively and with clarity of long-
term vision;
ƒ Include the question of infrastructure
provision/development into their national
priority development plans;
ƒ Design and develop incentives for
development of ICT;
ƒ Develop the appropriate regulatory and
administrative framework in order to enable
and encourage digital communications and
transactions;
ƒ Create a high-quality local component, and
use the technology to create local capacity;
ƒ Place greater attention on capacity building,
civil society development, public
participation, and alike.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
A momentum has been gained in developing
the ICT based alternative for networking for
planning purposes. There is a "digital
opportunity" and apparently many efforts and
actions are on the way not only to transform
this opportunity into the advantage for the
profession, but for the development in general.
Different technologies have been developed
and brought into the practice. Their capacity to
facilitate the plan-making and decision-making
processes, to make planning more efficient,
and to support the democratization of societies
and extend public involvement, have been
underlined and pointed out most often. It is on
these premises that they gained their success
in many countries by now.
There are still those who question. Would
high-tech and high-touch technologies truly
replace the traditional way we communicate in
the profession, build our knowledge network,
and participate in the planning/decision
making process?
In addressing the concerns of those who are
skeptical, it should be noted that the ICT based
alternative does not necessarily need to
replace the existing and traditional
mechanisms. It does however offer a more
efficient alternative and as such provides an
option. There are solutions that are applicable
in virtually every city, north and south, rich and
poor; but these solutions will need to be
tweaked in particular ways to suit local
conditions, local constraints and local
opportunities.
The issues discussed in the paper are of a
particular significance for Serbia. The country
is faced with a need to restructure its planning
and management system, and make it more
efficient and effective, closer to its citizens,
with the decision-making to reflect local
involvement and trust. A digital option provides
many opportunities and potentials for that by
opening up new areas for the planners’ work. It
brings in many advantages, and has a potential
not only to replace the traditional planning and
management practice, but also to substantially
improve the performance of the existing one by
creating an added value.
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20 spatium
 711. 42
316. 334. 56
911. 375

LIVING IN THE TECHNOPOLIS:

BETWEEN REALITY AND IMAGINATION

Aleksandra Stupar

Perceived as one of the possible reflections of the contemporary society, the technopolis (or the ‘techno-city’) integrates the
latest technology, various modernist and anti-modernist elements, as well as numerous ‘utopian’ features which should
facilitate our lives and underline aspirations for the future. Consequently, our world, composed of overlapped digital and
physical realms, flexible spaces and transformable webs, is balancing between utopia and anti-utopia, progress and decay,
geography and non-geography.
The stunning, but also horrifying images of the present create tension and confusion, while their fast-changing scales and
modes additionally complicate the latest morphing and charting of the global world and its urban nodes. Obviously, the city, as
always, depicts the technological background of the society, demonstrating its potentials, paradoxes and threats. However, the
modern cities, whose spaces and buildings often represent the wonders of technology, are facing numerous problems. Placed
between material and virtual reality, their landscapes are blended and distorted, but colored by similar imperatives and
demands. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to define and analyze the outcomes of the urban/architectural interventions
which explicitly or implicitly used modern technologies, generating a stage for the 21st century technopolis.

INTRODUCTION
The city of the 3rd millennium has definitely
accepted the new rules of modeling which
transform its built environment as well as its
social landscapes. The application of advanced
technologies has gradually erased previous
concepts of space and time relations, setting
up a set of parallel realms which overlap and
ignore classical notions of social distances,
public/private areas and borders. As a result, a
new typology of spaces is created causing
drastic physical, technological and social
transformations readable in the recent patterns
of behavior.
The structure of cities is redefined, introducing
and superimposing new layers of technology
on the inherited urban spaces. The number of
actors and entities is multiplied, interaction is
increased, while the powerful telecom-
munication systems impose their own logic
and regulations to this newly created techno-
backup. The role of space, its functions, forms
and dynamic are shifted, leaving behind almost
tangible confusion with melted bubbles of
public and private spheres. Therefore, people
are challenged by over-stimulation and over-
protection, while the requirements for
simultaneous integration and isolation are
underlined.
The numerous faces of technology are
embedded in complicated systems that
facilitate and coordinate our everyday life. They
provide an incomprehensible mixture of world-
wide extensions, junctions and ever-changing
scenery. The speed and flexibility of flows are
increased providing almost limitless capacity
and polyvalent connections - between places,
people and information. Consequently, the
urban space and its architectural expression
have become polymorphous chimeras, able to
provide overlapping of digital and physical
realms, electronic mediation of its elements
and (im)material framework for contemporary
activities. Having a new structure, concept,
users, appearance and scale, these activities
directly or indirectly mold our environment and
direct our civilization towards contradictory
goals.
The contemporary technopolis is still
searching for its perfect mode of functioning
and representation. It simultaneously supports
radical as well as moderate architectural
techno-outlook and uses technology as an
urban activator and/or generator, a tool, a back
up or an icon of the further development.
THE ROLE OF TECHNOLOGY
It is obvious that the existing technology, with
its various applications and implications, has
become a vital ingredient of the modern urban
culture. However, the specific urban situation
has also an important influence on the design
of technology and its performances. Therefore,
the interaction of city, society and technology
is more intensive, which in return causes,
stimulates and promotes urban and
technological innovations.
The advanced technology could indeed affect
contradictory feelings, confront opposing
viewpoints and drastically change our physical
and psychological experience of the
surrounding. At the same time, the rising
power of technology provides uncountable
possibilities which saturate our ephemeral
existence and create false image of human

spatium 21
supremacy. Thus, the relation between new
models of behavior, physical structure of cities
and the latest phase of ICT development
defines new rules of urban transformation
which could upgrade (or degrade) social
interactions and totally alter perception of
space and time parameters.
Focusing on the role of obduracy/inflexibility in
urban socio-technical change, Anique
Hommels (2005) presents three different
conceptions applied in urban and technology
studies, which are dealing with this problem -
concept of frames, embeddedness and
persistent traditions.
According to Hommels, the concept of frames
could be applied to situations in which
architectural, planning and technology experts,
as well as users, are limited by the rigid ways
of thinking and interacting. Therefore, this
model is often used in the urban planning and
(re)design, when actors, with their needs, are
identified and involved in the planning process.
Simultaneously, their interactions are
developed and conducted within a specific
technological frame which directly and
indirectly moulds their problems and goals.
The same frame affects the professionals,
shaping their theories, strategies, procedures
and methods which should offer acceptable
solutions and solve identified problems.
The concept of embeddedness explains tight
relation between technology networks and
socio-technical systems, actor-networks and
socio-technical ensemble. It could be used for
various kinds of urban analyses - stressing the
importance of interlinked social and technical
elements which create a well known tension
between the stability of built environment,
transportation, water/waste networks and
mobility of people, information and capital. The
model explains heterogeneous nature of city
and its networks, taking into account the
technological inflexibility of urban systems or
their elements.
The model of persistent traditions emphasises
the role of shared cultural context, its values
and traditions in the process of technological
(and urban) development. The concept also
tends to explain the dynamics of technological
change and to clarify the relation between
technological determinism and social
constructivism within the urban system. It takes
22 spatium
into consideration categories such as ‘shared
visions’ and ‘archetypes’ focusing our attention
on structural, cultural and symbolic factors
which influence the inflexibility of urban
structure and its technological background.
In spite of numerous benefits, new technology
always brings uncertainty. However, its role in
the contemporary city is undeniable since it
instigates a chain reaction which should lead
and support further development,
transformation and regeneration. It therefore
comes as no surprise that various initiatives
and programs, oriented towards the urban
future and its representation, reveal the crucial
position of technology.
THE WORLD AT HAND?
The contracted space and time distances, high
connectivity, increased efficiency and broadly
accepted logic of networks have gradually
reduced the importance of ‘the place’ which
caused a new multiscale reading of cities.
Today, they represent an improved concoction
of spatial, functional and technological
ingredients, folded in a multi-tasking space-
time continuum, with multiple centers, but
without visible confines. Acting as more or less
independent nodes, cities pulsate, periodically
imploding or exploding, while their citizens -
often confused and threatened by electronic
and media over-stimulation, are trying to
anchor themselves somewhere in the whirl of
technology and globalization. Floating between
places, ‘non-places’1, links, intersections, the
periphery and the center, people adopt and
adjust to the imposed dynamic and rhythm.
However, there are some attempts to map our
disintegrated and fuzzy reality and the most
promising seems to be the set of five Atlases
of City Network Connection, made by Jared
Lang and his associates. Using the Peter
Taylor’s concept of World City Network and
GIS, they created an interesting visualization
which represents the contemporary ‘landscape
1
On this see, for example, Foucault, Michel (1986), "Of
other spaces", Diacritics 16: 22-27; Augé, Mark (1995),
Non-places: An Introduction to an Anthropology of
Supermodernity, London: Verso, and also Augé, Mark
(1999), An Anthropology for Contemporaneous Worlds,
Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press
of globalization2, with new space relationships.
The authors selected the top 123 cities,
analyzed their global network connectivity and
established a ‘space’ with orbits, structured
upon connections. Disregarding the geography
as we know it, the new landscape reveals the
relative city locations based on connectivity
values - the cities closest to the center are the
best connected (London, New York and Tokyo),
the cities on the edges are least connected
while the city’s z-value describes the strength
of the world city connection.
Seemingly, the world at hand is not just a
phrase or figural speech anymore, but the
reality which offers a remarkable number of
possibilities and challenges. Consequently,
while making the limitless spaces and
increasing the information speed, cities and
their inhabitants are also searching for a new
kind of defense. They create their own borders
and passivity, closing themselves into the real
and virtual capsules. Therefore, our world
could also be perceived as a number of
isolated and artificial environments, with a
limited communication and interaction
between the ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ entities.
Subordinated by the numerous enclosures and
prerogatives of protection, our cities could
become a collection of contemporary
(anti)utopias or, according to Foucault,
heterotopias. They, all together, depict our
century - based upon desanctified time and not
entirely desanctified space full of oppositions
(Foucault 1986: 22-27).
Obviously, after the millennia of constant battle
against the wonders of nature and various
enemies, in the moment of technological apex,
world is facing another kind of collective fear
and uncertainty which De Cauter3 calls the
‘New Fear’. He also identifies six basic strata -
demographic fear, dromophobia, economic
fear, xenophobia, agoraphobia or political fear
and fear of terrorism. Each one of them
influences the way we behave and react, but
the result is more or less the same - people,
overexposed to numerous stimulations, create
self-sufficient cocoons, which further leads to
the lack of visual identity and authenticity.
2
Taylor, Peter (2004), World City Network: A Global
Urban Analysis, London: Routledge: 123.
3
See in De Cauter, Lieven (2004), The Capsular
Civilization, Rotterdam: NAi Publishers: 116-123
Therefore, the space does not become the
place but a placeless fragment circumscribed
by video-surveillance, private security and
‘smart’ gates.
The world at hand? Maybe this is just one of
numerous illusions created by the miracles of
technology.
UPLOADING THE FUTURE
The new context of reality, composed of
physical and cyber spaces, apparently
determines another kind of morphing,
structured around biological, information and
meta-geographical components. It reflects the
power and influence of technology, which - in
return - should facilitate better understanding
of the decomposed past and the recomposed
future. However, the combination of city and
technology could have various shapes. The
question is which one of them is the most
promising one?
City of technology, city for technology?
Strongly influenced by the competitive nature
of globalization processes, the contemporary
planning and architectural practice gradually
transform urban tissue into the attractive
framework for the innovative class. Therefore,
we could identify two main approaches - one
that creates completely new ‘technotized’
environment or the other, which adjusts and
upgrades remains of the previous
technological focal points to the new demands
of science, research and telecommunication.
The best example of the first method is
certainly Singapore, with its ‘ONE-NORTH’
Initiative. Using the modern technology as a
tool, catalyst and an aim of urban development,
this city-state anticipates its future as a global
science hub - a city of/for technology.
The similar logic, but on a lower scale, has
been applied in Schwechat, a town on the
south-eastern outskirts of Vienna. Using its
close proximity to the Vienna airport i.e. the
excellent connectivity on local, regional and
global level, this ‘node’ should become a
regionally and globally recognizable science
node, whose main attractiveness is structured
around high technology and innovation.
The second, more moderate approach,
combines issues of technological/cultural
Figure 1. Singapore, One North (model) - the city
created for high technology and its experts.
(Waikeen, Ng and Judith Ryser, eds. (2005),
Making Spaces for the Creative Economy -
ISOCARP Review, Madrid: ISoCaRP: 150)
heritage, regeneration and urban improvement,
implanting new activities in the ex-industrial or
other historical areas of cities. Barcelona,
Dublin, Istanbul and Milan are just some of the
urban nodes that accepted this direction which
should enable them to modernize environment,
achieve a preferred level of excellence,
connect to the networks of innovation and
support their technological potential. The set of
possible activities is quite extensive - from ICT,
media, biotechnologies, R&D, energy
efficiency and sustainability to numerous
services which should facilitate interaction and
intermediation between scientists, researchers,
business companies and - citizens.
City by technology
Cities have always been the best and the most
obvious manifestation of technology, its power
and contradictions. Various tools have been
used in order to transform the natural
environment, leaving behind radically changed
landscapes, artificial structures and grand
schemes of human power and vanity. However,
the futuristic, self-centered utopias (like Dubai)
or cataclysmic science-fiction predictions are
not the only possible outcomes of
technological progress. Of course, higher
global efficiency and attractiveness are still the
imperatives that cannot be denied or avoided,
but the importance of natural balance,
sustainability and flexibility gradually becomes
a key-issue of our future development.
Therefore, the city made by the latest
technology should be prepared to respond to
various situations and to act - intelligently.
The connection between intelligent building
systems and global telecommunications
Figure 2. New York, SmartWrap Building - a
prototype building, an example of the potential of
the new material.
(Kronenburg, Robert (2007), Flexible -
Architecture that Responds to Change, London:
Laurence King Publishing Ltd.: 228)
represent the pre-condition of successful
interaction, which, in return, should create and
provide an environment that adjusts to our
needs and external conditions. The benefits are
obvious - so-called ‘intelligent automation’
could reduce energy costs, improve efficiency,
accuracy and safety, but it could also ‘produce’
changeable architecture and, consequently -
interactive and innovative urban space. The
latest inventions - like Fluidic Muscle (Festo
KG, 2003)4, LiTraCon5, Nanogel6 or
SmartWrap (Kieran Timbelrake Assoc. and
DuPont)7, are certainly very promising. They
open a number of new possibilities, shaping a
new comprehension and perception of
‘technopolis’ - which, in this case, should be
the positive image of human development, a
step towards eco-friendly future and a well-
balanced image of costs and benefits.
Overwhelming optimism or another challenge
for tomorrow?
4
Fluidic Muscle - silicon-coated polyamide rubber tube
that causes linear movement as it contracts and expands
5
LiTraCon - transparent concrete which incorporates
glass fibers
6
Nanogel - transparent and hydrophobic material able to
reduce thermal transmission in façade systems
7
SmartWrap - composite and interactive building skin
material which protects from external conditions but also
enables climate and energy control, lightening and
display of information
spatium 23
City through technology
The technology could also provide a new
insight in the urban life. This idea was used by
different artist and architects, but the example
of D-tower in Doetinchem (NOX Team - Lars
Spuybroek, Q. S. Serafijn, 2003) brings to light
a sensitive connection between people, city
and technology.
Figure 3. Doetinchem, D tower - interaction
between city, citizens and artists materialized
though technology.
(Brouwer, Joke, Arjen Mulder and Laura Martz,
eds. (2002) Transurbanism, Rotterdam:
V2_Publishing, NAi Publishers: 87/79)
Consequently, D-tower represents a unique
mixture of different media, with an interactive
system of relationships. It consists of a 12-
meter-high tower, questionnaire and a website.
The complex polyester surface, formed by a
computer-generated molding technique,
displays responses to the questionnaire
illuminating the building.
Expressing the basic human emotions
(happiness, love, hate and fear), this project -
though the selected colors and the ‘emotional
landscapes’ of the web space, makes a new
network between various urban, social and
technological elements. Every year,
communication is intensified, opening a new
field of inter-perception.
Obviously, we are facing another kind of city
reading which could be treated as a new riddle:
24 spatium
is it a magic of technology, visualization of
emotions or a modern entertainment?
City in technology
Somewhere between a computer game and the
real life, we could find a virtual world created
and developed by Linden Lab in 2006. The
name - Second Life - makes its purpose more
understandable. Actually, this online digital
world, shaped in the e-network and
‘conducted’ by the web-site visitors, enables
users (Residents) to interact with each other,
participating in individual and group activities.
Figure 4. Second life - parallel realm of
existence structured in the web-world.
(www.secondlife.com)
Inspired by the cyberpunk movement, the
‘Second Life’ represents a user-defined world
of general use, which has its own structure,
environment(s), marketplace and currency. Its
territory has almost 65.000 acres and its
facilities enable various activities. They could
be tested and explored, but completely free
and without restrictions that some of us would
have in the real life. Currently, the Second Life
has more then thirteen million registered
accounts/users. The variety of scenery, under
the motto “Your World. Your Imagination”
certainly represents one of the available
options for unique experience of total e-
topia(?) and some of its elements will be used
(together with Google Earth) to create the so-
called Second World as the World Wide Sim.
Obviously, something which was launched as
an entertainment has became a serious
medium for self-expression and representation,
especially having in mind that some countries
opened their Embassies in this Metaverse.
Therefore, the thin line between real and virtual
world is disappearing, scales and borders are
loosing their original meanings and our life
definitely becomes a set of realities which
overlap, pulsate and confront.
City featuring technology
Converting itself into a number of interrelated
(digital) units, the contemporary city still
contains its inherited physical nodes. However,
nowadays they should also have some kind of
technological ‘image’ - through their ‘smart’
infrastructure, ‘sustainable’ concepts or, at
least, through the fashionable ‘techno’ outlook,
as a simulacrum of the technological vigor.
Consequently, the buildings and open spaces
use different elements from the computer
vocabulary - interpreted in the special,
architecturally adjusted manner.
Matrix?
The example of Galeries Lafayette in Berlin,
designed by Jean Nouvel in 1996, represents
one of attempts to create a techno-like
environment even though it is not related to the
technologically demanding activity. However,
this contemporary temple of consumption,
owing to the architectural imagination, uses its
surface and texture as the means of
communication between interior and exterior,
users and passers-by.
Figure 5. Berlin, Galeries Lafayette - shopping
within the computer matrix.
(Pearman, Hugh (2002), Contemporary World
Architecture, London, New York, NY: Phaidon
Press: 195)
However, the real image of digitalized reality is
placed in the middle of the building, revealing
the enormous vortex consisted of two cones of
empty space, lined with silvered glass which
reflects refracted images of the space. This
dramatic matrix-like membrane from the
inside, as well as the big screens outside, act
like a user-friendly interface, completely
subordinated to the main purpose - shopping.
Screen?
Transposing the morphology of the computer,
the city accepts its advantages as well. The
building facades have become the substitute
for the monitor screens, offering a new
medium for ever-changing picture of the city,
technology and society.
Therefore, the building of CCTV (Beijing,
OMA/Rem Koolhaas, 2008) should present not
just an icon for the future Central Business
District, but an advanced center for
broadcasting and media production. Consisted
of two buildings which make a continuous loop
of horizontal and vertical sections, it should -
especially through its media façade - ensure a
high visual dynamic of the space, publicly
displaying sequences of TV program,
commercials and broadcasts.
Figure 6. Beijing, CCTV - building as a public screen.
(http://www.arcspace.com/architects/koolhaas/chine
se_television/index.htm)
Intermedia playground?
The example of Chungmuro Intermedia
Playground, redesigned by Cho Slade
Architecture in 2002, is based upon new
comprehension of space and socio-economic
interactions, stimulated and directed by new
communication technology and media. The
‘playground’ actually represents the center for
new media placed in the passage of the
Chungmuro subway station in Seoul. It is a
symbol of functional overlapping,
simultaneously being a destination and a
passageway, a lounge/library, offices, editing
facilities, a theater/auditorium and an
exhibition space. Therefore, the interior is
constantly visually reconfigured, depending on
movement and viewer’s perception. The final
effect is a reflective, flexible sequential space,
which enables a dynamic, interactive and
mediating experience, full of electronic and
physical elements.
Figure 7. Seoul, Chungmuro Intermedia
Playground - distorted images and interactions
as the entertainment, architectural concept and
philosophical idea.
(Gastil, Raymond W. and Zoe Ryan, eds. (2004),
Open - New Designs for Public Space, New York:
Van Alen Institute: 63)
Virtual or real, the world is distorting its
images. The limits between private and public
are blurred, the space creates its own
technology and the fuzzy networks stretch
themselves beyond our consciousness.
Digital landscape?
Finally, it is important to notice that the
atmosphere of the digitalized environment has
already been ‘exported’ into the terrestrial
reality, becoming one of the imagined scenes
in the land of fairytales - Disneyland. This
interpretation of the ‘futuristic’ environment,
designed by Frank O. Gehry for the Disneyland
Paris (more then 15 years ago), actually
represents a mix-used area, with oxidized silver
and bronze colored towers, metallic pillar
structures and suspended light canopy,
resembling the real and virtual networks of the
contemporary world. Even though the light-web
was removed in 2005, the idea remained - the
cartoon-like background stands as a testimony,
foresight or a warning, waiting for new
adventures to be performed.
Evidently, the technology has affected
generation of new spatial typologies, with
transformable structures and eye-catching
envelopes for multiple activities. Therefore, the
Figure 8. Paris, Disneyland - depicted reality of the
virtual experiences?
(Pearman, Hugh (2002), Contemporary World
Architecture, London, New York, NY: Phaidon Press:
331)
future landscape and revised geography will
certainly incorporate some unexpected
innovations and sensations, which will bridge
the gap between material and virtual, reality
and imagination. In the meantime, the
connective tissue, generated from entangled
spaces and stretched networks, will mirror the
achievements or the failures of technology, as
well as the accurate condition of humanity.
CONCLUSION
The rollercoaster of progress is taking us to the
top of the development loop. The number of
options and realities is rapidly increasing, the
interaction between multiplying elements
becomes complex and confusing while the line
between explosion and implosion,
omnipotence and total helplessness gradually
disappears.
The role of technology, as well as its influence
on cities and society, seems to be easily
understandable and readable in all historical
periods. However, it is difficult to predict the
final effect of the acceleration which we are
facing today. Does its real power lie in the fear
which it instigates or in the numerous
possibilities which it opens? Could it be
channeled in order to achieve the sustainable
equilibrium or will it be used as a cover for
manipulation?
Apparently, the wonderland created by the
contemporary technocities, their interlinked
realms and redefined topographies is not just a
fashion or a temporary expression of chaotic
processes in our world. Therefore, before we
totally overgrow the terrestrial reality and
spatium 25
diminish the power of gravity - let us take a
deep breath.
The avatars and the virtual non-places from the
Second life are not the only surprise that is
waiting for us.

References
Augé, Mark (1995), Non-places: An Introduction
to an Anthropology of Supermodernity, London:
Verso.
Augé, Mark (1999), An Anthropology for
Contemporaneous Worlds, Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press
Brouwer, Joke, Arjen Mulder and Laura Martz,
eds. (2002) Transurbanism, Rotterdam:
V2_Publishing, NAi Publishers
Castells, Manuel (1998), The Rise of the
Network Society, Malden, MA: Blackwell.
De Cauter, Lieven (2004), The Capsular
Civilization, Rotterdam: NAi Publishers
Foucault, Michel (1986), "Of other spaces",
Diacritics 16: 22-27.
Gastil, Raymond W. and Zoe Ryan, eds. (2004),
Open - New Designs for Public Space, New
York: Van Alen Institute
Hommels, Anique (2005), “Studying Obduracy in
the City: Toward a Productive Fusion between
Technology Studies and Urban Studies”, Science,
Technology and Human Values, vol. 30/3: 323 -
351.
Kronenburg, Robert (2007), Flexible -
Architecture that Responds to Change,
London: Laurence King Publishing Ltd.
Latham, Robert and Saskia Sassen, eds. (2005),
Digital Formations: IT and New Architectures in
the Global Realm, Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Pearman, Hugh (2002), Contemporary World
Architecture, London, New York, NY: Phaidon
Press.
Sassen, Saskia, ed. (2002), Global networks,
linked cities, New York: Routledge.
Stupar, Aleksandra (2007), “Expressing the
Power of Technology: Urban Challenge, Global
Fashion or Imperative of Sustainability?”, 6th
Annual IAS-STS Conference "Critical Issues in
Science and Technology Studies", Graz:
Institute for Advanced studies on Science,
Technology and Society
Taylor, Peter (2004), World City Network: A
Global Urban Analysis, London: Routledge.
Waikeen, Ng and Judith Ryser, eds. (2005),
Making Spaces for the Creative Economy -
ISOCARP Rewiev, Madrid: ISOCARP.

26 spatium
 711. 2 : 001. 895

EXPERIENCES AND DILEMMAS OF STRATEGIC

ACTION PLANNING IMPLEMENTATION ON THE
LOCAL LEVEL

Zoran Njegovan

In the paper are specifically analyzed and discussed experiences and dilemmas in the process of strategic development
programming which appeared in West Balkan Countries during the regional and local development projects implementation.
The main critical framework conditions regards to Impediments on a Local level connected with different structures which led
to different experiences, successes and problems; Accuracy and relevance of data and information; Institutional competence;
Consideration of horizontal and vertical relations of local community which neglect their required active role in the
development process; Financial restrictions as a considerable bottleneck for successful development planning upon unstable
resource flow; Political culture norms and values; and The role of external experts and improvement of the above mentioned
aspects which will enhance the situation of development planning at the local level in a sustainable manner. It is concluded
that the various aspects are strongly interrelated and are forming a spider net with the object of the development process, the
municipality, the town or the city. It is also concluded that the success of development efforts of the subordinated
administrative levels depends to a high degree on adequate framework-conditions, which have to be formed and fostered at
the superior level.
Key words: local development, strategic development programming, institutional structures, sustainability

IMPEDIMENTS AT THE LOCAL
LEVEL
Any sustainable development requires
adequate structural conditions to initiate and to
foster the development process, to realize
development efforts and business investments.
The existing extent of such conditions at the
local level as the main operational level in a
decentralized political and administrative
system, can be portrayed as being mostly
inadequate and unsuitable. Though the will of
quite a number of decision-makers and,
moreover, professionals to start a sustainable
development process is present, very often the
existing conditions leave them helpless. This
leads to ad-hoc-activities, non-transparent
decision-making processes, financial
insecurities, cementation of personalized and
thus weak communication structures,
hesitation to take final responsibility, etc.
Because of the deficiencies in crucial fields,
the local authorities are in a position, which
can be described well by the summary: “…
because they can’t do what they should do!”
Just to mention the most crucial aspects
responsible for a widespread poor performance
of development policy and development
measures at the local level:
without proper planning
without sufficient implementation capacities
(institutional organization as well as explicit
and implicit knowledge)
without financing calculations considering the
real costs (esp. operational costs)
without the support of different actors
driven by short-term political purposes
These findings derived from experiences are
showing interrelations of the different aspects
(Figure 1).
As one can easily see, a wide range of
components is affected, which shows clearly
the necessity to consider improvements in
many different areas, when talking about
fostering the decentralization process.
ACCURACY AND RELEVANCE OF
DATA AND INFORMATION
The base for any development planning is
accurate and relevant data and information
available for the respective planning level.
Without an accurate and relevant data and
information base, proper planning is simply not
possible, because no analysis can be done to
the necessary detailed extent and quality. As a
matter of fact, the situation in general reflects a
low level of quantitative and qualitative
information. Less surprising, this fact is - on an
abstract level - well-known and accepted by
the actors. More surprisingly is the situation in
practice that the actors are convinced, even
without disposing on reliable and traceable
data and information, to be well informed on
the relevant structures and the situations on

spatium 27

Figure 1. Interrelations of the different aspects and the location of
the development potental
site. Further investigations result very often in
the perception that the “good knowledge of the
structures and the situations” describe more a
subjective picture or a status, which is
considerably out-dated.
The lack of accurate data and information
prevents the necessary clarification of the real
and actual situation. These circumstances are
taken as a “shield” by many experts, because it
is not or to a limited degree possible only to
furnish the proof on the incorrectness or
correctness of the picture produced by the
experts. This leads to a neglecting of recent
developments in economic, and even more
important, in social and ecological conditions,
causing the elaboration of wrongly focused,
hardly feasible concepts.
The preparation of an appropriate statistical
base asks for efforts, not only at local but also
at central level, mainly in the provision of
necessary institutional, methodological and
financial means. Experiences show that data do
exist somewhere and somehow, but are not
accessible, not easy to process and no clear
responsibility for the management of these
data are given. As a consequence, planning is
very often based on subjectively defined
structures and relies on outdated information.
The serious identification of visions, objectives
and priority measures is difficult and neglects
the factual development opportunities and
development barriers.
INSTITUTIONAL COMPETENCE
The performance and operations of institutions
were not assessed. Governmental and
28 spatium
administrative but also par-a-state
institutions were established
according to a “felt need”. What they
did and how they did it, was more or
less not questioned. Whenever a
problem arose, the establishment of
another institution (department,
company, centre, etc.) was one of the
first “solutions”. Even today, in many
municipalities and counties a priority
step is the formation of a development
agency, entrepreneurial centre or
similar institutions. In many cases,
institutions operated without clear
profiles, supervision and cost-
efficiency-control. As a result, at each
level a remarkable number of public
institutions exist. Thorough analyses, however,
bring to light the low competence of the
existing institutions.
Organizational, personnel and financial
management as well as quality management
do not exist adequately, if at all. Decision-
making procedures follow person-oriented
objectives. Very often, weal and woe of the
performance depends on individual persons,
who try to keep and strengthen their individual
position. A phenomenon, which occurs on all
levels, but shows extremely negative
consequences at the local level, is the
hesitation of many persons at responsible
positions to really take on their responsibilities.
Measures are not implemented, because the
respective person in charge is not willing to cut
the necessary decision and this means to take
also the responsibility for failures. This
hesitation is caused by little competence to
prepare a decision properly and by a decade-
long behavior that an official position serves
first of all personal interests, what usually
excludes the responsibilities for difficult
decisions.
Another fundamental requirement of a well
functioning administration or public / par-a-
state institution is widely neglected until now:
The top-management should delegate tasks
and activities, but should keep the final
responsibility. In reality, often the top-
management in local governments,
administration and public companies either do
not delegate anything or delegate the tasks and
activities and the final responsibilities to
subordinated levels.
CONSIDERATION OF HORIZONTAL
AND VERTICAL RELATIONS
A trend can be observed that local authorities
consider their role in an inadequate way, i.e. in
a very formal sense. They neglect their
required active role in the development
process. Their role is defined by the “Law on
Local and Regional Self-government”. Many
authorities conceive the given responsibilities
as something that happens independently from
the surrounding institutional setting, because
of the biased view of their role. This setting
includes actors of the civil society in the
respective community and, what is even more
critical because of the lack of mutual
relationships, to institutions in neighboring
regions. As a consequence, local authorities
act without much contacts and communication
with other actors, which leads to the
abundance of existing chances and to the
neglect of a possible increase of power by
forming widespread consensus. So far, there
was less need for local authorities to
reconsider their role and their mode of
operation, because of the lack of assessment
and justification of the performance of
institutions.
Whereas, structured horizontal relations are
marked by isolation and neglect, the vertical
relations can be described as a clear
subordination of the local level to the central
level. Caused by many constraints (financial
dependency, legal insufficiencies, low
competence, etc.), it is not possible to speak
of a balanced relation or even of a functioning
counter-veiling-principle, which is a
prerequisite for successful development
planning under the conditions of
decentralization.
FINANCIAL RESTRICTIONS
Corresponding to the hierarchical vertical
relation and with the lack of adequate by-laws
regulating the practical operation of local
government and administration, a considerable
bottleneck for successful development
planning exists, because of an unstable
resource flow. The arbitrary situation in the
availability of financial resources hinders the
government of many municipalities to plan in
detail and to implement any development
measure according to the medium-term
programs. The base of genuine local revenues
in many municipalities is by far too weak to
allow the local authorities the implementation
of measures for the development of their
community. The dependence on allocation out
of the central budget regulates the municipal
operations. But the allocation of investment
support follows often procedures made out of
personal intentions and interest. Moreover, the
present structure of the public-finance flow
(the calculation of the share of central taxes
like income tax) hinders the creation of a
certain competition between the municipalities.
This is a precondition for the design of
innovative concepts for business promotion as
well as for institutional structures and therefore
for economic development.
Another critical aspect is the competence of
especially small municipalities in managing
their financial resources. Budgeting,
exploitation of existing sources, careful and
development-oriented spending of resources
etc. have to be optimized to widen the room for
operations at the local level.
POLITICAL CULTURE, NORMS AND
VALUES
Decentralization is not the result of a single
stroke with the pen in form of a law describing
the (new) roles of the local and regional
government. Effective decentralization depends
on the functioning of mechanisms e.g. for the
transfer of resources according to the defined
responsibilities (connectivity), on competence
and qualification of the human capital and, not
at least, on the maturity of politicians, political
parties and the civil society as a whole. This
means decentralization has to grow from the
bottom, supported by the preparation of
adequate frame-conditions by the superior
levels.
The well functioning of the decentralized
society is a precondition for the fulfillment of
obligations. But the political culture as well as
given norms and values of many actors at the
local level hardly coincide with the
requirements of successful decentralization.
Joint adequate norms and values shared by the
various stakeholders and interest-groups at the
respective level are difficult to reach, because
of the still existing personal relations of the
various actors independent from the local
political and administrative territory, which is
to become the most important level to operate.
The missing identification with the political and
administrative unit, as the main channel for
development, leads to a lack of broadly
accepted norms and values.
A problematic phenomenon for successful
strategic development planning at the local
level is the existing weak political culture.
Political culture stands for the ability of the
politicians to fully accept the existence of
political opposition as a requirement of
democracy and of the necessity to coop with
the various interest groups, even if
contradictory positions are held. An offensive
challenge by opponents and an open dispute
with them – a basic principle of democratic
political culture – is avoided as far as possible.
Also as a part of the political culture, the
commitment of the politicians can be stated.
Agreements and consensual concepts are very
often not seen as issues in the responsibilities
of the respective politicians. Lack of ownership
hinders a consequent and coherent realization
of necessary measures and initiatives.
THE ROLE OF EXTERNAL EXPERTS
A crucial aspect in the entire process of
development planning – programming,
implementation and evaluation – is the role of
external experts. For decades, strategies,
concepts and development programs were
made by experts coming from central
institutions like state research institutes,
universities, etc. Most of the studies were
prepared, often also based on decisions of the
central government, with little or even without
the involvement of actors at the local level.
External experts were very often accepted as
“representatives” of central state institutions,
dealing with academic approaches showing
little consideration of the real living conditions
and the interests of the local population. The
elaborated concepts lacked hints for
implementation, which was not seen as an
obligation by these experts. A clear distinction
between programming and implementation
was made, basing on the involvement of
different actors and different responsible
authorities. The status of the external experts
was more connected to the scientific
competence than to consultancy competence.
As a result, the products delivered were more
scientific based studies than feasible
development concepts based on actual and
specific local structures. The backing of
studies on national data and scientific theories
led to ubiquitous studies showing little or
sometimes no reference to the specific local
situation, which should be the target area of the
expertise. As a consequence, at the local level
experts are often considered as somebody not
really dealing in the interest of the local
community, but in the interest of the superior
government level. Efforts are necessary to
define the role of external experts in a new
light, namely to act in favor of the local level
and to shift from scientific-biased studies and
theory-oriented concepts to practical
consultancy.
The task of the experts is to make use of the
local knowledge, to assess the information, to
prepare recommendations and to enable the
local actors to deal with the information and
the recommendations. A qualified and
accepted expert, though engaged in the
elaboration of specific tasks, is easily – more
or less directly – approached by the local
government to act as a “house and home”
consultant, who is asked to advise the local
government in more and more matters of
various nature. The risk for the experts exists
that they become “occupied” by the client:
This will lead – sooner or later – to a situation,
when the experts simply can not say no! As
long as the responsibilities for political
decisions are kept away from the expert, the
situation is quite clear and unproblematic. But,
if the responsibilities of political decisions are
shifted to the experts (“the expert decided and
we are just following this recommendation”),
the role of the experts has to be seen as a very
critical one. Any political involvement of
experts will endanger the neutrality, the
reputation, and therefore the long-term
success of the consultancy.
A crucial aspect of external experts, whose
impact is underestimated in many cases, is
their role as “catalysts of changes”. External
experts can much easier promote new ideas
than local experts and can foster the
spatium 29
acceptance of another perspective and new
thinking.
CONCLUSIONS
The improvement of only one or few of the
above mentioned aspects will not enhance the
situation of development planning at the local
level in a sustainable way. The various aspects
are strongly interrelated and form a spider net
with the object of the development process,
the municipality, the town or the city in the
centre (see Graphic Interrelations of
Development Potentials). Any interventions
must consider these interdependencies;
technical assistance in the field of local or
regional development has to be accepted as a
comprehensive, integrated approach based on
long term involvement. In the sum, the barriers
for successful development are manifold and
sustainable them-selves.
Crucial components of decentralized
development planning are at present not
considered or not clarified to the necessary
extent. Those components are:
• decentralization of decision making
processes;
• inter-municipal cooperation;
• integration of the different fields of policy;
• co-operation of the different actors.
It can be summarized that the potential for
structural, political and therefore economic
innovations is limited at the local level.
Innovation in this context should not be
understood as technological innovation of
whatever type; innovation stands for
improvement and modernization of institutions,
services, policies etc. The lack of innovation
potential hinders the improvement of the
situation according to the need of increased
responsibilities at this level as a logical impact
of decentralization. Any decentralization policy
has to consider the ability of the local level to
manage the requirements of the new,
additional obligations. The process of
development planning shows clearly that
considerable system-immanent difficulties at
the local level exist to respond to the political
approach of decentralization. The
consequences should not be to stop or even to
turn back the present efforts for strengthening
the local level, which is the main operational
level of the various actors for (economic)
development. But the consequence has to draw
to reconsideration of the present framework-
30 spatium
conditions for decentralization, to assist the Njegovan Z. (2002) Evaluation of SME development
municipalities in the recognition of the critical projects sustainability on the local level, journal:
aspects and to show ways for necessary Industries 1-4, Economics Institute, Belgrade
improvements. If the actors at the local level Njegovan Z., (2001) Structural adjustment of
cannot bear the burden, the success of Yugoslav agriculture: transition from sectoral
development of the municipalities and regions to more rural oriented policy, proceedings from
has to be accepted as being weak and international conference: Restructuring,
uncertain. Stability and Development in South-eastern
Europe, Volos, Greece
One of the most interesting lessons learnt is
Pejanović R., Njegovan Z., Tica N. (2007)
the fact that institutional structures at the local
Transition, Rural Development and Agrarian
level – government, administration as well as Policy, University of Novi Sad, Agronomic
civil society – do not allow leaving the actors Faculty, Novi Sad, Serbia
alone after finishing one step or another. Ostrom N. and Njegovan Z. (2003) Topola Rural
Moreover, an ongoing consultancy is Development Project, QG progress reports on
necessary to ensure a successful the first pilot rural development project in
Serbia - SIDA (monitoring and evaluation of the
implementation of the process. Even if
project), Stockholm, Sweeden
respective local actors (e.g. civil servants) can
Segerros M., Hunt R., Njegovan Z., (2001)
conduct a specific step after some training and
Study of the Rural and Agricultural Sector
qualification, for most local actors the
Serbia/Montenegro, Scandiaconsult Natura,
consideration of next steps, their Stockholm, Sweden
interdependencies to former and forthcoming
World Bank (2002) Report on Rural Development
steps, and thus the character of a planning in the Republic of Serbia, Washington DC, USA
process, is new. In general, they are unfamiliar
with this planning logic. So any consultancy
dealing with strategic development planning at
the local level has to consider a long-term
involvement. This is also necessary to avoid
the rising of expectations, which can not be
fulfilled (“false promises”).
In general, the start of the consultations at the
local level leads to an enormous raise in the
expectations of the public, expectations which
are often beyond reality and thus of feasibility.
Ongoing consultancies should also try to
channel expectations, to avoid an early de-
motivation and to ensure a process, which is
based on feasibility and appropriate
procedures.
Bibliography
Filipović M., Njegovan Z. and Jansson B. (2003)
Training in local development: Course on
agriculture cooperatives and development,
manual, UNDP, Sjenica, Serbia
Giddens A., (1984) The constitution of Society,
Cambridge, Polity Press, GB
GTZ, Fideco and Associates (2003-2006)
Municipal support programme – Eastern
Serbia, (Development of 15 Municipalities), EU
financed project - European Agency for
Reconstruction, Zaječar
Heideman C., (1992) Regional Planning, A
"Reader", University of Karlsruhe, Germany

