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Child Abuse
SOURCEBOOK
FIFTH EDITION
Basic Consumer Health Information about Child Abuse or Neglect and the Physical,
Sexual, and Emotional Abuse of Children, Including Abusive Head Trauma, Bullying,
Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy, Statutory Rape, Incest, Educational Neglect,
Exploitation, and the Long-Term Consequences of Child Maltreatment, Featuring Facts
about Risk Factors, Prevention Initiatives, Reporting Requirements, Legal Interventions,
Child Protective Services, and Therapy Options
Along with Information for Parents, Foster Parents, and Adult Survivors of Child Abuse,
a Glossary of Related Terms, and Directories of Additional Resources
Child Abuse
SOURCEBOOK
FIFTH EDITION
Health Reference Series
Child Abuse
SOURCEBOOK
FIFTH EDITION
Basic Consumer Health Information about Child Abuse or Neglect and the Physical, Sexual, and
Emotional Abuse of Children, Including Abusive Head Trauma, Bullying, Munchausen Syndrome by
Proxy, Statutory Rape, Incest, Educational Neglect, Exploitation, and the Long-Term Consequences
of Child Maltreatment, Featuring Facts about Risk Factors, Prevention Initiatives, Reporting
Requirements, Legal Interventions, Child Protective Services, and Therapy Options
Along with Information for Parents, Foster Parents, and Adult Survivors of Child Abuse, a Glossary
of Related Terms, and Directories of Additional Resources
615 Griswold, Ste. 520, Detroit, MI 48226

Bibliographic Note
Because this page cannot legibly accommodate all the copyright notices, the Bibliographic
Note portion of the Preface constitutes an extension of the copyright notice.
***
OMNIGRAPHICS
Angela L. Williams, Managing Editor
***
Copyright © 2019 Omnigraphics
ISBN 978-0-7808-1699-2
E-ISBN 978-0-7808-1700-5
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Omnigraphics, Inc., issuing body.
Title: Child abuse sourcebook: basic consumer health information about child neglect
and the physical, sexual, and emotional abuse of children, including abusive head
trauma, bullying, munchausen syndrome by proxy, statutory rape, incest, educational
neglect, exploitation, and the long-term consequences of child maltreatment,
featuring facts about risk factors, prevention initiatives, reporting requirements,
legal interventions, child protective services, and therapy options; along with
information for parents, foster parents, and adult survivors of child abuse, a glossary
of related terms, and directories of additional resources.
Description: 5th Edition. | Detroit, MI: Omnigraphics, Inc., [2019] | Revised edition
of Child abuse sourcebook, [2016]
Identifiers: LCCN 2019009457 (print) | LCCN 2019010722 (ebook) | ISBN
9780780817005 (ebook) | ISBN 9780780816992 (hard cover: alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Child abuse--United States. | Child abuse--United States--
Prevention. | Abused children--United States.
Classification: LCC HV6626.52 (ebook) | LCC HV6626.52.C557 2019 (print) | DDC
362.76--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019009457
Electronic or mechanical reproduction, including photography, recording, or any other infor-

mation storage and retrieval system for the purpose of resale is strictly prohibited without
permission in writing from the publisher.
The information in this publication was compiled from the sources cited and from other
sources considered reliable. While every possible effort has been made to ensure reliability,
the publisher will not assume liability for damages caused by inaccuracies in the data, and
makes no warranty, express or implied, on the accuracy of the information contained herein.
This book is printed on acid-free paper meeting the ANSI Z39.48 Standard. The infinity
symbol that appears above indicates that the paper in this book meets that standard.
Printed in the United States
Table of Contents
Preface�� xi
Part I: Child Maltreatment

Chapter 1—Defining Child Maltreatment�� 3
Section 1.1—Understanding Child Abuse
and Neglect�� 4
Section 1.2—Legal Definitions of Child
Abuse and Neglect�� 8
Chapter 2—Acts of Omission: An Overview of

Child Neglect�� 11
Section 2.1—An Overview of Child
Neglect�� 12
Section 2.2—Chronic Child Neglect�� 16
Chapter 3—Child Abuse Statistics�� 19

Section 3.1—Child Maltreatment Facts
at a Glance�� 20
Section 3.2—Fatality�� 25
Chapter 4—When Children Are Exposed to

Violence�� 31
Chapter 5—Child Exploitation�� 33
Section 5.1—An Overview of Child
Exploitation�� 34
Section 5.2—Child Labor Trafficking�� 36
v
Section 5.3—Child Victims of Human
Trafficking�� 40
Chapter 6—Sibling Abuse�� 43

