Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Introduction to
Comparative
Politics
Political Challenges and
Changing Agendas
Mark Kesselman
Columbia University
Joel Krieger
Wellesley College
William A. Joseph
Wellesley College
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Introduction to Comparative Politics: © 2019, 2016, 2013 Cengage Learning, Inc.
Political Challenges and Changing
Agendas, 8th Edition Unless otherwise noted, all content is © Cengage
Mark Kesselman, Joel Krieger,
William A. Joseph ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright
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Brief Contents
PART I INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1: Introducing Comparative Politics 1
iii
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Contents
Preface xxiii
PART I INTRODUCTION
Chapter 1 Introducing Comparative Politics 1
Mark Kesselman, Joel Krieger, and William A. Joseph
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Contents
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Contents
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8 Edition
Political Parties and the Party System 69
The Labour Party 69 The Conservative Party 70 Liberal Democrats 71
Elections 72
The Electoral System and the 2010 Election 72 Gender, Ethnicity,
and Representation 73 Trends in Electoral Behavior 74
Political Culture, Citizenship, and Identity 75
Social Class 75 National Identity 76
Interest Groups, Social Movements, and Protest 76
The Political Impact of Technology and the Media 77
Chapter 3 France 84
Mark Kesselman
vii
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Contents
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The Second Reich (1871–1918) 138 The Weimar Republic (1918–1933) 139
The Third Reich (1933–1945) 140 A Divided Germany (1945–1990) 141
The Challenge of German Unification (1990–2001) 142 Germany after
September 11, 2001 143
The Four Themes and Germany 144
Germany in a Globalized World of States 144
Comparisons 145
ix
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Contents
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SECTION 6: Europolitics in Transition 222
Political Challenges and Changing Agendas 223
Is Demography Destiny? 224
Politics in Comparative Perspective 224
The EU: Summary and Prospects 225
xi
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Other State Institutions 300
The Military and the Police 300 The Judiciary 301 Subnational Government 302
The Policy-Making Process 303
xiii
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Contents
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SECTION 2: Political Economy and Development 382
State and Economy 382
The Fiscal System 383 The Problem of Inflation 384
Society and Economy 385
The Welfare System 385 Agrarian Reform 387
Environmental Issues 387
Brazil in the Global Economy 388
xv
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Critical Junctures 465
Dynamics of the Frontier, 1779–1906 467 Imperialists Against Republicans,
1867–1910 468 The Origins of Modern Institutionalized Racism, 1910–1945 468
Apartheid and African Resistance, 1945–1960 469 The Sharpeville Massacre
and Grand Apartheid, 1960–1976 469 Generational Revolt and Political Reform,
1976–1990 472 The South African Miracle, 1990–1999 472
The Four Themes and South Africa 474
South Africa in a Globalized World of States 474 Governing the
Economy 474 The Democratic Idea 475 Collective Identity 475
Themes and Comparisons 475
xvii
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SECTION 5: Nigerian Politics in Transition 547
Political Challenges and Changing Agendas 547
Is Demography Destiny? 550
Nigerian Politics in Comparative Perspective 551
xix
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SECTION 4: Representation and Participation 639
The Legislature 640
Political Parties and the Party System 640
The Liberation Movement 640 The National Front 641 The Mojahedin 641
The Fedayin 641 The Tudeh (Party of the Masses) 641
Elections 641
Political Culture, Citizenship, and Identity 642
Interest Groups, Social Movements, and Protest 644
The Political Impact of Technology and the Media 645
xxi
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Contents
Endnotes 701
Glossary 709
About the Editors and Contributors 721
Index 723
xxii
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Preface
In the prefaces to several of the previous editions of Introduction to Comparative Politics (ICP), we brought up
the title of Bob Dylan’s 1964 song, “The Times, They Are a-Changin’” to describe how tumultuous politics
around the world was when the book was published. Here is what we observed:
●● “Politics throughout the world seems more troubled today than even a few years ago, when celebrations
around the globe ushered in the new millennium.”
—Introduction to Comparative Politics, 3rd edition, © 2004.
●● In recent years, the “world of politics was as turbulent as at any time in recent memory, with clear-cut
trends more elusive than ever.”
—Introduction to Comparative Politics, 4th edition, © 2007.
●● [We] have witnessed as much—or more—turmoil and uncertainty as the preceding years.”
—Introduction to Comparative Politics, 5th edition, © 2010.
●● “The sixth edition of ICP . . . has been published soon after prodemocracy movements overthrew decades-
old dictatorships in Tunisia and Egypt, and repressive regimes unleashed deadly force against similar
movements in Algeria, Bahrain, Iran, Libya, Syria, and Yemen.”
—Introduction to Comparative Politics, 6th edition, © 2013
●● “When it comes to the degree of uncertainty, and the range and depth of challenges faced by ordinary
citizens who yearn for stability, less strife, and a widening circle of opportunities, the present edition is no
different than its predecessors.”
—Introduction to Comparative Politics, 7th edition, © 2016
If there is a difference in the tone of the 8th edition of ICP, it may be that, although the times are certainly
still a-changin’, it now seems as if many of those political changes are for the worse. Where are equivalent
developments fueling the optimism generated by the democratic promise of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989
or the Arab Spring in 2011?
The political climate in much of the world these days is cloudy indeed, and for all-too-good reasons. For a
start, there have recently been heightened geopolitical tensions, which, in the case of North Korea’s continu-
ing development of nuclear weapons, threaten devastating military conflict. In addition, civil wars and ethnic
violence have engulfed many regions of the world, unleashing great destruction of life and property and giving
rise to waves of refugees—which in turn fuel a nativist backlash in countries that feel threatened by the influx
of migrants seeking safe haven. Finally, the thickening storm clouds also include the increasingly palpable real-
ity that climate change is accelerating, including rising sea levels, global warming, and more frequent extreme
weather events. There is a scientific consensus that the change is largely due to human actions (i.e., a hyperin-
dustrialized assault on nature). But, at least with regard to the latter, all is not bleak: there is increased recogni-
tion of the need for concerted action at the local, regional, national, and international levels.