USING SEA TO MAINSTREAM SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT: SOME LESSONS FROM SCOTTISH
Strategic environmental assessment (SEA) is now a requirement for virtually all new Scottish public sector strategies, plans
and programmes (SPPs), whether of a statutory or of a voluntary nature, which are deemed likely to have significant
environmental effects. This major extension of the EU SEA Directive by the Scottish Government has been deliberately designed
to mainstream sustainable development in Scottish policy formulation. The paper reviews current progress in this direction,
raising some issues of principle and practice in the use of SEA before considering how SEA can be combined with
environmental modelling techniques to deliver the challenging climate change targets adopted by Scottish public bodies.
INTRODUCTION
United Kingdom (UK) legislative devolution in
the 1990s created four different jurisdictions
within the country, each of which has set the
EU strategic environmental assessment (SEA)
Directive (CEC, 2001) into its own legal
framework. In Scotland, the Scottish
Parliament exercises competence in SEA for
matters pertaining to purely Scottish issues.
Any issue that extends beyond its boundaries
is covered by legislation enacted by the UK
Parliament, which legislates for both the
English and UK-wide aspects of the Directive.
The manner in which the SEA Directive has
been transposed into law has been markedly
different in these two legislatures.
The UK Parliament confined its efforts to
issuing a statutory instrument (SI2002/1633,
2004), which put into effect the minimum
requirements of the Directive at English and UK
levels. It has subsequently provided guidance
on implementing this instrument as part of a
more general requirement applicable in
England and Wales to undertake sustainability
appraisal of new development plans (ODPM,
2005; 2006). By contrast, the Scottish
Parliament replaced its own statutory
instrument for SEA (SSI2004/258, 2004) with
502. 131. 1 : 711. 2 (410)
PRACTICE
Tony Jackson, Barbara Illsley
new primary legislation: the Environmental The Gateway collates the opinions of the
Assessment (Scotland) Act (SP, 2005). statutory environmental consultees on the
screening and scoping of SPPs potentially
The 2005 Act extended the scope of SEA in
liable to SEA, and on the subsequent
Scotland well beyond the EU Directive, which
consultative stage of the environmental report
only covers statutory plans and programmes
of any SEA. It also maintains an electronic SEA
that ‘set the framework for future development’.
guide (termed a ‘toolkit’) to assist responsible
Scottish jurisdiction now places a legal
authorities when undertaking an SEA for any
obligation on all Scottish public bodies to
new SPP (SE, 2006), and is funding a
apply SEA to the preparation of any new public
pathfinder project to identify good SEA practice
sector strategies, plans and programmes
amongst responsible authorities (SEEG,
(SPPs), including non-statutory (voluntary)
2005a).
SPPs, that are considered likely to have
significant environmental effects. Scottish These arrangements help ensure the Scottish
Ministers lauded this legislation as “offering an Government is better placed to monitor and
opportunity for Scotland to be a world leader in evaluate the impact of SEA on public sector
SEA” (Jackson & Illsley, 2006: 369). policy formulation and implementation in
Scotland than the executive arms of
At the same time, the Scottish Government
government in other parts of the UK, where
established an SEA Gateway to oversee the
there is no supervisory body and where large
implementation of its new SEA legislation, and
areas of policy formulation are exempted from
to ensure that public bodies with SPPs liable to
the SEA process. The first part of our paper
SEA (referred to as ‘responsible authorities’)
outlines some of the issues of principle and of
comply with the requirements of the Act. The
practice that have emerged in Scotland under
Gateway co-ordinates the activities of the three
this regime. The second reviews areas of future
Scottish statutory environmental consultees
potential in the development of SEA, in
(Scottish Natural Heritage, Scottish
particular with respect to the delivery of
Environment Protection Agency and Historic
Scottish climate change targets.
Scotland), who have a statutory obligation to
review the application of SEA on new Scottish
public sector SPPs (Jackson & Illsley, 2006).
spatium 31
ISSUES OF PRINCIPLE: SHOULD
SEA OPERATIONALISE
SUSTAINABILITY OR PROMOTE
REFLEXIVE GOVERNANCE?
The minimalist approach taken by the executive
arms of government in the rest of the UK to the
implementation of the SEA Directive suggests
that these other jurisdictions regard SEA
simply as a means of ‘operationalising’ the
implementation of sustainable government
practices: translating a concept already agreed
in principle into something workable in
practice. However, restricting SEA to this
narrow role radically curtails debate on the very
real trade-offs entailed in pursuing alternative
development paths (Jackson & Illsley, 2007).
SEA can instead be viewed as part of a much
broader process of reflexive governance.
Stirling (2006: 50) contends that SEA should
be viewed as part of a reflexive approach to
governance that promotes a shift from purely
expert-driven methodologies towards “more
inclusive ‘upstream’ processes of participatory
deliberation”.
Some essential elements of a reflexive
approach to environmental governance can be
found in the aims underpinning the Scottish
SEA legislation. The policy memorandum to
the 2005 Act (SPCB, 2005) envisages SEA as
playing a central part in informing a normative
agenda based on the concept of procedural
and substantive environmental justice.
Procedural environmental justice is focused on
the adequacy of “information and opportunities
for people to participate in decisions about
their environment”; its substantive component
seeks to address “the distribution of the factors
affecting environmental quality (both good and
bad)” (SEEG, 2005b: 2).
By extending the application of SEA to virtually
all new Scottish public sector SPPs, regardless
of whether these are required by law or simply
voluntary, Scottish Ministers explicitly
acknowledged (SPCB, 2005) that these
provisions were intended to bring its public
servants up to speed on the need for
environmental proofing of their future
proposals, and to mainstream the environment
in Scottish public sector policy formulation. It
is estimated that these provisions will more
than double the number of Scottish SEAs
32 spatium
undertaken annually, compared with the towards measuring the global warming impact
obligations under the SEA Directive (Jackson & of Scottish public bodies and their SPPs. In the
Illsley, 2006). This additional commitment to penultimate section of the paper, we consider
formal public engagement in the environmental how the use of SEA and environmental
implications of Scottish governance allows modelling techniques can assist in this
SEA to assume a central role in discharging the endeavour.
procedural aspects of environmental justice in
Scotland.
ISSUES OF PRACTICE
The capacity to track the application of the Scotland is now in the fourth year of applying
technique throughout Scotland via the SEA the Directive, and it is becoming possible to
Gateway will gradually allow the growing identify certain patterns. The first three years
database of tiered assessments to be saw 56 Scottish responsible authorities
transformed into a spatial and sectoral commence 220 SPPs requiring an SEA. The
mapping of the environmental impacts of Scottish SEA Gateway handled 350 formal
Scottish policy formulation. Through this consultations seeking screening and scoping
facility the Scotland Government can acquire opinions from the three Scottish statutory
the capacity to take account of “the environmental consultees (Deasley, 2007). The
distributional consequences of the assessment experience of SEA over this period has been
process, with decisions driven by the mixed.
recognition that certain groups tend to On the positive side, the impact of the wider
systematically lose out in the distribution of remit of the 2005 Act is becoming evident.
environmental goods and bads” (Connelly & While more than a third of the SEAs generated
Richardson, 2005: 393). By linking this over this period have been for statutory and
assessment process to an explicit mechanism non-statutory spatial development plans, a
for reconciling the conflicting values so wide range of other SPPs has been subject to
revealed, SEA will form part of a reflexive SEA. These cover energy, transport, waste
approach to governance that addresses the management, tourism, agriculture, forestry and
substantive aspects of environmental justice. fisheries. Many of these would not have
To date, however, there has been little attempt triggered an SEA under the restricted scope of
to flesh out the Scottish Government’s the EU Directive. Table 1 provides a summary
commitment to environmental justice by by sector of the SPPs within the Scottish SEA
enunciating principles or opening a debate on process during 2007.
what environmental rights, if any, should be The 2005 Act has considerably extended the
embodied in efforts to promote a more scope of SEA even within the area of
equitable distribution of the environmental competence on which the EU Directive is
consequences of public sector actions. primarily focused: spatial planning. Table 2
Instead, the focus has more recently shifted reproduces Deasley’s (2007) analysis of the
Table 1: Strategies, Plans and Programmes within SEA process in 2007 by sector (NSSG, 2008)
Sector SPPs carried from SPPs started in % of total SPPs
previous years 2007 active in 2007
Agriculture 2 0 1.1
Forestry 1 1 1.1
Fisheries 0 0 0
Energy 4 4 4.5
Industry 0 0 0
Transport 14 11 14
Waste Management 2 0 1.1
Water Management 0 5 2.8
Telecommunications 0 0 0
Tourism 2 13 8.4
Town & Country Planning 23 52 41.9
Miscellaneous 12 33 25.3
Total 60 119 179
 74 Scottish spatial development plans
submitted to the SEA Gateway up to the end of
July 2007. The 36 formal development plans
required by statute (Structure and Local Plans)
would have come under the 2004 SEA
regulations which simply transposed the EU
Directive.
The rest, Scottish Planning Policies,
supplementary planning guidance and
masterplans which together make up just over
half the total, would in most cases have been
exempt from the EU Directive. Under the
comprehensive definition subsequently applied
in the 2005 Act, most of these SPPs have been
determined as requiring an SEA. As a result,
Scottish planning authorities now assume that
the preparation of any SPP relating to land use
is likely to include formal proofing for its
environmental implications.
Table 2: Spatial plans submitted to SEA Gateway for consideration (by 31.7.2007*)
(Source: Deasley, 2007)
Plan type Total SEA applied
Planning framework 2 2
Scottish Planning Policies 3 3
Structure Plans 7 7
Local Plans 29 29
Supplementary Planning 12 8 4
Guidance
Masterplans 21 10
On the negative side, whilst the application of
SEA has now become almost standard, the
quality of the assessment undertaken remains
highly variable, even within the sector that had
some previous exposure to environmental
assessment before it became a statutory
obligation: town and country planning. In part,
this is due to the acquisition of poor practices
within planning authorities during the voluntary
phase of the exercise. When they tested
embryonic forms of environmental assessment
during the decade preceding the legal adoption
of SEA, very few Scottish planning authorities
attempted to undertake this in-house. Instead,
most commissioned consultants to undertake a
brief retrospective SEA in the later stages of the
formulation of new development plans (Esson
et al, 2004).
Jackson & Illsley (2007: 613) criticised the
practice of “stapling a full [SEA] onto a
finalised version of a plan without undertaking
even a prior scoping stage” as “frustrat[ing]
attempts to use [SEA] iteratively to make
informed choices about the relative
sustainability of options in the early stages of
preparation”. They concluded that during the
period when such assessment was purely
voluntary, the “absence of formal arrangements
for consultation with outside bodies and failure
to monitor subsequent implementation…
reduced many pre-Directive [SEAs] to little
more than self-administered ‘stamps of
approval” (ibid.).
The implementation of statutory SEA
obligations has forced a gradual shift of
practice towards meeting the ‘front-loaded’
emphasis of the SEA Directive. This requires
that responsible authorities should start
applying the technique in the initial stages of
plan preparation, when the strategic options
have to be examined for their environmental
Screened out Undetermined *
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 one planning authority initially announcing that
8 3
implications. An example of good practice in
this respect is provided by the SEA for the
second Scottish National Planning Framework,
which has just completed its consultative
phase.
The Planning Directorate of the Scottish
Government, as the responsible authority, not
only issued a comprehensive consultative
environmental report (SG, 2008a)
accompanied by a non-technical summary
(SG, 2008c). It also offered a supplementary
report on its environmental assessment of
strategic alternatives, undertaken at the outset
of the preparation cycle (SG, 2008b). This
outlined the strategic options considered as
part of the early development of the new
national planning framework, identifying and
comparing their respective environmental
effects. The supplementary report then goes on
to demonstrate how these findings were used
to inform the development of the preferred
strategy underpinning the consultative version
of the national planning framework, which the
main part of the SEA environmental report
assesses in more detail.
By contrast, elsewhere in the UK two new
statutory spatial development plans undertaken
have recently been ruled legally non-compliant
with the SEA Directive, inter alia because of a
failure to apply the technique sufficiently early
in the plan preparation process (Current
Topics, 2008). In its judicial review of the
process finding in favour of the plaintiffs, the
High Court of Northern Ireland ruled that the
development of the draft plans had reached an
advanced stage before their environmental
reports had been commenced, so there was no
opportunity for the latter to inform the
development of the former, as required under
the Directive. Moreover, the High Court
considered that the responsible authority had
not sufficiently complied with another
requirement of the Directive to undertake
adequate public consultation on the
environmental report during the preparation of
the plans.
This judgement had widespread reverberations
across the Scottish planning community, with
it was preparing to abandon all its current
preparation of new development plans, on the
basis that these could be exposed to the same
legal strictures (PKC, 2008). With other
Scottish planning authorities finding
themselves in a similar position, the Scottish
Government moved to grant them exemptions
from the strict requirements of the Directive in
respect of ‘front-loading’. Despite the
appearance of a number of examples of best-
practice at local authority level to complement
the Scottish Planning Directorate’s handling of
the SEAS for its second National Planning
Framework, the Scottish Government’s
willingness to grant such exemptions threatens
to leave the current generation of development
plans little better in terms of public
consultation and early proofing of strategic
options than their predecessors (Winter,
2007).
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
Elections to the Scottish Parliament in 2007
saw the Scottish Labour/Liberal Democrat
administration replaced by a minority Scottish
spatium 33
National Party administration. One of the policy
changes triggered by this new administration is
an increased emphasis on the promotion of
renewable energy as a central element of
ambitious targets adopted by Scottish public
bodies for reducing greenhouse gas (GHG)
emissions. As part of a new Climate Change
Bill, the Scottish Government has now adopted
a Scottish Mitigation and a Scottish Adaptation
Framework, both of which are designed to
address the implications of global warming
caused by anthropogenic GHGs (Kerr, 2008).
The targets to which these frameworks are
constructed require an 80% reduction in GHGs
by 2050, with an interim target of 50% by
2030.
Similar targets have more recently been
adopted by the UK Parliament during the
passage of its Climate Change and Energy
Bills, and in England and Wales these will be
overseen by a new Climate Change
Commission, set up to monitor UK public
bodies and their forthcoming five-yearly carbon
budgets. In Scotland, following the signing of a
Single Outcome Agreement (SOA) at the start
of 2008 between the new Scottish
administration and the 32 single-tier Scottish
local authorities (SLAs), Scottish local
government has been given considerable
freedom to determine optimal strategies for
hitting Scottish GHG reduction targets.
In evaluating the climate change implications
of their current practices and their new SPPs,
one of the key tools which has recently
become available to SLAs is the use of carbon
accounting software. Termed the Local
Footprints Project, the introduction of carbon
accounting for local authorities is a joint
venture by WWF Scotland and the Sustainable
Scotland Network, with funding and support
from Eco-Schools Scotland, the Improvement
Service, the Scottish Government and Scottish
Power (Paul et al, 2008). The project makes
use of the Stockholm Environment Institute
Resources and Energy Appraisal Programme
(REAP) inter-active software package, which is
designed to allow participants to model their
current and projected local activities for their
carbon (and ecological) footprints (Barrett et
al, 2003; Barrett et al, 2007).
As part of the SOA, 22 of the 32 SLAs chose
footprint indicators to monitor their activities,
34 spatium
and the Local Footprints Project is currently
training these authorities in the use of REAP.
Three councils (Aberdeenshire, Aberdeen City
and North Lanark) were involved in the pilot
project which ran from 2004 to 2007. Seven
councils (Dundee, Edinburgh, Fife, South
Lanarkshire, Stirling, West Dunbartonshire, and
West Lothian) are currently involved in Phase 1
of the full project, and by 2009 all 32 SLAs will
be offered these facilities. At the present stage
of development, 9 SLAs have received
introductory REAP training, which entails
developing and scoping scenarios, such as
Local Housing and Transport Strategies,
assessment of community growth areas, and
the application of REAP in SEAs of SPPs. Three
councils have already developed footprint
reduction strategies.
The REAP model is becoming widely accepted
as a basic planning tool for Scottish public
bodies. It is a natural development of earlier
environmental modelling techniques. In the
early 1990s, the then Scottish Office and the
Fraser of Allander Institute at Strathclyde were
experimenting with adding environmental
coefficients to the basic Scottish economic
input-output (I/O) transaction matrices. These
matrices were originally created to analyse the
composition of the Scottish economy, and to
derive economic multipliers to evaluate the
effects of a change in economic activity on the
rest of the Scottish (or local) economy
(Jackson, 2002; 2006). The original attempts
to add environmental matrices to these tables
simply applied conversion factors designed to
map the environmental pollutants associated
with a given level of economic activity (e.g.
carbon dioxide emissions). The environmental
matrices were then attached to the I/O variables
and run to determine what would happen in
terms of environmental impacts if certain
sectors grew and others declined. The findings
were severely constrained by the static nature
of the process, in that the economic
coefficients were fixed by the timing of the
survey work undertaken to produce the I/O
tables, as were the resulting environmental
coefficients. In other words, embodied
technology was frozen at the survey stage of
the exercise.
Over the subsequent decade, the concepts of
ecological and carbon footprints initially
pioneered by Wackernegel & Rees (1996) have
been used to construct dynamic resource use
and energy consumption models, in which the
technical coefficients embodied in the I/O
matrices can be modified to allow SPPs to be
tested under different environmental and
economic scenarios. This facility enables the
users of REAP to plug in current and projected
levels of demand for housing, transport, energy
and waste provision, for example, for their local
areas, and to run the model to determine
probable resource and GHG outcomes. SLAs
can initially assess the environmental
consequences of delivering economic targets
for their economies on the basis of existing
economic and environmental coefficients. They
can then test this against a range of alternative
scenarios, by plugging in potential
improvements in the economic and
environmental coefficients to determine
whether and to what extent the environmental
implications of achieving the economic targets
set out in SPPs can be ameliorated.
A recent example of the use of this application
is provided by the East of England
Development Agency (SWQ Consulting &
Cambridge Econometrics, 2008). The Agency
commissioned a sustainability appraisal
(equivalent to an SEA with added economic
and social evaluations) of its new Regional
Economic Strategy (RES). Part of this
assessment involved running a REAP exercise
to quantify the environmental implications of
adopting the economic targets. The exercise
was confined to three key variables: waste
arisings, water usage and carbon emissions.
The model was run to establish whether these
three variables would comply with UK
Government and Agency targets for sustainable
resource use, assuming the East of England’s
RES and Regional Spatial Strategy (RSS) were
to be realised. On the first run of the model,
applying realistic technical coefficients and
parameters, the consultants concluded that
some inherent decoupling of economic growth
from resource use could be expected within
East of England up to 2031 without any
specific intervention, but that by itself this
unmodified development pathway would fail to
meet the ambitious targets for these variables
incorporated in the area’s RES & RSS. From
this, the model was run again incorporating a
 range of additional pro-active measures that respect to SEA (and sustainability appraisal in It would also imbue assessors with the
would be needed to realise spatial economic England and Wales) has imbued UK planning professional credibility necessary to pursue a
development targets for the East of England practitioners with a well-deserved reputation dialogue with stakeholders on ways of using
within the tighter environmental constraints for using assessment procedures merely as a the technique to reconcile alternative
desired. Table 3 lists the range of policy convenient means of ‘rubber-stamping’ interpretations of sustainability”.
options identified by the consultants as preconceived options, and of discarding
The SLAs Low Footprint Project currently draws
additional requirements in order to deliver the potentially more sustainable alternatives at the
on a set of databases, such as the National
desired outcomes. outset with insufficient consideration.
Footprint Accounts collated by WWF UK
Table 3: Policy options required to deliver RES/RSS East of England environmental targets (Calcott & Bull, 2007) and the Environmental
(Source: SWQ Consulting & Cambridge Econometrics, 2008) Accounts produced by Office for National
Sector Incremental or national policies Additional or regional/local policies Statistics, to generate ecological and carbon
Domestic Incremental policies Additional policies footprints both on a producer and on an end-
ƒ minimum domestic resource user basis (Paul et al, 2008). The former
ƒ environmental standard regulations on new
development efficiency standards at point of provide valuable insights for national policy-
sale makers into the pattern of emissions generated
ƒ retro-fitting new homes national campaign
ƒ minimum resource efficiency by the spatial dispersion of economic
ƒ household waste and recycling pay as you
standards on products and activities. However, the latter offer the most
throw
appliances sold in the UK effective basis for SLAs to modify their GHGs,
ƒ energy efficiency regulations via planning for
since they identify the carbon footprints of
extensions
local patterns of consumption of goods and
Transport Incremental policies Additional policies
ƒ local planning to encourage modal shift ƒ local planning to encourage services.
ƒ encourage business travel plans modal shift Such information is integral in assessing the
ƒ investment to ensure efficient use of ƒ regional alternative fuels pilot environmental impacts of new SPPs. The
infrastructure capacity to model these effects should offer
ƒ improvement of infrastructure capacity local government in Scotland an objective
ƒ incentivise use of fuel efficient cars means of applying SEA to the development
Industrial Incremental policies Additional policies process, allowing the environmental outcomes
and ƒ incentivise environmental management ƒ requirement for all VAT- of different tiers of SPPs to be compared using
commercial systems and carbon clubs registered businesses to report a common standard. This in turn will assist in
ƒ regulate environmental standards for new on resource use identifying incompatibilities in assumptions
commercial development ƒ requirement on all commercial and proposed interventions across the 32
ƒ integrate resource use advice into landlords to develop resource SLAs, with individual SPPs able to be tied into
mainstream business support efficiency plans for buildings the new National Planning Framework on a
ƒ regional carbon reduction scheme quantifiable basis.
Energy National policies Local/regional policies
generation At present, the 22 SLAs actively involved in
ƒ carbon capture and storage ƒ encourage and enable micro
and distributed generation carbon footprinting are on the initial stages of a
ƒ UK nuclear policy
learning curve (Fulton, 2008). Some find it
ƒ Renewable Obligation Certificates (ROCs) ƒ special planning status for
renewable/ distributed difficult to fit very specific assumptions to their
generation schemes vague policy objectives in order to model the
potential outcomes, suggesting that the Low
Footprint Project may have unintended
Without the capacity to model the local The quantification offered by REAP cuts beneficial consequences in filtering out
economy in this way, to run alternative through this obfuscation, and offers a much indeterminate aspirations from the final input to
scenarios, and to quantify the alternative more powerful tool in the application of SEA to development plans. Others find the modelling
outcomes, the planners responsible for the SPPs. As Jackson & Illsley (2007: 614) process identifies further areas of uncertainty
RES and RSS for the East of England observe, use of REAP techniques would help which require work on local coefficients and
Development Agency would have had to rely restore public faith in the integrity of such pre- parameters to refine and supplement the
on the traditional non-quantitative ‘wing-and-a- adoption proofing procedures: “[g]reater national databases. Here again, the exercise is
prayer’ subjective judgements, which simply transparency about the ambiguous, identifying shortcomings that need to be
ask their clients to believe ‘expert’ judgement constructed nature of the decision criteria in addressed if the Scottish Government’s
that such plans will work. Such an attitude these expert-driven methodologies would do ambitious climate change targets are to be
towards discharging their responsibilities with much to enhance the integrity of SEA practice. achieved.

spatium 35
Another concern expressed by SLAs is that
their findings may be challenged by objectors
during the public consultations required before
development plans can be adopted. This
reservation reflects an outdated technical-
rationalist conception of the process of
decision-making, which holds that ‘experts’
can glean little from community engagement in
the planning process. The opportunity to
challenge quantifiable SEA outcomes should
instead be welcomed as a contribution towards
the realisation of reflexive governance in the
delivery of sustainable development (Jackson
& Illsley, 2007).
CONCLUSIONS
The UK Government funds a Sustainable
Development Research Network, which is
intended to link the world of academic research
with that of government, so that policy-making
is informed by research outcomes on
sustainable development. The Network recently
commissioned a report (SDRN, 2008) on the
application of sustainability appraisal to spatial
planning in England and Wales, which
examines current experience in these
jurisdictions of combining an SEA with
economic and social appraisals to determine
the sustainability of statutory development
plans. Critics of this approach (e.g. Owen &
Cowell, 2002) suggest that the opportunity
to combine economic, social and
environmental assessments and match them
against a government-determined sustainable
development framework negates much of the
intended value of SEA as a forensic tool for
identifying the adverse environmental effects of
the development process and addressing these
in the proofing process for new development
plans.
The report on sustainability appraisal highlights
the difficulties that planning authorities in
England and Wales encounter in applying this
technique to new development plans. Three
key problem areas are identified: the
acquisition of suitable databases for testing
options and determining the significance of
effects; uncertainty about the extent to which
appraisals actually modify the plans they
assess; and the obstacles confronting attempts
to co-ordinate appraisal methodologies
between planning authorities which are
conterminous, and across different tiers
36 spatium
planning tiers, to achieve a coherent set of
assessment for spatial policies that operate at
more than one level and across more than one
authority (SDRN, 2008).
We noted earlier that Scotland enjoys the
benefits of an SEA Gateway designed to
oversee and collate SEA practice across
Scotland, a facility that is unique within the UK.
During public consultations on the
Environmental Assessment (Scotland) Act
2005, vigorous representations were made to
establish an SEA unit which would be
independent of the Scottish Government
(McLauchlan & João, 2005). Although this aim
was never realised, the Scottish Cabinet
Secretary for Finance and Sustainable Growth,
John Swinney, recently announced as part of
the outcomes from his review of the Scottish
planning system (SG, 2008d) that the Scottish
Government’s SEA Gateway would be upgraded
into a dedicated unit to support the
requirements of Scottish public bodies
undertaking SEA on their SPPs.
The previous Scottish administration’s
emphasis on delivering environmental justice
has been downgraded with the advent of an
SNP administration. The focus is now on
encouraging and supporting Scottish public
bodies in delivering effective climate changes
outcomes sufficient to meet the
administrations ambitious GHG targets. The
combination of SEA with the environmental
modelling opportunities offered by REAP
through the Low Footprint Project currently
being rolled out for SLAs offers Scotland the
chance to deliver the outcomes found lacking
in the practice of sustainability appraisal in
England and Wales, and by doing so help meet
the challenge of global warming.
An upgraded SEA Gateway would be able to
co-ordinate SEA practice on a spatial basis
both across public sector planning bodies
operating at the same level and also through
different tiers of decision-making. Training the
32 SLAs in the use of REAP to assess their new
SPPs by identifying and quantifying viable
environmental options at an early stage in the
formulation of SPPs, and encouraging
widespread use of this software package so
that practitioners and the public can converse
in a common language in evaluating the impact
of the development process in different parts of
Scotland and at different levels of decision-
making, would transform the use of SEA as a
planning tool intended to improve
environmental governance. It would also
address many of the difficulties identified by
the Sustainable Development Research
Network when examining the practice of
sustainability appraisal in England and Wales.
These recent developments in the practice of
SEA within the Scottish jurisdiction emphasise
the continuing importance of environmental
assessment. The specific goal of
environmental justice is no longer stressed by
the current Scottish administration.
Nevertheless, since the adverse effects of
global warming are likely to fall
disproportionately on the most disadvantaged
members of society, if SEA can be combined
with environmental modelling techniques to
help Scottish public bodies modify the
development process sufficiently to ameliorate
these, some of the central aims of
environmental justice will have been realised.
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spatium 37
 GREEN DEVELOPMENT AND PARTICIPATION –
IMPLICATIONS FOR COUNTRIES IN TRANSITION:
CASE STUDY OF STARA PLANINA, REPUBLIC OF
SERBIA*
Maša Perović

The following research looks at opportunities and obstacles for applying public participation and sustainable environmental
management in countries in transition. The case study analyses how the plans to develop a ski resort on the Stara Planina in
the Republic of Serbia were created. The results show that factors which influence unsustainable developments are a lack of
enforceable laws and the rule of law; lack of public awareness and information on relevant issues; weak civil society and lack
of community involvement in decision making; high level of corruption in government and the public sector; highly politicised
society with much influence from informal sources of power and their interests. The research concludes that with effective
public participation the developments would be more environmentally sustainable. For participation to be effective there is a
need to raise environmental awareness in the region as a consequence of the communist past and marginalisation of rural
areas.
Key words: countries in transition, Stara Planina, mountains, Serbia, environmental protection, participation, access to
information, decision-making.

INTRODUCTION extent could environmental destruction be theory is generally supported by proponents of

It is questionable to what extent is ecological
modernisation accepted outside the industrial
core where it was imagined (Adams 2001,
p.113). Previous research shows that countries
undergoing transition (CIT) have a tendency to
use the natural environment for the benefit of
strengthening the economy. In general they
lack both the political will and the technology
to achieve sustainable environmental
management (SEM). The reason for this is that
the need to generate capital overcomes other
necessary aspects of development such as
environmental protection*.
Assessment of Environmental Protection in
Serbia (WB 2007) notes that sustainable
environmental management tends to get over
shadowed by the need for economic gain. The
focus of the current research is to test to what
* 1990s. In 2002 the Mountain was recognized
For full copy of the research
www.savestaraplanina.info or contact the author
overcome by active public participation during
decision-making. As identified in the
theoretical framework, various research shows
that the knowledge of a local community
whose existence is more closely connected
and often dependent on the natural
environment, offers an important element of
environmental protection during development.
The case study of the Stara Planina1 region
explores to what extent this could be proved in
the Republic of Serbia (RS). In addition it
analyses other opportunities and obstacles for
achieving SEM.
The hypothesis
The research is based on the hypothesis that
community participation during the decision-
making process is one of the ways in which
environmental degradation during the
development process can be overcome. This
see
1
Old mountain - Literal translation
sustainable development (Adams 2001,
Buchingham-Hatfield and Percy (Eds) 1999,
Youssefi-Khalajabadi 1994, Lyons et al. 2001)
as well as by the leading environmental
international institutions such as the United
Nations Development and Environment
programs, European Environmental Agency,
the Institute of Environmental Management and
Assessment, to name a few. Sustainability and
long-term success depend on a bottom-up
approach where the local population is
mobilised in the development process and
where the values, principles and customs of
the local community are integrated into local
and national policy frameworks.
The Case Study
The Nature Park Stara Planina was chosen
because of its pristine natural environment,
which has remained untouched due to the lack
of economic activity in Serbia during the
by the Government of Serbia as one of the