Whatever the direction of change, our mission in this book has remained the same. It is not to promote
optimism or pessimism, but, as we noted in the preface of prior editions of ICP, to provide a clear and compre-
hensive guide to unsettled political times through comparative analysis.
xxiii
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Preface
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Preface
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We also emphasize that the boundaries dividing the three groups are not airtight. Russia is a good example
of a country on the cusp between a mixed system and an authoritarian regime. Furthermore, scholars disagree
about the appropriate criteria for classifying regime types, as well as about how to classify particular cases.
Indeed, instructors may find it fruitful to encourage class discussion of alternative conceptual schemes for clas-
sifying groups of countries and how to best characterize the political system of given countries.
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Preface
●● Governance and Policy-making describes the general organization of the state, the executive branch,
and other state institutions, including the judiciary, subnational levels of government, and the military,
police, internal security, and other agencies of coercion. This section concludes with a description of
the policy-making process.
●● Representation and Participation covers the country’s legislature, party system, elections, political
culture, citizenship, national identity, interest groups, social movements, and protest. The final subsec-
tion is a newly expanded one on the political impact of technology and the media.
●● Politics in Transition begins by highlighting a recent important development that is influencing the
country’s politics and then proceeds to an analysis of the major political challenges facing the country.
This is followed by a new subsection on youth politics and the generational divide. The section ends
with some concluding thoughts about the politics of the country in comparative perspective.
●● Focus questions at the beginning of each major section in the country chapters provides students with
some guidance about what is particularly important about that section.
●● Where Do You Stand? questions at the end of each section in all chapters encourage students to develop
and defend original arguments on controversial issues.
●● An end-of-chapter Summary highlights the major themes and facts in the chapter.
●● There are three sidebar boxes in each country chapter that highlight interesting and important aspects
of politics:
●● The Profile box highlights biographies of important political leaders.
●● The Global Connection box provides links between domestic and international politics.
●● The U.S. Connection box compares an important feature of political institutions with its American
counterpart or explores a crucial aspect of the country’s relationship with the United States.
●● Making Connections questions at the end of each sidebar box encourage students to link the topic of the
box to the content of the chapter.
●● Maps, tables, charts, photographs, and political cartoons enliven the text and present key informa-
tion in clear and visually appealing ways. At the end of Chapter 1, various data are presented in a way that
facilitates comparisons among the countries covered in this book.
●● Key terms are set in boldface and defined in the margin of the page where the term is first introduced, as
well as in a glossary at the end of the book. The glossary defines many key concepts that are used broadly
in comparative politics.
●● Each chapter concludes with a list of suggested readings and websites.
Not much is certain about what the political future will hold. But we believe that politics around the world
will continue to be endlessly fascinating and that comparative analysis can be an important tool for trying to
make sense of what happens and why. The times, indeed, are a-changin’! Welcome aboard!
MindTap
●● MindTap: Empower Your Students. MindTap is a platform that propels students from memorization to
mastery. It gives you complete control of your course so that you can provide engaging content, challenge
every learner, and build student confidence. Customize interactive syllabi to emphasize priority topics, and
then add your own material or notes to the eBook as desired. This outcomes-driven application gives you
the tools needed to empower students and boost both understanding and performance.
●● Access Everything You Need in One Place. Cut down on prep with the preloaded and organized
MindTap course materials. Teach more efficiently with interactive multimedia, assignments, quizzes, and
more. Give your students the power to read, listen, and study on their phones so that they can learn on
their own terms.
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●● Empower Students to Reach their Potential. Twelve distinct metrics give you actionable insight into
student engagement. Identify topics troubling your entire class and instantly communicate with those who
are struggling. Students can track their scores to stay motivated to progress toward their goals.
●● Control Your Course—and Your Content. Get the flexibility to reorder textbook chapters, add your
own notes, and embed a variety of content, including Open Educational Resources (OER). Personalize
course content to your students’ needs. They can even read your notes, add their own, and highlight key
text to aid their learning.
●● Get a Dedicated Team, Whenever You Need Them. MindTap isn’t just a tool—it’s backed by a person-
alized team eager to support you. We can help set up your course and tailor it to your specific objectives,
so you’ll be ready to make an impact from day one. We’ll be standing by to help you and your students
until the final day of the term.
Acknowledgments
We are grateful to several colleagues who have reviewed and critiqued past and current editions of ICP:
Neal Coates, Abilene Christian University
Joseph Ellis, Wingate University
Katharina Felts, Loudoun Valley High School
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1
Introducing
Comparative Politics
Mark Kesselman, Joel Krieger, and William A. Joseph
AP Photo/Muhammed Muheisen
© Cengage
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2 CHAPTER 1 Introducing Comparative Politics
COMPARATIVE POLITICS IN
1
SECTION
A VOLATILE WORLD
November 9, 1989, was a day that changed the world. The heavily guarded concrete
Focus Questions wall that had divided communist-ruled East Berlin from democratic West Berlin for
●● How did the fall of nearly three decades was opened, and thousands of East Berliners flooded across
the Berlin Wall in
the border to freedom. Within weeks of the fall of the Berlin Wall, the entire Soviet
1989 and the 9/11
terrorist attacks empire in Eastern Europe had crumbled.
mark important For the first decade or so after the Russian Revolution of 1917 that brought
turning points in a communist regime to power, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR,
world politics? the formal name of the Soviet Union) was a weak and beleaguered country. But
●● Describe a discussion Soviet power and influence increased greatly as a result of the rapid industrialization
in which you used the achieved under Josef Stalin’s brutal rule and Russia’s crucial role in the Allied coali-
comparative method tion that defeated the Axis powers (Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and militarist Japan)
to make a point.
in World War II. At the end of the war in 1945, the Soviet militarily occupied and
installed pro-Soviet communist regimes in countries throughout Eastern Europe.
For nearly the entire following half-century, world politics was dominated by a
Cold War conflict, known as the Cold War, that pitted the Soviet Union against the United
The hostile relations States and their respective allies across the globe. By the mid-1980s, citizens of the
that prevailed between USSR and the communist states of Eastern Europe had grown increasingly discon-
the United States tented due to the poor performance of their countries’ centrally planned socialist
and the Soviet Union economies and the harsh dictatorships under which they lived.
from the late 1940s
In 1985, a decisive change occurred when the reform-minded Mikhail Gorbachev
until the demise of the
latter in 1991. became leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and, as a result,
ruler of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev introduced major political and economic
reforms, with the goal of increasing support for the CPSU. He also ended repression
of political opposition, relaxed controls on the media, and signaled that the Soviet
Union would no longer interfere in the affairs of its Eastern European allies.
Gorbachev’s reforms provide the context for understanding the significance of
the Berlin Wall’s fall on that fateful day in November 1989. In the preceding and sub-
sequent months, every communist regime in Eastern Europe had crumbled in a series
of largely peaceful revolutions. But Gorbachev’s reform program failed to contain the
winds of change, and in late December 1991, the USSR was dissolved and Russia was
reborn. The Cold War was over.
The impact of the initial phase in this chain reaction of world-shaking political
changes was analyzed in a widely noted 1989 article by political scientist Francis
Fukuyama, entitled “The End of History?” (The article was later expanded into the
similarly titled book The End of History and the Last Man.) Fukuyama argued that
the end of the Cold War was not only immensely important in its own right but had
even greater historical significance. It was, he said, “the end point of mankind’s ideo-
logical evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final
form of human government.”1
Several decades later, the idea that history ended with the collapse of commu-
nism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union and that Western democracy had van-
quished all ideological challengers as a way to govern society seems extraordinarily
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SECTION 1 Comparative Politics in a Volatile World 3
quaint—and even rather naïve. In fairness, Fukuyama did not claim that important
political challenges to liberal democracy would never recur. Rather, he claimed that liberal democracy
the implosion of communism spelled an end to any globally influential ideological A democratic system of
challenges to such a system of government and its underlying capitalist economy. government that officially
September 11, 2001, was another day that changed the world. The terrorist recognizes and legally
attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon reflected the spread of an ide- protects individual
rights and freedoms and
ology, radical Islamism,* that challenges the very core values of liberal democracy.
in which the exercise
The persistence of Al-Qaeda, the organization that masterminded the 9/11 attacks, of political power is
and the rise of the Islamic State are visible and violent reminders that Fukuyama’s constrained by the rule
optimism may have been misguided. of law.
Another source of recent monumental change in world politics was the Great
Recession of 2008, which threw the global economy into a tailspin and undermined
confidence in the liberal democracies where it started and where it hit hardest, par-
ticularly the United States. Partly in reaction to the impact of the recession, ultra-
conservative, hypernationalist, xenophobic, and populist movements have arisen in
Western Europe, all of which reject some of the basic tenets of liberal democracy and
trends in globalized capitalism. Notable examples include the Brexit vote in June
2016, which started the process of Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union,
and the second-place finish in France’s May 2017 presidential election of Marine
Le Pen, the candidate of the far-right National Front. Many scholars and political
analysts have argued that the victory of first-time politician and populist candidate
Donald J. Trump in the U.S. presidential elections in November 2016 was also indic-
ative of the diminished luster of liberal democracy for many American citizens.
At the same time, other political developments in the United States, Britain, and
France suggest just how unpredictable the power of populism can be. The surprising
strength of Bernie Sanders’s ultimately unsuccessful challenge to the Democratic
Party establishment’s favored candidate, Hillary Clinton, in the primaries was pro-
pelled mostly by young voters who were angry about growing inequality in the United
States and the economic and political power of Wall Street. In France, Le Pen was
decisively defeated by political newcomer Emmanuel Macron, whose liberal party, En
Marche ! (Forward !), was founded less than a year before he was elected president.
And in Britain, pollsters and pundits (including political scientists) were confounded
when Prime Minister Theresa May’s pro-Brexit Conservative Party lost its parliamen-
tary majority and the anti-Brexit Labour Party, with its new leader, Jeremy Corbyn,
advocating a radical left program, gained a large number of seats in the June 2017
snap election. May has remained prime minister (at least for the moment), but she is
greatly weakened politically.
The only thing that seems clear at the moment is that populism, which is defined populism
more by an antiestablishment, “power to the people” message and anger against A style of mobilization
existing political norms and policies and elite concentrations of power than by any by a political party
particular ideological orientation, is a political force to be reckoned with in many or movement that
parts of the world today. seeks to gain popular
support by emphasizing
The People’s Republic of China, one of the world’s only remaining commu- antiestablishment
nist regimes, and by far the largest, has been the fastest-growing major economy rhetoric, decrying elite
in the world for three decades. Through its proactive role in forming multilateral concentrations of power
organizations and its aid to and investment in developing countries, China has been as the source of national
increasingly successful in promoting its model of state-led development and strong, decline, and promising
to be responsive to the
needs of ordinary people.
*Islamism is the use of Islam as a political ideology. It is sometimes called political Islam and
Islamic fundamentalism. All the world’s other major religions also have taken political forms. For
more on this topic, see Chapter 14, on Iran.
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4 CHAPTER 1 Introducing Comparative Politics
The fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, and the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in New York and
the Pentagon in Washington, DC, on September 11, 2001, mark two of the most transformational events in modern
world politics.
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SECTION 1 Comparative Politics in a Volatile World 5
This book describes and analyzes how thirteen countries and the European
Union both shape and are shaped by the world order created by the watershed
political events noted previously. Each of these events marks what we call a critical critical juncture
juncture in political history, not only in international relations, but also in that of the An important historical
countries included here and of the European Union. event when political
This chapter is designed to help students navigate the large volume of informa- actors make critical
tion provided in ICP by introducing a thematic framework that organizes the politics choices that shape
institutions and future
of each of the countries and is combined with a thorough analysis of the political
outcomes in both
institutions and processes of each country. individual countries and
the international system.
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6 CHAPTER 1 Introducing Comparative Politics
the complexity of politics in countries around the world, we must look beyond any
single national perspective. Today, business and trade, information technology, mass
communications and culture, immigration and travel, and politics forge deep con-
nections—as well as deep divisions—among people worldwide. We urgently need a
global and comparative perspective as we explore the politics of different countries
and their interaction and interdependence with one another.