38 spatium
regions with the greatest opportunities for all-
year tourism. It was a way in which it could be
economically and socially revived.
Consequently the Government adopted
development plans – the Master Plan (MP) and
the Spatial Plan (SP) - to build a ski centre
across the Mountain. The plans were
controversial and resulted in a conflict between
the creators of the Master Plan and academic
and environmental groups.
In the Stara Planina region in southern Serbia
traditional practices for agriculture and farming
are still in use by the local peasants. On a
small scale an ‘organic’ way of life is not
uncommon. These practices are important
when considering sustainable ways for
environmental management for two reasons:
primarily because they constitute alternative
management practices by which a region can
be revived based on old sustainable traditions,
secondly because the value system stems from
the lifestyle which functions in harmony with
nature due to the proximity and dependency of
the inhabitants, mostly peasants, on the local
ecosystem and the laws of nature.
Wider literature shows that factors which
influence unsustainable developments are a
lack of enforceable laws and the rule of law;
lack of public awareness and information on
relevant issues; weak civil society and lack of
community involvement in decision making;
high level of corruption in government and the
public sector; highly politicised society with
much influence from informal sources of power
and their interests.
The research answered the following questions
regarding the proposed developments on the
Mountain:
ƒ To what extent are the plans to build the
ski resort environmentally sustainable?
ƒ To what extent was public participation
present during decision-making?
ƒ To what extent is the local population
committed to environmental protection?
THEMATIC FRAMEWORK
Sustainability indicators: Agenda 21
For the purposes of this study indicators of
sustainable environmental management were
based on the Agenda 21 Chapter 8.1(a). The
section outlines the necessary aspects that rather discouraged critical thinking and an
make development sustainable, such as: informed society.
integrated decision-making process; ensuring
In addition influence of the capitalist consumer
that the policy framework reflects a long-term
culture poses another challenge for achieving
perspective and cross-sectoral approach;
sustainable development in theory and
ensuring a bottom-up approach; ensuring
practice. Looking at the wider theoretical
access by the public to relevant information,
context world critiques explain that SD and
facilitating the reception of public views and
‘green capitalism’ are doomed to failure
allowing for effective participation; conducting
because liberal economy is geared towards a
Environmental and Social Impact Assessments;
continued expansion in production (Irvine
study and consideration of traditional or
1989). Historically, economics developed
indigenous methods as part of integrated
around the idea of scarcity, and the role of
environmental management; ensuring
technology was principally that of raising
transparency and accountability of all policies;
output from scarce resources’ (Redclift 2005,
monitoring and evaluating the development
p.4). This is in direct contrast with the deep
process systematically; adopting a national
green thinking which sees the Earth as a
strategy for sustainable development.
source of limited capacity and in fact as a
‘Green development’ and participation resource which should not be dedicated
towards meeting human needs, but should be
Pubic participation is recognised to be a treated as an identity in itself and managed in
crucial component of green development. It is harmony with human activity (Adams 2001,
important to enable communities to care for pp.117-118).
their own environment (IUCN, cited in Adams
The market economy dictates economic growth
2001, p.116) because it is not only their
as the ultimate aim towards better life. Overall
legitimate interest but their basic right and ‘it is
we see that ‘large development projects and
a pragmatic course to take in the interests of
their resulting environmental consequences
achieving sustainable development’ (Ghai &
may be seen to be justified in areas of high
Vivian 1992, cited in Adams, 2001, p.116).
unemployment’ (Youssefi-Khalajabadi 1994,
Case studies show that community
p.98). This global trend towards market
participation leads to future development
economy and constant economic growth is
initiatives, such as creation of employment; it
strongly reflected in countries such as Serbia
brings the social reality into existence by
where poverty and long socio-economic
recognising social ‘needs’ (Doyal and Gough
decline compel human activity towards
1991, cited in Youssefi-Khalajabadi 1994, p.
unsustainable development despite adverse
86); it empowers the people by ‘awakening
effects this has on the natural, and
their critical consciousness, which is required
consequently on social environment.
for people-induced development’ (Youssefi-
Khalajabadi 1994). Such initiatives depend on CIT and green development
education and raising awareness, which then
leads to community empowerment (Youssefi- With regards to participation there are
Khalajabadi 1994, Lyons et al. 2001). numerous obstacles in transitional societies
that require reform. Alongside weak
Participation is a great challenge in countries
institutional mechanisms for implementation
undergoing social and economic transition
and monitoring of laws, policies and general
where the longstanding cultures of dependence
social rules, the values and principles of CIT
require a long educational process (Youssefi-
are not tuned for participatory requirements.
Khalajabadi 1994, p.102, Adams 2001,
p.113). Amongst others this is one of the It is important to consider the values on which
challenges for the SEM in Stara Planina as a societies are based when analysing the
process of development and implementation of
consequence of the long rule of the one-party
Communist regime which did not promote the policies. The reason for this is that
concept of self-reliance of an individual, but environmental policy was created in developed
Western countries governed by democratic
spatium 39
principles. Accordingly, ‘citizens in [a
democratic] order share a commitment to the
resolution of problems of collective choice
through public reasoning, and regard their
basic institutions as legitimate in so far as they
establish the framework for free public
deliberation’ (Cohen, 1989, cited in Connely
and Smith, 1999, p. 61). In addition the
influence of NGOs is greatly important in
informing and shaping general public opinion
and values (Feldman and Khademain 2003, UN
1994, etc).
Strong bureaucracy, a trait of the communist,
one-party, centralised government system,
does not allow for creation of an informed civil
society and this limits the ‘freedom to organise
and agitate independently around… issues’
(O’Connor 1989, p.99, cited in Phillips and
Mighall, 2000, p.294). Some argue that even
where there are laws in place they are not
always implemented because ‘managers,
technician and workers’ in localised
organisations and enterprises often [do] not
share this concern’ (Phillips and Mighall,
2000, p.294).
Importance and potential of local
tradition for green development
Various sources argue that during the process
of modernisation rural areas of CIT, such as the
Stara Planina, could rely on traditional ways to
achieve SEM. Traditional ways are inherently
sustainable due to the ‘intimate knowledge of
the internal dynamics’ of the rural inhabitants
with the natural environment upon which they
have depended for generations (Vaccaro and
Norman 2008). Vaccaro and Norman (2008)
rightly explain that once the local cultures and
perspectives are considered while creating
policy ‘the locals become shareholders in the
policy with greater interest in the success of
the policy itself’.
Considering that the global, especially
European trends in tourism are heavily tilting
in favour of ‘want [for] scenery, a decent
environment and a smattering of history and
culture’, eco-tourism offers increasing
possibilities to materialize traditional resources
and the natural environment (Vaccaro and
Norman 2008). In fact it is increasingly certain
that ‘if you destroy your heritage and scenery,
40 spatium
you will come to regret it’ (Economist May 17th
2008).
Arguments outlined above are relevant for the
current research in the way that they explain
the prevalent value and normative context for
environmental action. This both directly and
indirectly affects the extent to which ‘green
development’ and participation can be truly
successful outside of developed post-
industrialist Western states, such as Serbia.
METHODOLOGY
This study is multi layered and can be said to
be a study of the role of the community during
policy implementation, as defined by Robson
(1993, p.147). It required consideration of
social, political and economic issues, and
assessment of how these issues influenced
environmental protection in Serbia. Three
different methods were used: documentary
research, semi-structured interviews and
survey. The case study focused solely on the
municipality of Knjaževac.
Relevant policy and legal frameworks in Serbia
were considered with a focus on public
participation during decision-making, access
to information and environmental protection.
The gaps between policy and practice were
identified through interviews with the
immediate stakeholders who were closely
involved in the decision-making. During the
field research local peasants and the general
public from Knjaževac were interviewed. The
researcher analysed their level of participation,
knowledge and opinions about the proposed
developments and their awareness about
environmental protection.
Table 1: Interview groups as identified by the researcher for the sampling purposes
Group 1 – developers Group 2 – primary
stakeholders/ economic
beneficiaries
Ministry of Economy and p.c. Ski Serbia
Regional Development
Horwath Consulting/ Ecosign Local Government
Canada
Institute of Architecture and Tourism Organisation
Urban Planning, Belgrade Knjaževac
p.c. Forests of Serbia Construction enterprises
Local Government, Knjaževac Local enterprises
RESEARCH RESULTS
The research findings support the hypothesis
and show that economic factors are a priority
for the political elite as well as for the majority
of the local peasants. Nevertheless there is
evidence that there are professional groups and
academic institutions that understand the value
of the natural wealth of the Mountain. The
findings show that if the institutional framework
encouraged, or at the least allowed, those
groups and institutions to influence the
decision-making process it would contribute to
the sustainability of future developments.
The decision-making process: The
Spatial Plan and the Master Plan
The Spatial Plan and the Master Plan are
fundamentally different in that the former
perceives tourism as a sustainable tool to
revitalise the mountain region, while the latter
uses the natural wealth of the mountain to
revitalise the economy. The two development
concepts were advocated by two interest
groups. The Ministry of Economy and Regional
Development (MERD), led by the liberal G17+
political party, encouraged the goals of the MP.
On the other hand the team of experts at the
Institute for Urban and Spatial Planning (IAUS)
took an integrated approach based on
international best practice. The research finds
that in this case political will supported
economic gains and in fact discouraged a
sustainable approach. Despite the formal
participation of both interest groups, the
investors of the MP did not respect the legal
procedure and used their political power to
design the decision-making process, which
dominated the outcome.
Group 3 – secondary
stakeholders/environmentalists
Institute for Environmental
Protection
Trekking Club Stara Planina
Experts in natural sciences:
water/forests/climate
Association for protection and SD of
Stara Planina
UNDP, Belgrade
Local village/town community
Most importantly the research finds that the
adopted Spatial Plan did not conform to the
Law on Planning and Construction. Namely,
without prior review by the Expert Committee,
some provisions from the Master Plan were
added to the Spatial Plan (IAUS 2007a). Thus
the process was flawed (confidential source).
One of the crucial changes was the proposed
construction of the tourist complex on Jabučko
Ravnište2 with a starting accommodation
capacity of 6192 users, to be developed later
to a maximum capacity of 22861 users. As
such the second and final draft of the Spatial
Plan (IAUS 2007a) was presented across four
municipalities during the public hearing, held
from 20th December 2007 until 20th January
2008.
The original SP focused on spreading the
accommodation capacity across the villages
which are nearest to the ski slopes (IAUS
2007). The purpose was to ensure that the
local inhabitants would benefit by offering
tourist services, which would bring them
employment, improved transport and
communications services as well as capital.
For example, Jabučko Ravnište was planned
with a maximum accommodation capacity of
500 (IAUS 2007, p.42). This is in sharp
contrast with the changes introduced by the
Master Plan, as described above.
Expert opinion, supported by environmental
groups, says that construction on Jabučko
Ravnište is environmentally unsustainable for
numerous reasons. Firstly the centre is so high
that ‘it is technically impossible to create an
economically sustainable system for cleaning
waste waters’ (Prof. Đorđević). Secondly, the
water capacity on the Mountain is relative
(Prof. Đorđević, Mr. Micić, Prof.
Radovanović). Thus, a hotel complex for up to
23000 people ‘would completely drain the
mountain’ especially considering the fact that
‘tourists are a demanding lot’ (Prof. Đorđević).
Thirdly, the reduction in precipitations,
especially during winter, raises questions
about the length of the skiing season.
2 research available on www.savestaralanina.info.
The Apple Plain – lit. translation, is situated in the II
zone of protection where construction of objects is
prohibited by the Regulation for the Protection of
Nature Park Stara Planina in 1997.
In contrast the Master Plan focuses on ‘the development of the complex on Jabučko
analysis of the physical, planning, business Ravnište3.
and marketing potentials for the development
The preparatory work for developing the Master
of tourism on Stara Planina’ (2007, p.1). The
Plan, including documentation studies, lasted
natural wealth of the Mountain, its traditional
10 months, together with two days of
products and culture are considered in the
stakeholder meetings at the beginning of
context of their potential for generating income,
November 2006 (Horwath Consulting, 2007,
but without offering methods to preserve and
p.27). Although the meetings appeared to
protect them. For example Business Conditions
include stakeholder participation, they were
for the creation of the Water Park do not
dominated by a small number of businesses
consider ways in which this might effect the
which would benefit from the project. The
water supply from Zavojsko jezero and nearby
Institute for Environmental Protection pointed
springs (Horwath Consulting 2007, pp.125-
out that the Ministry for Environmental
127).
Protection was not included in the
Furthermore, relevant policy and legal consultations prior to the development of the
documents that form the basis for any Master Plan (www.savestaraplanina.info media
decision-making in this case study do not conference).
include a comprehensive analysis of the site
The Aarhus Convention has not yet been
and its problems and therefore their stated aim
adopted in Serbia and access to information is
of an integrated approach is not borne out
regulated by various laws. In addition people
(Tourism Strategy for RS, Law on Tourism,
are poorly informed for a number of reasons: in
Regulations on the Proposal for the
Serbia cc 40% of the population are
Development of Tourism in Stara Planina
functionally illiterate with eight or less years of
Region). For example Article 3.5 of the
primary school4; survey results and other
Regulation for Tourism (2007) discusses the
interviews show that the mass media are the
future of winter tourism and states that skiing
main source of information for almost 80% of
as a sport is on the increase. However it does
interviewees. The media tend to be sensational
not mention how global climate change has
and do not give objective, balanced
affected ski tourism in the European Alps over
information and are used for ‘making
the past two years (Snow’s no show in the Alps,
propaganda and do not inform’ (Drago, the
3.12.06, www.guardian.co.uk). The OECD has
forester); word-of-mouth is the main source of
pointed out that ‘the impacts of climate change
information for many villages in the Mountain
must also be integrated into sectoral and
who have poor media reception.
economic policies worldwide... [and ensure]
adaptation measures to address key Local attitudes towards environmental
vulnerabilities: increasing losses in winter protection
tourism due to reduced snow cover’ (Climate
change in the European Alps: adapting winter Despite the fact that local peasants and
tourism and natural hazards management, agricultural producers depend on the
18.1.07, www.oecd.org/document/). environment for their source of food as well as
their income, the research shows that their
Public participation awareness of the need to protect the natural
environment is low. Forester Drago
Overall opinion of interviewees consulted in
commented that ‘here it is in the culture to
this study is that public participation during
destroy nature. The government is not
decision-making does not exist in Serbia. The
organized to protect it’.
research shows that there were weaknesses in
the process of public hearings - such as
covering up inconvenient facts in the
3
For details of interview results see full version of the
4
Institute for Statistics in RS,
http://webrzs.stat.gov.rs/axd/drugastrana.php?Sifra=0
013&izbor=odel&tab=24
spatium 41
Although the results from the survey cannot be
taken to represent the level of general
knowledge in the municipality, due to the small
number of collected results, a lack of general
information about the Mountain is evident in
the fact that 7 out of 27 individuals were not
aware that the Mountain is protected by law as
a Nature Park despite its immediate proximity
to Knjaževac and other villages.
There were individuals whose attitude towards
the project changed once they acquired more
information. This example shows that even
those who would benefit directly from the
project became opposed to it once they
learned that the development was
unsustainable:
‘I used to think that the project might be bigger
than Kopaonik and I was for it. Now I see that it
can’t be and that it will destroy the mountain. It
can only work if there are a lot of small ski
slopes because there is less and less snow
especially on the south side between Babin Zub
and Pirot…It is all useless!’ (Nebojša
Golubović, Ski Club Zubski Rt).
DISCUSSION
To what extent are the plans to build
the ski centre environmentally
sustainable?
Based on the A21 sustainability indicators, the
decision-making procedure did not ensure an
integrated approach. The Master Plan and the
Spatial Plan contain certain aspects that are in
harmony with one another. Such as the need to
protect natural resources, economic
revitalisation of the region, the use of cultural
and natural heritage as part of the tourist offer.
However the crucial difference between the two
is that the MP aims to develop a mega tourist
resort on Jabučko Ravnište, which according to
academics and environmental groups will
isolate the local villages from the tourist offer.
The most disadvantaged, namely the poorest,
social groups such as peasants, agricultural
workers, the unemployed youth in towns and
villages or the elderly would not benefit
directly from the development of the tourist
offer. It is probable that the village peasants,
vendors and agricultural workers would
42 spatium
eventually gain from the ‘trickle-down’ effect
by selling local produce, arts and crafts5.
If the proposed development of the ski resort
ensured that the possible negative effects of
construction were mitigated, the benefits would
be twofold. Firstly the opportunity to drink fresh
spring water and to enjoy the unspoiled natural
environment would undisputedly be an
attraction for tourists. And secondly with the
preservation of natural resources such as
water, the local peasants would be able to use
wells and thus continue to be self sustainable,
while local towns would have access to
unpolluted water from natural springs. These
would go some way to meet the growing
demand for eco-tourist attractions both in
Europe as well as globally.
However, it is now clear that the development
on Jabučko Ravnište could cause
environmental destruction for a number of
reasons. The construction of the hotel resort
would devastate the natural environment in the
2nd zone of protection. Additional devastation
would be brought about by construction of new
roads and water pipes, which would inevitably
be accompanied by illegal property building.
The fact that there is no long term solution to
the problem of water supplies, means pristine
areas of the natural environment will be
spoiled, overall making the project
unsustainable.
To what extent was public participation
present during decision-making?
The decision-making process omitted public
participation not only of the local community
but also of the academics and civil society
experts in matters of environmental protection,
construction and spatial planning. There are
clear indicators that the procedure for public
participation was manipulated all the way
through. Least of all the dates for public
hearing in the middle of the New Year and
Orthodox Christmas celebrations appear to be
an inconvenient time for such activity.
5
Ski centre Kopaonik, built in late 80s in Serbia, is an
example of how developments destroyed the natural
environment and isolated the local villages from tourist
offer allowing them to ‘sell a pot of honey and some
herbs here and there’ (prof. Đorđević and vendor at
market in Knjaževac)
The first draft of the Spatial Plan (2007) clearly
demonstrates that the experts at the IAUS
created a plan whose primary aim was to
revitalise the local community: by spreading
the tourist offer across the villages, studying
the potential for revitalising agriculture and
developing mechanisms for environmental
protection, which was recognised as the base
for enabling the above.
To an extent, a bottom-up participation was
ensured through informal questionnaires
developed by IAUS6. In addition Prof.
Đorđević, Mr. Milijić and Mr. Micić have been
studying the Mountain for the last 30 years.
Their professional knowledge as well as
sentimental attachment to the natural
environment can be compared to that of the
local community. In effect as professionals
their knowledge about the Mountain is more
profound than an average local knowledge.
Thaking the theoretical framework as
guidelines, it is unrealistic to expect that the
Master Plan could take an integrated approach
when based solely on a 10 month study of the
region. This demonstrates a top-down
approach which needs to be supported by a
wider regional study such as the Spatial Plan. It
is unclear why the creators of the MP
disregarded the critique of the national experts
and civil society groups while the aims of the
MP clearly state that environmental protection
is at the centre of the developments. One can
only conjecture that the economic interests of
the leading political circles who are financing
the project are narrow and self-centred. Such
findings confirm the wider research hypothesis
that economic gain in CIT tends to disregard
environmental protection.
To what extent is the local population
committed to environmental protection?
Despite the fact that subsistence of the local
peasants depends on the surrounding natural
resources their participation would not have
6
IAUS conducted geographic, infrastructural and other
relevant surveys of the region during the preparation of
the first draft of the Spatial Plan. The survey was
distributed to all local community centers responsible
for collecting information about the tendency of the
local population to migrate, sources of water, the
management of sewage and waste, etc.
ensured environmental protection per se. This
can be explained due to lack of environmental
awareness combined with poor existence and
constant pressure to prosper economically that
directs the popular thinking towards purely
economic gains. Yet again this proves Adam’s
(2001) thinking that ecological modernisation
is questionable outside the core where it was
created.
However, the findings show how people’s
attitudes changed once they were made aware
of adverse effects the project would have on
the Mountain’s natural resources. With this in
mind it can be said that if general awareness
about environmental protection was raised via
the media and government campaigns
participation would be an effective deterrent of
unsustainable projects.
Finally, the findings show that there is potential
for reviving traditional local knowledge through
agriculture, eco-tourism and production of
traditional arts and crafts, and other.
Considering that consumerist ideology has not
yet crept into all social cracks and layers in the
Stara Planina region one can stipulate that this
could offer a positive start for developing
sustainable social environment. Their success
would indisputably depend on the support from
Government led sustainable initiatives.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion it can be said that participation of
the experts and the civil society in Serbia leads
to sustainable environmental management. The
research also shows that integration of local
opinions and needs contributes towards
making the plans sustainable and integrated.
However at this stage it can not be said
whether participation of the local peasants
would make the plans for building the ski
centre more environmentally friendly. This
depends on their access to objective, two-
sided information, which could be a topic for
further research of the region.
Furthermore demographic desertification of the
region has minimalised traditional production.
The production from land is far bellow its
potential while animal and plant produce are
mainly sold on the local market. Regional
Environmental Centre and the SP identified the
region’s potential for agricultural development
which could revive the local tradition and
methods for environmental management.
These are necessary supplements for
successful tourism and should be integrated
into the development plans. The benefits of
preserving the natural environment and
‘organic’ production are three-fold and
dependant on each other: sustainable
agricultural production; self-sustainable
existence of local villages and town; and the
development of sustainable tourism, which is
increasing rapidly in the surrounding European
Union countries.
Considering that all investors see the pristine
nature of the Mountain as one of the strengths
and main attractions for development of
tourism it is in contradiction with its own aims
not to ensure that the ecological state is
preserved. Based on the research findings the
only conclusion that can be made is that short-
vision, direct and fast economic profits are the
leading forces regarding the proposed
developments on the Stara Planina. Thus the
need to shift from ‘the narrow preoccupation
with markets to a broader preoccupation with
people’ with mutually reinforcing pillars of
economic development, social development
and environmental protection is also the case
in Serbia (WCSDG 2004).
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44 spatium
 711. 434 (497.5) :007

PARTICIPATORY MEASUREMENTS OF SUSTAINABLE

URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND QUALITY OF LIFE IN
POST-SOCIALIST ZADAR, CROATIA
Branko Cavrić, Silvija Toplek, Ante Šiljeg

Over the last two decades, there has been an intensive discourse and research about measuring sustainable urban
development. Many cities, regions and countries have decided to introduce indicators for monitoring and measuring the
progress towards sustainability. Today there is a wide spread perception that information on the environment in general, and
urban environment in particular, is the determinant of effective rational decisions and allocation of resources. Such
information would enable planners and decision makers to formulate redistributive policies and programmes to address some
of the disparities that exist in a post-socialist city. Cities of the post-socialist world characterized by sharp disparities, socio-
economic contrasts and environmental degradation provide an excellent laboratory for tracing information on the quality of
urban life. The current situation in the emerging Croatian coastal city of Zadar reflects the diversity of the post-socialist urban
change in a very fragile Mediterranean landscape.
This paper takes a critical look at sustainable development and its measurements. It describes the participatory approach
through which different local communities in Zadar were evaluating quality of life based on basic pillars of sustainable
development. The identification and collection of their opinions provide valuable data base and community input into urban
governance and development planning decision making.
Key words: sustainability, urban indicators, monitoring, sustainable urban development, GIS

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Measuring the quality of urban life has a long-
standing tradition and abounds in both
academic and technical literature (Gahin,
Paterson, 2001; Ghosh, Vale & Vale, 2006).
These measurements were developed within
social sciences (Sawicki, 2002), mostly in
urban sociology and ecology as antecedents of
inter-disciplinary urban studies (McDonald &
Patterson, 2007, Wong, 2002). Their
specialised applications in urban planning and
governance based on principles of sustainable
development (Flood, 1997) became recent
phenomenon. What is to be said about
measuring the quality of urban life nowadays,
especially when new urbanism is emerging
through the influences of globalisation and
glocalisation? In today’s dynamic urban world,
where both major and small key players strive
to achieve their interests, urban indicators are
useful “instruments” for decision making.
Although significant progress has been made,
few efforts have explored local participation in
developing indicators which can be used for
preparation, implementation, monitoring and
review of urban projects (Revi and Dube, 1999; Urban indicators are simple instruments for
Fraser et al. 2006). multidimensional measuring of the well-being
or quality of life in urban settlements which
A contemporary system of sustainable urban
include a natural, built, economic, social and
indicators helps in giving answers to several
political environment. In a technical sense,
important questions such as: Does our city
urban indicators are the presentations of
become a better or worse place for living and
information that show changes and trends
working? Do its plans and programmes
through the course of time. In organised and
address citizens’ requirements and needs? Do
established systems, the indicators are usually
they contribute to the improvement of the
illustrated as diagrams, maps, graphs,
overall urban environment? Do they effect
schemes, tables, and figures, enabling people
displacements, in what sense and to what
to see the trends in the simplest and fastest
degree? Naturally, all these queries require the
way. Laurini (2001) especially points out the
availability of a very specific type of
prominence of multi-media and geographical
information which can be generated from
information systems (GIS), which affect the
different sources framed by an information
extreme processing precision, presentation and
pyramid composed of indexes→
1 information use in urban systems and e-
indicators→ information→data (WRI,
government applications. Nevertheless, there
1995), all shown in Fig. 1.
are many forms of transforming information
into comprehensive indexes using audio-visual
media, graphical design, arts, web and similar.
1
Indicators contain the information based on primary
and analysed data. They are utilized in order to quantify
the information, stressing out its importance, as well as
to simplify the comprehension of information on sustainable development (World Resources Institute –
complex and composite phenomena such as a WRI, 1995).

spatium 45
Fig. 1 The structure of the information pyramid
Source: Modified based on Spreng & Wils (1996)
Although, there are many differences how
indicators can be used in urban sustainability
applications, one option is to use them in order
to improve awareness of the needs for
sustainable development in a city. The other
function may be within the
sphere of monitoring wherein the indicators
have to be selected in order to describe
situations susceptible to changes. Indicators of
facilitation and the process of decision-
making, where it is of utmost importance to
implement adequate development methods
and compare development alternatives with
their various effects. When used in
development control, indicators provide the
information on the distance from the
proclaimed objective. In this case they
combine the function of measuring the
sustainable development progress with
functions that indicate the necessity to take
actions. And finally, indicators are used as
reference points for performances testing,
i.e. so-called benchmarking. Hence, individual
cities may get a clear idea of their positions in
relation to other cities in the country or an
international level, i.e. they may easily
compare their own comparative advantages
and shortcomings and on the basis of which
can take relevant measures and activities.
In the context of sustainable urban
development, indicators are effective tools for
the monitoring of urban progress congruently
with the formulated objectives (Innes and
Booher, 2000). At the same time they indicate
how far the realisation of proclaimed objectives
is from the present stage of urban development
and what the deviations from the planned
course are. In the case of preventive actions,
indicators of sustainable urban development
contribute to the increased efficiency of
implemented plans and programs, making
decisions important for a city and its complex
46 spatium
Fig. 2 Systemic approach to urban planning process, its components and stakeholders
Source: Modified based on Rappeti and Prélaz-Droux (2003)
social, economic, built and natural intention was to avoid problems facing authors
environment systems. in other countries (Moles, Foley, Morrissey &
O'Regan, 2008). Due to this reason it was
The most common criticism refers to the
essential in the case of Zadar, to test the
development of indicators in isolation and
“bottom-up approach” in combination to
without consulting complex experiences such
various other models, wherein the citizens and
as work on “casual networks” which may
their opinions on a multidimensional
contribute to more appropriate environmental
environment are placed in the centre of
policies and better management decisions
information gathering and their transformation
(Niemeijer & Groot, 2008). Similar to this,
into indicators. Participation, individual
Gustavson and his team (1999) argue that the
capacities and coordination by local authorities
indicators are usually developed along political
have been identified as key factor for improving
boundary lines, while in reality, the eco-
the efficiency of the system of actors in charge
systems and natural zones do not conform to
of urban management. Therefore, our research
them. In this case, the indicators of sustainable
method focuses on the information retreived
development lack so-called “design
from citizens as the special group of
perspective”. It is also stressed that important
stakeholders in diverse urban arena (see Fig.2)
issues cannot be ignored simply because
some of them are not measurable by adequate THE PROBLEMS OF URBAN
indicators and that measurement plays an SUSTAINABILITY IN A POST-
important role and helps in understanding the
quantitative and qualitative aspects (Hodge et SOCIALIST CITY
al., 1999). For the last 20 years most cities in Central and
These findings are certainly important for our Eastern Europe have passed through a process
approach where, in the process of creating a of intensive political, socio-economic and
model for selected coastal cities in Croatia, the physical transition. Growing disparities and the
influence of a capitalist model of economy are
reflected in all pores of society, and have
affected the planning, construction and
management of cities. A shift from central
planning to a market-oriented economy offers
huge opportunities for improvement of
economic prosperity and quality of life for the
urban population (Tsenkova, 2000). The
principles of allocation and distribution of
various social groups change rapidly,
especially in the domain of residential building
and office and commercial complex
developments by example of (sometimes too
hastily) adopted western models. Furthermore,
urban forms are also transformed with an
adverse effect on the environment, mostly
noticeable on so-called soft locations in
suburban zones. Uncontrollable urban
expansion better known as “urban sprawl”
becomes one of the pressing issues in the
activities of a series of actors with different
interests in use and construction of urban land
(Cavrić & Nedović-Budić, 2007). A definite
influence of the urban sprawl and development
of a consumer mentality, even though still not
in compliance with productivity and purchasing
power become dominant processes in Croatian
and other cities of the former Yugoslavia
(Budić & Cavrić, 2006; Berke & Conroy,
2000). In such a situation, the questions of
sustainability, quality and control of future
urban development arise.
Today, Croatia finds itself in a gap between
demands for faster economic development and
demands for protection of the urban
environment and natural heritage. Numerous
governmental, parastatal and non-government
agencies, together with civic groups are trying
to find compromise solutions to meet public
and private requirements, to direct and decide
upon urban resources. Simultaneously, a large
number of domestic and foreign developers act
on strict profit principles only, which is usually
opposed to proclaimed public interests.
Independently or with the assistance of well
established political and economic lobbyists,
they usually do not take care of social justice
requirements, subject to which all citizens are
entitled to have an access to basic urban
services and resources and to enjoy a good
quality urban environment. These
contradictions are especially noticeable in
larger cities such as Zagreb (the capital) in
which, at the beginning of 1990s, market urban
economy and legislation – different from those
of the socialist times, prevailed (Cavrić,
Nedović-Budić, 2007). Nevertheless, this
process slowly triggered even the medium-
sized and smaller cities outside the Zagreb
influential zone.
Unfortunately, at present, sustainable urban
development in Croatia is still practiced mainly
within a declarative sphere full of rhetoric,
although this concept has been implemented
worldwide since 19872. Urban dwellers of
small and large cities, throughout the world,
were governed by additional ideas of “healthy”,
“intelligent”, “safe”, “global”, “informational”
and “computerized” cities (Castells 1989,
Tarik 1991, Atkinson 1996, Saskia 1991,
Stephen 1997, Hall 1999). Almost in all these
cases the maintenance and improvement of the
“quality of urban life” as a whole or the parts
thereof (districts, neighbouring communities),
were a priority. Notwithstanding the
requirements and messages they sent, the
citizen wish to ensure that future generations
inherit healthy, vital and interesting places for
living. Furthermore, a basic concept of
sustainable development has been also
improved through theoretical considerations of
“survivalability“, “equity”, “evolutionability”
and “good heritage”, proclaimed by several
scientists (Meadows 1995, Marcuse 1998,
Keiner, 2004 & 2006, Veenhoven 2000). All
these together offer new positive dimensions in
the processes of comprehension of cities as
sophisticated systems where it is essential to
provide efficient control and co-operation
mechanisms between different influential
actors and groups.
Following the UN guidelines of the conferences
held at Rio de Janeiro in 1992, most of the
countries in the world adopted the protocol
“Agenda 21” which suggests that “indicators
of sustainable development should be created
in order to ensure a solid base for decision-
making on all levels (United Nations 1993;
Chapter 40). Shortly afterwards, new sets of
indicators were developed in many countries.
There are well known projects at regional level
in the United Kingdom (Regional Planning
Guidance), New Zealand (Canterbury Regional
2
World Commision on Environment and Development,
WCED 1987, also known as the Brundtland Committee.
Council) and Germany (North-Rhine-
Wesphalia). Cities also started developing sets
of indicators, especially in Canada
(Vancouver), United States of America
(Pittsburgh, Santa Monica, Seattle) and
England (Bristol, Coventry). The Global Urban
Observatory of UNCHS develops a data base
for measuring the quality of life in over 1100
cities worldwide. Simultaneously, the European
Committee initiates a Sustainable Cities
campaign where more that 100 cities sign the
Charter of sustainable development of
European cities and towns. European
Committee and Eurostat initiate an Urban Audit
campaign.
There is an interesting example from the period
1999-2000 wherein a European work group
established a set of 10 indicators for
measuring of sustainable development on local
levels in over 90 cities throughout Europe
(Mc Mahon 2002, Bosch 2002). The proposed
set of indicators is based on the need to
protect the environment, equity and social
inclusions; local government authorities;
democracy; local-global relations; local
economy, cultural heritage and the quality of
built environment. (Spangenberg & Bonniot
1998, Holden 2006). A conclusion from all
these previous efforts is that the establishing of
“sustainable urban development indicators”
becomes a global and European trend, and that
the aim is to ensure that future generations
inherit healthy and vital living spaces on local
levels and in urban settlements above all. This
actually means the implementation of a basic
idea of sustainable development subject to
which the needs of present generations must
be met, whilst not changing the conditions
whereupon future generations would also fulfill
their needs.
RESEARCH FRAMEWORK AND
GOALS
The phenomenon of a post-socialist city and
main challenges in monitoring and controlling
of its sustainable development were the light
motive of the scientific project proposal:
“Developing the System of Indicators for
Sustainable Urban Development in
selected coastal cities of Croatia”. This
proposal was approved by the National
Foundation for Science, High Education and
spatium 47
Technological Development (NZZ) of the
Republic of Croatia in February 2007. Upon the
evaluation procedure the project started in
February 2008, within the programme
“GUEST” which anticipated the engagement of
a guest researcher (coordinator) and his work
with associates from the host institution which
was in the case of the NZZ project the
Department of Geography, University of Zadar.
In summary, the overall goals of the NZZ
Project are as follows:
ƒ To make a relevant contribution in
developing new solutions for the
improvement of sustainable urban
development in smaller and medium-sized
cities of Croatia.
ƒ To elaborate proposed systems of indicators
of sustainable urban development for the two
selected littoral cities in Croatia (Zadar and
Pula), on the basis of theoretical and
practical experiences; principles, regulations
and international and European community
standards in this segment of an
interdisciplinary urban research.
Nevertheless, the situation changed
significantly in favour of Zadar due to the
construction of the highway A1, and its direct
link to the industrial-harbour zone of Gaženica,
located 3 km from the city centre. Furthermore,
Zadar's vicinity has geo-morphologically
unobstructed agricultural hinterland. It has
sufficient quantities of potable water, and the
sea and coastal zone with multipurpose
potential. It is also characterised by a high
concentration of natural and man-made
landmarks. All these opportunities distinguish
Zadar as a new development hub and the fifth
largest city in the Republic of Croatia, a
regional centre of the Zadar County, the most
northern Dalmatian county with approximately
200,000 people gravitating towards its urban
core.
Comparing to other Croatian coastal cities
decreased in time. This further resulted in the
increase of population density, in urban
structure and services efficiency, and in
environmental impacts. Especially interesting
are their skylines, where the high-rise
silhouettes influenced by socialist and Le
Corbisier architectural styles are domineering.
The shortage of land for expansion and a long-
standing physical isolation have resulted in
poor transport connections with their
countryside so that the population moved in or
moved out to other parts of Croatia. When
compared to them, Zadar and Pula (our other
case study city), are more open and in a much
better position considering the extent of the
land with less slopes, better soils, more
drinking water and more possibilities for
integral transport and development of
sustainable mixed-land use zones.

CASE STUDY AREA

The cognisance of sustainable urban
developments in a transitional setting and
measurements thereof (Budić, Cavrić, 2006;
Keiner at. al. 2004), directly influenced the
selection of Zadar and Pula, as the case study
cities where the selected model of urban
indicators system could be tested. Naturally,
the basic issue was also how to implement a
dynamic, integral, and interdisciplinary
research whose results are suitable for the
urban decision makers. In respect of the
present progress this paper presents the
summary of the first findings for the city of
Zadar3 (see Map 1). By analysing post-
socialist processes in Croatia, and especially
in its coastal regions, our research team have Map 1 Geographic setting of Zadar
created a hypothesis that Zadar is turning into such as Šibenik, Dubrovnik, Split or Rijeka, the RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
one of the most attractive urban centres of hinterland of Zadar has no limits for further
coastal Croatia, wherein Rijeka, Split and spatial expansion. Such a problem is obviously Following theoretical background and
Dubrovnik have traditionally dominated for related to the terrain physiognomy and their discussion of Zadar's comparative advantages,
many years. topographic location on the terrain with steep the NZZ team has decided to focus on its post-
slopes. Their urban belts are limited by socialist changes, through analysis of the five
mountainous façades parallel with the coast essential aspects of sustainable urban
3
The extent of Zadar study area includes the land and leaving free only narrow littoral zones. environment (e.g. natural, built, economic,
social and political). Our approach aimed to:
mass of 25.01 km2 within the boundaries of the city
Due to such a situation, these cities were to
master plan (GUP) with 21 neighbourhoods and 69,556
grow vertically as the available free space • include the whole city within its built-up area
citizens based on 2001 census. and local communities;

48 spatium
• reflect local visions and values;
• discover connections and system relations;
• balance the means and advantages with local
needs and issues;
• be creative and action-oriented.
Therefore, the first step was to get a broad
understanding of the city of Zadar and its
sustainable profile with the expertise
knowledge of the NZZ team members. In order
to eliminate possible doubts, these findings
informed the selection of the city
neighbourhoods where further field survey and
population interviews conducted. This created
a high level of objectivity in comprehending
the quality of the urban environment of Zadar.
Practically, the study was intended to combine
a “top-down” with the “bottom–up” approach.
Thus the opinions of the citizens were
intersected with the knowledge of the NZZ team
members, so that the result was a reliable
expert-public perception of the integral quality
of the urban environment. This also confirmed
numerous literature findings indicating that the
mixture of empiric measured trends and the
public opinion offer best results in the sphere
of measuring the urban quality and
sustainability.
Apart from collecting primary data, the NZZ
team applied the latest GIS technology for data
base management and high quality mapping.
The GIS enabled a detailed analysis and
automatic overlay, classification and
presenting data at the neighbourhood's and at
the city levels inside the boundary of the built-
up area (see illustrative Maps 2-6)4.
In respect of the available time and budgetary
constraint, the NZZ team has decided to
conduct a massive field work and to cover 1%
of the total city population. The team has
administered 30 individual interview papers
with 59 indicators related questions in all 21
neighbourhoods, which resulted in more than
8,000 pages of detailed survey records. The
data collected during fieldwork was further
improved with the data from other sources,
whereby some of them are still in process of
being acquired and analysed (e.g. State
Statistic Bureau). This research enabled better
quality of analysis of the Zadar built-up area,
due to the fact that the field sample was
4
Due to space limits only 5 maps were selected for this
paper.
characterised by different demographic,
economic and social structures. The sample
was designed by type as stratified and by
selection as a rand because it was subject to
the public opinion. The field survey was
performed in May-June 2008, with
participation of 40 interviewers and 4 filed
work co-ordinators.
A whole process envisaged use of indicators
for initiating dialogue between residents,
planners, developers and service providers in
order to highlight conditions in all 21
neighbourhoods. The answers to the questions
from the poll, whereupon a cumulative result
for each question was obtained; had several
optional answers offered. Each answer to the
particular question was divided by 30 (the
number of poll participants per
neighbourhood) in order to get percentage
values. The statistical data processing results
were entered into the joint GIS data base using
GIS ArcGIS 9.3. The data base contained
earlier created layers of primary spatial data
obtained from the ortho-photo and base line
maps (in scale of 1:5,000). A system of
coordinated spatial units with clearly defined
boundaries (e.g. built-up area, enumeration
areas, neighbourhood areas) was created for
the whole territory within the city planning
limits.
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS
The results described in this part of the paper
envisage the state of typical urban
environmental problems and qualities in
selected neighbourhoods, giving attention to
indicators that reflect critical paths of
sustainability. The following review
emphasises a specific autochthonous area of
Arbanasi personalized through the
exceptionally closed and specific social group.
The area of old Bokanjac, even though within
the boundaries of city master plan, stands out
as an urban agriculture enclave. It is followed
by Novi Bokanjac, which is particularly
distinguished as a continuous residential
development quarter occupied mostly by the
newcomers and refuges in the last 15 years.
The neighbourhood of Diklo is also deemed to
its specific economic situation since most of
the residents are involved in the tourist industry
and its townscape is dominated by multi-storey
(5+) residential houses and urban villas. The
area of Poluotok is selected as the oldest
district of Zadar. It has a distinctive multi-
ethnic and multi-cultural mix and ageing
population, living largely in historical buildings
surrounded by famous archaeological and
contemporary land marks. The local
community of Bili brig gives an evidence of
the two types of developments. It melts
collective socialist and post-socialist mid-rise
developments with detached individual
housing. Unfortunately in both constitutive
parts there is deficiency of adequate social
facilities. Finally our research snap-shot
discusses the quarter of Ploče where large
chunks of land have been designated to urban
greenery, small agricultural fields,
infrastructure reserves, but also to NIMBY5 land
uses such as landfills and stone industry which
are not supported by residents.
Quality of the Natural Environment
The quality of the natural environment in Zadar
is measured using the following indicators:
• Air quality
• Potable water quality
• Seawater quality
• Soil quality
• Noise impact
• Green areas ratio
• Landscape quality
• Level of human impact
• Level of natural elements affection
• Most endangered sites
• Level of natural hazard risks
• Most affluent natural risk
• Efficiency of early warning system
• Level of negative land use impacts
The obtained results differ from neighbourhood
to neighbourhood and show that the
respondents levelled most criticism against
noise (29%), and were most pleased with air
quality (31%). At Poluotok and Arbanasi
respondents describe noise as the major
threat. This is certainly due to the distribution
of important traffic routes, a high concentration
of people and noise producing activity. The
residents of Arbanasi worry also about the
5
Not in my back yard – NIMBY is an acronym
describing unwanted land uses and opposition to the
new projects by residents, even if they themselves and
those around will benefit from the construction.
spatium 49
 quality of the sea, which is logical as most of
its population live close to the sea. For
example in Diklo, the most critical element was
the soil quality and suitability shown on the
Map 2.
The majority of respondents underline the
responsibility of city dwellers in the worsening
quality of the natural environment. They also
argued that there is need for addressing issues
of sensitive locations such as landfills, ruins
and brown fields. With regards to the degree of
risk against various natural disasters, the bulk
of opinions is almost the same in all local
communities. The majority of respondents
(56%) answered that the likelihood on natural
disaster is very low or virtually non-existent
(44%). Residents of communities closer to the
sea are afraid of storms, flood wave or rise in
sea level, while those living in outskirt
neighbourhoods fear most the possibility of fire
due to higher density of vegetation in their
vicinity. In summary, the environmental quality
and risks were not evaluated at an alarming
Map 2 Soil quality
50 spatium
rate; consequently the results showed that
more than half of the population believe they
live in a healthy and hazard free environment.
Quality of the Built Environment
The quality of the built environment is
measured using the following indicators:
• Extent of the built-up coverage
• Structure of housing development (e.g.
building types)
• Extent of social services
• The most needed social services
• Extent of physical infrastructure services
• The most needed infrastructure
• Quality of cultural & heritage landmarks
• Application of sustainability principles
• Level of compatibility of man-made features
and landscape framework
One third of respondents testify that the built
environment is overdeveloped, while the rest
believe it is moderately developed. There is a
significantly smaller number of those who think
Map 3 Building types
that the land is insufficiently developed or
underdeveloped. Depending on the landscape
and townscape character, developer’s
behaviours, and available finances, the citizens
of Diklo, Arbanasi, Ploče and Novi Bokanjac
have affirmed the low-rise residential buildings
(1-3 storeys). In contrary, the medium rise
development (3-8 storeys) is popular amongst
those from Poluotok and Bili Brig. No one
favoured high rise development (8-14+
storeys). The most common construction
building type is the mixed (60%) and this
established the judgement of respondents
illustrated on Map 3.
Furthermore, the respondents emphasised
access to urban services and illegal
construction as burning problems for some
social groups. The survey indicates a general
dissatisfaction with availability and quality of
social services. Especially younger age groups
stressed the lack of leisure and entertainment
facilities. The elderly are not happy with the
availability of cultural, health, educational and
 child care facilities, old age people homes,
and access roads for the disabled. The highest
level of dissatisfaction was recorded in
Arbanasi, while the most satisfied were
residents of Poluotok.
Quality of Economic Environment
The quality of the economic environment is
based on the following indicator’s
quantifications:
• % of people living & working in the same
neighborhood
• Impact of proximity of housing & working
places on quality of life
• Local businesses distribution
• Level of cooperation between local
businesses & communities
• Dominant activities
• Most important development activities
• Average salary level
• Expected salary for curbing living costs
• Impact of newly developed shopping &
Map 4 Average salary
commercial centers
• Level of current economic status
There is clear dominance (50-90%) of tertiary
economic activities in all selected
neighbourhoods (Diklo, Poluotok, Bili Brig,
Arbanasi and Novi Bokanjac), while primary
activities dominate only in Ploče. The majority
of interviewed believe that tertiary and quarterly
activities contribute to faster economic
development. Also, there is prevalent opinion
that the shorter distances between residences
and working places may secure a better quality
of life.
Citizens have very different attitudes towards
the location of industries and businesses in
their neighbourhoods. They support the
opening of new industrial outlets, as a way of
securing employment prospects and improving
quality of life. However, there is the NIMBY
type of opposition to companies located in
some neighbourhoods. There are 44% of those
who think that the local businesses do not
participate in social welfare, environmental and
Map 5 Neighbour’s relationships
infrastructural programmes. Nevertheless,
most of them agreed that the companies
benefit the general economic, planning and
spatial framework of local communities. Also,
there is a suggestion that the companies’
management should be more in touch with the
local community leaders and public at large.
An average monthly income for almost 2/3 of
respondents was in the 500-1,000 US$
bracket. Only 0.5% of the population had
monthly income above 1,300 US$ (see Map
4). These figures suggest that the mass of
wages is within the national average. However,
3/4 of those interviewed expect to have a better
income in order to meet all the needs of their
families.
Quality of Social Environment
The quantification of social environment was
based on the following indicators:
• Reasoning behind settling in a particular
neighborhood
spatium 51
• Quality of neighbor’s relationships communities. Most of the original settlers of • Level of influence of the key land
• Support to individual & group rights Zadar live in the area of Arbanasi, while the development actors
• Impacts of domineering social groups autochthonous settlers from surrounding • Implementation of EU standards
• Satisfaction with social activities & districts of Zadar and islands live in Poluotok, • City administration competence &
gatherings newcomers from Zadar and the islands are effectiveness
• Negative behaviours settled in Bili Brig, while the newcomers from These quantifications show a soaring degree of
• Positive behaviours other parts of Croatia and overseas live in Novi dissatisfaction and distrust towards the
• Quality of leisure time Bokanjac. efficiency and promptness of public
• Social attractiveness of visiting different institutions at the both local and city levels
places Quality of Political Environment (see Map 6). More than 3/4 of respondents
• Social attractiveness of visiting people witness that a possibility to participate in
In quantifying the political environment and its public debates does not exist, or even when
It was stressed that the social context and free peculiarities the NZZ team covered the there is such a possibility, the level is low. The
time are very important aspects of daily life for following reference indicators: efficiency of local authorities is rated as
more than 3/4 of people living in Zadar. The average. The most satisfied with administrative
character of natural setting, opportunities “to
see and to be seen” along the waterfront
promenade (riva) and to have access to
numerous central landmarks, are the most
important ingredient in residence selection and
daily liveability. Another significant indicator
was linked to the venue and social
backgrounds in which they prefer to spend
their free time. In most cases preference is
given to those who wish to spend their free
time with families or friends at home or
popular spots. The closeness of relatives,
friends, neighbours, people with similar social
status and preferences were also considered
essential for their habitation in certain city
quarters. An illustration of these fine aspects of
local community life is given through graphical
presentation of a neighbourliness indicator
(see Map 5). The residents of Arbanasi were
described as proud and influential, and
residents of Diklo as economically strong but
stingy. The residents of Bokanjac are diligent
and kind, and those from Poluotok, classy and
kind.
The research team has also recognised
people’s demands for more public
participation, communication and information
concerning urban development frameworks, as
well as, for the integration of particular social
groups. People’s responses are generally proof
of conservative opinions that prevail in these
areas. The results differed for the categories of Map 6 City administration efficiency
children and minors, women and single-parent
• Effectiveness of local administration services are the residents of Arabanasi, while
mothers, elderly people and pensioners, those
• Citizen participation in local programs the least satisfied are the residents of Bili brig
living on social welfare, refugees, etc., but the
• Acceptance of citizen’s opinions and Ploča. The majority of respondents
results were generally the same for the criticised the decision-making and
• Level of citizen’s Involvement in public
category of addicts (52%) and homosexuals communication networks as dominantly
debates
(71%) whose integration was not supported. influenced by power holders.
• General level of corruption
There are huge differences between the social • Level of corruption by different powerful The residents object by not being regularly
groups that dominate in certain local groups involved in the process of public scrutiny
together with other stakeholders for the

52 spatium
different categories of the city and local
projects. As a result of such practice, there is a
discrepancy in the perception of spatial and
environmental frameworks of the sustainable
development phenomena. Therefore, the level
of acceptance of the citizens’ opinions and
suggestions related to public debate is rated
very low or non-existent. The involved citizens
agreed that this is exactly what worries them as
a crucial political issue, the very absence of a
possibility to participate in the spatial planning
and development of the area and the absolute
lack of influence on the decision making
process. The most favourable situation is found
in the local community of Diklo where 1/3 of
the citizens believed that they have some
opportunities to express their views and work
hand in hand with relevant authorities.
Very alarming are the results qualifying
negative effects of adverse social behaviours
(i.e. corruption, nepotism, political
connections, racketeering, black mailing).
Almost, 3/4 of the interviewed said that this
type of “social pollution” exists on a high
degree, and presents a firm barrier to
application of EU legislation practices. They
believed that personal interests of influential
individuals and groups were a main concern,
while the general social welfare was neglected.
Therefore, the question is in which interest are
the decisions made in respect of spatial and
urban development projects, i.e. who gains and
who loses by these decisions? The
respondents think that this decision–making
process involves central government and local
politicians, experts, businessmen and
taicoons, and the citizens to a limited extent.
Politicians at all levels of hierarchy, local and
foreign investors, and religious communities
act as the key players in land use development
arena. Therefore, 1/3 of the citizens believe
that their influence is high, and another third
that their influence is moderate, but still
existing.
CONCLUSION AND THE WAY
FORWARD
The very first results of the NZZ project and
case study of the city of Zadar (Croatia) are in
many ways challenging due to breaking new
ground in a curious area of expertise. This is
the first interdisciplinary and comprehensive
effort in Croatia in attempting to encompass
complex issues of urban sustainability in
specific conditions of the post-socialist and
coastal city. The research team has applied a
variety of methods manoeuvring with limited
manpower, budgetary and technology
resources. However, integration of
neighbourhoods and the city level aspirations
and sensitising the dialogue between
community and experts presents an innovative
approach to urban indicators studies. This
implies that an indicators toolbox may be
useful in urban planning, development control
and monitoring on a regular annual basis.
Without any doubt it could help urban
administrators and governors to make wise
decisions about priorities and actions but in a
participatory manner where all stakeholders
should have their say.
The study opened up a question about
development of the standardised urban
indicator’s set. A preliminary indicators check-
list has been tested in all of Zadar’s
neighbourhoods. The first results show that
urban management is a complex task, which
depends on an adequate information base and
coordination among key urban players on one
side and the citizens on another. The approach
applied here is also innovative due to limited
financial and human resources, but with a
strong emphasis on use of GIS technology.
Starting from these facts it is expected to apply
an improved model in another case study of
the city of Pula, including the smart growth and
EU Urban Audit indicators. The current and
future findings will then be presented during a
joint workshop with community and city
agency representatives. The final version of
acceptable indicator’s listing will form the base
for its regular production and use as a
participative planning and management tool in
the Republic of Croatia.
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EVALUATION OF THE CURRENT URBAN LAND

SYSTEM IN SERBIA

Slavka Zeković

A preliminary evaluation of the current urban land system is presented in the article together with the instruments of land
policy in Serbia. It is concluded that due to the limitations of the current regulation it will be impossible in the future to apply
market principles in the urban land policy (supply and demand of land, land capitalization, investment efficiency, et al.). Based
on the estimation that the urban land system and land policy are key factors of competitiveness between regions and towns in
Serbia, it is necessary to initiate changes in this field. A comparative analysis of the elements of the current urban land system
in Serbia has been carried out in relation to two market systems: (a) with dominant private ownership of urban land (neoliberal
approach) and (b) with dominant public ownership of urban land (Scandinavian approach) whose findings can be a basis for
further study of the new system in Serbia.
Key words: urban land system, instruments of land policy, evaluation, market

INTRODUCTION
Urban land is a natural resource (defined,
limited and fixed in space); an economic
resource (it becomes a commodity through
investment in its equipping and use for various
intended purposes); a social resource (its
value increases with social decision-making
regarding planning and investments); public
resource (it is available and of general interest
to everyone et al.), which does not lose value
with time, and it is used for development and
can be considered as a form of investment or
postponed savings. According to the Law on
Planning and Construction [1] urban land is
land on which objects are constructed and land
which serves for regular use of these objects,
as well as land that is projected for
construction and regular use of these objects.
In Serbia, there are two types of urban land –
public urban land –urban land in state
ownership on which public objects have been
built that are of general public interest and
serve as public spaces, as well as purposefully
planned land which cannot be transferred from
state ownership; and other urban land – land
already constructed and land planned for
construction, which is not public urban land,
which is in all forms of ownership and is a
commodity. The area of urban land
management in Serbia is regulated by the Law
on Planning and Construction (of urban land),
by expropriation, communal activities, as well
as by municipal decisions. In the following
text, a preliminary evaluation is given of the
current urban land system in Serbia, as well as
a comparative analysis of the basic elements of
this system in Serbia in relation to two market
systems with different forms of ownership.
CURRENT SYSTEM OF URBAN LAND
IN SERBIA
Obtaining urban land in Serbia can take place
in several ways: (1) purchasing land on the
market, which is in private or state ownership
(category „other urban land”, if it is on sale). It
is necessary to have a public tender in
accordance with the Law on state-owned
assets when urban land is being transferred
from State ownership; (2) purchasing the user
rights for urban land in state ownership –
undeveloped other urban land in state
ownership based on article 84 of the Law (by
purchasing rights of use from the previous
owner), with the transfer of user rights and sale
of absolute rights; (3) leasing land in state
ownership (undeveloped other urban land up to
99 years, in a public tender or in direct
agreement) with a contract between the
municipality i.e., the organization that manages
the urban land owned by the state and the
user/leaseholder; (4) leasing undeveloped
public urban land for a fixed time period, and
(5) expropriation. Granting/ceding State-owned
land is carried out in public tenders (51%), by
collecting bids (30%) and by direct
agreements (19%) [2].
Renting public undeveloped land and
other urban land in state ownership
Management of urban land in the
municipalities in Serbia is carried out mainly
by public enterprises (71%) or municipal
administrative agencies (29%) [2]. The
Executive Board of the Municipal Assembly
determines the market value of land based on
the proposal of an authorized organization
(public enterprises, board of directors,
institutions...) based on the assessments made
by the legal assessor. Evaluation of urban land
is left to legal assessments, negotiated prices
etc, and as such is a basis for making contracts
on leasing urban land for a fixed time period
(up to 99 years) and the basis for determining
property turnover tax, land value taxation etc.
The market price of the urban land does not
only comprise of its current value, but also its

spatium 55
future (potential) value. The differences in
prices and values of urban land lead to
speculations on the land market, because land
is purchased at one price, but based on
development planning expectations it is sold at
another price. Public development plans that
determine the future use i.e., future expediency
and usage have a particular influence on this.
The Law on Planning and Construction
envisages that the other undeveloped urban
land in state ownership can be leased to the
owner of the existing object that was
constructed without a building permit, in order
to obtain one if the urban is in accordance with
the development plans. The Municipality
decides on the leasing of the undeveloped
public urban land and other urban land in state
ownership. It is often the case in practice that
the amount of the lease (in direct agreements)
is significantly lower than the market prices of
land, and this is often followed with a certain
discount in cases of one-off payments. This
has a number of negative effects on the
community, and serves as an example of how
the municipality during the legalization process
enables unlawful builders to capitalize urban
land, i.e., it enables a form of speculation to
the detriment of public interest.
The main instruments of urban land policy in
Serbia are fees for land development and land
usage.
Urban Land Development
Land development fee is paid by the investor
before urban and it is calculated based on the
real costs of developing and equipping land.
The fee comprises the costs of preparing the
terrain and communal infrastructure. Since the
costs of communal infrastructure on town
locations are similar (but with a different
location value, depending on its commercial
attractiveness) it is estimated that the investor
pays not only the costs of communal
infrastracture, but this fee essentially covers
urban rent as well.
„Real“ costs of developing land are usually the
initial minimal bidding price at the tender.
Bidding for the urban land location is basically
a way to charge for the cost of land, as well as
for the cost of user rights transfer. The current
system does not enable the determination of
56 spatium
the cost of land, which illustrates the practice of the fiscal revenues of the municipalities and
that the costs of improvement make the initial towns [3].
bidding price. The bidding method of
Urban land development is carried out in
determining the fee for land development
accordance with longterm, midterm and annual
shows that the authorities/administration as
programs of development. Practice has shown
well think that this current system of
that the majority of municipalities do not have
calculating the fee (by formula) is not
a longterm and midterm development program
adequate. An inflated bidded price presents
for public urban land. That has not been
basically a one-off capitalized rent i.e, the price
possible since the majority of municipalities
for purchasing the rights of use of an attractive
have not made a decision about public urban
location. This bidded price is not the
land. One could question how could
realistic/true purchasing price of land but just a
municipalities make such a decision when they
longterm lease (up to 99 years), because the
must pass an enactment on exempting land
state does not sell ownership rights but only
from private ownership and reimburse owners
the right to holding a lease for a fixed time
according to market value prices, in
time. Therefore, this fact tells us that the
accordance with the Expropriation Law, since
introduction of the term „lease“ instead of
ownership issues and rights of use have still
„fee“ is more adequate. Paying the lease for
not been resolved for many locations, and
State-owned land is usually carried out by one-
reimbursements have not been paid.
off payments for land development fees
Municipalities mainly do not have the means
according to the following criteria: by m2 of
for these purposes. They are faced with the task
constructed area, intended purpose of object,
of paying debts from previous unresolved
usually according to the zoning system (2-4
statuses of public urban land, and based on the
zones). The instrument for land development
plans designed in accordance with the Law on
fee is basically dual in character – one part for
Planning and Urban they should pay the State
communal infrastructure and one part that is
procurement of public urban land. Considering
actually the charge for capitalized urban rent,
the overall socio-economic conditions inside
i.e, price of land.
the local settlements, the application of these
Land development fee is basically a relict of legislative solutions could lead the
the earlier period and it is obvious that its municipalities to bankruptcy. In case the
amount does not depend on the costs of planned public land is not included in the
infrastracture development, but on other decision on public urban land and there is no
benchmarks and criteria. The practice of State procurement of land, but the plans are
calculating the land value by a „formula“ is adopted, new problems can be expected –
basically irrelevant of the real costs of speculative price growth of urban land in
infrastructure, especially since it is possible planned locations, new difficulties for the
nowadays to collect not the alleged costs of municipalities in obtaining the financial means
infrasructure, but the leases for specific for its purchase, potential problems and
locations depending on their attractiveness (in limitations for the land owners who want to add
biddings). some objects or build new ones and similarly.
With the planned projections for the intended
The transparency principles in a transition from
purpose of land in projects and programs, its
a urban land system to a market system entail:
value changes. Due to limited supply of land
granting to the investor a lease on a State-
and its limited value, it is often left without any
owned plot; collecting rent in a form
concrete function. In the situation when land
acceptable two both parties (periodically, one-
owners cannot achieve the expected benefits
off payment, or both); monthly payment of
from its use, they keep land as a form of
rent/ land use fee in moderate sums; and for it
savings and future investment. Eliminating it
to be the basis for the leasehold – leasing
from the market flows directly influences the
State-owned land like in market economies.
supply and price of land.
Land development fee in Serbia in 2005 was
According to the same law, the municipality
10,5 billion dinars (120 million EUR) or 10,3%
determines the fundamentals and measures for
 Table 1: The chosen indicators for urban land in Serbia, 2005 [4,5]
Indicators Serbia Belgrade City
Total urban land (ha) 695.415 123.673
Share of urban land in the total area (in %) 9,0 38,3
Urban land (in state ownership), in ha 194.441 63.005
Area of urban land outside the city boundaries (in %) 47,5 15,3
Share of the real estate sector in GDP 2005 (in %) 4,23 8,4
Share of real estate business in employment (March 2008) in % 3,68 7,35

determining the land development fee. In
practice, during the legalization process of
unlawfully constructed objects (around 1
million in Serbia), the municipalities have
determined that owners of these objects pay a
significantly smaller land development fee than
the other citizens who have lawfully
constructed objects and paid fees in total.
Such socialization of debts and their
marginalization has very negative
consequences for unlawful contractors – the
municipal budgets are smaller, while lawful
contractors bear the brunt of financing land
development. Such a practice presents a
continuation of the former socio- realistic
discourse in urban land and urban policies and
demands an urgent transformation.
Use of urban land
Since urban land is owned by the State, its
users are in fact leaseholders who pay a lease
that is called – usage of urban land fee. The
fee is intended for developing communal
infrastucture on urban land and is basically
comprised of two components: a) rent for use
of land in state ownership and b) duties for
utility services (common utility services). In
practice, there is double taxation on the right to
use urban land through compensation for urban
land use and property tax. The fee for using
urban land in Serbia in 2005 was 5.5 billion
dinars (60 mil.EUR) or 5.1% of the budget [3],
for 194,441 ha in state property (Table 1).
Urban land should be used in accordance with
the planned intended purpose and the
regulations concerning implementation of
plans. The grounds and measures for
determining the fees for urban land use are
established by the municipality based on the
communal equipment and on the benefits that
the payers acquire with its use. For using
developed urban land, the owner of the object
or the holder of the right of use of object or the
lessee pay a usage fee of 1m2 per developed
area. For undeveloped public and other urban
land in state ownership, the user pays a fee for
urban land use (per 1m2). Municipalities
usually define 3-4 intended purposes of urban
land and implement zoning of the area
(between 2-200 zones, usually 3-6 zones),
determine corrective coefficients, score et sl.
This fee is very low – e.g., it was 1din/m2 of
apartment per month in Belgrade in September
2008. The legal solutions have not opened any
possibilities for establishing the basic
elements, instruments and market system
institutions in urban land management adapted
to conditions of transition.
Table 2: Comparative analysis of ownership and leasing/leasehold [16]
Attribute Ownership
1. Time limit Infinite
2. Expenses One-off payment-at
purchase
3. Mortgage Optional
4. Building permit Owner
5. Sales Allowed
6. Inheritance Possible
7. Limitations Mandatory repurchase out
of public interest (Law)
CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE
CURRENT URBAN LAND SYSTEM IN
SERBIA
The basic flaws of the current urban land
system in Serbia are: it creates various
limitations in the development of settlements;
it puts the owners of other urban land in an
unfavorable position; it implies different
limitations for the development of economic
activity, because unresolved property and legal
relations slow down and raise the costs of
urban, and prolong the time needed for urban
and obtaining a building permit. Although the
current solutions of the land policy are partly
inspired by social reasons, the system is
essentially unfair in the local practice (e.g.
there is an evident inequality among the
business sectors in all instruments of the land
policy, which is not defined by market
principles). The current way of managing urban
land is taking place in the absence of a real
land market, market mechanisms and
institutions, with the application of quasi-
market elements for calculating fees for use
and development of urban land, market prices
when leasing urban land, and it is followed by
relatively complicated administrative
procedures.
The current system of financing and the
instruments of land policy have remained since
the time before the transformation and
privatization processes of all structures began
Leasing/leasehold
Infinite/renewable
Annual payment of urban rent or for the
period of 10, 25 years
Optional
Leaseholder
Allowed
Possible
Mandatory repurchase out of public
interest (Statute)
[6,7]. Apart from many different sources of
financing urban land, of a fiscal and parafiscal
nature, a mechanism for their complete
restitution and efficiency has not been provided
[8].
The urban land use fee is relatively
undervalued, despite the fact that its function
should be more important, considering the fact
that urban land is one of the key resources of
towns, which is not being capitalized enough
presently by the local authorities. Land, like
some other property that has a certain
economic value is capitalized by putting it to
use in making a social product/GDP. The
success of capitalizing land is achieved by
making greater profits than the invested means
in it activation. Unfortunately, the principle of
capitalizing urban land (location) has not been
achieved in practice for various reasons,
among which we can single out the

spatium 57
weaknesses and solutions of the current
management of the urban land system
(instruments, administrative procedures, non-
market approaches, absence of land market
and economic principles, etc.)[8].
It is concluded that because of the limitations
of current regulation, it will be impossible to
apply the criteria of market economy in the
field of land policy in the future (e.g., supply
and demand of land, principle of land and
property capitalization, criteria for investing
efficiently into urban land et al.). Considering
the fact that the system for planning the use of
land, land market and land policy, among other
institutional and other factors, have an
influence on market competitiveness of regions
and towns, it is necessary to initiate changes
inside this field. The solution to these
problems, based on available information and
experience of countries with a market
economy, should be looked for in establishing
a market system of urban land, in privatizing a
part of urban land, in establishing market
institutions and mechanisms for land
management.
Urban land is a resource of a dual nature: a
factor of production and of consumption.
Undeveloped land is not a goal per se, but it is
important only combined with the object
(principle Superficies solo cedit) [9]. By
increasing the intensity of urban land use, and
with efficient intended purpose, its value
increases as well. Location inelasticity of land
is conditioned by limited supply. By increasing
the price of land, its supply is boosted i.e.,
elasticity of supply. Elasticity of urban land
supply is achieved usually on the account of
agricultural land on the outskirts of towns [10].
In the urban land market, the differences
between values and the prices of land lead to
speculation (purchasing at a lower price and
selling at a higher one). Plots of land of the
same value can have different prices
depending on the various factors that influence
the location market. The speculation on the
prices of land in Serbia – land adjacent to a
major public infrastructure (highway, bypass,
airport and simirarly.) increases the value of
land (e.g. agricultural and other urban land)
tenfold, public announcements on planned
intended purposes for urban land tenfold and
58 spatium
communal equipping tenfold – in total for
1000 times [11,12]. For example, the increase
in the land prices, in Copenhagen is 800
times, Madrid 500 times, Munich 40 times
[13].
The price structure of urban land in Serbia
comprises on average 35-50% the costs of
improving and equipping, while the price
structure of 1m2 of equipped land in major
European cities comprises 15-20% of the
costs of equipping land. Concurrently, the
share of increased land value – rents in
European cities is 75-80% [14] with rent
taxation of 40-80%, mainly by applying the
method of residual values in the land price
policy [12], while in Serbia there is no tax on
land rent. For example, in the past two decades
in Belgrade, approximately 20,000 ha of
agricultural land that has been converted to
urban land have been in free purchase [15]
while the owner and agent appropriate the rent
without taxation [11].
Comparative evaluation of the current
land urban system in Serbia and the
market systems
In the countries with a market economy, the
sale of urban land is realized by direct
contractual and obligational relations between
location owner/user/lessee, with long-term
possibility of payment of location costs and in
accordance with urban planning, i.e., with the
contractual relation contractor/developer of
location and the local/town authorities. In the
majority of countries with a market economy
there is a dominance of private ownership of
urban land. In countries with dominant
public/state ownership of land, trade takes
place through leasing and rarely by sales of
state land, with respect to all market
mechanisms.
There is an evident difference between renting
and leasing/leasehold - rent cannot be
inherited, the user cannot sublet the realty,
while with a leasing contract that is possible. A
leaseholder has identical ownership rights (see
Table 2). The owner of the land is interested in
the leaseholder exploiting the land in the most
efficient way in order to obtain a higher rent.
Based on the comparative analysis of the terms
ownership and leaseholding, it can be
concluded that lease holding is identical to
private ownership in all of the aspects. Such
advantages present a good basis for evaluation
of the various decisions on privatization of
urban land in state ownership or leasing State-
owned urban land.
In the market system of urban land, there are
two concepts: (a) a neoliberal market system of
urban land with dominant private ownership
and (b) a market system of urban land with
dominant public ownership. The first concept
is characterized by a dominant private
ownership of urban land, free urban land
market, modern market, financial and legal
institutions and mechanisms in urban land
usage, minimized role of State in urban land
use et al. Private owners of urban land must
adhere to urbanistic norms and acts of law,
which leads to the conclusion that there is no
predominance of private ownership. The other
concept is characterized by a dominance of
public ownership of land, land leasing, market
system and mechanisms of managing land,
well-developed institutional and organizational
mechanisms, arrangements, instruments of
land and urban policy, aspiration towards an
ideal balance of natural, economic, socio-
political, eco-spatial demands et al.
Preliminary evaluation of the listed systems
and the current urban land system in Serbia is
given in Table 3.
The main characteristics of the current urban
land system in Serbia are: monopoly of
public/state ownership in urban land, no real
land market, administrative allocation of urban
land, fees as parafiscal mechanisms for
collecting local public revenue, uninhibited
and often corrupt government (local
authorities), absence of market mechanisms,
instruments and institutions.
Effects of the current urban land system
in Serbia
Weaknesses of the current information
system on land are: lack of adequate statistic
data, indicators, especially on town level;
incomplete cadastral registry of property and
underground installations (approximately 70%
of real estate is registered in the cadastre, in
Belgrade around 50%); authenticity of the
documentation on ownership of objects mainly
 Table 3: Comparative evaluation of the urban land system in Serbia, neoliberal land market system and urban land market system of
Scandinavian countries.
CURRENT SYSTEM IN SERBIA
Public ownership monopoly in urban land
No real land market
Administrative allocation of urban land
Fees as parafiscal mechanisms of local public
revenue collection (no private ownership of urban
land and no taxation )
Uninhibited and corrupt state (local authorities),
irresponsible and unjust administrative system
Non-ownership rights, legal insecurity
on land register data in courts (which are more
complete and often differentiate from a
cadastre); the existence of several parallel and
uncoordinated systems of particular real estate
data inside the government tax authorities,
cadastre, local home offices for urban land and
development, municipal agencies for planning,
statsistics etc.
Inefficient land use, because urban land is
one of the most valuable resources of towns,
regions and modern economies. In the
absence of a realty market i.e, urban land,
supply and demand have no influence on price
formation, but other criteria do. Unfortunately,
in the field of urban land, by rule, there are no
economic laws – the current instruments of
land and fiscal policy have been established so
they would not permit redemption and
capitalization of social investments, not even in
a longterm economic period. The invested
financial means into urban land are highly
inefficient since they are not returned into the
reproduction of new locations, due to the
absence of a land market and adequate urban
land management mechanisms. The negative
effect is also the administrative way of
determining the user of land by decision of a
competent agency of the local authorities. In
land distribution investors/users do not pay the
economic value of land in relation to the
advantages of location, but they pay only the
costs of equipping land i.e, rent determined in
an administrative way. Intransferability of land
use rights onto a third person is conditioned by
the immobility of use i.e, inefficient use of
space. A significant effect of the current land
system is still the political dimension in land
management system even in the period of
transition, as well as the social dimension in
MARKET SYSTEM (neoliberal)
Private ownership of urban land
Urban land market as a mechanism for its
allocation
Limited state intervention
Taxes as the primary public revenue of the local
community
Constrained and responsible state i.e., local
authorities
Ownership rights and their security
land management (e.g., longterm hold of land
by a firm that is on the verge of bankruptcy, so
the lay-off of workers is postponed). The
greatest social influence on land management
is reflected in the differentiation of fees for
urban land use and the fees for developing
land for intended purposes, with frequent
evaluation of the user’s financial power This
leads to further inefficient land use because it
supports users who cannot pay the
real/economic price of land. Simultaneously,
around 20% of court cases are about land,
legal-property relations and real estate [11].
Limited construction and investment due to
uncertainty in the future process of privatization
of urban land (possible increase of costs for
the investor after purchasing land even though
they paid earlier the land development fee;
uncertainty concerning the fee for urban land
use – e.g., increase of market value of the tax
base; land trade is possible only if there is an
object on that land, which makes it impossible
to determine the price of land); uncertainty in
the stability of the land management system
due to frequent changes of decision, etc.
Decrease in local land revenue, deficiency
of locations and other problems are a
consequence of reduced fiscal effects due to a
less efficient use of urban land i.e, dependency
of fiscal town revenues on market values of real
estate (as a tax base). A higher price of real
estate triggers higher property revenue, and a
decrease and slow down in real estate
investment et al. As the main negative effects
of the current urban land system in town and
spatial planning, apart from the
aforementioned, are problems with deficiency
of urban land of different levels of
MARKET SYSTEM (Scandinavian)
Public ownership of urban land (with leasing
predominance)
Urban land market as a mechanism of its
allocation
Limited state intervention
Taxes as the primary public revenue of the
local community
Constrained and responsible state i.e., local
authorities
Equal ownership and obligational rights and
their security
development, at acceptable prices according to
the purchasing power of households, high
costs of urban land development (30-50%
included in the price of a constructed 1m2), a
volatile and unregulated urban land market,
location, inefficient public programs for urban
land development, entrepreneurs’unwillingness
to follow unrealistic plans and programs for
land development(which consequently leads to
numerous cases of unlawful building,
urbanistic chaos, substandard settlements,
lesser quality of living in towns etc.). The state
and local community lose enormous potential
tax revenues in land transactions, as well as for
the fact that an urban rent has not been
determined yet, and the fee for urban land use
plays this „role“ of a parafiscal instrument of a
symbolic amount– for example, it ranges from
10 EUR/per flat of 60 m2 /per year.
CONCLUSIONS
Based on the analysis of the urban land system
in Serbia and its effects on the development of
towns and municipalities, it is estimated that it
is necessary to bridge the „gap“ between the
theoretical-methodical in the current system
and the urban land market system. Possible
types of change – target models are: (a) liberal
market approach with dominance of private
ownership of urban land, with attendant
mechanisms, instruments, b) the Scandinavian
type market model of land with dominance of
public ownership of urban land, (c) other
hybrid models. A new system of planning and
transformation of the current system of urban
land is necessary. This process is greatly
hampered by a lack of social dialogue about
the main goals and methods of transformation
of planning, as well as possible methods of
spatium 59
constuction land privatization. There is a lack [14] McMillan J., Johnson S., Woodruff C.,
of political will to solve problems of urban land Property Rights and Finance, American
reforms in new market conditions.In practise, Economic Review, No 92/2002., vol.5
the initiative for the neoliberal type of urban [15] Zeković S., Spasić N., Maričić T.,
land privatization is evident [2] with the Development of new economic poles in
metropolitan areas: Belgrade example,
absence of research of other options. Spatium, No 15-16/ December 2007, pg.21-
27, Institute of Architecture and
Literature
Urban&Spatial Plannning of Serbia, Belgrade.
[1] Law on Planning and Constructon, The Official [16] Land leasing in Amsterdam, Real Estate
Gazette of the RS, No.47/2003. Department, City of Amsterdam, 1996.
[2] Begović B., Mijatović B. Hiber D.,
Privatization of land in state ownership in
Serbia (Privatizacija državnog zemljišta u
Srbiji), CLDS (Center for Liberal Democratic
Studies), Belgrade, 2006.
[3] Mijatović B.et al., Urban land development
fee reforms (Reforma naknade za uređenje
građevinskog zemljišta), CLDS, Belgrade,
2007.
[4] Experts’ report on the realization of the
Spatial Plan of the Republic of Serbia (Izveštaj
stručnjaka o realizaciji PPRS () (1996),
Ministry of Infrastructure RS, Republic Agency
for Spatial Planning, Belgrade, 2008.
[5] Announcement RS10, No.227, 07.08.2008.,
Announcement 3P21, No.208, 21.07.2008.,
Republic Institute for Statistics of RS
[6] Reform Strategy (Strategija reformi),CLDS,
Belgrade, 2003.
[7] Conference „Legislative Reforms on Urban
Land, Planning and Construction” (Reforma
zakonodavstva o gradskom zemljištu, planiranju
i izgradnji”), CLDS, Beograd, 2002.
[8] Zeković S., Capitalization Possibilities and
Management of Town and Land Budget
(Mogućnosti kapitalizacije i upravljanja
gradskim i zemljišnim fondom) , Izgradnja,
No.7/1995, Belgrade
[9] Hiber D., Ownership in Transition (Svojina u
tranziciji), Faculty of Law, Belgrade, 1998.
[10] Land use management and environmental
improvement in cities, Proceedings of a
European Workshop, Lisbon, 1992, European
Foundation for the Improvement of living and
working condition
[11] Serbia investment climate assessment,
World Bank, Finance and Private Sector
Development Unit (ECSPF), Europe and Central
Asia Region, December, 2004.
[12] Land price policies in European cities-
Comparative survey, City of Amsterdam,
Development Corporation, September 2005.
[13] Reforming Urban Land Policies and
Institutions in Developing Countries, UMP,
World Bank, Washington, 1997.

60 spatium
 711. 3 (497.11)

NEW MODEL OF LAND CONSOLIDATION AND

RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN SERBIA

Vladan Đokić, Stevan Marošan

Land consolidation is a set of spatial-planning, legal, organizational, economic and technical measures undertaken for the
purpose of improving natural, economic and ecological living and labour conditions in a land territory. Land consolidation,
also, encompasses planning and renewal of rural settlements and accordingly, is a strong driving force for overall development
of settlements (rural development) and environmental protection. This paper is primarily based on the observation of
conditions and effects of the new model for land consolidation and rural development in Serbia, according to the proposed
Land Consolidation Strategy and Pilot Project for Land Consolidation for the municipality of Velika Moštanica.
Key words: Land Consolidation, Rural Development, Land Consolidation Strategy

INTRODUCTION
Unlike other countries in transition, Serbia has
a long tradition in land consolidation. The main
aim of this activity has mostly been estate
consolidation. The first consolidations were
done at the territory of today's Vojvodina as
early as 1848 under the laws of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire. Works on land
consolidation in central Serbia started only
after World War II for the first time. Long after
1945 it was considered that land consolidation
is a capitalist measure that leads to the
strengthening of private property. In order to
prevent further parcel fragmentation, however,
land consolidation began to be implemented in
1956. The initiators of this consolidation were
large farms in the social sector and its aim was
the grouping of socially-owned land.
It was only in 1974, when the Law regulating
land consolidation works was adopted, that
consolidation began to be implemented in the
wider territory of Serbia. In this period, it was
mostly compulsory consolidation that was
being implemented in Serbia. Consolidation
works were completely suspended in 1998,
because the price of works was several times
higher than the price of land itself.
Apart from the fact that a lot has been done on
compulsory consolidation, which is the most
successful model for resolving the issue of
rural communities, the results were not
satisfactory, primarily due to the fact that the
emphasis of consolidation has exclusively
been on increasing agricultural production and
not on integrated rural development. Village
life cannot improve if its citizens are
exclusively involved in agriculture. Other
economic and service activities must be
developed, which will secure the creation of
new jobs and the employment of workers in
villages. Land consolidation is a very
successful instrument that can be used for
rural development and as such it should
provide:
• improvement of rural living conditions and
not only the improvement of primary
agricultural production;
• renewal of villages by permanent economic
and political development of the community
and the protection and permanent
management of natural resources;
• active and democratic participation;
• assistance to villages in order to define the
new use of community resources and
appropriate spatial rearrangement;
• connection between the elements of rural
development and the elements of wider
regional development including connections
between rural and urban area.
By the 1991 Agriculture Land Restitution Law,
all farming land that was taken away from the
private owners in the 1953 was returned.
However this Law did not include the farming
land taken between 1945 and 1953 and that is
still in the possession of the Agricultural
combines. Around 85% of the agricultural land
that is in the possession of the agricultural
combines is taken away by force from its
rightful owners [1]. It is obvious that the private
possession is still marginalized. The lack of
Restitution Law is a clear sign that the private
possession is still not welcome. This
complicates and discredits the process of
privatization that seems endless.
The general starting point and precondition for
successful land consolidation in Serbia is the
creation of the Restitution Law i.e. the return of
land and real estates that was forcibly taken
from the rightful owners in the nationalization
process to them or their inheritors. The
necessary condition for the existence of the
legally arranged estate market is, above all,
clearly defined possession rights and real
estate information administrating [2]. The
Investor, at one side, has to be sure that the
land and buildings upon it fully belong to the
seller, while at the other side, has to be certain
that he will be able to prove his possession on
the bought estate. This kind of certainty can be
secured only by the government's accurate real
estate records.

spatium 61
LAND CONSOLIDATION STRATEGY
The Land Consolidation Strategy in the
Republic of Serbia has been prepared for
proposal to the Government adoption. In
accordance with the Rural Development
Strategy of Serbia and the Agricultural Land
Act, basic objectives of the new land
consolidation policy, is to identify priorities of
the land consolidation development and
approve the programme on establishment of
appropriate instruments that shall provide
implementation of key priorities in regulating,
protection and use of agricultural land in
Serbia. The basic premise of identifying
objectives, priorities and appropriate
instruments is based on political determination
of the country to carry out rational
harmonization of the rural development and
improvement of the quality of life in rural areas
[3].
The land consolidation strategy is based on
five basic principles established at the
beginning of preparation of this document, and
they are as follows:
• applicability;
• flexibility;
• economic feasibility;
• continuity principle in rural development;
• harmonization principle.
The first principle defined as the most
important for Land Consolidation Strategy is
the principle of applicability, which actually
means that if the principle of the Strategy, no
matter how good it has been theoretically
made, is not possible for implementation
through the land consolidation process in
practice in a real period, it can not be adopted
as a strategic document of the Ministry of
Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management.
Bearing in mind all relevant acts and planned
reforms that may influence the strategy
application, and their schedule, as well as
budgetary restrictions and other factors, the
Project in cooperation with the Ministry has
defined this principle of applicability as the
first and basic principle for the Land
Consolidation Strategy preparation.
The flexibility principle implies a certain
“elasticity“ degree, meaning that the Strategy
solutions may be defined in a broader sense so
as to cover specific cases occurring in
62 spatium
practice, and to a certain extent to be adaptable
to new measures and conditions specified by
state institutions. It is particularly important
since the mere strategic approach, in its
essence, implies a long-term perception of
process and changes appearing in the coming
period. This principle is necessarily
accompanied by recommendations for
simplifications of procedures and legal
framework.
The economic feasibility principle is always one
of the key issues, particularly in countries in
transition that are going through significant
system reforms that are often being followed
by restricted financial resources from their
budgets. Considering this aspect, more
models should be developed, if possible, and
the economic feasibility of the land
consolidation process should be provided.
The continuity principle in rural development is
based on a good and comprehensive (integral)
planning and on development process analysis
as well. It is of great importance to adjust
planned reforms with the existing state in rural
areas and accessible funds for realization of
continuous rural development. This principle
might be defined in a broader sense as the
sustainable development principle.
The harmonization principle implies
coordination of institutions’ activities and
harmonization of legal reforms in various
sectors. It is important to have synchronized
and transparent activities performed by
institutions, to bring into accord new legal
solutions and strategies through regular intra-
sector consultations and periodic interventions.
The general objective of the Strategy is to
develop the concept of initiation and realization
of the land consolidation process at national
level in the new conditions.
Individual objectives of the Strategy are:
• the Strategy should identify and define more
models that are applicable;
• defining and adjustment of legal and
organizational measures as necessary
requirements for applying the land
consolidation model;
• defining of entities in the land consolidation
process and establishment of the
responsibility principle;
• defining long-term and short-term priorities
and realization schedule in the land
consolidation process;
• planning the financial resources and their
allocation.
Three consolidation models that are most
appropriate for our conditions and needs will
be considered within this Strategy [4]. These
consolidation models are based on the
abovementioned contemporary principles of
land consolidation:
• Comprehensive compulsory consolidation;
• Consolidation as part of an investment
project;
• Simple voluntary consolidation.
Comprehensive consolidation is the most
efficient consolidation model. Apart from
compulsory land grouping, comprehensive
consolidation includes simultaneous
performance of other activities regarding the
arrangement of land territory and rural renewal
in order to create better conditions of living
and working in villages and rural territories.
This may include, among other things, the
building of local infrastructure, sports grounds,
public buildings, the renewal of cultural and
historical values, pathways, the construction of
irrigation systems, the prevention of land
erosion, the protection and improvement of the
environment, the creation of protective forest
strips, etc.
Consolidation as part of an investment project,
as consolidation model, is applied when large
infrastructural projects are realized (highway,
railroad, drainage systems etc.), the
construction of which disintegrates the
cadastre municipality area.
Simple voluntary land consolidation involves
implementation of joint activities based on
mutual agreement between landowners,
without any mandatory element. Since
application of this model is characterized by
absolute free will, all la nd consolidation
participants should completely accept the
terms defined within the proposed program or
land consolidation project. Project of simple
voluntary land consolidation basically consists
of lesser scope activities in optimization of
cadastre municipality parts by grouping or
exchanging agricultural land. It may, however,
 Serbian Government
Ministry of Agriculture
Agricultural Land
Administration
Municipality Land Consolidation
Commission
Land consolidation beneficiaries
Figure 1: Organizational chart of land consolidation
consists activities of rehabilitation or
construction of rural infrastructure also.
Which of these three models will be applied in
a specific situation depends on the given
requirements and restrictions. For each of
these models to be successfully implemented
it is necessary that it is based on the new
concept that involves a comprehensive and
multidisciplinary approach and the fusion of
elements of agricultural development and rural
development. Development plans on the local
level and plans for the use of land should serve
as a basis for land consolidation. Consolidation
should and must provide that a democratic
principle is applied regarding the participation
of all stakeholders. It must be ruled by mutual
interests. The basic elements of a new concept
for proposed land consolidation models in
Serbia should be:
• distribution of responsibilities;
• beneficiaries’ participation;
• land consolidation as the sale and purchase
of land;
• connecting land consolidation with rural
development;
• connecting land consolidation with
restitution and privatization;
• connecting land consolidation with land
registration.
In order to successfully implement land
consolidation it is very important to establish
division of responsibilities between
Organization for
the
implementation of
land consolidation
participants [5]. Very important for
implementation process is the question - who
will have full responsibility for land
consolidation. In the Strategy for Land
Consolidation in the Republic of Serbia, it is
recommended that full legal responsibility and
leading role should have Agriculture Land
Administration (organization formed by the
Ministry of agriculture, forestry and water
management). The following scheme presents
the proposal of organization between key
participants, from republic level, local level,
beneficiaries and organization for land
consolidation implementation.
Recognizing key elements of a new land
consolidation concept, each consolidation
model should be comprised of four phases
(Figure 2):
• preparatory phase;
• decision-making phase;
• negotiations and planning phase;
• implementation phase.
In the preparatory phase, apart from providing
information to rural population and analysis of
all the challenges rural community is faced
with, a decision should be made whether land
consolidation is an adequate response or if
some other measures for the improvement of
the environment concerned need to be taken.
The negotiations and planning phase
represents the most important phase after the
decision on commencing the land
consolidation activities. In this phase
negotiations should be held with every single
owner and a temporary parcel reallocation and
other required plans should be a result of
iterative procedure. This phase is closed after a
decision on a new land reallocation passed by
the land consolidation commission.
In the implementation phase, new holding
should be physically handed over to those
taking part in land consolidation and its new
status should be registered in the real property
cadastre.
It is hard to estimate the exact amount of time
needed to carry out land consolidation on the
whole territory of Republic of Serbia. It would
depend on many factors, primarily on the
willingness of the state to actively enter the
process. This willingness of the state should
be reflected through the eagerness to make
changes in financial, legal and organizational
framework of the land consolidation process
[6]. In the means of the financial setting,
bigger investments in the consolidation
process are required; legal part should be
pointed towards the reduction and
simplification of the procedures in conduction
and implementation of the consolidation
process; as for the organizational framework, it
should be focused on the simplification of the
organizational structure of the consolidation
process participants. Moreover, the land
consolidation process should be perceived as
a very complex continual process that is being
permanently carried out and that is supposed
to be realized in several temporally
independent cycles, depending on the needs
and capabilities of all participants in the
process.
LAND CONSOLIDATION PILOT
PROJECT IN SERBIA
A Belgrade suburban settlement of Velika
Moštanica was chosen for the Land
consolidation pilot project. The reason to
choose this particular place lays in the fact that
here we can find number of problems that are
evident in the rest of the country, starting from
undefined property affairs and small estates up
to lack of interest of the local community to
completely dedicate to farming and their
spatium 63
 Preparatory phase – order to provide people of Velika Moštanica,
up to 6 months Informing and besides the benefits in the land consolidation
consulting process, other conveniences that would
Postponing improve the development of the community. In
decision
this way, such preconditions should be created
so that the land consolidation process could
Analysis of requirements Preparatory meetings
initiate the overall development of the site in
terms of: building capacity, new facilities,
traffic, infrastructure, leisure and other
activities.
Decision-making phase -
up to 1 month The basis for the creation of the Community
Development Plan of Velika Moštanica were
Decision-making
current planning acts (General Master plan of
Belgrade and Detailed Urban Plan of Velika
Moštanica), as well as the actual needs of the
local community expressed through numerous
Negotiations and meetings and discussions.
planning phase
The making of Community Development Plan
one year
Abandoning of Velika Moštanica went through two different
Other land
Comprehensive Simple phases: 1) the phase of identifying the existing
interventions consolidatio
compulsory voluntary condition, showing the basic characteristics of
within rural
land land consolid.
development the current way of space employment; 2) the
phase of creating of the intervention plan in
Negotiations and Competent which certain changes, that would help
planning organizations and improve the life quality in the area, were
agencies
proposed.
The Development Plan for Velika Moštanica
Parcel reallocation plan recommends the changes in two different
timeframes:
• short-term changes in the land employment,
Passing of a decision by based on the 5-year timeframe;
the commission on new
land distribution • long-term changes in the community
Implementation phase
(Final works) development, based on the 20-year
one year timeframe.
Physical reallocation Development of
of new parcels infrastructure As a part of the short-term changes in the land
employment, the following development
suggestions were given:
• Extension of the road from Velika Moštanica
Figure 2: Phases of land consolidation activities
to Ostružnica;
occasional activation in other economic programs; third, this is the way to gain • The existing road connection for the people
branches. experience in the modern approaches to land of Velika Moštanica to Belgrade is
consolidation that could be used as successful inadequate; they have to use the Ibarska
The aims of this pilot project can be sorted in
model to other communities; and final, some Magistrala motorway, which is quite a
several categories: first, it is a way to test
of the problems, that we were unaware of detour, or very damaged road over
various approaches that could be used in the
before the realization of this pilot, could be Sremčica; the proposed solution suggests
future projects and implemented through long-
detected through the process itself and used as the extension of the road from Velika
term programs; second, knowledge and
an input in the future projects [7]. Moštanica to Ostružnica, that would enable
experience gained through the pilot project
should give the information for the As a part of Land Consolidation Pilot Project the people of Velika Moštanica to
development of the legal acts of land for the municipality of Velika Moštanica, a significantly shorten their journey to
consolidation needed for the long-term Community Development Plan was made in Belgrade, connecting the community