There is an added benefit of studying comparative politics: by looking at
political institutions, values, and processes in different countries, the student of
comparative politics acquires analytical skills that can also be used to examine
his or her own country. After you study comparative politics, you begin to think
comparatively. As comparison becomes second nature, we hope that you will look
at the politics of your own country differently, with a wider, deeper, and more
analytical focus that will inspire new reflections, interpretations, and insights. The
contemporary world provides a fascinating laboratory for the study of compara-
tive politics. We hope that you share our sense of excitement in the challenging
effort to understand the complex and ever-shifting terrain of contemporary politics
throughout the world.
WHAT—AND HOW—COMPARATIVE
2
SECTION
POLITICS COMPARES
To “compare and contrast” is one of the most common human mental exercises,
Focus Questions whether in the classroom study of literature, politics, or animal behavior, or in
●● What do we mean by selecting dorm rooms or arguing with friends about your favorite movie. In the
globalization?
observation of politics, the use of comparisons is very old, dating in the Western
●● How does increased world from the ancient Greek philosopher, Aristotle, who analyzed and compared
cross-border contact the city-states of Greece in the fourth century BCE according to whether they
among countries
and peoples affect
were ruled by a single individual, a few people, or all citizens. The modern study
political, social, and of comparative politics refines and systematizes this age-old practice of evaluating
cultural life within some features of country X’s politics by comparing it to the same features of country
individual countries? Y’s politics.
Comparative politics is a subfield within the academic discipline of political
science, as well as a method or approach to the study of politics.3 The subject
matter of comparative politics is the domestic, or internal, politics of countries.
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SECTION 2 What—and How—Comparative Politics Compares 7
The discipline of political science is usually defined as comprising four areas of globalization
specialization: comparative politics, American politics, international relations, and The intensification
political theory. of worldwide
Because it is widely believed that students living in the United States should interconnectedness
study the politics of their own country in depth, American politics is usually treated associated with the
increased speed
as one of the four subfields of political science. It is also usual elsewhere to separate
and magnitude of
the study of politics at home and abroad, so students in Canada study Canadian cross-border flows
politics as a distinct specialty, Japanese students learn about Japanese politics, and so of trade, investment
on. However, there is no logical reason why the United States should not be included and finance, and
within the field of comparative politics—on the contrary, there is good reason to do processes of migration,
cultural diffusion, and
so. Comparative study can make it easier to recognize what is distinctive about the
communication.
United States and what features it shares with some other countries. For this reason,
we have included a chapter on the United States in ICP. comparativist
Special mention should be made of the distinction between comparative politics
A political scientist who
and international relations. Comparative politics involves comparing domestic polit- studies the similarities
ical institutions, processes, policies, conflicts, and attitudes within different coun- and differences in the
tries; international relations involves studying the foreign policies of and interactions domestic politics of
among countries, the role of international organizations such as the United Nations, various countries.
and the growing influence of global actors, from multinational corporations to inter-
national human rights advocates to terrorist networks. In a globalized world, how- World Bank
ever, domestic and international politics routinely spill over into one another, so the An international
distinction between the two fields is somewhat blurry. Courses in international rela- financial institution
(IFI) comprising over
tions nowadays often analyze how internal political processes affect states’ behavior
180 member-states that
toward each other, while courses in comparative politics highlight the importance provides low-interest
of transnational forces for understanding what goes on within a country’s borders. loans, policy advice, and
One of the four themes that we use to analyze comparative politics, the “globalizing technical assistance to
world of states,” emphasizes the interaction of domestic and international forces in developing countries
with the goal of reducing
the politics of all nations.
poverty.
It still makes sense to maintain the distinction between comparative politics and
international relations. Much of the world’s political activity continues to occur within Human Development
national borders, and comparisons of domestic politics, institutions, and processes Index (HDI)
enable us to understand critical features that distinguish one country’s politics from
A composite number
another’s. Furthermore, we believe that despite increased international economic used by the United
competition and integration (a key aspect of globalization), countries remain the Nations Development
fundamental building blocks in structuring most political activity. Therefore, ICP is Programme (UNDP) to
built on in-depth case studies of a sample of important countries around the world. measure and compare
The comparative approach principally analyzes similarities and differences among levels of achievement in
health, knowledge, and
countries by focusing on selected political institutions and processes. As students of standard of living.
comparative politics (we call ourselves comparativists), we believe that we cannot
make reliable statements about most political situations by looking at only one case. Global Gender Gap
We often hear statements such as: “The United States has the best health care system
A measure developed
in the world.” Comparativists immediately wonder what kinds of health care systems by the World Economic
exist in other countries, what they cost and how they are financed, how it is decided Forum of the extent
who can receive medical care, how effectively they deliver health care to their citizens, to which women in 58
and so on. As we know from the ongoing political fight over the Affordable Care Act countries have achieved
equality with men.
enacted during the Barack Obama administration (and the Republicans’ proposed
replacement, the American Health Care Act), there is little agreement about what
“the best” means when it comes to health care systems, even within the United
States. Is it the one that provides the widest access? The one that is the most tech-
nologically advanced? The one that is the most cost effective? The one that produces
the healthiest population?
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8 CHAPTER 1 Introducing Comparative Politics
Environmental
Performance Index None of us would declare the winner for Best Picture at the Academy Awards
Developed by Yale without seeing more than one—and preferably all—of the nominated movies!
University and Columbia Shouldn’t we be as critically minded and engaged when we are comparing and evalu-
University, a measure of ating critical public policy issues?
how close countries come
Some comparativists focus on comparing government institutions, such as the
to meeting specific bench-
marks for national pollu- legislature, executive, electoral systems, political parties, or the judiciaries of dif-
tion control and natural ferent countries.4 Others compare specific political processes, such as voting or poli-
resource management. cies on a particular issue, such as education or the environment.5 Some comparative
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SECTION 2 What—and How—Comparative Politics Compares 9
political studies take a thematic approach, analyzing broad topics, such as the causes Corruption
and consequences of nationalist movements or revolutions in different countries.6 Perceptions Index
Comparative studies may also involve comparisons of an institution, policy, or pro- A measure developed
cess through time in one country or several countries. For example, some studies by Transparency
have analyzed a shift in the orientation of economic policy that occurred in many International that ranks
advanced capitalist countries in the 1980s from Keynesianism, an approach that countries in terms of
the degree to which
gives priority to government regulation of the economy, to neoliberalism, which
corruption is perceived
emphasizes the importance of market-friendly policies.7 And many comparativists to exist among public
study politics within a single country, often using a framework that draws on similari- officials and politicians.
ties and differences with other countries.8
Economist
Intelligence Unit
Level of Analysis Democracy Index
An index compiled by the
Economist Intelligence
Comparisons can be useful for political analysis at several different levels of a country,
Unit (EIU), based in the
such as cities, regions, provinces, or states. A good way to begin the study of compar- United Kingdom, that
ative politics, however, is with countries. Countries are distinct, politically defined measures and rank the
territories that encompass governments, composed of political institutions, as well as state of democracy in 167
cultures, economies, and collective identities. Countries are often highly divided by countries. It classifies
the world’s states as
internal conflicts, people within their borders may have close ties to those in other
Full Democracies,
countries, and business firms based in one country may have operations in many Flawed Democracies,
others. Nevertheless, countries are still the major arena for organized political action Hybrid Regimes, and
in the modern world. Countries also have historically been among the most impor- Authoritarian Regimes.
tant sources of a people’s collective political identity.
Within a given country, the state is almost always the most powerful cluster of Keynesianism
institutions. But just what is the state? The way the term is used in comparative poli- Named after the British
tics is probably unfamiliar to many students. In the United States, it usually refers to economist John Maynard
the states in the federal system—California, Illinois, New York, Texas, and so on. But Keynes, an approach
to economic policy in
in comparative politics, the term state refers to the key political institutions respon- which state fiscal policies
sible for making, implementing, and adjudicating important policies in a country. are used to regulate the
Thus, we refer to the “German state” and the “Mexican state.” The state is synony- economy in an attempt to
mous with what is often called the “government,” as in the government of the United achieve stable economic
States. But the state also implies a durable entity that remains despite changes in growth.
ruling party or executive administration, and in which the institutions that comprise
neoliberalism
the state generally endure unless overthrown from within or conquered by other
states in war. A term used to describe
government policies
The most important state institutions are the executive—usually, the president
aiming to promote free
and/or prime minister and the cabinet. Other key state institutions include the mili- competition among
tary, police, and bureaucracy. In some countries, the executive includes the com- business firms within
munist party leadership (such as in China), the head of a military government (as in the market, including
Nigeria until 1999), or the supreme religious leader (as in the Islamic Republic of reduced governmental
regulation and social
Iran). Alongside the executive, the legislature and the judiciary comprise the insti-
spending.
tutional apex of state power. The interrelationships and functions of these institu-
tions vary from country to country and through time within countries. country
States usually—but not necessarily successfully—claim the right to make rules
A territory defined
(notably laws, administrative regulations, and court decisions) that are binding for by boundaries
people within the country. Even democratic states—in which top officials are chosen generally recognized
by procedures that allow all adult citizens to participate in politics—can survive in international law
only if they can keep order internally and protect their independence with regard to as constituting an
other states and external groups that may threaten them. Many countries have highly independent nation.
repressive states, whose political survival depends largely on the ability of the military
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10 CHAPTER 1 Introducing Comparative Politics
state and police to suppress opposition. Even in such states, however, long-term stability
The most powerful requires that the ruling regime have some measure of political legitimacy—that is,
political institutions in the support of a significant segment of the citizenry (in particular, more influential
a country, including the citizens and groups) who believe that the state is entitled to demand compliance.
executive, legislative, Political legitimacy is greatly affected by the state’s ability to “deliver the goods” to
and judicial branches of
its people through satisfactory economic performance and at least a minimally satis-
government, as well as the
police and armed forces. factory distribution of economic resources. Moreover, as upheavals in Libya, Tunisia,
Yemen, Syria, and Egypt recently dramatized, legitimacy is much more secure when
executive there is some measure of democracy. Thus, ICP looks closely at both the state’s role
The agencies of in governing the economy and the extent of democracy within the state.
government that You will see from the country chapters in this book that the organization of state
implement or execute institutions varies widely, and that these differences have a powerful impact on polit-
policy. The chief executive, ical, economic, and social life. Therefore, we devote considerable attention to institu-
such as a prime minister or
tional variations, along with their political implications. Each country study begins
president, also plays a key
policy-making role. with an analysis of how the state has evolved historically; that is, state formation.
One critical difference among states involves the extent to which citizens in a
cabinet country share a common sense of nationhood; that is, a belief that the state’s geo-
The body of officials graphic borders coincide with the political identity of the people who live within
(e.g., ministers, those borders, which can be described as a sense of solidarity and shared values based
secretaries) who direct on being citizens of the same country. When state boundaries and national iden-
executive departments tity coincide, the resulting formation is called a “nation-state.” A major source of
presided over by the chief
political instability can occur when they do not. In many countries around the world,
executive (e.g., prime
minister or president). nationalist movements within a state’s borders challenge existing boundaries and
seek to secede to form their own state, sometimes in alliance with movements from
bureaucracy neighboring countries with whom they claim to share a common heritage. Such is
An organization the case with the Kurds, an ethnic group whose members live in Turkey, Syria, and
structured hierarchically, Iraq. Many groups of Kurds have fought to establish an independent nation-state of
in which lower-level
officials are charged with
administering regulations
codified in rules that
specify impersonal,
objective guidelines for
making decisions.
legislature
The political institutions in
a country in which elected
or appointed members are
charged with responsibility
for making laws and
usually for authorizing the
taxation and expenditure
of the financial resources
enabling the state to carry
AP Photo/Muhammed Muheisen
judiciary
The political institutions
in a country responsible
for the administration
of justice, and in some
countries, for determining Young people were at the forefront of the democracy movements that shook the
the constitutionality of Middle East and North Africa in 2011.
state decisions.