64 spatium
 directly to Obrenovac motorway and through
it to Belgrade highway or the other bank of
River Sava, over the Ostružnica bridge.
• Expansion of the residential area;
• Current residential area of Velika Moštanica
lays adjacent to the main road, starting from
the Ibarska Magistrala motorway all the way
to cemetery and Sremčica intersection; the
solution proposes expansion of the
residential area both to the left and right of
the existing linear structure, which would
provide quality dwelling on slightly sloped
terrain and far enough from the main street.
• Expansion of the commercial zone;
• The only commercial zone that is emerging
is in the area near Ibarska Magistrala
motorway, but its potentials are not
completely used, so the Project suggests
the extension of this zone aside the
motorway, considering the high frequency of
the traffic on it.
• Forming of the new zone with sport and
leisure facilities,
• There is no sport/leisure center in Velika
Moštanica, so the area in the north, that Figure 3: Proposed areas for immediate changes to land use
used to be cultivated by Agricultural
Combine of Belgrade, is proposed as a zone defined in the proposed program or voluntary consolidation must be defined
with sport/leisure facilities enabling the consolidation project. The project of simple, precisely, together with the decision making
fulfillment of the needs of the local voluntary consolidation essentially comprises mechanisms, levels of responsibility and the
community. low profile activities on optimizing the parts of land consolidation phases.
• Change of the cultivated agricultural sorts; the cadastre municipality through grouping or
This model of land consolidation is usually
• There are lot of different sorts of agricultural substitution of agricultural land, but also can
realized on a limited area. In order to achieve
crops grown in this area, with no organized comprise the activities intended to rehabilitate
the best possible effects of the consolidation, it
system; the plan is to redirect part of them or create village infrastructure.
is also necessary to include the public land
towards the organized fruit production. According to clause Nr.48 of the Agriculture into the process of exchange. It is also
• Changing the usage of the land in Land Law, the local government decides upon advisable, in order to create bigger agricultural
government possession for the purposes of the beginning of the process of voluntary areas, for the government to buy land and form
the land consolidation; grouping of farming land after the proposal of the land banks before the beginning of the
• High-quality government owned land in the at least ten land owners or after finding that consolidation process. This issue has to be
north-western part of Velika Moštanica is not
there are justifiable causes [8]. legally regulated [9].
used adequately and could be used for the
purposes of the land consolidation process; However, in order to meet the conditions to The land banks and land funds showed as a
the proposal is to use this land as a part of realize simple, voluntary consolidation, it is very successful instrument in solving the
the land consolidation process and thus necessary, according to authorization from the problems in the land consolidation process in
meet the various needs of the individual Agriculture Land Law and in the process of the Western Europe [10]. The land banks
farmers and land owners in the area.
creating legal acts by Ministry of Agriculture, represent all land that is government owned
A simple, voluntary land consolidation Forestry and Water Management, to especially and that is used for farm enlargement in the
considers the implementation of the common formulate the regulations that precisely define consolidation process and that is lent or sold
activities based on mutual contract among the this model of consolidation. The legal acts to farmers. Besides enabling the farm
land owners, without any compulsory have to precisely develop the model that will enlargement, land banks are also used to
elements. Since the absolute voluntariness secure the application of the simple, voluntary regulate the land market.
characterizes the application of this model, all consolidation. Further on, the procedures and
participants in the land consolidation process The Republic of Serbia, according to the latest
conditions for beginning the process of the
should completely accept the conditions data, owns approximately 1,070,000 ha of

spatium 65
agricultural land (this figure is sure to be
lowered once the Restitution Law is published).
All this land could be used in the consolidation
process, but the regulations of the Agriculture
Land Law are disabling it. According to
Agricultural Land Law the agricultural land in
the governmental possession cannot be sold. It
also cannot be leased in the land consolidation
process in the way it is done in the Western
Europe, but only through the public tendering
(regulated by the articles 64 and 65 of the
Agriculture Land Law). Furthermore, the Law
does not regulate the possibility of buying the
land from the private owners by the state in
order to form new land banks that would be
used in the land consolidation process as was
described earlier. Dealing with this problem
requires urgent change in the Agriculture Land
Law.
Figure 4: Proposals for immediate changes of land use: a) current land use b) proposed changes
Regarding the possibility for long-term
development of the community, two different
scenarios were considered: 1) the current
development trend based scenario according
to which Velika Moštanica would continue to
expand on the basis of the current range of
agricultural production characterized by
various cultures; 2) scenario based on the
production of fruit as the primary culture.
Both scenarios were analyzed and valued
according to the following criteria:
• terrain morphology;
• farmer’s background;
• land parcel size;
• condition of infrastructure;
• demographic growth;
• economic effects;
• land consolidation effects.
According to the proposed criteria, it turned
out that the scenario based on the production
66 spatium
of fruit as the primary culture is far more
beneficial (it is better according to all criteria,
except the condition of infrastructure criteria
and demographic growth criteria, according to
which both scenarios are equal) to the general
development of Velika Moštanica.
Based on the proposed sort and long-term
changes, the final proposition of the
Development Plan of Velika Moštanica was
made; it predicts, aside from the benefits of the
land consolidation, vast possibilities for
improvement of life quality for local
population.
Experience that we got during realization of the
Pilot Project of Simple Voluntary Land
Consolidation in the cadastral municipality
Velika Moštanica, showed that implementation
of this model should follow next steps:
• Preliminary research – Need assessment and
possibilities of potential participants in land
consolidation, as well as assessment of
social, economic and environment
possibilities of selected community,
assessment of present state of cadastral
data.
• Organizing workshops – Informing
inhabitants in local community and
motivating them for participation in land
consolidation through presentations and
discussions.
• Organizing survey – Collection of necessary
information regarding farmers, land
consolidation participants as well as their
land. For this survey we used special
questionnaire.
• Preparation of Plan 1 – Preparing list of all
participants for land consolidation and
identification of their parcels on the
cadastral plan, on the basis of the
implemented survey.
• Public meeting with land consolidation
participants – Establishing Committee for
land consolidation and informing them on
the next activities in the land consolidation
realization.
• Negotiation with every participant in land
consolidation - Detailed discussion and
collection of information and wishes of
participants in land consolidation.
• Preparing map of wishes for land
consolidation participants
• Preparing plan of land consolidation – It is
formed on the basis of map of wishes of all
participants in land consolidation and on the
realistic possibilities of consolidation.
• Preparation of contracts for all agreed
transactions.
• Legalization of all agreed transactions from
the Commission for land consolidation.
The voluntary land consolidation should come
to conclusion that the land consolidation
process is not an aim to itself, and that it can
be used in different ways in different regions.
The voluntary consolidation, protecting both
public and private interests, should support the
land consolidation in general and rural
development, should lead towards the
improvement of the financial and social
conditions of farmers and others in the rural
communities, as well as to improve and protect
the environment [11].
The pilot project pointed to the possibility and
the need of the common view and harmonizing
the process of land consolidation and The
Planning and Building Law. According to The
Planning and Building Law for the rural
settlements, the creation of the General
Regulation Plan and the General Organization
Plan is planned and could be used as a base
for the Community Development Plan [12].
According to the nature of the above
mentioned plans, certain elements of those
documents can be used in the land
consolidation process. That way, the
connection between the land consolidation
process and legal planning procedure would
be made, and thus help the institutionalizing of
the Community Development Plan.
CONCLUSION
The aim of the creation of the National Land
Consolidation Strategy is, above all, enabling
the new, simpler models of the consolidation,
as well as organizational and technical
improvement of the existing model [13]. At
one side, the National Strategy should cherish
the positive values of the previous
consolidations in Serbia, with the additional
improvement of the existing model by
integration of the international experience and
best practices, but also by respecting the
previous experience and proposals of the
Serbian professionals. At the other side, the
National Strategy tends to involve completely
new models of land consolidation, unknown
and unfamiliar before, into practice. It seems
that the way it all has been done is the proper
one, considering the conscious rejection of the
models that were unknown to the professionals
in Serbia, but only improvement of the existing
model and suggesting new ones. This way, the
preconditions are created for Serbia to develop
a very flexible backdrop for the realization of
the land consolidation process, as a kind of a
warranty that the land consolidation will not, as
it has happened before, be stopped due to the
circumstances that are not directly connected
to the existing consolidation model or the land
consolidation process itself.
The rural development and community area
development plan should be treated integrally
with the rural area arrangement, which presents
the main resource of rural settlements [14]. It
is particularly important due to expected
changes in the rural economic structure and
development of non-agricultural activities,
bearing in mind that the village agricultural
potential must not be imperiled. For this
reason, it is necessary to:
• give priority to land consolidation and
grouping-up of family households which are
permanently focused to agricultural
production;
• adjust production structure to market
requirements, natural conditions, labour
potentials in a rural area, available
machinery, etc;
• protect agricultural land from negative
impact of other economic and non-
economic activities, which shall develop in
rural areas;
• develop new activities (cultural, utility,
recreational, social, etc.) and raise standard
in village.
There is a strong connection between the rural
and agricultural policies, and therefore
achieving the policy objectives in one field
shall depend to great extent on success in the
other. Actually, as much as successful
agricultural sector contributes to the rural area
development through local income and
expenditures and creation of employment
possibilities, so the rural economy shall
successfully provide employment for labour
surplus in agriculture.
With existing average holding size in Serbia of
2.7 hectares, only small number of them has
prerequisites to be competitive. Creation of
commercial households’ structure meeting the
modern market-economy requirements is
imposed as a strategic objective priority. All
possibilities leading to grouping up of family
commercial holdings, particularly creation of
the land consolidation program, must be
stimulated by the agrarian policy measures.
Land consolidation is important instrument for
agriculture and rural development of every
country [15]. For Serbia, and other transition
countries, it has even bigger importance,
because it represents part of the political,
economic and social reconstruction. Pilot
Project (Support to the preparation of a
national land consolidation strategy and a land
consolidation pilot project in Serbia), helped
Serbia in developing new institutional and legal
framework and starting a new phase of land
consolidation. This was the first step and
recently established institution Agricultural
Land Administration will overtake a leading role
in this reform process. The new initiative of
Belgrade University to develop the Master
Course in Land Law and Economy will also
have an impact on the process of land
consolidation.
References
[1] Strategija razvoja poljoprivrede Srbije,
"Službeni glasnik RS", br. 78/2005-3, 2005.
[2] Leitmann, J. (1999). Sustaining Cities,
Environmental Planning and Management in
Urban Design. New York, McGraw-Hill.
[3] (2007). Support to the preparation of a
national land consolidation strategy and a land
consolidation pilot project in Serbia,
TCP/YUG/3001, Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, Rome.
[4] Haldrup N., Andersen N., Kallert E. (2003).
Land Consolidation and Land Tenure
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Feasibility Study, Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations.
[5] FAO Land Tenure Studies 6, (2003). The
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Central and Eastern Europe, Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations,
Rome.
[6] White, R. (1994). Urban Environmental
Management, Environmental Change and
Urban Design. Chichester, John Wiley and
Sons.
[7] (2007). Land Consolidation Pilot project for
the municipality of Velika Mostanica, Serbia,
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[8] Zakon o poljoprivrednom zemljištu, "Službeni
glasnik RS", broj 62/2006.
[9] Bryant, C.R., Russwurm, L.H., McLellan, A.G.
(1982). The Citi’s Countryside, Land and its
Management in the Rural – Urban Fringle,
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[10] Sorensen, A., Marcotullio, P., Grant, J.
(ed.) (2004). Towards Sustainable Cities, East
Asian North American and European
Perspectives on Managing Urban Regions,
Burlington, Ashgate.
[11] Ball, M., Bentivegna, V., Edwards, M., Folin,
M. (ed.) (1985) Land, Rent, Housing and
Urban Planning, a European Perspective,
London, Croom Helm.
[12] Zakon o planiranju i izgradnji, "Službeni
glasnik RS", br. 47/2003, 34/2006.
[13] (2007) Strategija komasacije u Republici
Srbiji, nacrt, Ministarstvo poljoprivrede,
šumarstva i vodoprivrede.
[14] Whitehand, J.W.R. (ed.) (1981). The Urban
Landscape: Historical Development and
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London, Academic Press.
[15] Bishop, K., Phillips, A. (ed.) (2004).
Countryside Planning, New Approaches to
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Earthscan.
spatium 67
 711. 582. 143 (497. 11)

SOME MEASURES FOR SOIL REGULATION IN

BELGRADE PERI-URBAN ZONE

Jelena Živanović Miljković

The development of controlled and planned construction of peri-urban areas in Belgrade and Serbia did not exist in the last
decades. Depending on different factors, urban area of Belgrade sprawles on fertile agricultural soil, often causing the
accelerated or progressive changes in agricultural soil use. Evidently, that kind of city development is not sustainable from the
viewpoint of natural resources protection (agricultural soil protection in the first place), nor from the viewpoint of entire
environment protection. This paper analyses functional and environmental measures for agricultural soil use regulation in
Belgrade region. Also, paper looks into the issues of concern for substantiation of means for soil regulation and protection in
Serbia, especially in Belgrade, through analysis world’s and domestic soil regulatives and new EU guidelines regarding
sustainable soil use and urban development. The attention is drawn to protect agricultural hinterland of Belgrade region by
basic planning arrangements.

PREFACE
Cities are places with concentration of many
environmental problems, but they are also the
economic drivers of development. The city as a
whole cannot be observed independently from
its closest surrounding, because its rural
surrounding becomes city periphery
eventually, i.e. its peri-urban area. At the
certain urban development level, part of the
urban functions shifts to the periphery, and in
the majority of cases that means, occupation of
the best quality agricultural soil. In the past
100 – 150 years, the major city characteristic
was its accelerated spatial, demographic and
economic growth. Thereby, not only that it
occupied agricultural soil on its hinterland, but
it also changed the way of land use [1]. The
direction and pressure on agricultural soil is
the most influenced by the planning system
and the other public soil managing and
controlling systems.
NEWLY EU EXPERIENCE ABOUT
SOIL REGULATION AND
PROTECTION
A growing population and an increasing energy
consumption, transport and agricultural
activities, linked to pressures such as global
climate variability and warming are additional
increasing pressures on the natural resources
in general, especially on the soil environment.
Soils and their different natural qualities are
fundamental to land uses and functions in
providing ecological services. European soils
are under pressure by non-sustainable land
use practices. Understanding the varying
properties of the soil system in space and time
that determine the opportunities for more eco-
efficient land uses is essential for future
integrated resource management policies [2].
The main directions of changes in big cities
peri-urban areas relate on soil which has been
used or is used for agriculture. The only
tendencies for that soil are reversing it for
urban purposes. Agricultural soil reduction due
to conversion into non-agricultural purpose is
consequence of economic development and
that has to be tolerated, but, at the same time,
it has to be very carefully controlled [3].
Soil protection problems in Europe are
contained in all partial policies, especially in
spatial development policy of rural areas, as
well as urban. Thematic Strategy on the Urban
Environment [4], initiated by 6th Environment
Action Programme (2001-2010), stresses that
“appropriate land-use planning will help
reduce urban sprawl and the loss of natural
habitats and biodiversity”. Integrated
management of urban environment should
foster sustainable land-use policies which
avoid urban sprawl and reduce soil-sealing,
include promotion of urban biodiversity and
raise awareness of urban citizens. Better urban
management can reduce the impacts of day to
day use of resources, such as energy and
water, so, avoiding urban sprawl through high
density and mixed-use settlement patterns
offers environmental advantages regarding land
use, transport and heating contribution to less
resource use per capita.
Thematic Strategy for Soil Protection [5] is
also initiated by 6th Environment Action
Programme, and it started with standing that
“soil can be considered essentially as a non-
renewable resource”, regarding the fact that
soil formation is an extremely slow process.
Soil degradation is driven or exacerbated by
human activity such as inadequate agricultural
and forestry practices, industrial activities,
tourism, urban and industrial sprawl and
construction works, and that results in loss of
soil fertility, carbon and biodiversity, lower
water-retention capacity, disruption of gas and
nutrient cycles and reduced degradation of
contaminants. The most important threats to

68 spatium
soil, which make serious economic and social
consequences in Europe, are stressed: erosion,
contamination (local and diffuse), loss of
organic matter, loss of biodiversity,
compaction and other physical soil
deterioration, salinisation, floods and
landslides and sealing.
Commission on Sustainable Development
(Sustainable agriculture and rural development
- SARD) stresses that “urbanization has
dramatic impacts on peri-urban zones,
including on land use, the structure of family
farms, the economies of farm households,
production and marketing” [6]. In most cases,
urbanization initially leads to resource
degradation in peri-urban zones due to
increasing pressure on land resources.
Appropriate tools and measures should be
applied wisely in order to implement soil
degradation reduction and long-term
development. As European Economic and
Social Committee (EESC) stresses, objectives
for the conservation and development of peri-
urban agriculture must be done. One of three
objectives is “preventing peri-urban
agricultural areas from becoming part of the
urban process, through regional planning and
municipal initiatives”. That implies using
regional and urban planning, land use
instruments, municipal funding and agricultural
impact studies in protection of peri-urban
agricultural soil from “city’s constant demand
for land (for urban growth, etc.) and to prevent
any land degradation that could be used to
discredit and justify the disappearance of peri-
urban agricultural areas” [7]. EESC also
stresses that “society needs to understand that
land is limited natural resource and a common
heritage that is difficult to recover once it has
been destroyed and for that reason, inward
urban growth must be promoted trough
programmes designed to restore and reclaim
degraded urban areas, “as this will prevent the
loss of even more land to construction, and
trough specific legislation to stop speculation
in the farmland in the periphery of many
European cities”.
LAND USE PLANNING AND
MEASURES FOR SOIL REGULATION
IN BELGRADE PERI-URBAN ZONE
Problem of peri-urban areas in Serbia,
especially in Belgrade, is much unattended in
social and legislative sense, which is related to
non-planned, non-regulated and non-
controlled construction. Present individual
housing is often insufficiently neither racional
by population density nor infrastructural and
suprastructural equipment. The impacts of
agricultural soil occupation are magnified by
unplanned and inadequate human activities,
including insufficient safety measures.
Advanced and integrated land use, planning
and natural resource management play a
critical role in reducing non-adequate soil use.
Belgium study of agriculture in peri-urban
areas [8] is starting from the fact that “the
agricultural sector becomes more and more
confronted with pressures from inhabitants,
environmental policy or stringent spatial
planning”. Still, agriculture in these peri-urban
areas plays an undeniable role in “maintaining
the landscape, locally increasing the socio-
economic quality of life, performing an
ecological function and so on” and in order to
maintain this role, “agriculture needs to be
sustainable in such urbanised areas”.
On Belgrade territory covered by Master plan
[9], most presented purpose in 2001 was
agricultural purpose (Table 1). A projection for
2021 is decreasing of agricultural area by 36%
(16 400 ha).
Table 1: Planned purpose and soil areas in 2001 and 2021 year (from Belgrade Master plan)
Purpose
Residence
Economic activity and zones
Commercial zones and city centres
Public serves, objects and complexes
Sport objects and complexes
Green area
Agricultural areas and objects
Water areas
Cemeteries
Transport areas
Communal activity and infrastruc. areas
Non-constructed areas
TOTAL
It is necessary to point up that situation on field
is very different from projected situation in
Master plan and Cadastre. Cadastre and plan
show only legalized changes in land use, but
there is significant part of land, that is still
officially agricultural, although it has been
changed into constructed land. In peri-urban
areas of larger towns it is obvious that some
parts of agricultural land in cadastral are used
for some other purposes. This so-called quasi-
agricultural land [10] is the consequence of
urbanization process in rural areas, with the
typical land use for residental, bussines,
weekend facilities and other purposes related
to small distances from cities, increased
values and frequencies of land sales and
socio-economic and cultural changes in land-
owners value system. Intensity of the quasi-
agricultural land amount, as a rule, subsides
with increasing of the city center distance.
Obtained urbanization data for Belgrade peri-
urban settlements is neither entire nor always
correct, because urbanization process is
constant. It is evident that comprehensive
construction was out of all control in last
decades. That kind of city development is not
sustainable by nature resources preservation,
agricultural soil at a first place, neither by
infrastructural systems loading aspect and
environmental preserving in whole [11].
Last seventeen years in Serbia, as a
consequence of tragic scenes in Balkan region,
many refugees from Croatia, Bosnia and
Kosovo, as domestic dwellers with unsolved
residences, tried to reach their own “roof above
head” by illegal building of houses on
Current Increase
year 2001 (ha) period 2001-21 (ha)
12,571.65 1,570.25
1,595.22 1.929.35
667.98 1.147.6
1,123.1 257.04
685.87 502.01
11,365.27 9,044.64
39,657.32 -16,463.32
4,071.05 101.16
344.69 144.51
4,424.15 1,503.56
345.3 436.4
750.39 -750.39
77,602
spatium 69
agricultural soil in peri-urban area of Belgrade.
This is a consequence, above all, of
negligence of the competent managing and
planning agency. Unfortunately, for such
situation of illegal constructions, only that
people pay and are sanctioned, though they are
not the only one to blame [12]. Urban territory
sprawl can’t be avoided, especially in case of
such a big city as Belgrade is, and undoubtedly
that implies to agricultural soil occupation.
However, it is possible that, with organized and
responsible planning arrangements, a
compromise can be found. The best quality
agricultural soil needs to be protected and kept
for its basic purpose, and less good quality
soil, soil with marginal agricultural productivity
can be left over for urban purposes.
Soil use in Serbia is regulated through several
laws, which mainly treat soil partially (Law on
Planning and construction, Law on agricultural
soil, Law on forests, etc). Legislative problem
in Serbia is lack of the horizontal law
adjustment, as well as the lack of rules which
protect and regulate soil and its natural
properties like an ecological complex.
FUNCTIONAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL
MEASURES FOR AGRICULTURAL
SOIL REGULATION IN BELGRADE
REGION
These measures are essential for the protection
and future prospects of agricultural soil that is
diminishing because of urban pressure and
lack of care. Agricultural soil in peri-urban
areas could be “a key element in regional
planning as prevention of unlimited growth of
cities, fashion and landscape” [13].
Land use planning and management is the
most commonly used instruments for
regulation of land use, and in urban areas that
means dividing land into zones (such as
residential, commercial, industrial, etc.) and
enforces standards and legislations for
construction. The creation of an adequate
institutional framework for agricultural soil use
regulations and the mechanisms to put them
into practice are of the utmost importance
[14].
Responsibility for basic agricultural soil
management should be decentralized and
delegated to local levels, supported by
70 spatium
adequate supervision and coordination at the
national level. A special attention must be
drawn to municipalities that have the most
agricultural soil in Belgrade region (Palilula,
Zemun and Voždovac). The role of
municipalities and community organizations in
soil protection is crucial. National authorities
should establish standards and regulations
about soil management, and coordinate and
supervise local efforts. However, it is not
enough. There should be a unique strategy on
agricultural soil, at the city level, as a part of
integral rural development policy. That strategy
should control development of Belgrade
agricultural sector in total. The strategy could
be strengthened by improving access to
agricultural soil management information, and
enhancing the capacity of the local level for
implementation of preventive measures.
Agricultural and the other green areas in
Belgrade peri-urban area act as a “green
lungs”. Preserved, high-quality and productive
agricultural soil is often ruined under the huge
urbanization pressure, and yet somehow, that
same soil should prevent urbanization.
The agricultural sector in Belgrade region is
increasingly confronted with pressure coming
from the population, illegal construction and
poor coordination of a competent management
agency, planning and their lack of
responsibility. Also peri-urban agriculture area
has an important role in food provision, the
preservation of the landscape, the ecological
functioning of this Belgrade area, which is what
multifunctional role of agriculture and
agricultural soil consists of.
It is important to analyze policies to support
the development of agriculture in peri-urban
zones. Efficiency and effectiveness of policies
in promoting multifunctional role of agriculture
is crucial.
Of course, political commitment to reduce the
urban sprawl on agricultural soil is essential.
That includes development actions, legislation,
allocation of financial and human resources,
political decisions and actions.
CONCLUSIONS
Agricultural soil must be regarded as
economically potential part of settlements in
peri-urban area and Belgrade in whole. Besides
obligatory agricultural soil protection, it is
necessary to stimulate agricultural production,
especially in peri-urban areas where is high
soil standing. In that case, agricultural soil in
Belgrade peri-urban area could be important
resource for city development, and it should be
constantly preserved and promoted.
The main limits for implementation of
agricultural soil regulation measures in
Belgrade region is a high illegal construction
performance on, previously, agricultural soil,
and improper construction control and use of
urban and peri-urban area. The basic start
should be change of legislation framework and
identification of necessary regulation,
protection and construction rules. But without
adequate institutional capacity, plans are never
effectively realized, nor can enforcement be
properly conducted in practice.
Apparently the evidence of the common soil
degradation in the world and in Serbia, is the
fact that decision makers insufficiently realise
that maintaining of soil quality is their top
responsibility. In order to maintain agricultural
soil in Belgrade peri-urban area, and in Serbia
in whole, some actions on local and national
level have to be done:
- land policy which is not a result of the
political will,
- clearly defined land policy aims which
provide efficient land market, social equality
and environmental sustainability,
- cadastre consolidation and updating,
- ownerhip land use regulation ,
- stop land speculation by state intervention at
the land market
- respecting of the determinated urban and
spatial-planner regulatives and soil
legislatives adjustment, with identification of
the institutions chargeable for land use,
- horizontal adjustment of the laws and plans
related to the land, opposite to the current
partial access.
Literature
[1] Đorđević D. (1995) “The methods of land
use determination in spatial plans”, Faculty of
Geography, Belgrade
[2] Blum, W.E.H., Busing, J., Ertel, Th., Imeson
A., Vegter, J. (2004), “Scientific basis for the
management of European soil resources”,
Research Agenda, Guthmann-Peterson, Wien
[3] Živanović Ј. (2007) "Soil regulation and
protection problems-example of peri-urban
areas in Serbia” proceedings “Sustainable
spatial development of towns and cities”, IAUS,
Belgrade
[4] Communication from the Commission to the
Council and the European Parliament (2006),
Thematic Strategy on the Urban Environment
[SEC(2006)16], Brussels
[5] Communication from the Commission to the
Council and the European Parliament (2006),
ThematicStrategy for Soil Protection
[SEC(2006)620], [SEC(2006)1165], Brussels
[6] Economic and Social Council (2000)
Commission on Sustainable Development-
Sustainable agriculture and rural development
[7] Opinion of the European Economic and Social
Committee on agriculture in peri-urban areas
(2004), Brussels
[8] Scientific Support Plan for a Sustainable
Development Policy (SPSD II) (2003),
“Development strategies for multifunctional
agriculture in peri-urban areas”, Belgium
[9] Master plan of Belgrade 2021, Urban
institute of Belgrade, 2001.
[10] Đorđević D. (1999) “Quasi-agricultural land
use in the Belgrade south peri-urban area“,
Bulletin of the Serbian Geographical Society,
LXXIX, No.1, Belgrade
[11] Stojanović B. (2000) “Environmental
aspects of urbanisation of peripheral areas of
the cities-experience of Belgrade” Summer
school of urbanism, Šipovo
[12] Živanović Ј.(2007) "Measures for
agricultural soil use regulation in Belgrade
region", Academia Danubiana 4/2007, Vienna
[13] Stojkov B. (2006) “The soil use in rural
areas”, Bulletin of the Serbian Geographical
Society, Belgrade
[14] Živanović Ј., Poštić А. (2007) "Strategic
management and soil regulation in Serbia" in
proceedings Planning and normative protection
of space and environment, Belgrade

spatium 71
 628. 4. 02: 004

IMPLEMENTATION OF GIS IN SELECTION OF

LOCATIONS FOR REGIONAL LANDFILL IN THE
KOLUBARA REGION

Boško Josimović, Nikola Krunić

The selection of micro-location of the regional landfill represents the most sensitive step in spatial organization of the physical
elements of the system for waste management1. The methodological approach in selection of location is necessary due to the
sensitivity of the problem and has to be based on multi-criteria evaluation of the space. The implementation of GIS in the
process is especially useful for significant advantages recognized by all participants in the process of selection of the best
location. This paper presents possibilities, advantages and limits in use of GIS at specific examples, during the selection of
micro-location for the regional waste landfill in the region of Kolubara.
Key words: regional landfill, GIS, waste, Kolubara region.

INTRODUCTION1 Geographical (spatial) information system of geographically located data” (Ozemoy,

GIS is an orderly collection of information on
features, facts and occurrences in the
surrounding, aiming the acquaintance with the
surroundings. The appropriateness of decision
making, in planning and spatial organisation,
greatly depends on quality and significance of
information that the decision makers have, i.e.
the knowledge based on it.
For the effective planning it is necessary to
secure good quality information about natural
and anthopogenous characteristics of the
space. A unique information system should be
organized in such a way to secure undisturbed
use and dissemination of information
throughout the established territory (Lješević
M. 1997). One of such information systems is
1 computer procedure used for memory and
Physical elements of the waste management system
are constructions necessary for functioning of the
system. This primarily relates to the regional landfill as
the most important object in the waste management
system and in relation to it the spatial organization of
the whole system is defined. Besides regional landfill,
physical elements of the waste system are: recycling
systems, composting equipment, mechanical-biological
treatment of waste, rabble processing, transfer
stations, recycling yards, traffic infrastructure, etc.
(GIS).
Some of the definitions of GIS might be sorted
into the groups:
a) Definitions based on GIS as a working tool:
• “System for collecting, memorizing,
checking, operating, analysing and
presenting data spatially connected to the
Earth” (Department of Environment 1987.);
• “Information technology which memorizes,
analyses and presents both, spatial and non-
spatial data” (Parker 1988).
b) Definitions based on data bases:
• “The system of data bases where the
majority of data is spatially indexed and are
managed by the series of processes in order
to answer the questions on spatial elements
that are in the bases.” (Smith et al. 1987);
• Any set of processes based on manual or
manipulation of geographically referential
data (Peter A. Burrough, Rachael A.
McDonnell, 1998).
c) Definitions in the organizational sense:
• “An automated set of functions provided by
the experts with advanced capabilities for
storage, retrieval, manipulation and display
Smith, Sicherman 1981);
• “An institutional entity, reflecting an
organizational structure that integrates
technology with a database, expertise and
continuing financial support over time”.
(Carter 1989);
• “Supporting system in decision making that
covers integration of the spatial referential
data in the environment for problem solving”
(Cowen 1988).
According to the above definitions it can be
concluded that GIS represents a powerful set of
tools for collecting, storage, browsing,
transformation and display of spatial data from
the real world for specific purposes (Peter A.
Burrough, Rachael A. McDonnell, 1998). As
one of the most complex information systems
that cover the all spatial problems, GIS has
series of advantages and the most significant
are: it covers all elements of geo-space and
ecological elements, includes natural and
social elements of space and enable analyses,
synthesis and visualisation.
GIS have largely been used as technology for
complex management which, as a mean for
coping with enormous volume of data
associated with geographic information and the

72 spatium
extensive calculations, need to rectify and
analyze these data in decision-making context
(Joksić D, Bajat B, 2004).
Implementation of GIS is suitable for: spatial
planning, mapping for different purposes;
traffic planning; planning the waste
management system; list and register of
natural resources; digital mapping of
population and making census information;
making hazard maps and emergency programs
in such cases, etc.
Every GIS, as stated, contains spatial and
descriptive data: spatial data (point, line or
polygon) relates to location, i.e. spatial
relations between occurrences and objects and
are based on literature, maps, satellite
photographs, terrain research, etc; descriptive
data (attributes) are connected to
locality/occurrence, and represent the
accompanying context within the system.
Basic characteristics of GIS are: capability of
search of the spatial occurrences, possibility of
overlapping the content and combination of
certain contents in a new information, logical
operation with spatial and descriptive data.
Geographical information systems, as the most
general are compatible with the others, specific
systems (geodesic, agricultural, geologic,
mining, waterpower engineering, forest
engineering, urban planning etc.) as well as
with the databases on population census,
statistical information systems, technological
databases, databases relating to health,
education, science, etc. Implementing the
information mapping/visualized by GIS enables
making of any query, receiving answers,
exercising possible solutions and solving
problems.
A successful GIS is not created for the
purposes of a single project. GIS cannot be
bought, but it is developed, and its purpose is
to enable the planner to get needed information
for forecasting and planning in a specific space
and for a specific problem (Kukrika M.,
Smiljanić S., Lazić I. 2001.).
IMPLEMENTATION OF GIS IN
WASTE MANAGEMENT
Speaking about the role of GIS in planning the
waste management, its role is dominant in the
selection of locations for disposal of waste.
Besides, GIS are used for displacing and
determination of location of the other physical
elements of the waste management system,
such as network of transfer stations, centres for
selection and recycling of waste, definition of
traffic lines within traffic corridors, but also as
information support to the process in the same
process of waste management.
For determining the locations of waste
management elements in GIS the multi-
criterion analysis and evaluations method are
used. Such approach is inevitable when
locating the complex objects such as the
communal waste regional landfill. Its
complexity is not only in the size and function
of the object, but also in relation to different
influences the space might have in positive
and negative context.
The use of GIS in defining the strategy,
analysis and visualization of solutions and
alternatives helps to perceive and clearly
express different scenarios and select the most
suitable solutions through a prism of different
relevant criteria (spatial, ecological, hydro-
geological, etc) (Catalano A., Zhang M., Rice
J., 2006).
Therefore two facts are the key ones when the
GIS is implemented in selection of the best
location for a landfill. According to Margeta J.
and Prskalo G. (2006), these are:
ƒ analysis of “space”, i.e. all its physical-
geographic and anthropogenic character-
istics. It is necessary to completely overview
the space where the problem has to be
resolved or it might serve for the problem
solving. Due to the social sensitivity of the
subject in this process, it is necessary to
show objectivity in consideration of the
possible locations. This can be achieved
only if the whole space is treated by the
same details and in the same way;
ƒ visualization of the space and its
characteristics and influence. This is
necessary in order to obtain equal conditions
for all participants in the project on
perception and understanding of the
undertaken problem. This enables active
participation and streaming the solution
towards acceptable compromise (Higs G.,
2006). All participants must experience the
space, its advantages and limits for locating
the landfill. This is one of the most important
advantages for implementation of GIS in
selection of locations for disposal of waste
and other elements of the waste management
system.
The basic process in the location selection
process for the waste landfill, is definition of
the criteria for selection of location.
In accordance with criteria of exclusion,
locations which do not fulfill criteria are
eliminated in the first phase of the process.
The result of this process are spaces which are
“conditionally suitable” within which is
possible to look for the best solution. This
phase represents activity of macro-zoning.
Overlapping the cartographic descriptions of
the certain space made on the basis of
exclusion criteria, by implementation of GIS, it
is simple to eliminate unsuitable locations
(Figure 3.).
After that the attention is focused on nominated
location for waste disposal within the
remaining “conditionally suitable” zones. In
this process a great significance might and
must have local authorities and expert
institutions, but certainly the most important
are field researcher and collection of the
relevant data on physical-geographic and
anthropogenic characteristics of the space
(Margeta J., Prskalo G., 2006).
By nomination of the potential locations the
preconditions for selection of the most suitable
location are created. Then the multi-criteria
analysis and evaluation of the potential
locations can begin. Criteria for location
selection are entered into the tables and then
on the basis of the entered value scale
evaluated for each potential location. In this
way, the evaluation process by implementation
of GIS is done effectively and in a very short
time period.
The role of GIS in the selection of landfill
location process is in enabling quick
separation and more clear presentation of
suitable and unsuitable locations according to
the previously determined criteria. In this
context it is evident that the key importance in
this process has a choice of criteria and value
scale for evaluation of the potential landfill
locations and that GIS are powerful device
which the whole process greatly simplifies and
speeds up. This stays not only for the process
of landfill location selection, but also for
spatium 73
defining the spatial organization of the whole
system of waste management and defining the
network of transfer stations.
EXAMPLE OF IMPLEMENTION OF
GIS IN SELECTION OF THE
REGIONAL LANDFILL
Kolubara region for waste management
presents a functional region, formed in
accordance with the recommendations of the
National strategy for waste management of the
Republic of Serbia. It was established by
initiative of the six municipalities of the
Kolubara region: Valjevo, Mionica, Osečina,
Ub, Lajkovac and Ljig in accordance with the
Regional spatial plan of Kolubara county (IAUS,
2002). Then the three municipalities of the
Belgrade region joined this initiative:
Obrenovac, Barajevo and Lazarevac, together
with the two municipalities of Mačva region:
Vladimirci and Koceljeva. In this way, the
region of eleven municipalities is formed and it
gathers over 382.000 inhabitants, which makes
it the biggest region for waste management in
South-East Europe. (Figure 1.)
When determining the location for disposal of
communal waste of the Kolubara region for
waste management, GIS are implemented in
separation of the eliminating areas. The
unsuitable areas have been selected according
to nine elimination criteria:
• seismic over 9 MCS,
• distance less than 500 meters from the
permanent watercourse,
• distance less than 1,5 km from a settlement
if location is not protected,
• distance less than 500 meters from the
source of water supply,
• collision with the existing planning
documents,
• distance from the major roads less than
500m in the location if not protected,
• terrains with slope over 30%,
• terrains over 300 meters above the sea level,
• alluvial plains and karst terrains.
The belonging area is determined by the use of
GIS for the eliminating criteria. Each of the
elimination criteria is presented by a graph
(cartographic) while the belonging area is
determined by the GIS technology. Overlapping
the maps of individual elimination criteria the
negative areas are selected and in further
74 spatium
Figure 1. Location and coverage of Kolubara region
process of location selection for disposal of
waste they would not have to be analyzed. The
negative areas are presented at the synthesis
map (Figure 3.).
Figure 2. shows the structure of the land use in
Kolubara region based on the CORINE system
(Coordination of information on the
Environment)2. CORINE Program represents
the European information base as a support to
the sustainable development policy of the
European Union. The base contains data on:
2
CORINE program started in 1984. At the beginning it
was developed and tested on 10 regions of the
European Union with demonstration of feasibility of such
approach. Satellite photographs on which the
information base CORINE is established, is supplemented
by additional data and attributes on type of land use and
the base which consists three level with the total of 44
classes is created. After the positive results which the
Program realized, it was confirmed by the European
Environment Agency in Copenhagen, in 1994. Since
then, the period of full affirmation of the CORINE began
and it reflected into inclusion of the greater number of
European countries that with assistance of this
Program more efficiently undertook the policy of the
environmental protection and sustainable development
and completed analyzes for different needs and
development strategies (Cornaert M., 2004). Today, 46
European countries are included in this Program within
the frame of CORINE Land Cover 2000, with clearly
defined and synchronized methodology of collecting,
processing and display of data that are in function of
elaboration of plans for management of the human
environment (CORINE Land Cover, 2000.).
urban areas, agricultural surfaces, forests and
natural vegetation, waters and other dynamic
processes in the human environment. All
mentioned data are presented cartographically
enabling more simple analysis of the subject
area.
When making the Study on selection of micro-
location for the regional landfill with recycling
centre in Kolubara region, the information base
CORINE has not been available in Serbia, and
likewise in Kolubara region. However, since the
information on human environment from
CORINE program became available to the users
in Serbia, all results from the elimination phase
of the selection of location in the mentioned
Study have been checked, and even more
important confirmed. By using the CORINE
program in accordance with the defined
eliminating criteria for Kolubara region, the
selection of “negative” areas was much
simpler and quicker. The information base
CORINE in great measure satisfies the need of
the elimination phase in selection of location
for disposal of waste and it should be used to
the maximum in this phase.At the synthesis
map (Figure 3.) which is the last phase in the
eliminating process of “negative” areas, the
regions that do not fulfill basic conditions in
relations to the determined elimination criteria
are marked by red color. These are mainly the
corridors which are represented by the
 Figure 2. Analysis of structure of the land use based on information system CORINE

minimum required conditions to be met by the evaluated as the best and is selected as the interface, all necessary information on the
future locations for waste disposal. most acceptable, the process of the selection processes at the landfill can be gained. The
of location is ended. That does not mean that system enables good quality and quick waste
In the elimination phase it is possible to use
this is the end for implementation of GIS. Their management, monitoring, data filing on waste
some additional criteria, such as the central
further role is in implementation of the unique and the ground for planning the strategy for
position of a landfill in relation to the region.
information system for waste management waste management at the regional level
This considers that due to the economy of the
which puts together data on a landfill, transfer (Figure 4.).
waste management system, i.e. the cost of
stations, production of waste, flow of waste and
transport, it is necessary to position the future CONCLUDING CONSIDERATIONS
other data which are important for effective
landfill within the radius of 20-30 km in
waste management. In this content, GIS A comprehensive envisage of the problem in
relation to the central point in the region.
represent information support in functioning of connection to the selection of location for
However, in that case a great number of
the waste management. By simple use of physical elements of the waste management,
territories which by their characteristics require
further analysis might be excluded, while the
question of the central positioning of the
landfill might be overcame by good
organization of the transfer stations network in
the region. In this context it is important to
stress that there is no need to introduce a big
number of eliminating criteria, but the
selection of eliminating criteria is necessary to
be limited to the most relevant ones, as stated
on the example of the Kolubara region.
After the conducted consultations with the
relevant subjects and preliminary analysis of
the territory which are not eliminated in the first
phase of the process for selection of location
for disposal of waste, three locations are
selected and are included in the process of
detailed analysis for multi-criteria evaluation.
The contribution in implementation of GIS in
this phase of the selection of location for waste
disposal was the use of information base in
GIS by which the evaluation process according
to 32 determined criteria was significantly
Figure 3. Suitability/eliminating map
speeded up. Since the location Kalenić is

spatium 75
Figure 4. Possible aspect of GIS based system for waste management
understands application of GIS which the space
analyzing process and search for the best
options makes better in quality, speeds up the
process and enriches it visually. The advantage
of their implementation is in enabling the
quicker selection and more clear presentation
of the suitable and unsuitable locations
according to the previously determined criteria.
This paper on a concrete example presents the
advantages and possibilities of implementation
of the GIS during the selection of location for
the regional landfill in the waste management
of the Kolubara region. The use of GIS is
especially useful in the elimination phase,
where, in accordance to the determined criteria
and data about the space, very quickly and
easily can be defined “negative” terrains where
no further searching of the potential location is
needed. The whole process is mapped. It is
emphasized in the paper the possibility of
applying CORINE data base, a unique European
information base about the living environment
and space use, which is especially suitable in
the elimination phase of the location selection.
Also emphasized is the possibility for efficient
waste management by application of the
76 spatium
information base in GIS. The system supported
by the information enables qualitative and
quick waste management, monitoring, filing of
waste data and the best possible ground for
planning the strategy for waste management at
the regional level.
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Calvo F., Moreno B., Zamorano M., Szanto M.:
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costs.html

spatium 77
 711. 5: 627

CONDITIONS INFLUENCING WATERFRONT

DEVELOPMENT AND URBAN ACTORS CAPACITY AS
A STRATEGIC RESPONSE

Uroš Radosavljević

This paper is primarily based on the research on existing waterfront development that occurred in last few decades of the XX
century in Western Europe with potentials for waterfront development in the changed and transitional context that Serbia and
Belgrade is going through: from centrally driven system to market oriented economy with the multi stakeholder arena in the
processes of globalization – urban management and development paradigms change. The aim of the paper is to define and
underline conditions influencing waterfront development (WFD); to examine who the urban actors are that trigger WFD and
what strategies have been created by them for WFD as a response to those conditions. Conclusions will be drawn at the end
from the Western European context that might be applicable for developing WFD strategy in Belgrade.
Key words: waterfront development; urban actors; strategies

INTRODUCTION economy, technology, politics and “underdeveloped zones” – projects such as

Cities by the water traditionally developed
organic relations with adjacent waterways until
the mid 19th and the beginning of 20th century.
Even though the harbours were located next to
the city centres and had a vital function for the
economy of community, the scale of trade,
vessels, and the quays were different at that
time, creating organic relation between the two
– built and natural environment. With the
processes of strong industrialisation of society
in general and the change in the port
technology and the demand for bigger areas of
the land as an effect, most of the cities have
chosen to expand ports and port related
industries on the most valuable inner city
locations – on the river banks. Accompanied
with the transport infrastructure, mainly the
railway that blocked free access, waterfronts
lost significance they once had – to be public
places where people meet, live and linger.
“Reinventing the wheel” with the waterfront
(re)discovery came once again into the scene,
first in the USA in the 1950s and then in
Europe in the 1970s. The change itself did not
come alone – it has been influenced mainly
due to the general shifts in the society, world
environmental movements.
The industrialization that took place before, and
especially after the Second World War in the
most attractive inner city areas in Europe, near
high-rent business centres, entertainment
complexes and transportation and
communications nodes, on the river banks,
today occupies and blocks the development of
cities towards better use of the river and its
waterfront potential.
Changed global economic conditions with the
significant impact on urban regions, and in
addition, the shift from centrally driven
economies to the development of urban
regions based on entrepreneurial spirit of
private multi-national and small scale
industries, created new political
circumstances, especially visible in the shifts
from the “city governments” to the notion of
“governing cities” introducing the “good urban
governance and management”. The direct
effect of the economic restructuring and the
decentralisation processes was lack of public
investment to fund such flagship, large scale,
waterfront developments are.
Changed circumstances in politics and
economy had their impact to the planning
process in general, and to the process of
creating waterfront development strategies in
particular.
The future of the major European cities and
process of re-urbanisation are examined by
Berg et al (1982) and Berg (1999) in context of
underlining the conditions for the changed
circumstances of urban regeneration in the
inner cities.
Rise of the information sector and the process
of reurbanisation, shift to the knowledge-
economy and growing importance of the
quality of living environment bring back both
the companies and the families to the inner
cities. With the European integration and the
advent of accessible cities connected into
networks by air traffic, road network and high-
speed trains, cities are becoming important
social and economic places for urban actors to
locate. Together with leisure and service
activities, small-scale industry is growing in
the inner cities. All of them want to be close to

78 spatium
the customers and to each other. In that
respect, companies that form clusters are not
looking only for supply of high skilled and
educated labour force but as well for the
locations to settle down, including the quality
of living environment. That kind of locations
can be found both in the hard ring and in the
inner cities, in the former port or industrial
brownfields, relevant for waterfront
development research.
CHANGED CONTEXT OF URBAN
POLICY AND PLANNING
Waterfront development usually takes long
time to appear (differing in the scale of project)
since it covers big area of land. It is subject of
change due to different political
circumstances, economic and market
conditions. Since urban planning is happening
in reality, and therefore, follows the trends
within society, it is subject to change as well.
Healey (1997) distinguishes three main areas
of modern planning: economic planning,
physical planning and management of public
administration and policy analysis. Economic
planning can be understood as a tool for social
progress in a welfare state, managing
productive forces of regions and states.
Physical planning comprises urban
development and regeneration of cities and
regions as a tool for reaching healthy and
sustainable communities. The management of
public administration and policy analysis aims
to meet goals set for public agencies both by
public and private sector.
The concept of Strategy and Strategic planning
was used in business management and
corporate planning before that (So, 1984) and
was adapted to urban planning. In different
contexts, the term has different meaning, and it
can be based upon two significant concepts
(Davidson, 1996): in the UK, where it is a
process in which partners, whether from the
same organisation or in the community, meet
to agree on limited number of actions in order
to meet medium term development objectives;
and in the Netherlands, where it is seen as a
central government’s function to achieve its
goals, from protecting the environment, or
further establishing a city-region function as a
competitive position of the city, like in the case
of Rotterdam.
There were certain shifts related to the notion
of strategic planning in the second half of the
20th century in Europe. According to Healey
(2004), spatial planning has abandoned
strategic approach in development of cities to
move towards flagship projects and renewal
transformations, with excuse that previous
period was “locked into the urban plans”. At
the end of the century strategic spatial plans
were given attention once again, due to several
important reasons: coordination of public
policy in specific locations, competitiveness of
urban regions and introduction of sustainable
development.
Decentralization process and context of multi-
level government is equally important reason
since there is the possibility of capturing
financial resources from higher levels of
government (national, European). Salet and
Faludi (2000) argue that spatial polices have
cross-sectoral character, since they
incorporate economic, environmental, and
social aspects; and, furthermore, since big
redevelopment projects such as waterfronts
are, require long time in the process of
preparation and realization, being strategic
means to define priority issues for the long
period of time. According to the UN-Habitat
(2004), the meaning ranges from having a
strategic focus, creating a strategy for
implementation, or simply substituting the term
‘strategic plans’ by comprehensive master
plans.
‘Strategic focus’ refers to the priorities for the
development of the city with long-term
perspective. Since it concerns the community
in large, both in terms of benefits and impacts,
it applies the concept of collaboration with
multi-stakeholder society.
It is not the question anymore what shall be
done, or at least less the question it is, but how
things should be done – with what resources,
with and by whom, and what innovative
approaches can be found. Another thing is that
the practice is sometimes much more
innovative then the theory in finding solutions
to the problems, alternative ways for tackling
them and turning them into the opportunities.
LEARNING FROM THE EUROPEAN
EXPERIENCE – UK AND
NETHERLANDS
Conditions influencing waterfront
development
In the urbanisation stage of urban
development, process of strong industrial-
isation, following demand of ports and
industrial complexes for big areas in the inner
city, which were found on river banks due to
good transportation possibilities by waterways,
occupied those strategic locations. In line with
that, in the centrally planned systems at that
time, urban policies were aimed to the creation
of social housing in most valuable locations, in
close proximity to the place of work for many
workers that migrated to the cities.
In port cities, like London or Rotterdam, with
modernisation of the port technologies (namely
containerisation and size of vessels), the
expansion of port occurred and later shifted of
ports and port related industries to deeper
water, leaving the empty docks and wharfs with
supporting infrastructure and warehouses as
well as the polluted land. The big impact was
on socio-economic conditions, thus creating
problems like unemployment and crime that
had big socio-economic and physical impact
to the city as a whole.
Social orientation of urban policies came to an
end due to cuts in public budget with world
recession and energy crises in the 1970s, and
obvious incapability to solve deprived social
and economic problems by the single sector
approach. In order to strengthen deprived
economy, national governments shifted their
focus to economic issues, through policies of
deregulating and liberalising the market, to a
bigger extent in the UK and less in the
Netherlands. At the same time, with the rise of
information sector, shift to the knowledge-
based economy and growing importance of the
quality of living environment in reurbanisation
stage, both the companies and the families
created a new demand for accessible locations
and high quality living environment in the inner
cities.
British national economic strategy became
focused on London, thus creating market-led
strategies for attracting financial activities and
spatium 79
creating employment growth, and showing less
concern for locally defined socio-economic
problems and polices. Strategy was launched
by establishing Regional Corporation in
classical top-down approach, appointed and
funded by the Government itself and given the
land development powers. Closest location in
London was found in the former port area of the
Docklands. Situation in the Netherlands at Kop
van Zuid was different. The response to
deprived socio-economic situation and the
willingness to enhance city’s competitive
position in broadening economic base came
from the Rotterdam municipality. To attract new
economic activities, the location environment
of Rotterdam was supposed to change, thus
creating integral urban policy with spatial,
economic and social aspect of renewal of the
city as a whole, and applied the same principle
to Kop van Zuid regeneration.
Strategies created by urban actors for
WFD as a response to those conditions
In both cases it became clear that public
sector, whether on the local or national level,
couldn’t bear the investment on its own. What
was needed was to attract the private sector to
invest. With different governmental concepts of
economics, different market demand, and with
difference in time of launching strategies1,
significantly different waterfront development
strategies have been created.
Underlying conditions for waterfront
development to appear are based upon the
interrelation of several factors. With relocation
of port and industrial complexes, a threat for
the whole city to fall into socio-economic
decline became obvious. At the same time,
while responding to those problems, national
governments have been changing their policies
from ‘welfare state’ with social orientation
towards economic efficiency and greater role
of private sector in urban development. Not
less important is the general trend to take
better position on a global market, thus
searching for competitive position, in case of
1
Realisation of London Docklands (area of 2,146 ha)
started in 1981, and Rotterdam Kop van Zuid (area of
125 ha) in 1993. The situation in the UK has changed to
the similar, integral way of steering urban development
since.
80 spatium
waterfront development through flagship
projects that can change image of the city and
attract new ‘knowledge intensive’ activities.
Together with the change of economic base of
the city, more educated people are attracted to
the inner cities, looking for quality of life in
general and for good housing opportunities in
particular. Since the only free spaces in the
inner city for such large-scale developments
are former, abandoned industrial or port areas,
they have been seen as an opportunity to
satisfy that demand.
What is of the biggest importance to underline
is that the national governments took different
approaches in solving problems, with the
change of attitude to look for opportunities in
wider perspective. While in the London
Docklands case, the national government has
seen benefits of attracting capital and financial
activities to London, using only market-led
approach, without simultaneous consideration
of the local social and economic needs, and
without including them in the approach, in
Rotterdam case, local government was
recognising spatial and socio-economic
problems, but in the integral way – namely to
use opportunity-led approach to attract new
activities and at the same time to tackle the
problems. Therefore, it started to apply new
approach, realising that some of the economic
problems can be tackled in spatial and social
policy fields and in all possible combinations.
Reminder is that two selected cases occurred
in different times, with ten years of gap, under
the different market conditions and
government’s politics and policies.
TOWARDS WATERFRONT
DEVELOPMENT IN BELGRADE?
Urban Development and Planning in
Serbia in the transition period
Serbia started an initial stage of the transition
period at the beginning of the 1990s with
artificial deregulation of the market. As a
consequence, role of the private sector in the
inner city became important with intensive
growth of commercial and business activities
(Lalović & Djukanović 2003). With a lack of
clear defined strategy for the urban
development and with old planning
mechanisms and regulations in the form of
statutory plans, growth didn’t occur in a
planned way. On the other hand, private sector
didn’t have enough resources for major
investments in large-scale projects.
In the period after the year 2000, with new
democratic government, the situation for urban
development started to change. Multi level
socio-economic problems of former period,
which have not been tackled for a decade, left
heavy burden for city governments. It became
obvious that old, traditional way of planning
and of steering the urban development couldn’t
deal with new, changed circumstances
(Vujošević 2004). This context, enhanced with
the processes of advanced and more structural
transition from socialist system towards
western democracy, followed by the political
decentralisation, liberalisation of the market
and strong privatisation, brought the necessity
of applying modern planning and management
concepts in creating strategies for
development of cities (Lalović & Djukanović
2003). Concepts of e-governance,
participatory approaches, and other modern
planning tools are starting to gain attention in
governmental structures at national and local
levels, in the practice of planning and among
citizens as well.
Opportunities for Belgrade’s
development
Danube River has the specific function for
Serbia and Belgrade, in relation with other
functions, i.e. mainly transport and economy.
The river is the backbone of development and
for Belgrade it has the crucial importance for
its economic, functional and cultural linkages
with Germany, Austria, Hungary and other
Danube basin countries. There is a lot of
potential for development in the whole Danube
basin’s surroundings of Belgrade. The Spatial
Plan of the Republic of Serbia from 1996
recognized that potential and planned further
development of river transport and four main
ports, one of them being the Port of Belgrade.
That plans were interrupted with the decline of
socio-economic situation in the 1990s in
Serbia, and especially with complete closure of
Danube River for transport after the
bombardment in 1999, which destroyed
several bridges and made the use of waterway
impossible.
Beside that, Belgrade had significantly lowered
its strong position as a European metropolitan
city, important for the whole South East of
Europe. Competitive position among other
cities in the region, like Vienna, Budapest and
Thessaloniki was lost due to political and
economic decline. Today, Serbia and Belgrade
are positioned as the ‘periphery of the Danube
basin region’ (CCB 2003).
On the other hand, there are positive external
and internal influences that might change those
negative trends for Serbia’s and Belgrade’s
development, and through positive impacts on
the market – to the possible waterfront
development in Belgrade.
Belgrade’s strengths and weaknesses
and relation to the waterfront
development
With existing trends for broadening city’s
economic base, future economic development
of Belgrade is expected to attract more
financial, banking and construction activities
on the one hand and to decrease presence of
industrial activities on the other (Stupar &
Hammamcioglu 2006). Transport on rivers,
both for freight and tourist cruise purposes in
interrelation with other modes has had and will
have even more significant role. With already
big growth of the unplanned tertiary activities
in the city centre, the focus will be on
supporting SME in a planned way, both in
spatial sense and through economic programs
under the new market conditions, with easy
transfer of capital from one economic sector to
another (CCB 2003). Being the major
university centre in the country and with the
decrease of ‘brain drain’ from Serbia that was
present in the 1990s, more educated people
are now attracted to it and are staying in
Belgrade.
To achieve that kind of development, those
opportunities are recognised in the Master Plan
Belgrade 2021(CCB 2003) in form of attracting
big foreign and domestic investments,
especially to inner city. Focus is on creating
business parks and new city centre in line with
demand of the investors on former industrial
sites on waterfront and near major transport
corridors. Several obstacles beyond city level
have to support successful achievement of
those goals – possibilities of private ownership
of urban building land; political and market
stability of the country; and legislative changes
for easier planning procedures.
Beside the external influences, problems of
previous urban development had
characteristics of spatial concentration of
business and commercial activities within old
city centre that have remained the same in
spatial terms from the beginning of the 20th
century till today.
The Master Plan for Belgrade 2021 recognized
as one of its main strategic goals extension of
old city centre to the rivers, especially to Sava
River, and in that way to attract the new
economic activities and regulate existing
unplanned growth in tertiary activities, mainly
SME. Together with those economic goals for
establishing city’s competitive position, new
focus of Belgrade’s future spatial development
will go towards three natural elements that
rivers and the Big War Island form in the
epicentre of Belgrade (CCB, 2003, p. 49).
As a tool to achieve that kind of development,
several big flagship projects are recognized in
the Master Plan Belgrade 2021. First step that
should be taken in the “Sava Amphitheatre” is
the removal of existing Central Railway station
and its supporting O&M facilities and freight
cargo compartments to ‘Belgrade-Centre
Prokop’ station and planned relocation of the
Bus station to New Belgrade. In that way, space
for new development to take place and link
existing city centre from ‘Terazije Terrace’ to
the ‘Sava Amphitheatre’ and Sava River would
be possible. The building of the Central
Railway Station as well as other supporting
buildings will be re-used. Land use for “Sava
Amphitheatre” in the Master Plan Belgrade
2021 is designated for commercial / business
activities and high-grade housing in equal
ratio. Beside, cultural and educational facilities
are planned, but only in this form of intention,
without exact location, program characteristics
and space requirements and without ideas for
potential investors. Infrastructure traffic and
communal works are planned as improvement
and widening of the existing main streets for
enhancing linkages with nearby highway on the
one side and Kalemegdan Medieval castle on
the other. The four existing rail tracks will serve
future light rail transport and will be placed
under the ground to enable free access on
pedestrian level.
Important actors
Plans for relocation of the existing Central
Railway Station are closely related with the
completion of the Belgrade Railway Junction
and other railway stations for handling the
existing capacity of the Central Station (CS).
Beside one passenger and two freight stations
that should be completed, the biggest
challenge is the completion of one of the four
main ring railway stations in the inner city –
‘Belgrade-Centre Prokop’ station. The main
actors beside Belgrade’s government in this
process are the Republic’s government, the
municipality of ‘Savski Venac’, where planned
extension of city centre should occur and the
two publicly owned companies: Railway
Transport Company ŽTP Belgrade with its
assets and the Republic Agency for Rivers
‘Serbia Waterways’ (‘Srbija Vode’), which has
jurisdiction over the rivers and adjacent river
banks within municipal administrative territory.
Waterfront development project in the ‘Sava
Amphitheatre’ is seen as a strategic project on
the national level, as a part of the economic
strategy for attracting foreign investments to
desirable location at the intersection of
corridors VII and X - Danube and the rail-
motorway corridor.
Private sector showed interest for large
investments in large through Belgrade’s
Chamber of Commerce.
The City of Belgrade has shown interest for
redevelopment of waterfront in ‘Sava
Amphitheatre’ in order to release the potential
of the inner city area. However, a heavy burden
that previous period left in the form of multi
level complex problems and following facts
can be seen as a constrain for launching the
strategy.
CONSLUSIONS – EU EXPERIENCES
TOWARDS WFD IN BELGRADE
Summarizing conditions and main lessons that
should be taken into consideration when
assessing potential strategy for Belgrade
waterfront development we will list useful
recommendations for Belgrade ‘Sava
spatium 81
Amphitheatre’ case to develop a waterfront
strategy.
Institutional setup and Leadership – The
initial trigger for launching the process of the
strategy creation process can come from:1)
different directions, like top-down approach
from the national government or from the local
level of governance; 2) different institutional
arrangements, such as regional agencies for
steering the development or several sub-
councils in the municipality; and 3) with the
different market led or publicly led approach.
Beside the entrepreneurial spirit of new Mayor
of Belgrade, there is not a specific department
or function in the city and Republic
government that is directly responsible nor
interested to tackle the issue of launching
strategic process for the ‘Sava Amphitheatre’.
Possible suggestions in this respect might be,
for the city, municipal or republic level to:
• Asses whether there is a person with leading,
managerial characteristics, interested or
capable to tackle the problem, either in
public sector, or private sector
• Organise a department with those specific
tasks if needed.
Establishing strategic networks with
stakeholders – The Belgrade City government
has already started negotiation process with all
stakeholders involved for the relocation of
Central Railway Station and completion of
‘Belgrade-Centre’ Prokop Station as part of
joint railway system. In that respect, strategic
networks in both formal and informal sense can
have major importance. Therefore, the main
elements of establishing strategic networks for
the start-up of WFD strategy are to:
• Maintain existing negotiations with the
stakeholders involved on all levels, but
stress informal links and communicate
problem for getting support and mutual
understanding;
• Include the Republic Agency for Rivers
‘Srbija Vode’ and Railway Transport
Company ŽTP Belgrade from the very
beginning;
• Asses private sector intentions and involve
their interests through formal links in
Belgrade Chamber of Commerce, but also
through forums and fairs for WFD;
82 spatium
• Asses if there is a possibility and need to
form the joint Committee for all levels of
government and two public companies with
public assets in stake, private sector (both
potential domestic and foreign investors and
existing users of buildings and land) and
local community.
Political & Societal support – Com-
munication through conventional media for the
vision and the strategy for the city as a whole
and intentions for the ‘Sava Amphitheatre’ are
of huge importance from the very beginning for
gaining political and societal support. Good
political momentum is to have democratic
coalition of parties at all three levels of
government, and it has the power to utilise
strategic public networks – between City
Council of Belgrade, Republic government &
municipality of ‘Savski Venac’. Suitable
instruments for achieving these goals are as
follows:
• Organisation of formal and informal forums,
meetings, presentations and educational
courses; and
• Use of existing city and local neighbourhood
organisations and manifestations to
communicate intentions to local people and
attract wider community (Tourist
Organisation of Belgrade, ‘Days of Sava
Mala’, ‘Belgrade Boat Carnival’, ‘Friends of
the river’).
Vision – With getting the support from the
relevant stakeholders the process for
developing a vision can be launched in order
to include different interests in participatory
process using established networks from
previous steps.
Strategy & Spatial-economic conditions –
Development of the strategy for WFD can start
with the incentives from the spatial-economic
conditions and overall vision. Useful tool in
that respect can be SWOT analysis of the
external and internal environment with the
assessment of data together with stakeholders
in order to communicate opportunities and
threats at the same time building on the
strengths and weaknesses. Strategy creation
process should include several critical
moments as follows:
• Focus on integral, cross-sector policy
approach for the urban renewal of ‘Sava
Amphitheatre’ building on the already
recognised potentials of the area;
• Creation of the specific programs from the
different policy fields, such as employment,
social or spatial policies and setting the
strategy in a wider context and
establishment of links with other plans and
policies binding them together in integral
policy (Vujošević, 2004);
• Seeking the ways for mobilisation of funds of
all the levels, including supra-national like
EU and World Bank and communicates the
strategy to them.
• Development of a strategic Capital
Investment Plan that have links with the city
budgeting – revenue planning and capital
expenditure and the careful use of land
development instruments (like the tax
incentives for the attraction of private
sector).
References
BERG, L. V. D. (1999) The Urban Life Cycle and
the Role of a Market Oriented Revitalisation
Policy in Western Europe. IN SUMMERS, A. A.,
CHESIRE, P. & SENN, L. (Eds.) Urban Change in
the United States and Western Europe.
Washington, The Urban Institute Press Ch. 17.
BERG, L. V. D., DREWETT, R., KLAASSEN, L. H.,
ROSSI, A. & VIJVERBERG, C. H. T. (1982)
Urban Europe: A study of Growth and Decline,
Oxford, Pergamon.
CITY COUNCIL OF BELGRADE - CCB (2003)
Master Plan of Belgrade 2021/Generalni plan
Beograda 2021. Službeni list Grada Beograda,
27/2003. Belgrade.
DAVIDSON, F. (1996) Planning for Performance.
Habitat International, Vol. 20 No. 3, 445-462.
HEALEY, P. (1997) A Strategic Approach to
Sustainable Urban Regeneration. Journal of
Property Development, Vol. 1, No. 3, 105-
110.
HEALEY, P. (2004) The Treatment of Space and
Place in the New Strategic Spatial Planning in
Europe. International journal of Urban and
Regional Research, Vol. 28. No 1., 45-67.
LALOVIĆ, K. & ĐUKANOVIĆ, Z. (2003)
Possibilities of Applying the E-government
Management Concept in Serbian Cities. CORP
2003, 8TH International Symposium on ICT and
Planning and Impacts of ICY on Physical Space.
Vienna, Conference publication, Vienna
University of Technology.
MINISTRY OF CONSTRUCTION (1996) Spatial
Plan of the Republic of Serbia / Prostorni plan
Republike Srbije Republic Administration for
 Spatial Planning and Urbanism. Službeni glasnik
Republike Srbije, Belgrade.
SALET, W. & FALUDI, A. (2000) Three
Approaches to Strategic Spatial Planning. IN
SALET, W. & FALUDI, A. (Eds.) The Revival of
Strategic Spatial Planning. Proceedings of
colloquim. Amsterdam, Royal Netherlands
Academy of Arts and Sciences.
SO, F. S. (1984) Strategic Planning: Reinventing
the Wheel. Planning journal of the American
Planning Asociation, 1-6.
STUPAR, A. & HAMMAMCIOGLU, C. (2006)
Chasing the limelight: Belgrade and Istanbul in
the global competition. International review
Spatium, No 13-14, pp. 27-33.
UN-HABITAT (2004) Globalization and the
Changing Culture of Planning. The State of the
World's Cities 2004-2005. Globalization and
Urban Culture. London, Earthscan.
VUJOŠEVIĆ, M. (2004) The search for a new
development planning/policy mode: Problems of
expertise in the transition period. International
review Spatium, No 10, pp. 12-18.

spatium 83
 711. 455. 168 (497. 16)
338. 48-6: 7/8 (497.16)

PROMOTION OF THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF

MEDITERRANEAN CITY IN THE SCOPE OF
UPGRADING CULTURAL TOURISM

Vladan Đokić, Ana Radivojević, Mirjana Roter-Blagojević

World and especially European trends of tourist economy are mainly focused on development of diversity in cultural tourism.
Cultural tourism is a complex of numerous activities that enables not only the affirmation of cultural-historic motives, but also
provides important resources for renewal of cultural-historic monuments, tangible and intangible heritage and resources.
Today, there is no serious and ambitious country that does not prefer development of tourism in its development strategies as
a planetary phenomenon and development sector. This specially refers to cultural tourism, as a competitive segment, based on
local authenticity, unique areas, urban entities and ambiance, different historic layers and monuments, local tradition, myths
and customs, affirmative mentality of population, geographic and ecological resources, in brief - complex and original identity
of its area and its population. Cultural tourism in Montenegro has a modest tradition and only recently through valuable but
sporadic initiatives and encouragements from Europe, attempts to valorise its own potentials, making them competitive
through creative projects and programs. It is most certainly that the Montenegrin coast is a deeply settled part of complex
Mediterranean cultural sphere that possesses certain characteristics which marks it as a unique cultural space in which
different historical, geographic, confessional and other influences from surroundings intersect, predefining it for development
of cultural tourism.
This paper represents an effort to create a professional study report, although limited to single destination – city of Budva that
treats cultural tourism in correlation with evaluation of renewal and use of cultural-historic and built heritage. From the
mentioned reasons and within described context, this paper tends to be a small, but precisely created contribution to the
future actions of creating complex tourist offer at Montenegrin coast, especially in Budva as its “capital”, as it is often
emphasized with reasonable expectations in public.
Key words: cultural tourism, cultural heritage, regeneration projects.