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SECTION 2 What—and How—Comparative Politics Compares 11
state formation
Causal Theories The historical
development of a state,
Because countries are the basic building blocks in politics, and because states are the often marked by major
most significant political organizations within countries, these are two critical units stages, key events, or
for comparative analysis. The comparativist seeks to measure and explain similarities turning points (critical
junctures) that influence
and differences among countries or states. One widely used approach in doing such the contemporary
comparative analysis involves developing a causal theory—a hypothesis that can be character of the state.
expressed formally in a causal mode: “If X happens, then Y will be the result.” Such
theories include a factor (the independent variable, symbolized by X) that is claimed causal theory
to influence an outcome (the dependent variable, symbolized by Y) that the analyst An influential approach
wants to explain. in comparative politics
For example, it is commonly argued that if a country’s economic pie shrinks, that involves trying
conflict among groups will intensify. This hypothesis claims what is called an to explain why “if X
happens, then Y is the
“inverse correlation” between variables: as X varies in one direction (the economic
result.”
pie shrinks), Y varies in the opposite direction (political and economic conflict over
the economic pie increases). This relationship might be tested by statistical analysis independent variable
of a large number (N) of cases (what is called “large N analysis”) or by analyzing
The variable symbolized
one or several country cases in depth to determine how relevant relationships have by X in the statement
varied historically (“small N analysis”). Even when the explanation does not involve that “If X happens, then
the explicit testing of hypotheses (and often it does not), comparativists try to iden- Y will be the result;”
tify significant patterns that help explain political similarities and differences among in other words, the
countries. independent variable is a
cause of Y (the dependent
It is important to recognize the limits on just how “scientific” political science— variable).
and thus comparative politics—can be. Two important differences exist between the
“hard” (or natural) sciences like physics and chemistry and the social sciences, which dependent variable
in addition to political science include anthropology, economics, psychology, and
The variable symbolized
sociology. First, political scientists study people who exercise their political will and by Y in the statement
therefore may act in unpredictable ways, as the Arab Spring events of 2011 in the that “If X happens, then
Middle East and North Africa and the U.S. presidential election of 2016 powerfully Y will be the result;’’
demonstrate. This does not mean that people choose in a totally arbitrary fashion. We in other words, the
dependent variable is
choose within the context of material constraint, institutional dictates, and cultural
the outcome of X (the
preferences. But there will always be a gulf between the natural and social sciences independent variable).
because of their different objects of study.
In the natural sciences, experimental techniques can be applied to isolate the rational choice
contribution of distinct factors to producing a particular outcome. It is possible to theory
change the value or magnitude of a factor—for example, the force applied to an A largely quantitative
object or the amount of a chemical in a compound—and precisely measure how approach to analyzing
the outcome has consequently changed. There is a lively debate about whether the political decision making
social sciences should seek scientific explanations comparable to what prevails in the and behavior that
natural sciences. An approach largely borrowed from economics, called rational assumes that individual
actors rationally pursue
choice theory, has become influential—and highly controversial—in political sci- their aims in an effort to
ence, including comparative politics, in recent years.9 Rational choice theory focuses achieve the most positive
on how individuals act strategically (that is, rationally) in an attempt to achieve goals net result.
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12 CHAPTER 1 Introducing Comparative Politics
that maximize their interests. Such actions involve varied activities like voting for
a particular candidate or rebelling against the government. Proponents of rational
choice generally use quantitative methods to construct models of political behavior
that they believe can be applied across all types of political systems and cultures. The
appeal of rational choice theory lies in its capacity to provide theoretical and practical
insights about comparative politics through formal models based on the assumption
that individual actors pursue goals efficiently and strategically. But this approach has
been criticized for claiming to explain large-scale and complex social phenomena by
reference to individual choices while dismissing the importance of variations in his-
torical experience, political culture, identities, institutions, and other key aspects of
the political world.
The study of comparative politics offers many challenges, including the complexity
of the subject matter, the fast pace of change in the contemporary world, and the
impossibility of manipulating variables or replicating conditions in a truly scientific
way. As a result, most comparativists probably agree on a middle course that avoids
either focusing exclusively on one country or blending all countries indiscriminately
into a grand theory. If we study only individual countries without any comparative
framework, comparative politics would become merely the study of a series of isolated
cases. It would therefore be impossible to recognize what is most significant in the
collage of political characteristics that we find in the world’s many countries. As a
result, it would impossible to understand patterns of similarity and difference among
countries, as well as what is and what is not unique about a country’s political life.
If we go to the other extreme and try to make claims of universal applicability,
we would tend to ignore significant national differences and patterns of variation.
The political world is incredibly complex, shaped by an extraordinary array of factors
and an almost endless interplay of variables. Indeed, following a brief period in the
1950s and 1960s when many comparativists tried—and failed—to develop a grand
theory of political development that would apply to all countries, most comparativists
middle-level theory now agree on the value of middle-level theory; that is, a theory focusing on specific
A theory that seeks to features of the political world, such as institutions and policies, or classes of similar
explain phenomena in a events, such as revolutions or elections.
limited range of cases, Consider an example of middle-level theory that would help us understand a key
such as comparing political development in the contemporary world: theories about transitions from
presidential democracies
authoritarian to more democratic government. Comparativists have long analyzed
(e.g. the United States)
with parliamentary the processes through which many countries with authoritarian governments, such as
democracies (e.g. military dictatorships and one-party regimes, have developed more participatory and
Britain). democratic regimes. In studying the process that they call democratic transitions,
comparativists neither treat each national case as unique nor try to construct a uni-
dictatorship versal pattern that ignores all differences.10 Scholars of democratic transitions seek to
A form of government identify the weak links in authoritarian regimes, such as declining economic perfor-
in which power and mance, a decrease in the regime’s repressive capacity, or a switch in loyalty by influen-
political control are tial insiders, that result in the crumbling of the authoritarian regime.
concentrated in one ruler
or a few rulers who have
We believe that students will be in a better position to understand the causes
concentrated and nearly and consequences of such major developments after gaining a solid grasp of political
absolute power. similarities and differences in diverse countries around the world. It is this goal that
we put front and center in ICP.
democratic transition
The process of a
state moving from
an authoritarian to a
Where Do You Stand?
democratic political Is declining economic performance or political instability a greater threat to a regime?
system.