INTRODUCTION
This paper is part of a study limited to one
particular destination, dealing with an issue of
cultural tourism in correlation with valorisation
and optimisation of regeneration and utilisation
of cultural and historic architectural heritage1.
Although in the thus far Montenegrin coastal
tourist practice there have been valuable and
successful partial initiatives and realisations of
1 investigations of various potentials and values
In realization of this study (2005-06) take part:
Vladimir A. Milić, Vladan Đokić, Mirjana Roter-
Blagojević, Ana Radivojević, Zoran Đukanović, Milorad
Mladenović, Gavrilo Mihaljević, Stevo Davidović, Rade
Ratković and Milenko Pasinović.
contents of cultural tourism and although there
is inevitable and educational experience in the
domain of protection of cultural and natural
heritage, at governmental and local levels so
far there has not been any comprehensively
created or adequately designed strategy of
cultural tourism as part of tourist industry
improvement (Marić, I. and Pucar, M., 1997).
One of the most important motives for this
paper is the fact that so far there have not been
conducted in full expert inventory and
of the Budva cultural and historic heritage, or
any analyses of possibilities for its modern
revitalisation and utilisation in terms of cultural
tourism and tourist industry in general. The
indisputable authenticity of this heritage,
particularly of the Budva Old Town, its
particularity and character in the context of
regional surroundings and the Mediterranean
tradition, imply the need for its active
protection, to breathe life into it and make an
appealing tourist attraction through various
forms of presentation and utilisation,
experience and memory, so as to create and
“crystallise” a recognisable and market
competitive and prestigious identity of Budva
as a desirable tourist destination and a cultural
centre at the same time (Prodanović, S.,
1997).
The other motive is a need - through such
approach to protection and revitalisation of

84 spatium
cultural and historic, monument and ambiance
recourses – to enrich the present development
trend and structure of the tourist offer and
expenditure in the Budva area and the broader
Montenegrin coast as an integral part of this
section of the Mediterranean with new, more
sophisticated cultural contents which would be
opposing to the prevailing form of mass
tourism, today dominating in Budva and its
surroundings almost solely in the primary
tourist season. This idea leans on a belief that a
developed tourist industry means a variety of
offers with a selective choice of contents for
target groups of various preferences when
culture and education are in question. (Đokić,
V. and Milić A. V. ed., 2005).
In addition, a significant motive is also a real
possibility of creating new innovative contents
through an analysis study, with such new ideas
deriving from the existing, but poorly utilised,
potentials of the tangible and intangible
cultural and historic heritage, legends,
customs, local environmental and traditional
particularities. Finally, a motive for conducting
such a study is a necessity to provide a proper
and professional elaborate which would be
useful in all forms of managing the processes
of heritage protection and tourist industry
development. For these activities it would be
necessary to obtain support from certain
international and European institutions like
UNESCO, ICOMOS, Europa Nostra, etc.
The basic goals of the paper could be
described as following:
- creating an operational model for making the
cultural, historic and architectural heritage of
the Budva Old Town and its surroundings
active and utilised for cultural tourism within
the tourist and total economic development
of Budva,
- defining principles and criteria of sustainable
integrative protection of the Budva Old Town
through proper utilisation and management,
and
- improving the authentic and recognisable
identity of Budva, which would also be of
prestigious and competitive attraction to
tourists, by promoting the values and
particularities of the Budva Old Town.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BUDVA
OLD TOWN CULTURAL HERITAGE
Among the Montenegrin coastal town, Budva
stands out not only for its historic and cultural
significance, as one of the oldest settlements
in the region, but also for its significant
architectural and urban values. It has clearly
defined and well preserved spatial
characteristics related to its origins in the
Illyrian – Hellenistic period and later on
development in the Roman and Byzantine
period. It is a typical well fortified mediaeval
coastal town with a military fortification - a
citadel, a civilian settlement and a harbour.
Fig. 1 Panoramic view of Old Town of Budva
The Budva Old Town and its ramparts cannot
be separated from its natural environment – the
sea and rocks that surround it. They were a key
reason for the town to be established at that
particular point, since they provided the people
there with natural protection due to extremely
favourable defensive characteristics. Therefore,
the very place Budva was built represents its
greatest value. It is a part of an exquisite
natural ambiance made by Mogren, hill Sveti
Spas (St. Saviour), St. Nicolas island and a
cape where Budva is situated. The natural and
visual qualities of the area had been
recognised even in the very distant past, when
a choice of a place for founding a town was
related not only to its favourable position with
regard to easy defence and accessibility for
trade, but also to certain rituals, cults and
myths, which gave the place a deeper
symbolic meaning.
The Budva Old Town ramparts are a relatively
consistent, compact and simple range that was
being formed during a long period of time.
From an urban point of view, the ramparts are a
structure typical of old Mediterranean fortified
towns. In comparison to other larger centres,
the Budva ramparts are of a simple
composition, mostly on a flat terrain, without
large oscillations in height and configuration in
regard to the fortification forms typology. The
promenade on top of the ramparts is not much
integrated into the town street network, for
which there is not particular need from the
point of view of the Old Town population.
The total Old Town area within the walls is
30,228 m2 (3.02 ha) and its perimeter is about
785 m. Within these measures, the total length
of the ramparts with the promenade is 460 m;
the eastern section is 158.5, the northern one
is 222.36 m and the western one is 79 m. The
rest of 325 m of the Old Town contour is the
southern part and the Citadel and there is no
promenade. The southern part does not have
ramparts with the promenade and this section
is about 122 m long. The height of the outer
rampart section does not vary much and
ranges (measured from the inner point zero of
the Old Town to the outer parapet point) from
about 7 m do about 12 m. The parapet
promenade ranges from 65 cm to 120 cm
(mostly about 1 m), and the height of the inner
parapet varies from 65 cm to 150 cm, whereas
the outer one ranges from 100 cm to 220 cm.
The promenade is mostly at an even height
from the ground level, with the exception of the
western rampart and a section of a northern
one above the Square of the Budva Artists,
which are somewhat higher. The bastion
diameters are: 9.5 m (Tower Repeno), about 9
m (Tower Gradenigo) and about 8 m (the tower
to the right from the Main Gates at the western
rampart). These measures show that the
fortified structures are of relatively small
dimensions, which is a significant physical
limitation with regard to their present and
future utilisation.
Regarding the area inside the ramparts, it can
be concluded that the urban structure remained
mostly unchanged, especially in regard to the
plots and size of buildings. In that context,
organization of streets and elongated shape of
certain plots helped the few contemporary
researchers of historic urban development of
Budva to recognize an urban pattern that was
typical for the Hellenistic period of urban
development (Mijović, 1975). Buildings inside
the city walls, as well as the ramparts, were the
subject of renewals in different periods. It is
evident that certain buildings originate from
spatium 85
later periods of the city, mostly from the 17th to
19th century. This can be seen in higher quality
of their construction, as well as in some
modest elements of architectural decoration of
the late baroque style. Other examples of
buildings inside the ramparts, whose origin
can be easily dated, as their size and number
of floors stand out from urban milieu of the Old
city, are represented in the 19th century
buildings dating from the short period of
Austrian rule, but also in those of the 20th
century (Kovačević, 1996). Architectural value
of the preserved residential buildings of the
Old city is not significant. They were often
subject of numerous adaptations and renewals
due to destructions and earthquakes that
occurred in this area in the past. Despite the
changes, they are typical representatives of
modest stone houses, built in the Venetian
period. Together with the narrow, winding
stone-paved streets and small, irregular
shaped squares, these elements lend a special
ambient value to the Old town of Budva
(Radivojević, A., Roter-Blagojević, M. and
Đokić, V., 2008).
PRINCIPLES OF THE OLD TOWN
HERITAGE VALORIZATION AS A
RESOURCE OF CULTURAL TOURISM
DEVELOPMENT
The basic principles as a starting point in the
processes of heritage valorisation, as well as in
planning and creating projects and
programmes based upon the heritage
potentials, particularly those in the cultural
tourism domain, are the modern theories and
practice of the heritage protection and
sustainable development, defined in several
most important internationally verified and
made operational documents (agendas,
declarations, charters, etc.).
Principles of improvement and
revitalisation of the areas of historic –
urban units in accordance with the
sustainable development principles
From the very beginnings of the sustainable
development concept and formulating the
views on a need for aligning the future social
development with the environment
preservation, it was noted that the environment,
apart from the fact that it should be
86 spatium
ecologically sustainable, it should also be
socially desirable, meaning that it should meet
the human cultural, material and spiritual
needs in a just manner. Therefore, it the views
are that the cultural sustainable development
has to be based upon a development that
considers intellectual, moral and aesthetic
standards of a community. It should be guided
by the principles of cultural diversity, cultural
changes, cultural holism, cultural sovereignty
and cultural relativism.
Principles of preservation of historic
and cultural values of old urban units
In the international framework, there is an
opinion that the built cultural heritage creates a
great potential, offering new alternatives and
new strategies for the future. For that reason, in
the last decades of 20th century, the planners
increasingly consider historic city centres and
cultural and historic units. Although the very
physical condition and the areas the units are
located are in a rather poor state, providing
also poor living conditions, they have still
preserved traces of their historic meaning,
traditional functions, quality of shape and
spiritual values. In addition, the understanding
of the protection of human heritage has
evolved substantially, so today, as basic
elements for creating protection policies for
historic cities the traces of changes in
utilisation of an area through time are taken
into account, as well as connections and
continuity that make an individual structure a
part of urban context. Modern international
charters and declarations do not consider only
the most important monuments as significant
architectural heritage worthy of the attention of
a community, but also groups of smaller
structures in old cities and characteristic
villages, in their natural and built environment.
Principles of urban renewal and
integrative protection of historic cities
Modern approach to the sustainable
development of historic cities advocates their
urban renewal based upon the respective
knowledge and understanding of history and
potential resources of the area, aiming at a
balanced integration of all the relevant issues
within a framework of the planning process.
The basic goal of urban renewal is considered
to be finding the ways how to best use the
existing urban structures in the spirit of present
and future needs. As the architectural heritage
is a significant and non renewable resource, in
making urban plans on all the levels, there is a
need for preserving and regenerating the units
of historic and architectural values so as to
improve and enrich the human environment.
Activities undertaken aiming at urban renewal
of old historic cities cores are perceived as
complete actions based upon common
concept and plan, which help the old urban
areas live new existence along with modern
living conditions and standards. The integrative
protection is thought to contribute harmonising
conservation requirements and goals of urban
planning, whilst the values and interests of the
existing historic fabric have been equalled with
other factors within a general planning process.
Holistic principles in planning and
revitalising process
In a historic city, which is a multifunctional
organism, the sustainable development can be
achieved only through a holistic approach, i.e.
through an understanding that a city has to be
viewed as a built natural environment with a
structural fabric, spatial forms, infrastructure,
functions and people. Although, on the level of
planning, individual designs for particular
sections of a city structure can be made, they
have to be considered within a contextual
whole. That notion requires that development
in one area has to be viewed as a continuous
process, so that any analyses should be more
of a dynamic than static character, i.e. they
should treat a community within different
parameters. For that reason, conservation
planning integrated into urban planning
involves a good knowledge of the reality of a
place in its physical, social, cultural and
economic aspects, regardless the level of a
particular plan (general strategic, master or
designs for smaller areas).
Integrative principle of architectural
heritage protection
This one is based upon the common and
profound understanding of the heritage
qualities, for purposes of defining its relevant
values. The international documents related to
the architectural heritage protection emphasise
as a very significant the issue of
understanding, interpreting and defining the
values of cultural monuments. There is also an
issue of a possibility of modern reading and
understanding of the creative process and a
meaning of an historic work. Consequently, a
point of view is proclaimed that as significant
architectural heritage worthy of consideration
by a community is not only the most important
monuments, but also groups of smaller
structures in old cities and characteristic
villages, in their natural and built environment.
New international documents dealing with the
issues of architectural heritage valorisation, as
an essential source of spiritual and intellectual
wealth of the entire human kind, emphasise
cultural pluralism, diversity of cultures and
heritage and respect of different values in this
world of ours. Each period is special in some
way, which is reflected in everything designed
and built at a particular point. Therefore, in
architectural works, products of all periods
should be valued equally, meaning that historic
changes and elements that have been created
during the entire period of life of a structure
should be respected.
GOALS AND CRITERIA FOR
CREATING AND SELECTING
DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS OF
CULTURAL TOURISM
The basic goals of the revitalisation,
reconstruction and adaptation project of the
Budva Old Town for purposes of the Budva
tourist industry improvement make basis for
recommendations and guidelines for future
activities. These goals yield the criteria for
creating particular projects, which may be of
use later on in creating other projects, ideas
and initiatives that may emerge in the future
development of tourism, especially the cultural
tourism of Budva. The basic goals of the
cultural tourism in the Budva Old Town and its
surroundings are:
HERITAGE PROTECTION, REVITALISATION
AND PRESENTATION AS A RESOURCE:
development of the preventive and professional
protection and presentation of the existing
cultural and historic architectural heritage, as
intangible one through revitalisation,
adaptation and active utilisation for purposes of
cultural tourism, and initiating new and
necessary research and undertaking measures
for its protection and promotion.
VARIETY AND APPEAL OF THE OFFER:
increase the number and variety, appeal and
frequency, mutual interconnection and
complementarily and activity of the contents,
activities and manifestations of cultural tourism
based upon authentic tangible and intangible
heritage, which is flexible and adjusted to
spatial and functional characteristics of the Old
Town, but without placing it at any risk.
COMPETITIVENESS: increase of the level of all
forms of competitiveness of both the existing
and new contents of cultural tourism by the use
of new comparative but also complementary
special features in relation to the broader
regional surroundings, tourist market and
similar destinations.
SUSTAINABILITY AND PROFITABILITY:
reaching a new level of economic and social
sustainability of all the activities and
programmes of cultural tourism, as well as
providing a favourable level of direct and
indirect profitability of this type of tourism for
purposes of improving the Budva tourist
industry.
SPECIALISATION OF THE URBAN STRUCTURE:
transformation of the existing, mostly
functional culturally and economically
extensive and passive urban structure of the
Old Town towards creating a complete,
constantly vital and appealing cultural centre in
a historic and autochthon ambiance.
ACTIVITIES AND CONTENTS
HARMONISATION: improvement of the entire
level of urban and environmental standards, of
the accompanying tourist contents, services
and comfort in the Old Town, as well as
providing conditions for functional
harmonisation of cultural tourism and other
activities in the Old Town and in its
surroundings (accommodation, hotel and
catering industry, entertainment, recreation,
etc.)
IDENTITY: improvement, “enhancement” and
promotion of the traditional, historic, but also
the modern cultural identity of Budva as a
recognisable tourist “brand” and a cultural
centre at the Adriatic coast.
Having the above stated principles and goals
as a starting point, the criteria have been
defined upon which particular projects have
been selected and created and then proposed
herein. These criteria require that the projects
here and other potential ones should be as
follows:
- as far as motives and subjects are in
question, they should be based upon local,
authentic and autochthon tangible and
intangible cultural, historical and spiritual
heritage as development resource,
particularly upon its specific and relatively
unique characteristics that make them
prominent with regard to a competition offer,
and should clearly suggest simultaneous and
stratified historic and cultural association to
both the Mediterranean cultural domain and
the Montenegrin tradition, as multinational,
multicultural and multiconfessional European
territories;
- in their character and programme contents,
place and time of occurrence, as well as in
their functional and other elements of
comfort, should correspond to the
predominant and typical preferences of the
cultural tourism target groups;
- typologically and thematically linked to the
autochthon place in the spatial ensemble of
the Old Town and its surroundings;
- in their scope, character and funding to
introduce minimal, but precisely balanced
and designed construction and shaping
interventions and adaptations of the existing
structures, which would be strictly aligned
with the already stated modern principles of
conservation and active revitalisation and
with the plan and design documentation
verified on an expert level;
- functionally fitting into a small, rather limited
physical capacity of the Old Town in its
entirety and in parts, as well as to utilise the
existing capacities of the communal
infrastructure without any major extensions;
- not to endanger other already existing
functions, particularly the residence and
pedestrian areas, save in some special cases
when other city activities of public interest
should and may be placed as secondary to
the cultural tourism programmes and
activities;
spatium 87
- interconnected into a unified dispersed
network of cultural tourism attractions and
sites, which are well spatially interconnected
and marked, and in terms of themes and
contents, they reflects and represent a
unique local spirit in which Budva and
Pastrovici, the Montenegrin coast,
Montenegro itself and its backs can be
identified;
- be able to be developed individually, in
stages, partially and gradually so that
realisation of one set of projects does not
interfere with the already established
functions of those previously completed;
- not particularly demanding in terms of
management and organisation, actually, to
be mostly dependent on the local human
resources and the existing or newly
introduced forms of organisation and
institutions in Budva, in the coastal area and
Montenegro, as well as to be realised
through both private initiatives and various
forms of private – public partnerships;
- self-sustainable in the balance of all the
costs, yielding direct and indirect financial
and social positive effects on the Budva
tourist industry on the whole;
- stimulating in their contents and character,
and their effects on protection and promotion
of cultural and spiritual heritage and cultural
tourism, as well as in accordance with the
international criteria for support, so that they
could get support from international and
European organisations, institutions and
funds.
Strategic concept of cultural tourism
development is best described in an
expression “integral ambiance – a network of
attractions” which has been created upon
characteristics of the existing state and the
previously defined goals of cultural tourism
development and the criteria for creating and
selecting the appropriate projects. The first part
of the expression (“integral ambiance”) derives
from characteristics of the spatial structure of
the Budva Old Town and the concentration of
numerous monuments situated on a small and
physically limited area. The second part of the
expression (“network of attractions”) denotes
orientation towards a greater number of
smaller, in themes and space interconnected
projects and programmes of cultural tourism.
88 spatium
Therefore, the strategic concept “integral
ambiance – a network of attractions” means
creating, arranging and presenting the contents
and motifs and conducting the cultural tourism
activities, which is all to provide for their
development in a form of space-time network
within a unified heritage unit and authentic
ambience of the Budva old Town and its
immediate surroundings, through revitalisation,
motivated functional utilisation of all its
monuments, public areas, structures and
intangible cultural heritage.
PROJECTS OF REVITALISATION,
RECONSTRUCTION AND
ADAPTATION OF THE
ARCHITECTURAL AND MONUMENT
HERITAGE OF THE BUDVA OLD
TOWN
According to all the previous analyses and
particularly to the defined goals, as well as the
selection criteria, projects of the Budva Old
Town revitalisation and adaptation of the
architectural and monument heritage have
been presented for purposes of improving the
tourist offer, or better still, for cultural tourism
development. The described projects aim,
above all, at promotion, animation and
presentation of both the already known and the
not so known local, Budva and coastal cultural
heritage and traditions as basic resources of
cultural tourism, thus mostly focused on the
area of the Old Town and its surroundings.
Particular focus is on the projects that provide
activities all year round and not only for the top
tourist season.
This time, the selected projects will be
presented, which pertain to two basic
categories – those based upon the potential of
the existing architectural and monument
heritage within the Old Town, i.e. projects
based upon the potential of the existing
architectural and monument heritage on the
ramparts.
Projects based upon the potential of the
existing architectural and monument
heritage within the Old Town
Projects of an early Christian basilica
plateau renovation and arrangement
Despite the fact that only the foundations and
the parapet level of the walls have been
preserved, the early Christian basilica is one of
the most valuable monuments in the Budva Old
Town. It does not only represent an exquisite
and authentic architectural and cultural
heritage, but a unique place of powerful
spiritual and symbolic energy, as well. It was
built in the late 5th and early 6th century, before
the Christian church Great Schism in 1054,
and is a rare building of old Christian
architecture and a sacred place which even
today radiates with a unique ecumenical
Christian spirit.
Fig. 2 Area around the Early Christian basilica according to
the renewal project
The project of the basilica plateau restoration
and arrangement has a triple goal. Firstly, to
enable the necessary additional archaeological
investigations of the site and its immediate
surroundings. Secondly, to provide proper and
professional conservation, protection and
presentation of all the elements of the basilica
(walls, floor mosaics, etc.) Thirdly, to create a
representing and functionally new and
attractive place, a plateau meant for modern
and special manifestations of cultural and
religious character, serving as an authentic
tourist spot in Budva and its Old Town. The
projects anticipates a construction of a special
plateau in a shape of a glass slab on a
stainless steel frame construction, placed
above the revealed basilica floors, which would
protect the mosaics on the one hand, and on
the other, would make a vast and functional
 platform for holding various cultural
manifestations. In addition, a symbolic
architectural reinterpretation of the original
volume and form of the basilica is envisaged
(Bojm, 2005), based on new research
information and on a special architecture
competition for individual authors, according
to the protection services programme and
requirements.
Project of structuring and opening the
Roman baths
The restoration of the Old Town has left the
remains of the Roman baths out of the public
reach and without any possibility to be viewed
from a square in front of the St. John’s church.
Above the baths, on a construction made of
reinforced concrete, the present stone
pavement of the square was placed, with three
rectangular openings, which are today blocked
by improperly designed flower containers. The
present entrance into the baths, in a shape of a
staircase, is covered with a wooden platform
on which there is a sidewalk café during the
summer season, so that, for the time being, the
baths are inaccessible. The height of an
underground room, where are the remains of
the Roman baths, allows an easy view on them
from the inside, provided a proper accessibility
is made available.
The project of structuring and opening the
Roman baths anticipates removal of the flower
containers, then making of at least two new
rectangular openings on the square outside the
St John’s church and the reconstruction of the
square pavement, so that the new stone flags,
in a different colour from the existing ones,
would make a pattern of the Roman baths
ground plan, which is underground, below the
Fig. 4 Lapidarium, present state of the place (up) and
according to the renewal project (down)
Fig. 3 Square above the Roman baths, present state
(up) and according to the renewal project (down)
square. Also envisaged are: the structuring and
arrangement of aesthetic lighting of the
underground rooms, the baths in their entirety,
which may be used as an exhibition area
according to a special plan; then opening the
existing entrance into the baths, with
constructing a flat eaves and placing the glass
walls – panels around the entrance section,
with special glass doors on the level of the
square above.
Project for housing classical capitals and
other classical architectural stone
fragments in the Garden of Cadmus and
Harmony
The plateau of Cadmus and Hermione is
between the wall towards the beach and the
Holy Trinity church plateau, the palm trees and
the grave of Stefan Mitrov Ljubiša. There is
also an empty construction lot by the wall
towards the city beach (which citizen’s called
the Richard’s Head), between two buildings.
The once existing openings and a door on this
wall are built up today, so we may assume that
there was a ground level structure or an
entrance to the Old Town from the coast, from
an erstwhile harbour.
Having in mind the special character of this
ensemble of the Old Town, encompassing the
churches of Holy Trinity, Santa Maria in Punta,
St. Sava of Jerusalem, St Ivan, the foundations
of an early Christian basilica dating from 6th
century and the Roman baths, as well as the
area in between, the Garden of Cadmus and
Harmony, in the thematic terms, should
represent an ancient, pre-ancient and special
mythological segment of the whole ensemble.
So, on the empty construction lot, it is possible
to design an area for housing the stone
fragments and the contents which would
present these ancient elements of the Budva
history and identity. For purposes if their
protection from disintegration and for more
proper presentation, it would be possible to
build a special, transparent ground level
structure of glass, with a flat roof terrace, as a
small “Budva Museum of Stone Fragments” or
an “Ancient Pavilion”. The flat roof of the
structure may be utilised as an open space for
promotions and performances.
Projects based upon the potentials of
the existing architectural and
monument heritage on the ramparts
The Murava gates project
The Murava gates are an exquisite and
exclusive point at the ramparts, being utilised
in various ways throughout the history of Budva
– one of the four oldest town gates. There is a
great view on the gates from the sea. However,
they are not accessible from the ramparts, but
are from the Old Town, along a street. The area
is good for placing a wide slab – a pier above
the sea, which can be covered. During the
summer season, when the weather is
favourable, the place is suitable for chamber
concerts, small performances, monodramas,
debates, etc. Alternatively, this pier can be
completely closed in glass, shaped as a
transparent structure of a cubic form (area of
about 40 m2), overhanging the sea, well lit
from the inside, so that by night it could be
seen as a special attraction both from the sea
and the ramparts. In this way, a special area is
made, with extraordinary ambience
surrounding, suitable for utilisation all year
round, for concerts, performances, lectures, or
exclusive diplomatic, business of scientific
gatherings.
Fig. 5 External addition to the Gate of Murava
spatium 89
The Repeno tower project
The Repeno tower is a spot on the ramparts
with the best view on the surroundings (islands
of St Nikola and St Stefan, beaches, Paštrovska
villages and the countryside at the Budva
backs, the mountains, etc.). The place, in the
two existing towers or on the ramparts outside,
is suitable for installing several strong
telescopes for detailed observation of the
countryside. However, these two small towers
can be made part of a chain of small exhibition
areas in the total of six small rampart towers (a
“Gallery of Small Towers”).
Below a special domed structure, in the middle
of the Repeno tower, it is possible to install a
telescope for observing the night sky both in
and out of the summer season. The Repeno
tower is suitable for groups between 15 and 20
tourists. The place is also suitable for chamber
concerts and monodramas. The bastion back
wall is suitable for video performances and for
placing a large exhibition glass box. Such a
glass box could be also placed on the other
side of the wall, as it could be viewed from the
northern ramparts, from a spot behind the Port
Office building.
The Piskara gates – the arcaded piazzetta
project
These gates are among the most important
entrances to the Old Town today. From the
inside the ramparts, to the left and right, there
is an arcade which may be utilised as glassed
and well lit niches for a permanent exhibition
area easily viewed from a piazzetta on the right
to the door. Such an exhibition area could
present large photographs or models and the
visual documentation presenting nine Orthodox
monasteries of the Budva region. In a case it is
not utilised only for public exhibitions of
cultural subjects, this space may be leased and
yield commercial benefit. The space also is
suitable for installing some additional video
screens for multimedia presentations of diverse
cultural heritage and tourist offer of Budva and
Montenegrin coast.
It was obvious that apart from the presented
projects many more could have been created.
The view of the author of this paper is that it
would necessary to go through with the
projects that could be effected and whose
realisation could already be evaluated and
90 spatium
Fig. 6 Position of the telescope at Repeno Tower
envisaged, using the available resources, as
well as with a support from the existing
domestics and international funds meant for
the development projects of cultural tourism
and protection of architectural, monument and
natural heritage, above all at the Adriatic,
Mediterranean, the Balkans and in Europe.
CONCLUSION
The expected effects of this paper can be
divided into information – documentation,
expertise, creative and organisational. With
regard to information effects, the paper
provides a series of systematised information
and knowledge, which enable new valorisation
of cultural, monument and other resources
focused on the development and forms of
cultural tourism in Budva and its surroundings,
but in a well based communication with
various international and national institutions
and organisations dealing in the field of
protection of natural and cultural heritage and
cultural tourism.
The effects in expertise relate to a synthesised
scientific and professional view and a model of
integration of knowledge put into practice
within two fields: heritage and tourism
protection, or more precisely, their integration
and formulation as a multidisciplinary expert,
professional and industrial activity.
The creative effect of the paper is a result of
idea generation for actual projects in cultural
tourism, based upon cultural and historical and
other resources within contexts of modern
trends of a stratified tourist market.
The effects that contribute to the innovative and
modernised organisation of activities in the
field of cultural tourism derive from
recommendations related to the proposed
projects and the general framework of
organisation.
In general, the suggestions and
recommendations contained herein are of the
guidelines nature and can be used in making
partial decisions in the public domain
(municipal, local and national public
companies and institutions), in the private
domain (private owners and leaseholders on
plots, structures and common areas, providers
of various services, etc.) and in the third
domain (NGO’s, associations, etc.), or in
various PPP (public-private partnership)
arrangements. It should be even desirable in
the process of creating strategies and policies
of the Budva cultural tourism. At the same
time, the paper can be used as an operational
basis for co-ordination and programme
defining of any project tasks for any of the
individual projects and interventions in the area
of spatial and thematic work scope within the
private, public or PPP arrangements. The
proposed solutions and recommendations
given herein could be realised to a great extent
by just following the regulatory framework of
the actual laws of the Republic of Montenegro.
The proposed projects could be also realised
partially, within the actual local activities and
the partnership arrangements between the local
authorities and private factors in the domain of
tourist industry, or within the Budva and
Montenegro cultural institutions.
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Gradovi i utvrđenja u Crnoj Gori, Beograd: (down)
Arheološki institut and Ulcinj: Muzej Ulcinj, pp. Figure 5 External addition to the Gate of Murava
87-176.
Figure 6 Position of the telescope at Repeno
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Izbor najznačajnijih dokumenata Saveta Evrope
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za očuvanje nasledja Kosova i Metohije –
MNEMOSYNE.
Mijović, P. (1975.), Urbani razvoj Crne Gore u
antičko doba, in: P. Mijović & M. Kovačević,
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(1998). Bioklimatske karakteristike nekih
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List of illustrations:
Figure 1 Panoramic view of Old Town of Budva
Figure 2 Area around the Early Christian basilica
according to the renewal project

spatium 91
 711. 455 (497.11): 712. 256

THE SYSTEM OF GREEN SURFACES IN SPAS WITH

SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE CASE STUDIES:
VRNJA Č KA, KANJI Ž A AND PRIBOJSKA SPA

Tijana Crnčević, Olgica Bakić

Taking into consideration the significance of the vegetation in urban areas the paper analyses current and attached
regulations in Serbia relevant for planning and preserving of the system of green surfaces, with special reference to the spas.
Referring to the results, it is pointed out the limitations of the current legal framework. Also, the existing planning documents
for Vrnjačka, Pribojska and Kanjiža spa are analyzed.
Referring to the obtained results, the recommendations are formulized with special reference to the system of green surfaces
in spas. They stand for harmonization and improvement of the existing law regulations for the system of green surfaces and
also for providing corresponding legal and other mechanisms, where financial support for the plan realization and efficient
management is included.
Key words: the system of green surfaces, spa, green infrastructure.

INTRODUCTION
Urban areas at the beginning of XXI century are
encountered with numerous problems
regarding planning and preserving of green
spaces. As a very important part of climatic
infrastructure, the influence of vegetation is
recognized, between the others, in clearing up
the atmospheric air, protection of dust, smoke
and soot, the protection role from ionize
radiation and as well positive impact to the
human beings. Beside above mentioned, the
presence of forest cover influences not only
climatic conditions, such as wind circulation,
increasing the air humidity, the amount and the
deposition of precipitation, but also to the
other conditions which are in the function of
the environment protection such as the
regulation of the content of water in the water
currents, the influence to the erosion
processes developed as the result of the
rainfall, wind and water currents, and the
impact to the filtration and regeneration of the
air.
areas are, beside the others, non-existence of overall strategy for spas, as a key document for
appropriate studies, the cadastre of green areas further development and conservation, where
and monitoring then, unsolved legal-property the system of green surfaces has a very
relations, the use of green surfaces for important role.
construction, non-effective management and
The system of green surfaces within urban area
inconsistent application of regulations (JUP
compromise parts within different owners and
Urbanistički zavod Beograda, 2003).
different categories. For the system of green
These recognized problems are also present in surfaces, in the professional literature in the
spas which are undertaking the smaller plan documentation, the term green
surfaces where the expiration or lack of infrastructure is often used - soft infrastructure.
appropriate plans and strategies is very often
Regarding the aim of this paper - to explore the
phenomenon. However, it should be noted that
current status of the existing legal framework
tradition, medicinal natural factors, highly
and practice covering the system of green
educated experts, wealthy cultural and historic
surfaces – and taking into consideration the
inheritance of the surroundings, excellent
importance of the vegetation in spas, the paper
geographic position, surroundings and food
will specially analyze the existing legal
together with the low cost of therapeutic
framework covering planning, preserving and
treatments are acknowledged advantages while
maintaining of the system of green surfaces.
as shortages are stated inferior infrastructure,
Also, the current practice with references to the
expiration of medical equipment, shortage of
planning documentation for Vrnjačka, Pribojska
spa strategy, education for new programs, low
and Kanjiža spa is particularly analyzed.
marketing surveys, lack of the financial support
for development (www.udruzenjebanja.co.yu).

The recognized problems in the cities, in Taking into account above mentioned, it could
respect to planning and preserving of the green be assumed that there is a great need for the

92 spatium
THE OVERVIEW OF THE EXISTING
REGULATIONS COVERING THE
SYSTEM OF GREEN SURFACES
Special influence to the planning, building and
preserving of the system of green surfaces
have had the first and, until now, the only Law
on building and maintaining of green surfaces
(Official gazette SRS n.8/72). After passing and
adopting the Law on environmental protection
in 1991 the previous law was put out of effect.
After more then a decade, by adoption of the
Law on environmental protection (Official
gazette RS n.135/04), according to the article
20, the obligation to consider public green
surfaces was introduced within following
decree:”The public green surfaces in the
inhabited places and regions included in spatial
and urban plans are build and maintain in the
way which enable protection and advancement
of natural and created values. If because of the
construction of the object is destroyed public
green surface, it has to be compensated under
the conditions and in the way which determine
the unit of the local goverment. Common
conditions for protection, the way of building,
maintaining and restoration of destroyed green
surfaces and, as well, conducting of the data of
green surfaces is arranged by separate laws”.
For the Law on planning and construction
(Official gazette RS n.43/03), after the
examination of the key words - public green
surfaces, the system of green surfaces, green
infrastructure -it can be assumed that the Law
does not include special regulations. Although
the previous Law on environmental protection
from 1991, according to the article 15,
established the obligation for spatial and urban
plans to “fortify special regime for preserving
and utilizing the area…public green surfaces”
in the existing Law on planning and
construction there is no clear regulations
supporting the system of green surfaces.
However, in the part “the content of urban
plans…for the Master plan..” (article 36) this
Law considers, “straights, corridors and
capacities for traffic, energetic, waterpower,
communal and other infrastructure”. Similar to
this, in the Rules for arrangement, article 41
posture 4 points out the necessity for “…
closer regulations... communal and other
infrastructure” where under “other” could also Forests and forest land are integral part of the
be understood green infrastructure, i.e. the system of green surfaces. The Law on forest
system of green surfaces. (Official gazette RS n.46/91,83/92,53/93,
54/93, 60/93-67/93, 48/94, 54/96, and
Further, within the principle for preserving the
101/2005) cover the protection, promotion,
space (article 3) it is assumed that “the
consumption and management of the forest
harmonization within the European normative
and forests land and other potentials of the
and standards in the field of planning and
forests. According to the article 4, the forests
organization of the space for creating
and forests land under the country’s
conditions for trans-border and international
ownership, the management is by public
cooperation” has to be achieved during the
enterprises.
planning. In that way, the possibility and
consideration is given to consult other The maintaining of the parks, green and
important international documents and recreational surfaces are under the communal
guidelines also, not only in the field of activities. Taking into consideration the
planning but also within the sectors such as obligation for maintaining and organization the
the system of green spaces. system of green surfaces the Law on
communal service is applied (Official gazette
Taking into consideration that nature properties
RS n.16/97 and 42/98). Under the
are included within the system of green
maintenance of parks, green and recreational
surfaces during the planning process
surfaces this law considers: planting the trees
regulations covering the protection of nature
and other vegetation, maintaining, equipping of
are of importance. This section is regulated
the place and maintaining the functional
directly within several laws and regulations and
condition as these surfaces are representing
indirectly within regulation of the Law on
properties of common usage. The Law further
forester, hunting etc. As the Law on the
regulates obligations of the communities - the
protection of the nature is in draft, it has to be
city to provide necessary scope, level and
noted that, till the adoption, the regulations of
quality of the service, implementation of the
the previous Law on the protection of the
supervision and the control within the covering
environment from 1991. are applied covering
communal service. The law includes the
the protection of the nature.
possibility to found the public enterprise, but
Further, integral part of the green infrastructure also the possibility for public to carry out some
are cultural properties, more exactly, their communal services.
direct surroundings. Also, according to the Law
The Law on spas (Official gazette RS
on cultural properties (Official gazette RS
n.80/1992) does not go further regarding the
n.71/94), article 3, protected area of the real
planning, preserving and maintaining of the
estate cultural good has the protection as the
system of green surfaces. The spa is defined as
cultural property. The article 47, within the
“the area in which is existing and it is using
regulations for establishing real estate cultural
one or more natural medical factors and which
properties, beside the name and description,
is fulfilling the conditions within the scope of
include the border of the protected area and
organization and supply for their utilization
the measures related to the protection,
within the accord of the regulation of this law.”
conserving and using the cultural properties
According to the article 2 “it is assumed that
and it’s surroundings. Beside that within the
the conditions are fulfilled within the
article 48 the obligation is set up that if the real
organization and supply of the area within the
estate proposed for cultural property is situated
article 1, paragraph 1, if the spa has
out of inhabited places, the republic institution
“….corresponding communal and other
for the protection of the cultural properties is
objects (water supply, canalization, traffics,
obliged to enclose the opinion of the institution
PTT and electro objects and public green and
managing the protection of nature with special
recreational surfaces)”.
measures for protection and the borders of the
protected area, corresponding to the valid Law According to the article 7 “protection,
on the protection of nature. promotion and use of the spa area is performed
in harmony with this law and the laws on
spatium 93
organization and protection of natural property These surfaces influence creation of the development is based on the improvement of
and environmental protection”. According to special microclimatic conditions - the the tourist offer. Problems which are appearing
the article 8 “an appropriate planning temperature amplitudes are not significant, the are problems of air pollution, noise, non-legal
document for spas is brought within the drought period is short, there are no heavy construction and creation of wild landfills
regulation for planning and maintaining of the heaths. Because of the topography of the within the forests and forest land.
area”. terrain and the wealth of vegetation, Vrnjačka
According to the Master plan for Vrnjačka Spa
spa is protected from the winds but still
According to the overview of the existing legal 2005-2021 (Official gazette of the community
average year air humidity is considerable high
framework, it could be assumed that the sector Kraljevo n.12/05) the system of green surfaces
(78%).
which covers planning, preserving and consists of (Figure 1):
maintaining the system of green surfaces is not Vrnjačka Spa does not have severe
- within the public surfaces: parks, squares,
adequately represented. The main limitations environmental problems as the economy
greenery within blocks, tree lined paths, the
are following: it is not clearly defined what is
understand under the term public green
surfaces, i.e. the system of green surfaces
then, there are no special regulations or
decrees by which this field is in more detail
regulated and there is no special regulation for
protection and improvement of the vegetation -
the system of green surfaces in spas.
As the system of green surfaces includes
different categories it has to be noted that
several laws are applied such as law on forests,
cultural properties. These regulations
completely meet the needs for the regulated
categories. However, obtaining more efficient
planning, it can be assumed that further
"planning of the system of green surfaces
needs whole legal support, in a sense of
harmonizing regulations within the sectors"
(Crnčević, 2005).

THE SYSTEM OF GREEN SURFACES

IN URBAN PLANS: THE EXAMPLE
OF VRNJAČKA, PRIBOJSKA AND
KANJIŽA SPA
An insight to the contemporary practice
includes overview of the existing planning
documents for spas. The overview and
analyses understand an insight to the
accessible plans, actually to the part covering
the system of green surfaces.

Vrnjačka Spa

Vrnjačka Spa was declared as Spa region under

the Decree on establishing the area for spa
Vrnjačka Spa (Official gazette RS n.26/97).
Important natural potentials are mineral
springs, the presence of the surface under the
vegetation - more than 60% of the whole
surface - where surfaces under the forest and Fig. 1. The system of green surfaces
forest land can specially be distinguished. Source: Master plan of Vrnjačka Spa 2005-2021

94 spatium
greenery for special purposes and limited uses Kopaonik. Further, protection understands categories are included and well processed. As
(around schools and medical institutions, declaration of the natural property with the potential of the plan it can specially be
sports and recreational spaces), conservation status of the Regional natural park. Also, it has recognized that plan stands for protection of
greenery (around industrial and other objects, to be noted that master plan is promoting forests and the spa park.
coastal greenery), park forests and protection and maintaining forests complexes
conservation forests; within the borders of the plan area under the Pribojska spa
names Raj, Brankova glavica, Borjak, Duga and
- within natural property and according to the The Pribojska spa is situated on the 5th km
forest complex above the hospital.
information from the Central register for the upstream from Priboj at the right valley side of
protected natural properties, on the territory of Specially with the plan it is foreseen putting the river Lim, spreading in the zone of 500-
Vrnjačka Spa as the monuments of the nature under the protection the spa park as a natural 600 m height above the level of the sea.
are distinguished,: Black pine tree, Four oaks, property as well as the area around the mineral
The Plan of detailed regulation for Pribojska
Two oaks -Vrnjci and the Church hill as a springs “Jezero” and “Slatina” with the surface
spa will be elaborated (Institute of architecture
cultural historic space entity. of 23,10 ha.
and urbanism of Serbia, Belgrade, August
Within the common conditions for Vrnjačka Therefore, for the Master plan of Vrnjačka Spa 2008).
Spa in the Master plan with the aim - it could be assumed that the plan represents
The Plan of detailed regulation “establish and
protection and promotion of the environment - continual protection of the natural resources
arrange the border of the public construction
following measures are included for the system and the system of green surfaces. The system
land with the elements for the cadastre support
of green surfaces: of green surfaces, within the plan
notification, the regulation lines of the streets
documentation, is well represented in the
- the protection of all elements of the natural and public spaces and construction lines,
textual and graphic sense. All present
structure in a sense of valorization and leveling peak elevation of the streets and
separating potential single or group species for
protection;
- because of an unequal quality within all
categories of greenery the plan promotes
improvement, not only in the esthetic sense
but also the restoration of sanitary-hygienic
conditions.
Within each category the plan includes rules
for further development. Within the tree lined
paths it is planed raising the new, particularly
next to traffic infrastructure, then planting
vegetation around water springs as well as the
recultivation and revitalization of "Podunavske
bare" by planting conservation greenery along
Western Morava. What also could be
distinguished is that the plan give special
intention to the spa park and forests by
promoting their protection.
Taking into consideration the importance of
forests and forests land, in a sense of water
protection and water regulation function, within
the plan, the forests are protected through the
function of conservation forests in accordance
with the Decree of the municipality of Vranjčka
Spa (Official gazette of the community
Vrnjačka Banja, n.5/86). These forests
complexes with the surface of 420,71 ha are
situated along the border of the master plan
representing part of the forests of surrounding
mountains Goč, Željin and in a wider sense Figure 2. The system of green surfaces for Pribojska spa
Source: The plan of detailed regulation for Pribojska spa

spatium 95
public surfaces” (The Law on construction and
planning Official gazette RS n.47/03).
The plan of detailed regulation for Pribojska
spa consists of the following public surfaces:
- spa activities,
- public green surfaces,
- traffic surfaces,
- the objects for public purposes and
- religious objects.
In the analysis and evaluation of the conditions
and in the assessment of the development
possibilities it is stated that the public green
surfaces are relatively conserved but, in
general, do not fulfill ecological and biological
aspects and landscape conditions. It is stated
that it is necessary to protect the landscape
characteristic and improve the visual character
of the whole area.
Within the part “The conditions and
development possibilities of the free and green
surfaces” the rules for greening and
maintaining of the plan area are stated. The
main aim is promotion of the landscape
characteristics and the existing biological fund
- the stand of oak and the culture of pine. Also,
it should be noted that, by special measures,
the springs of mineral water are protected as
the main natural resource.
All activities predicted by plan, the
construction of new capacities for logging as
well as the new recreational centre are planned
with minimum disturbance of the landscape.
The plan further includes rules for the system
of green surfaces:the spa park, the greenery for
the special purposes and limited use, forests
and forest land (Figure 2):
a) Spa park
Plan compromises planting new park within the
central zone of the spa respecting the existing
conditions and maximum promotion of the
area. The greening is planned with
autochthonous species and with attached rustic
equipment: benches, waste baskets , the place
for calm resting, walking lines, view point.
b) The greenery for special purposes and
limited uses
The greenery for special purposes and limited
use - around the objects for public purposes
96 spatium
(RH centers, multimedia center, baths,
annexes) has to be arranged in the way that the
approaches are clearly marked and, where it is
possible, beside the access lines and in front
of the objects, to include short vegetation -
bushy and flower vegetation. The
recommendation for the private garden plots is
to form flower gardens or live fences from
bushy and tree species on the part of the lot to
the streets. Suitable shade at the playground
has to be provided for the new recreational
center, at the sports terrains.
c) The line greenery
The regulation of traffics lines is included
under the line greenery - street line trees, lines
lawns and line trees at the parking lots. The
existing fund at the traffic has to be protected
and along the traffic with intervention to form
line of short greenery with line trees from
autochthonic deciduous species with thick and
shady treetops. It is planned to plant the new
trees at the places marked for parking.
d) Forests and forest land
The existing monastery forests is planned to be
connected to the surrounding walking paths
and some of the parts of forests to be
converted in park forests with limited sports
and tourist activities.
This plan in a whole treats the system of the
green surfaces considering that the system of
Figure 3. The system of green surfaces for Kanjiža spa
Source: Master plan for Kanjiža, block 12
green surfaces is well presented in textual and
graphic sense. What is characteristic for the
plan area is that the spa is not developed.
Therefore the accent of the plan is in raising
new green surfaces with full support for the
protection of the existing biological fund and in
keeping the landscape authentic.
Kanjiža Spa
The Kanjiža settlement is situated in a meek
plain within right bank of the brook Kereš. The
absolute height above level is from peak
elevation of 76.50m till the 85.7 m. The
distinguished natural factors are relief, water
surfaces, term mineral water, climatic factors
and greenery.
The analysis of the plan for Kanjiža Spa
comprehends the analyses of the Kanjiža
Master plan (Official gazette RS n.8/03) where
the spa area is included and marked as a block
12. Within the spa block (Figure 3) the spa
park with old spa is included, together with the
residential area with the apartments for renting,
sport and recreation and conservation
greenery.
Taking into consideration that the environment
is degraded, the plan specially points out the
importance of the vegetation. The greening of
the place, as it is pointed out, was done
structurally and according to the conditions
and possibilities, following the construction of
the town. The results of the the public spaces
valorization within the town stresses that “the
network and continual system of the green
spaces is not enough realized” (Master plan for
Kanjiža, 2003).
protected from wind and connected with other
parts of the settlements. Further, the greenery
has to be arranged in the way that south
exposition of the sports terrains are in the
shade.
surfaces in spas and defining rules within the
separated categories such as spa park, spa
promenade and others.
Literature

Within the rules and conditions for creating the
urban landscape of the spa complex
settlement, as one of the most attractive point
of Kanjiža, it has to have visual identification
together with the functionality of the
constructed objects so that the medical and
touristic-receational needs are fulfilled for the
users of the spa. Symbiosis of architectonic
and horticultural forms, within the use of urban
equipment has to make pleasant ambient,
which has its own identity.
The system of the green surfaces for Kanjiža
consists of: public green surfaces, green
surfaces with limited usage, green surfaces for
the special purpose.
Within the block 12 - the spa- among the
category public green surfaces, it is
considered spa park. It represents the only park
in Kanjiža called “Narodni park”. Located
beside the spa complex, in the eastern part of
the town, it takes the surface of around 12,210
m2. It is planned to be supplemented, i.e.
reconstructed with introduction of the species
of trees and ground vegetation.
The greenery of the residential area and sports-
recreational surfaces are included within the
green surfaces with limited usage .
The residential area plan considers obligation
to provide 30% of the green surfaces as
necessary. This green area has to be
connected with other parts of the system of the
green surfaces. Their horticultural treatment
will be realized in the landscape manner, by
forming the group of decorative trees and
bushes.
For the green surfaces around the objects of
individual habitat it is recommended that about
30% from the surface of the whole lot has to be
under greenery. Bigger lots will have to be
grouped in the following way: front gardens,
the space for children games and rest for
elders and vegetable gardens.
For the sport - recreational surfaces it is
recommended that 40 - 50 % of the whole area
has to be under greenery. They have to be
Within the category greenery for the special Javno urbanističko preduzeće (JUP) Urbanistički
zavod Beograda, 2003., Projekat Zelena
use the conservation greenery is considered.
regulativa Beograda, nacrt odluke-prva faza
This category undertakes reduction of negative
http://www.udruzenjebanja.co.yu
effects of the micro location.
Law on environmental protection ,Official gazette
After looking at the Master plan for Kanjiža, it RS n.135/4
can be assumed that plan does consider Law on planning and construction, Official gazette
system of the green surfaces in the textual and RS n.43/03
graphic sense. The system is well elaborated Law on cultural properties, Official gazette RS
and not only recognizes limitations of the n.71/94
current status of the system of green surfaces The Law on forest, Official gazette RS
but also includes the measures for further n.46/91,83/92,53/93, 54/93, 60/93-67/93,
improvement. 48/94, 54/96 and 101/2005
Law on communal service, Official gazette RS
CONCLUSIONS n.16/97 and 42/98
The planning of the system of green areas in
Law on spas, Official gazette RS n.80/1992
Serbia, according to the overview of the legal Crnčević, T., 2005, Sitem zelenih površina u
funkciji zaštite životne sredine – primer
framework does not have appropriate support.
Vrnjačke Banje i Vršca; Arhitektura i
Unstated and non harmonized legal regulations urbanizam, n.16/17, IAUS; p.31-39
are the primary limiting factors. On the other
Master plan for Vrnjačka Banja 2005-2021,
side, taking into consideration that the system Official gazette of the comunity Kraljevo
of green surfaces includes different categories, n.12/05
it should be said that planning, especially The plan of detailed regulation for Pribojska spa,
forests and forest land as well as the protected Institute of architecture and urban and spatial
nature and cultural properties is regulated planning of Serbia, Belgrade, august 2008.
separately. Master plan of Kanjiža , Official gazete RS n.8/03
However, it should be noted that current Maksin-Mićić, M., 2003, Some problems of
integrating the landscape planning into the
practice gives full support to the protection and spatial and environmental planning in Serbia,
improvement of the system of green surfaces SPATIUM, IAUS, n.9, p.28-33
where, it could be said, the current conditions
impose processing of the subjects area.
Therefore, main recommendations are as
follows: harmonization and improvement of the
existing law regulations for the system of green
surfaces and provision of the corresponding
legal and other mechanisms, including the
financial support for the plan realization and
efficient management. Also, the “strong
necessity for landscape architects to establish
interest coalitions with physical planners and
environmental lobbies from the start, so that
concept lobbying can be promoted, agreed and
efficiently implemented” (Maksin-Mićić, 2003)
could be confirmed. Further, after obtaining
above mentioned conditions more detailed
regulations for spas could be defined, such as
promoting protection of the system of green

spatium 97
 711. 434 (541. 23)

A REVIEW ON SALT LAKE CITY, KOLKATA*, INDIA:

MASTER PLANNING AND REALIZATION

Dobrivoje Tošković

Motivation for construction of Salt Lake City comes from the circumstances characterizing life in Calcutta known by its social,
political and cultural activities. Among many problems, the City was faced with poverty and overcrowding. West Bengal
Government realized that serious steps have to be taken to resolve the situation. One of the biggest actions of the Government
was creation of so called "NEDECO" Plan for reclamation certain area of the Salted Lakes, followed by the tender for urban
planning. The enterprise for water ways Ivan Milutinović was considered the most convenient for both: reclamation and
planning. The Conceptualization covers the Main Aims and interests forming plan basis where three factors were selected:
urban character, new vs old town, inhabitants and town growth. Follows Existing Land Use Pattern of the Municipal Area. The
realization of the Salt Lake Master Plan, as a part of the Municipal Area, is shown through an Overview of Achieved
Infrastructure covering Roads, Water Supply, Sewerage, Area Level Storm Water Drainage, Solid Waste Management and,
finally, through the Other Municipal Services, such as: Administrative Infrastructure, Health Infrastructure, Greeneries, Water
bodies, Socio-Cultural Infrastructure.
Key words: Motivation, Reclamation, Master Planning, Realization

MOTIVATION FOR CONSTRUCTION
OF NEW CALCUTTA*
Calcutta - the biggest town of India - is
situated between the river Hooghly at the West
and Salt Lakes at the East boarders; it grew in
the worst way - in width.
Having in mind that the key for the economy of
the whole India lays in Calcutta - West Bengal
Government realized that serious steps have to
be taken to resolve the situation.
One of the biggest actions of the Government
was creation of so called "NEDECO" Plan for
leveling certain area of the Salted Lakes
followed by the tender for urban planning of
this space. After a few attempts the proposal of
the Central Metropolis organization for
planning and the enterprise Ivan Milutinović
from Belgrade was considered. According to
the Jury of 9 members, the Government of
*
formerly Calcutta
West Bengal accepted our proposal on 9 April
1964.
NORTH SALT LAKES REGION:
ADVANTAGE AND CONVENIENCE OF
THE LOCATION
By leveling the North Salt Lakes region, the
territory of 3.3/4 square miles is gained about
4 miles away from Dalhousie Square. This
region has direct access to Sealdah station and
trade centre Bow Bazaar.
The Salt Lakes region will have excellent road
connection which will be realized by the
proposed super-highway to Dum Dum, one of
the most important and the quickest growing
centre of heavy and medium industry in the
whole Metropolitan region. By Krishnapur
channel, the region gets water traffic. The
region can easily be connected with the railway
leading to Sealdah station.
The size and location of the North Salt Lakes
suggests development plan that would satisfy
more urgent needs of the town.
First, the region would enable release of the
town overcrowding. It is immediately possible
to secure accommodation for 3 loch /300,000
people inside the region, leaving more space
at disposal in the existing region of the town.
Second, the region would enable expansion of
the significant activities within the Central
region.
Securing the modern office space at the Salt
Lake will satisfy the urgent needs for
enterprises and administration and easy
overcrowding in the existing town centre.
Third, there is an opportunity to secure space
for service industry important for development
of any modern town.
SALT LAKES RECLAMATION,
CALCUTTA, INDIA
Client: Government of West Bengal Completion
period: 1961 to 1970.

98 spatium

The overpopulated city of Calcutta confined
between the Hooghli River and the Salt Lakes,
found the solution for its expansion by filling
marshes and brackish lakes.
The realization of this hundred years' old idea
was entrusted to "Ivan Milutinović" in
cooperation with "Invest-Import", Belgrade. The
scheme included reclamation of 3.75 sq.miles
of flooded land for city expansion. The above
work commenced in 1961 and was completed
in 1967, about a year ahead of schedule.
Reclamation was performed with material
dredged: from the shoals of the Hooghli River.
Material was leaded on the barges and
transported to the unloading dredger. The
mixture of sand and water was unloaded from
the barges and hydraulically transported to the
site by means of a 26" pipeline.
Total length of the pipeline varied from 2.5 to 5
miles.
CONCEPTUALIZATION
Main aims and interests - plan basis
Researching the leading, basic demands of this
new town plan and its architecture - three
factors were selected as the influential (in our
proposal):
A) Urban characteristic
A town has to have a coherent structure - easily
understandable, main elements of the plan
have to be combined so that they make a
unique whole. Ideas leading towards
dispersion of residential units mutually divided
by greenery should be abandoned. The urban
character in terms of architecture and
horticulture and the relation at the urban
macro-level, between vertical emphasize of
structures around the central zone and
horizontal development within the external ring
which should dominate the town area should
be achieved.
Central zones, by its shape should be
depended as much as possible to inhabitation
and micro-climate of the central zone as
pleasant as possible.
B) New and old town
A town should be outlined as a separate whole
which is at the same time complementary with
the old - existing town. Acquire easy
connections with the existing centre and direct
approach to railway station Sealdah.
Town structure and shape
Balancing the aims for coherent and compact
structure with standard for the open space
function and attempt to secure diversity of
residential areas, as culmination of this idea, it
led to the concept of centralized town core.
Around this linear shaped core the residential
units of higher density are grouped, which
together with the central functions make
vertical accent of the town. Behind this inside
belt, the units which present the horizontal
stamp to the town are lined up.
The compactness of the town tissue is
achieved through the big scope of residential
areas lined up in continuity distributed town
core at one side and through maximum density
within the residential zones and concentration
of open space at the other side.
Town structure, besides the core (with
administration, social and trade marks,
industry, scientific and educational and health
points and big town park) comprises of 49
residential units some of which are outlined
within one block, while in other cases 2, 3 or
even 4 blocks make one residential unit which
is a result of individual size of some blocks and
the distance from the town centre. Likewise,
the number of inhabitants differs between the
minimum of 3000 up to the maximum of
12000 which is also in line with the percentage
of school children in this town which equals
20%.
spatium 99
Traffic communications connect all these
structural elements in the way that secures
natural main streams and at the same time
maximum segregation of pedestrian and motor
traffic.
Residential streets are such planned that the
slipped down system and widening the cross
roads prevent fast traffic and in the sense of
shape they form a small square as a gathering
place. Six types of streets are planned, of
which I-IV come under the town avenues and
collecting streets, while V and VI are residential
streets of which one part makes short, blind
streets.
Projection of inhabitants
Totally estimated inhabitants in both phases:
328,000.
Planned accommodation for the I phase is
218,000 inhabitants of which 129,141
inhabitants within the individual construction
and 88,859 inhabitants within the collective
arrangement of land.
After the adoption of the General Master Plan,
by direct engagement within the same
Institution, detailed urban plans of the I phase
are completed (1964-1966). They included
main projects of the street network (including
water supply and the system for waste and rain
waters channels). The new town has to accept
new functions and has to have a wider meaning
for the needs of inhabitants that are going to
live there (scientific, educational, health and
administrative).
C) Inhabitants and town growth
Town growth is conceived in two main phases
partially overlapping (phase I 15-20 years).
During the first years of construction, the
inhabitants would be mainly filled in from
migrations, while the second phase would
cover natural growth which would result in the
difference between the newly born and died in
relation to immigrants.
Characteristics of employment
The experience from Chandigar show lack of
selection of the economic activities, specially
industry, leaving unpleasant consequences to
the town characteristics. Therefore the problem
of employment has to get an important
significance through securing points for
development of industry and adequate
possibilities for employment in non-
economical branches. It is counted that this
would attract households of the middle age
which would secure greater participation of this
group in active population of New Calcutta.
Master Plan
General concept reflects determined principles
and certain limits of the locality at one side and
the way and financing at the other. As such it is
a result of different influential factors but also
is a CONDITION and OBJECT of the specific
way of urbanization: the town content consists
parallel and adequate significance of versatile
human activities apart from the function of
inhabitants' accommodation. In this way the
possibility for self development is offered and
a danger that town becomes "a settlement for
sleeping" is escaped.
In this sense it has its characteristics:
- has its structure
- it carries processes with existing relations
- quality measures can be added
- it is divided into phases
Combined matrix model effects
New Calcutta is combined by three types of
urban matrices - radial, orthogonal and linear,
characterized by the typical urban tissue and
unity in diversity. Its completeness is
emphasized by specific, by one axis prolonged
shape of two dimensional matrix, bordered
wide avenues and partially green strips /water
channels which are separated from the rest
tissue of Calcutta and noticed as clear borders.
The urban structure of New Calcutta is easily
understood because of its expressed entity
characterized by different types of construction
and different functions. Further, the territory
which it possesses is not too big and that is
one of the reasons for good readability.
Silhouette, on which the residential tissue can
be recognized, homogenous by altitude and
emphasize verticals of business and trade
objects, achieves good orientation and
readability.
EXISTING LAND-USE PATTERN OF
THE MUNICIPAL AREA
Situation Assessment
Urban expansion has very serious impact on
the scarce land resources. In other
municipalities, urban expansion/ encroachment
into rural and agricultural areas are possible.
But the case is different for Bidhannagar, which
is already a planned township. Bidhannagar
was basically conceived in the form of five
Sectors-I, II, III, IV & V. Later, in 1995 an added
area of 20.98 sq km was added to it. This area
is remarkable for its vast wet land resource
with pockets of habitable land within. In 2006,
Sector V, which is the Industrial Sector was
separated from Bidhannagar to form a new
Municipal area ‘Naba-Diganta’.
The Sectors are further sub-divided in Blocks,
73 in numbers (Sector-I,II & III) Sector IV
includes slum of Sukantangar (Ward no.22) &
Nalban Bherry. However large vacant areas are
found in all blocks. There are fifteen markets in
the planned area of the Municipality- seven in
Sector-1, three in Sector-2 and five in Sector-3
Besides these, there are two other commercial
Centres, one in Sector-1 (City Centre) & the
other in Sector-3 (Charnock City) .
3%
Residential
5% 2%
3% Transportation
2% Greenery
Educational
12% 50%
Administrative
Commercial
Hospital
23%
Other Amenities
Figure 1: Land-Use Pattern Planned and Built up
Salt Lake City
As Salt Lake City is a pre-planned township,
the Land-Use Pattern was fixed beforehand.
The percentage of land-use is as follows:
The most inevitable aspect of urbanization is
horizontal growth of the town and change in
land uses. Bidhannagar is basically comprised
of the planned township of Salt-Lake with an
area of 12.50 sq km and with an added area of
21 sq km with a population 164,221. The area
remaining same, the number of houses in the
spatium 100
planned area has increased from 44,656 in
2001 to 47,884 in 2006.
This Regulatory Control over land already
exists in the planned township area of the
Municipality. But the main problem which
Bidhannagar faces is that the Municipality has
no authority over the land within the Municipal
area.
The land is under the control of Urban
Development Department of State Govt. and
the function of the Municipality is to maintain
its land and provide service to the lessee.
Moreover, lands are allotted on leasehold
basis; resulting in restriction of land transfer.
OVERVIEW OF ACHIEVED
INFRASTRUCTURE
Roads:
Transport infrastructure forms the backbone of
economy. It plays a very significant role in the
growth and development of a city. It is also
responsible, besides other factors, for the
spatial growth of the city by increasing the
accessibility of sites on the periphery of the
city. The road sector plays a very significant
role in Bidhannagar Municipal Area and the
surrounding region.
Regional Linkages: Bidhannagar, the most
important township of the city of Kolkata is
situated in the eastern fringe of the city. The
South-West boundary of the planned
Bidhannagar area is demarcated by the Eastern
Metropolitan By-Pass, which is the eastern
boundary of the city of Kolkata. Bidhannagar
Junction Rly. Station located within Kolkata
Municipal area is situated nearby. This station
connects the city not only with other
Municipalities in the northern half of the KMA
but also with other districts of West Bengal.
The newly developing Greater Kolkata i.e
Rajarhat- Newtown area is just beside. The city
Airport which is the main regional linkage to
the city of Kolkata is also within 10 km.
Besides roads & railways, revitalization of the
Kestopur Canal is being done at present. This
will be an added advantage, as along with other
transport modes the water transportation will
also be introduced in the transportation
system.
• City level road network: The Bidhannagar
Municipal Area has approximately 23% roads,
which is more than sufficient for any Medium
Sized Town (For metro cities % of road is 20-
25% acc. to UDPFI Guidelines).
At the beginning, the planned township area
was designed to have 7 entry points. Among
these, 3 (Near Hudco i.e. 1st entry, near Phool
Bagan, i.e.4th entry and near Beliaghata
crossing i.e.5th entry) are function properly.
• Intersections
The area has nearly 46 road intersections,
among which 12 are most important in the
network of Arterial & Sub-Arterial roads. The
roads are mainly maintained by the
Municipality. There are Round-abouts in most
of the intersections. Out of these, two (the PNB
& the Karunamoyee) are signalized.
• Traffic characteristics
Vehicle growth: The travel needs in the city
are catered mainly through Roads by a variety
of modes of transport in the form of buses
operated by CTC, CSTC & WBSTC, pvt. buses, mini
buses & Chartered buses run by Private operators,
auto rickshaws, cycle rickshaws and private
vehicles such as cars, 2-wheelers and cycles. As
the residents are mostly from a higher socio-
economic status, private vehicles are adequate in
numbers. But there is scarcity of good public
transport in the Municipal Area.
Proposed Metro Rail Corridor from New town-
Rajarhat to Ramrajatala-Howrah is expected to
join this Municipal Area with the Central
Business District (Esplanade-Dalhousie Square
area) of the city of Kolkata in near future.
River transport: Restoration of the Kestopur
Canal in order to initiate water transportation at
Kestopur canal forming the northern boundary
of Bidhannagar at present has been taken up by
Govt. depts. like Irrigation & Waterways
Directorate, Canal Div.
Traffic
Due to this easy accessibility, the Traffic
Demand of this area is increasing at a fast rate.
In order to face this heavy demand the capacity
of the Major Arterials should have to be
increased to ensure easy flow of traffic.
Parking: Parking is a major and an emergent
issue in the Bidhannagar Municipal Area.
Though, land-use patterns are predetermined,
there is a tendency of commercialization in the
Area along the main roads. Initially, the plots
along these roads were residential in nature but
with increasing land value and traffic on these
roads, they got commercialized. The com-
mercialization led to an increase in parking
demand along these roads which in turn

Width in m (incl. Footpath&

Length
Type of road divider) No. of Lanes Service lane
duž.
Tip puta Širina u m Broj traka Uslužna traka
h (km)
(uklj. trotoare)
I-Spl 9.525 42.97 2 On both sides
I 4.600 42.67 2 On both sides
I-Spl-II 46.936 2 On both sides
II 20.15 26.211 2 Nil
III 20.935 20.725 2 Nil
IV, IV-spl 10.845 17.067/ 19.50 2 Nil
V 28.974 11.581 1 Nil
VI, VI-spl 120.196 9.143 1 Nil
Bituminous 17.050 2.4-3.3 Nil
Non- bituminous 18.000 1.8-3m 1 Nil
Un-Surfaced Motorable road 150 1.8-3m 1 Nil
Non- motorable road 100 1.2-1.8 1 Nil

spatium 101
reduced the effective carriage way.
On Street Parking: On-street Parking is a very
common phenomenon and is highly
responsible for the decrease in the width of the
Carriage-Way. Taxies and Auto-Rickshaws not
only have their Terminal points on the streets
but also at important and populated public
places giving rise to congestions. Even more,
school Buses and Mini-buses also have their
terminus on the major Arterials.
Public Transport System
The public transports that are available for the
general public in the Municipal Area are buses
operated by Calcutta Tramways Corporation
(CTC), private buses, mini buses run by private
operators, auto – rickshaws, Trackers and cycle
rickshaws in the form of Intermediate Public
Transport and personalized modes such as
cars, two-wheelers and cycles. The CTC bus
caters to the travel needs of the city as well as
regional areas. Private and government bus
operators make regular services there. 8 mini
bus routes, 22 short distance bus routes and
18 long distance bus routes operate now in the
total Municipal Area. There are 4 bus
terminuses. At present there are 58 bus routes
operating in the city.
The bus routes mainly ply on the main arterial
roads of the city. As, WBSTC buses do not
have a good coverage and the Private buses do
not run on time, people are highly dependent
on Autorickshaws. These vehicles are mainly
responsible for Traffic congestion at important
intersections and roads. Rickshaws ply mainly
inside the Municipal Area to cover short
distances.
WATER SUPPLY
Introduction
In any settlement water supply is the first &
foremost necessity to the inhabitants. The
Municipal Areas in all over West Bengal are
mainly dependent on the Ground water
resources. But, due to constant use of this
ground water and lack of consciousness in
recharging water to the soil, the water table is
lowering down. This table goes down more
during the summer. As a result, scarcity of
water occurs not only during summer months,
Summer Timings
Letnje vreme
6am-9am
11am-12pm
4pm-6pm
9.30pm to 10.30pm
but also chances of arsenic Contamination
increases multiply.
Being conscious of these problems the Govt is
on its way to serve the people with Surface
Water. In the KMA, this surface water source is
the river Hoogly. This water, after being treated
is being supplied to KMC area & some of the
other Municipalities. Bidhannagar is within one
of those. But the supplied surface water cannot
fulfill the total water supply requirement, so
ground water is also used.
Present Status of Demand and Supply
According to 2001 census the population of
Bidahanngar Municipality was 1.68 lakhs1.
This has been estimated to rise to 2.76 lakhs in
2011 and gradually to 4.72 lakhs in the year
2025. The water demand according to that was
4.99MGD in 2001 and will be 13.72 in 2025
(acc. to KMDA water supply Master Plan).
Extent of coverage
Extent of Coverage: At present the entire
population within the planned portion of the
Municipal Area is dependent on both Surface
and Ground Water. Water in all the Wards are
served through Municipal pipelines partially.
The added areas are also served by Hand Tube
wells.
Service levels: The total quantity of water
supplied at present in Bidhannagar Municipal
area is 85 mld (acc. to CES report). This
worked out to a per capita supply of 125 litres
per capita per day.
Surface water source: Bidhannagar
Municipal area is within the Palta Service
District (PSD) of KMDA water supply area and
is thus served by the Palta Treatment Plant with
an existing capacity of 220MGD.
1
A lakh is a unit in the Indian numbering system equal
to 100,000
Winter Timings
Zimsko vreme
6am-9am
11am-12pm
4pm-6pm
9.30pm to 10.30pm If necessary
The quantity of supplied water to the Bid-
hannagar Municipal Area amounts to 6.5 MGD.
Treatment
Chlorination is done to the supplied surface
water at the rate of 3kg/hr for 2hrs in the
morning and 3hrs in the afternoon/evening.
The chlorine solution is injected at 6points
before the supplied water enters in the central
reservoir (as per KMDA project report).
Supply mechanism (Planned city portion):
The treated water from Tala-Palta is first stored
in the 5MG Capacity Central Water Reservoir
located in the Central Park. This arrangement is
controlled by KMDA, though the supply of
water is delivered by KMC. The water is then
pumped to the 15 UGRs with capacity 9-
18,000 & 6-60,000 Gal each, operated by
Bidhannagar Municipality. From these UGRs
water is lifted to the 15 OHRs with capacity
1,20,000 Gal each and then supplied to the
households through distribution network under
gravity pressure. There are also 6 direct supply
Booster Pumping stations in addition to the
OHRS supply.
Supply Hours: Supply of Water in
Bidhannagar Municipal Area is done on
intermittent basis. At present the water is
supplied three to four times daily for a total
period of 6 to7hrs approximately.
Distribution network: The Distribution
network is of Grid-Iron pattern i.e all the pipes
are interconnected. The total length of pipe-
lines is 450 km and the diameter of pipes
varies from 100mm to 250mm. (as directly
supplied to grid by 8 DTWs within the
network).
SEWERAGE
Present Status:
The Bidhannagar Municipal town has an
underground sewerage system along with
some non-sewerage area also. The 277.1 km
long sewerage system along with the metal
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road has varying diameter of 8”-33” and serves
an area of 12.5 sq.km. There are Sewage
Pumping Stations, 8 in number, to lift the
sewage. The sewage is then pumped to the
Bagjola Sewage Treatment Plant through a
double-barrel Sewer line.
Existing System:
The total system has been functioning since
70’s. As no thorough cleaning has been done
since then, the prevailing problem is siltation.
The pumping equipments are also old and
have poor efficiency.
Besides these, due to the lack of public
awareness, in various places and also in
individual premises, storm-water line is
connected with the sewer line transferring
sediments into the system & causing the major
source of blockage into the system.
The sewer system within the Blocks is planned
in such a way, so that every 4 premises have a
common Master trap at the rear open space
and the sewer line passes through the back
yard. This results in a problem of cleaning as
most of the time access to premises is denied.
AREA LEVEL STORM WATER
DRAINAGE
Besides Water Supply, the most important
factor on which the persistence of an Urban
Area depends is its Drainage System. In
Developing Countries like India very few Cities
are planned in prior stage. Bidhannagar, being
such a planned township has a proper
underground separate drainage system (not
combined). As a result practically very little
problem is faced by the Municipality in its
planned area..
Present Status:
According to the topography & outfall system,
the catchment areas within KMA are broadly
divided into 25 numbers according to the
‘Master Plan of Drainage, Sewerage &
Sanitation’ for 2001 - 2025. The Bidhannagar
Municipal area is within the Northern Salt Lake
Basin.
The outfalls of the planned township are two in
number.
Kestopur Canal forms the Northern boundary
of Bidhannagar Municipal area. It is directly
connected to river Hoogly in the West through
New-cut canal & Beliaghata-Circular Canal and
to the river Kultigung in the East. There is a
bifurcation near R.G.Kar Hospital in the
Beliaghata-Circular Canal. The eastern part
being connected to Kestopur Canal & the
southern part is extended upto Chingrighata,
E.M Bye-pass. From there it is connected with
an excavated channel, the Eastern Drainage
Channel along the South-Eastern boundary of
Salt-Lake city under Bidhannagar Municipal
area. This Eastern Drainage channel also has
its outfall in the Kestopur Canal.
Existing condition of:
Kestopur Canal: From Drainage point of view,
it is the lifeline of the Bidhannagar Municipal
area especially the planned township of Salt
lake. There was high congestion in Kestopur
canal resulting in water logging, environment
pollution, and mosquito menace around its
vicinity. But very recently with the objective of
making all these canals navigable, Kestopur
Canal has been dredged and revitalized.
Municipal Drainage system: The
Bidhannagar Municipal area can be broadly
classified into three areas according to the
infra-structural facilities & socio-economic
background. They are:
• The planned Salt Lake City
• The Slum area of Dattabad
• The Slums in the added area of Bidhannagar
Municipality mainly comprising Ward no.14
& 23 (part of 22).
Both of these Wards are environmentally
important as they are enriched with the
Wetlands of East Kolkata, a Ramsar
Conservation Site.
The planned Salt Lake City: This area has
completely separate underground drainage
network with 184 km of pipe lines & a lifting/
pumping station. The drainage water of sector I
& Sector -II (Part) is made to discharge
directly to the Kestopur canal through a
number of outlets and drainage water of Sec-III
is also being discharged into Eastern Drainage
Channel through a number of outlets excepting
Part of Sec.-III through drainage pumping
Collection Processing
Prikupljanje Procesuiranje
station leading to Eastern Drainage Channel.
Existing System
Existing condition of:
The under ground drainage system of the
Planned Area: The Drainage network though
well designed is facing several problems:
• The pipelines have not been thoroughly
cleaned ever since it has been laid which has
resulted in heavy siltation.
SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT
Present Status
At present solid Waste Management is a
burning issue in the Municipal areas. With
rapid urbanization the various types of wastes
generated in towns and cities are also
increasing at an alarming rate. Handling all of
these wastes in a hygienic manner can not be
properly done by the Municipalities due to
various financial and infrastructural constraints
and also due to the lack of awareness among
the residents.
With the Urban agglomeration of the KMA, the
Municipalities within the region are facing
huge problems regarding their various
Infrastructural services.
Initially being a planned township Bidhannagar
had a demarcated Dumping Ground. The
location of disposal site is at “MOLLAR
BHERI”, a low lying area, which is 5 km away
from the core sector of the city.
The land started functioning as a dumping
ground from the year 1982-83.
In general the system of Solid Waste
Management is based on the three consecutive
systems of:
a) Solid waste generation
The type of waste generated within the
municipal areas can be largely classified as
• MSW (Municipal Solid Wastes): These
include Wastes from
- Individual House holds
Most of the solid wastes from these sources
Disposal
Odnošenje
spatium 103
 (As per KMDA report) (As per Municipality)
Prema izveštaju KMDA Prema Opštini
Projection of Solid Waste Generation
Projection of Solid Waste Generation

2001 68
2001 40

2011 65 2011 111

Years
Years

2015 75 Solid Waste (MT) 2015 131

2020 90 2020 162

2025 105 2025 185

0 50 100 150 0 50 100 150 200

Quantity Quantity

are collected regularly (365 days) by
Municipal personnel and disposed off by the
Municipality.
- Markets
Wastes from eight different markets are being
collected regularly by the municipality.
- Hotels & Eating Houses
There are few big/ small hotels within Bidhan
Nagar Municipal area. The wastes are being
collected by the municipality.
- Industrial wastes
The industries at Sector IV & V of Bidhan Nagar
Township are mainly electronic industries.
Wastes generated from these types of
industries are mainly non bio-degradable
materials. Special attention for removing solid
waste from these industries is required.
Quantity generated by these industries has
been taken into account with the total quantity
of the municipal solid waste generated.
Except the Processing system, the other two
are carried on efficiently in the Bidhannagar
Municipal area.
In the following subsections the detail SW
management system like waste generation,
waste collection, waste transportation, and
waste disposal has been narrated
subsequently.
- Domestic Hazardous Waste
The domestic hazardous waste collected from
time to time in the town may be disposed off,
following the directives of Central Pollution
Control Board in the framed Rules for disposal
of hazardous waste disposal. Some domestic
hazardous wastes are listed
- Nuclear wastes
Bhaba Atomic Research Centre (BARC) and
Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics (SINP) have
their complexes at AF Block of municipality. Radio
active Wastes, produced by those organizations
are being taken care by themselves following
the requisite international guidelines.
- Bio-Medical Wastes
There are approximately two hospitals &
big/small nursing homes within the Municipal
Area. Major portion of the wastes generated
from the Hospitals/Nursing Homes are dispo-
sed off by the municipality following the Govt.
of India guidelines. The wastes generated from
medical activities are called Bio-Medical
Wastes. These wastes are hazardous, toxic and
even lethal because of their high potential for
diseases transmission.
- Construction and Demolition Wastes
These have not created any problem until now
and they are mainly used for filling up of low
lying areas.
b) Waste Generation
The waste generated at present seems to be
approximately 400 gms per capita per day. The
estimated amount according to the
Municipality thus differs from the KMDA report,
(Table follows).
c) Collection & Transportation system
In the Bidhannagra Municipal Area, at present,
the collection is generally done by 2 methods:
• Door-to-door collection and disposal of the
same in roadside vats/bins/containers by the
labour directly deployed by the Municipality.
Wastes from the eight different markets are
collected regularly by the municipality.
• Collection from these vats and disposal to
the Mollar Bherry is also done by Private
Agencies authorized by the Municipality
• Sweeping on roads is done by the
Municipality itself by deploying daily labours.
The collected wastes in both the cases are
directly transported to the disposal ground.
• The vehicles used for this purpose are:
- Primary Vehicles
• Tri-cycle - 160 nos.
• Hand cart -
- Secondary Vehicles
• Tractor - 8 nos.
• Trailer - 8 nos.
• Trucks - 2 nos.
OTHER MUNICIPAL SERVICES
This term broadly includes all types of services
provided or to be provided by the Municipality
other than those discussed before. But at
present this term mainly includes Greeneries,
Social & Cultural buildings, Religious places,
Slaughter houses, fire brigades etc.
Present status of:
- Adminitrative Infrastructure
The Bidhannagar Municipality has in its
jurisdiction one Municipal office and twenty
three Ward offices for the execution of its
Municipal duties and liabilities through a
decentralized Planning system. Out of all of
these Ward offices, nine (5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13,
14, 18) have no permanent office space and
have accommodated themselves in the
markets. These offices buildings need to be
constructed. Some others also require
reparation and maintenance.

spatium 104
Beside these, a number of Office Buildings Socio-Cultural Infrastructure
under Government and Private Jurisdiction Swimming pool
exists within Salt Lake City.
The Bidhannagar Municipal area is quite rich in
- Health Infrastructures its Social & Cultural Patronizing Assets. It has:
The Physical asset of Health infrastructure of Sport
Bidhannagar Municipal Area includes:
• A Stadium of International Standard under
• One Health Administrative Unit at Matri Govt. of West Bengal
Sadans . • Privately owned Tennis Academy, Cricket
• Seven Health Sub-centres. Coaching & Karate Coaching Centre
Out of these seven sub-centres, three are in • Municipal Sports Academy
quite good infrastuctural condition. These are • Swimming pool at BF.
at Wards no.4,19 & 23.
Culture
Within Salt Lake City functions a number of
• Eastern Zonal Cultural Centre
Government and Private health institutions.
• A hall for theatrical performances at BD
- Greeneries
• An open air performing centre at Nabapally,
In Other Municipal Services greeneries i.e. Ward no.23
Parks and playgrounds play a very significant
role in enhancing the quality of urban For socio cultural upliftment of any urban area,
environment. Within Salt Lake City - the physical activities are essentially needed for a
Central Park is the most important, being under healthy environment.
jurisdiction of Gvt. Forest Department. In Bidhannagar Municipal Area is quite enriched
Bidhannagar Municipal Area, these are mainly in this. But there is no local cultural centre
maintained by the Municipality. These under the Municipality.
greeneries thus are required to be maintained
Markets
to keep the ecological balance and a healthy
atmosphere. For proper maintenance, private There are fifteen markets in the planned area of
partnership may be explored in the form of the Municipality- seven in Sector-1, three in
Nursery in a portion of the park or Sector-2 and five in Sector-3. Besides these,
advertisement. there are two other commercial Centres, one at
Sector-1 & the other at Sector-3.
- Waterbodies/ Wetlands
The planned township area has only one water- Bibliography
body within the Central Park under the Salt lake City Master Plan, approved on 9th April
jurisdiction of the Forest Dept. Govt. of West 1964
Bengal. According to the Standard of Land-use Bidhannagar Municipality Data, representing 40
(UDPFI Guidelines), percentage of water body years of implementation
is much less if only the planned township area
is considered. Moreover, the Central area of
the town which is the Administrative zone
comprising of various public buildings has no
special provision of water to fight against fire
hazard. The most notable feature of the
Bidhannagar Municipality is the co-existence
of natural features of wet-lands along with its
planned township. The added area of the
Municipality (20.98 sq km) has nearly 15.5 sq
km of water body. These water bodies are
responsible for the ecological balance of the
city of Kolkata and are to be preserved
according to the Ramsar Conservation Act.

spatium 105
METHODOLOGY OF STRATEGIC
ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT OF
SPATIAL PLAN OF MINING-ENERGY
COMPLEX
(Metodologija strateške procene
uticaja prostornog plana rudarsko-
energetskog kompleksa na životnu
sredinu)
AUTHORS: Božidar Stojanović, PhD
Tamara Maričić, MSc
PUBLISHER: Institute of Architecture and Urban
and Spatial Planning of Serbia, 2008
Strategic environmental assessment of
policies, plans and programmes represents a
new and one of the most important instruments
for strategic decision making in context of
sustainable development.
This monograph, the first in Serbia on the
subject of strategic environmental assessment
of spatial and urban plans, is up to date and
important from theoretical and practical aspect.
Monograph consists of ten chapters, of which
nine are dedicated to development of strategic
environmental assessment methodology, and
last chapter to application of this methodology
in the compilation process for spatial plans of
mining-energy complexes. In the frame of
strategic environment assessment metho-
dology development, hitherto achievements in
defining assignment, procedure and structure
of environmental assessment are represented.
They include constitution of sustainable
development concept, environmental impact
assessment, latest approaches to strategic
environmental assessment of plans and
programmes, including legislative and new
methods for implementation. The authors
defined development of methodological
approach based not only on scientific
achievements and experiences in strategic
environmental assessment practice, but also
based on spatial and urban planning. Special
value is the innovative character of monograph,
which restores functional, vertical and
horizontal relationship between planning and
the elements of environment in all planning
phases.
Described methodology was applied during the
compilation of “Strategic environmental
assessment of Spatial Plan for the Area of
Exploitation of Kolubara Lignite Basin”. Some
extracts from this document are shown in this
book, for illustration of the methodology
effectiveness. Methodology has been also
successfully implemented for strategic
environmental assessments of municipality
spatial plans and urban plans. This way,
monograph offers not only theoretic and
scientific ground, but has a practical value,
almost as a manual, for planners, urbanists and
other experts involved in process of planning
and environmental evaluation of plans.
List of contents: Development of systems for
environment assessment/ Concept and scope
of strategic environmental assessment/ Aims
and indicators identification/ Basic assessment
methods and techniques/ Hierarchy of planning
and environmental assessments/ Monitoring/
Public participation/ Future development of
environment assessments/ Examples from
Strategic environmental assessment of Spatial
Plan for the Area of Exploitation of Kolubara
Lignite Basin
Monograph is realised as a part of scientific
project TP6501 „Methods for strategic
environmental assessment in spatial
development planning of lignite basin“ that
was financed by the Ministary of Science and
Technology of the Republic of Serbia.
The Monograph was awarded first prize at the
17th International Urban Planners Exibition in
Bijeljina, Republika Srpska in November 2008.
spatium 106
CIP-Katalogizacija u publikaciji
Narodna biblioteka Srbije, Beograd
71/72
SPATIUM: International Review / editor,
in chief Nada Milašin.- 1997, no 1(sept.)-
.-Belgrade (Bulevar Kralja Aleksandra
73/II) : Institute of Architecture and Urban
&Spatial Planning of Serbia, 1997-( Belgrade
: JETY).-29 cm

Polugodišnje
ISSN 1450-569X =Spatium (Belgrade)
COBISS. SR-ID 15028915

spatium 107