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SECTION 3 Themes for Comparative Analysis 13
3
SECTION
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14 CHAPTER 1 Introducing Comparative Politics
International corporations, international banks, and currency traders in New York, London,
Monetary Fund (IMF) Frankfurt, Hong Kong, and Tokyo affect countries and people throughout the
The International world. A country’s political borders do not protect its citizens from global warming,
Monetary Fund (IMF) environmental pollution, terrorism, or infectious diseases that come from abroad.
is a global institution Thanks to the global diffusion of radio, television, Twitter, and the Internet,
whose mandate is to as well as social media of all kinds, people nearly everywhere can become remark-
“foster global monetary
ably well informed about international developments. This knowledge may fuel pop-
cooperation, secure
financial stability, ular demands that governments intervene to stop atrocities in, for example, faraway
facilitate international Kosovo, Rwanda, Libya, and Syria, or provide aid to the victims of natural disasters,
trade, promote high as happened after devastating earthquakes in China in 2008 and Haiti in 2010, each
employment and of which killed many thousands of people. Further, heightened global awareness
sustainable economic
may encourage citizens to hold their own government to internationally recognized
growth, and reduce
poverty.” standards of human rights and democracy. Such awareness played a significant role in
motivating people to join prodemocracy movements, such as those against authori-
North American Free tarian regimes in North Africa and the Middle East in the Arab Spring of 2011 and
Trade Agreement against China’s refusal to allow freer elections in Hong Kong in 2014.
(NAFTA) A puzzle: To what extent can even the most powerful states (including the
A treaty among the
United States) preserve their autonomy and impose their will on others in a global-
United States, Mexico, ized world? And in what ways are the poorer and less powerful countries particularly
and Canada implemented vulnerable to the pressures of globalization and disgruntled citizens?
on January 1, 1994, that Increasingly, the politics and policies of states are shaped by diverse international
largely eliminates trade factors, often lumped together under the category of globalization. At the same time,
barriers among the three
nations.
George Riemann/toonpool.com
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SECTION 3 Themes for Comparative Analysis 15
many states face increasingly restive constituencies within their country who chal-
lenge the power and legitimacy of central governments. In reading the country case
studies in this book, try to assess how pressures from both above and below—outside
and inside—influence a state’s policies and its ability to retain citizen support.
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decide whether the claimant of a Patent has a right to it, can it be
sanctioned in granting a privilege blindfold which establishes a
temporary monopoly? According to my view, this is a formidable,
almost insurmountable, stumbling-block, which, in my deliberate
opinion, will always stand in the way of a good and efficient Law of
Patents. I, therefore, am of opinion that no other satisfactory course
is open to us than to abolish Patents.
M. van Voorthuysen will not enter into many details, the subject
having been considered both from a juridical and an economical
point of view. He will, therefore, restrict himself to a few remarks on
M. Heemskerk’s speech. The hon. member acknowledges the
satisfaction the project gives him; it gratifies the feelings to which he
has given vent a great many times. It has been said that the
measure was a step backward, as Patents have taken the place of
exclusive privileges to guilds. At the time the Patent-right was
assuredly an improvement on the then existing system; but we have
been progressing so much since then that at present nothing short of
abolition will satisfy the wants of progress. He also refers to the
conclusion arrived at by Lord Stanley, which point M. Heemskerk has
left unnoticed—viz., 1st, that it is impossible to reward all who
deserve to be rewarded; 2nd, that it is impossible to reward
adequately to the service rendered to society at large; 3rd, that it is
impossible to hold third parties harmless from damage. And, in fact,
the alleged instance of the Daguerre prize having been divided with
another who equally proved his claim to the invention, speaks for
itself. It is doubtful who was the first inventor of the steam-engine;
there are several, at least, who claim the invention as their own.
There is another point he feels bound to refer to. M. Heemskerk has
said that abolishing Patents constitutes an attack upon the right of
property, and that deputy cautions against a first step, perhaps to be
followed up by others. This being a very serious inculpation, the hon.
member has asked the opinion of an eminent jurist, whom he will not
name as yet, whose authority M. Heemskerk is not likely to deny,
and who is in many respects congenial with that esteemed deputy.
The hon. member reads that opinion of one of the foremost
opponents of Patent-right, who calls it an obnoxious and intolerable
monopoly. And who is that clever jurist? It is M. Wintgens, who very
likely owed to his extraordinary acquirements in law matters his
appointment to the Department of Justice in the Heemskerk van
Zuylen Ministry.
M. Fock (Secretary of State for Home Affairs) will not have much
to say, after all which has been argued in yesterday’s and to-day’s
Session, in defence of the project. Nevertheless he will indulge in a
few remarks on the final report. With a view to the same, M.
Heemskerk submits the maintenance of Patents for inventions, but
the repeal of those “of admission.” But the Minister calls the attention
of the House to the circumstance that the Patents for inventions
which are being granted may aggregate to ten a year or thereabout.
What should remain for us to keep? Or else agents here will apply
for Patents on foreign inventions, so that “Patents of admission” will
re-appear under a different denomination. M. Godefroi has already
pointed to instances abroad, and the Minister can but add that,
despite M. Heemskerk’s assertion to the contrary, the Prussian
Government is by no means favourably disposed to the Patent-Law.
In December, 1868, Count von Bismarck addressed a message to
the North German Confederation, embodying the opinion of the
Prussian Government in favour of repeal, and even hinting that
Prussia would not mind taking the lead in the matter.[9] After entering
into a few more details concerning the final report, the Minister once
more demonstrates that Patents are great impediments to industry
and free-trade, and that it is in the public’s interest that they should
be abolished. The Netherlands, having once been foremost in doing
away with the tax on knowledge, must not now shrink from
conferring entire freedom on the field of industry. That is no reaction.
Is it reaction to break off with an intolerable state of things? No; it is
progress, and leads to free development. The Minister concludes
with a citation from Michel Chevalier, and declines to take M.
Heemskerk’s hint of deferring the discussion on the project.
M. Heemskerk Azn replies. He tenders thanks for the urbanity
observed throughout the discussion. But it is undeniable that his
opinion agrees with the existing right and the prevalent ideas in
Europe and America. Of course, if revocation is intended,
improvement of the law has to be given up. In reply to the Minister,
he has no doubt but that the desire for revocation originated in
Prussia, but he has said that in Germany the tide has turned in
favour of Patents, on the strength of the “Deutsche Industrie Zeitung”
and Klosterman’s recent work. The revocation of the Patent-Law
may have been contemplated, but the Prussian Government is not
now disposed to have the idea carried out. He asks but for what the
English equally asked for—i.e., a renewed inquiry. What, after all, is
foreign experience to the exercise of law in the Netherlands? How
does the project tally with the establishment of a new division of
industry in the Department for Internal Affairs, the chief occupation of
which is the granting of Patents? He will not argue with the Minister
on general remarks, but merely on the one relating to the abolition of
newspaper stamps. Why has that tax been repealed? If henceforth a
larger quantity of paper be covered with print, the tax has most likely
been done away with to promote the diffusion of general knowledge.
He supposes, however, the Minister will agree with Cicero, who says
that fame acquired by means of deeds which are not useful is but
vanity. The stamp duty has been repealed in order to be useful. And
in the present case, will the Minister deny all benefits to him who
does his utmost, so as to be useful? He replies also to the several
members who have made speeches; he contradicts M. de Bruyn
Kops about a general disposition supposed to exist in France
towards revocation of Patent-Laws. Michel Chevalier only has
changed his mind, but there is no opinion prevailing against Patents.
Quite recently both Joseph Garnier and Wolowski have refuted
Chevalier’s arguments.
The hon. member further insists upon his interpretation of the
Parliamentary debates in England, and names several instances of
inventors having acquired wealth. He does not admit that there is a
difference between Patent-right and Copyright; imitation of articles of
fabrication is, and will remain, as immoral as it is unfair. He shrinks
from touching the legal side of the question, but asks whether,
because of the Patent-right being restricted to a fixed time, the
conclusion must needs be drawn that absolutely no right should
exist, and that there should be no plea in equity whatever for an
inventor to get rewarded for his labours? Does the abstract question
of occupation of immaterial things cripple that hypothesis in any
way? He considers it from a more general and social point of view,
and vindicates his assertion that an inventor is entitled to a certain
amount of protection for his work, by which, at all events, he renders
a service to society; that Patents are incitements to many useful
inventions and to industry, which is equally M. de Bruyn Kops’
opinion, as stated in his work on political economy. He has been
asked why, when in the Ministry, he did not introduce a Patent
Reform Law. In the first place, he begs to observe that much was to
be done then, and besides, considering the smallness of our country,
he indulged in the anticipation that the idea of an international
agreement might gradually have gained ground. Should he,
however, have lived longer (politically speaking), he would most
likely have introduced a Bill for remodelling the Patent-Law. As for M.
Wintgen’s opinion, it is almost superfluous to say that one is not
bound to have in every respect homogeneous ideas with one’s
political friends. In reply to the question why, as a member of the
House, he does not make a proposal, he accepts the invitation, and
will in September next be prepared to take, as a member of the
House, the initiative of presenting a Bill for Reforming the Patent-
Law, provided the project now pending be no longer discussed.
M. Van Zinnick Bergmann replies, and maintains his opinion
about the justice of the Patent-right.
M. de Bruyn Kops refutes M. Heemskerk’s reply, and
demonstrates, by means of fresh examples, that the Patent-right is
intolerable and most obnoxious. He considers the question now
merely economically; MM. van Houten and Godefroi having so ably
discussed the legal points. The large benefits acquired by a few are,
as taken from his point of view, prejudicial to the public at large, and
against these few advantages there are great damages, as large
capitals dwindle away in the chase for the snare of Patents. M.
Heemskerk himself favours the revocation of Patents on the right “of
admission.” What is left after that? Nothing but the Patents of
invention. Why not try entire freedom and removal of all
impediments?
M. Godefroi will add one word more with reference to M.
Heemskerk’s readiness in accepting the challenge, of framing a new
project of law, and he must say that, whatever be the nature of such
proposal, it can hardly be expected to satisfy those who condemn
the principles of Patent-Law. But the orator who is so well posted
must certainly have framed already the main points from which the
project would have to be formed. By stating and explaining those
points, he would have done more service to the House than by mere
opposition to those who favour abolition. The hon. member repeats
the important query, whether Patents should be granted without
previously inquiring into the merits of the case; and then Government
would have to give its opinion just as well on an improved chignon as
on an improved steam-engine.
M. Gefken gives his motives for voting in favour of the project. He
says, where there is a right of property, it must be permanent, and
even transferable to the heirs; but a guarantee for a few years would
not do. He consequently does not recognise the right of property,
and merely considers the question with a view to usefulness; and, as
far as that goes, his experience in administrative and juridical offices
has taught him that Patents are not actually useful, and, on the
contrary, lead to speculation and impede the development of many a
useful concern. He favours free competition.
M. van Voorthuysen will not revert to M. Bergmann’s remark
about his being accustomed to recapitulate the debates, but denies
having intended to force upon him the authority of M. Wintgen’s
opinion. Such is not the case; but the fact of the opinions of two such
jurists as MM. Godefroi and Wintgen agreeing has set his mind at
rest as far as legal opinion is concerned.
M. Heemskerk Azn replies to M. Godefroi, and does not see why
he should just now go and sketch his project. Give him time and
opportunity, and he will introduce a Bill, provided this project be
deferred; and, in fact, what are they making such haste for?
Minister Fock maintains his sayings about the Prussian
Government favouring revocation, and further explains that the new
division in his department has no connexion with Patents, but was
made so as to concentrate all matters referring to industry. As for the
right of property in inventions, he would merely add that, according
to our legislation, Patents are but favours, which may be granted or
not, as the case may be.
Hereupon the discussion is closed.
With reference to Art. 1, M. Lenting asks, why the date on which
the new law has to take effect should be fixed for the 1st January
next. He would prefer that the words be, “After the day of the
publication of the law;” then no new Patents would be granted, those
already applied for only excepted.
The Minister inserts the amendment, after which Arts. 1 and 2 are
passed.
The project is then put to the vote, and passes the House by 49
ayes against 8 noes.
Against it voted MM. Bichon, Blussé, Vader, Hofmann, Heemskerk
Azn, Van Wassenaer, and Van Zinnick Bergmann.