Chapter 7—Bullying�� 49
Section 7.1—What Is Bullying?�� 50
Section 7.2—Warning Signs for Bullying�� 53
Section 7.3—Effects of Bullying�� 55
Section 7.4—Preventing and Responding
to Bullying�� 57
Chapter 8—Long-Term Effects and Consequences

of Child Abuse and Neglect�� 61
Section 8.1—Effects of Child
Maltreatment on Brain
Development�� 62
Section 8.2—Long-Term Consequences
of Child Maltreatment�� 65
Section 8.3—Child Abuse Leaves
Epigenetic Marks�� 70
Section 8.4—Pathways between Child
Maltreatment and Adult
Criminal Involvement�� 72
Part II: Physical and Sexual Abuse of Children

Chapter 9—Physical Abuse of Children�� 77
Section 9.1—Recognizing Signs of Abuse
and Neglect�� 78
Section 9.2—Helping First Responders
Identify Child Abuse�� 82
Section 9.3—Making and Screening
Reports of Child Abuse and
Neglect �� 85
Chapter 10—Abusive Head Trauma�� 91

Chapter 11—Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy �� 95
Chapter 12—Shaken Baby Syndrome�� 97
vi
Chapter 13—Sexual Abuse of Children�� 101
Chapter 14—Incest�� 105
Chapter 15—Extraterritorial Sexual Exploitation
of Children�� 109
Chapter 16—Teen Dating Abuse�� 113
Chapter 17—Statutory Rape�� 117
Section 17.1—What Is Statutory Rape?�� 118
Section 17.2—State Laws on Statutory
Rape�� 119
Part III: Child Neglect and Emotional Abuse

Chapter 18—Child Neglect�� 125
Chapter 19—Neglect of Children’s Healthcare�� 127
Chapter 20—Educational Neglect and Truancy�� 131
Chapter 21—Emotional Abuse of Children�� 135
Section 21.1—Understanding Emotional
Abuse of Children�� 136
Section 21.2—The Nature and
Consequences of Emotional
Abuse�� 139
Chapter 22—Technology and Abuse�� 141

Section 22.1—What Is Cyberbullying?�� 142
Section 22.2—Child Pornography�� 156
Section 22.3—Online Sexual Exploitation
of Children�� 158
Chapter 23—International Parental Kidnapping�� 161

Chapter 24—Childhood Maltreatment among
Children with Disabilities�� 165
Chapter 25—Parental Drug Use as Child Abuse�� 169
Part IV: Adult Survivors of Child Abuse

Chapter 26—Adverse Childhood Experiences�� 175
vii
Chapter 27—Early Life Stress and Adult Chronic
Fatigue Syndrome�� 181
Chapter 28—Effects of Domestic Violence on
Children�� 185
Chapter 29—Adult Survivors of Childhood Sexual
Abuse�� 191
Chapter 30—Posttraumatic Stress Disorder in
Adult Survivors�� 199
Section 30.1—Posttraumatic Stress
Disorder�� 200
Section 30.2—FAQs about PTSD
Assessment�� 204
Chapter 31—Abuse, Trauma, and Mental Health�� 207
Chapter 32—Intergenerational Patterns of Child
Maltreatment: What the Evidence Shows�� 211
Part V: Child Abuse Preventions, Interventions, and

Treatments
Chapter 33—Preventing Child Abuse and Neglect
Is a Priority�� 221
Chapter 34—Preventing Child Sexual Abuse�� 225
Chapter 35—Child Maltreatment Prevention
Initiatives�� 229
Chapter 36—Safe Youth, Safe Schools�� 243
Chapter 37—Prevention of Maltreatment of
Children with Disabilities�� 247
Chapter 38—Infant Safe Haven Laws�� 261
Chapter 39—Child Abuse Prevention and
Treatment Act�� 265
Chapter 40—Sex Offender Registration and
Notification Act�� 269
Chapter 41—How You Can Help Someone Who Is
Being Abused or Neglected�� 271
viii
Chapter 42—Legal Interventions in Suspected
Child Abuse Cases�� 277
Section 42.1—How the Child Welfare
System Works�� 278
Section 42.2—Court Appointed Special
Advocates for Children�� 283
Chapter 43—Reporting Child Abuse�� 289

Section 43.1—How to Report Suspected
Child Maltreatment�� 290
Section 43.2—Mandatory Reporters of
Child Abuse and Neglect�� 291
Chapter 44—Therapy Options for Children

Impacted by Abuse�� 295
Section 44.1—Cognitive Behavioral
Therapy for Physical
Abuse�� 296
Section 44.2—Parent–Child Interaction
Therapy with At-Risk
Families�� 306
Chapter 45—Therapy Options for Adult Survivors

of Childhood Abuse�� 317
Part VI: Parenting Issues and Child Abuse Risks

Chapter 46—Family Matters and Child Abuse Risk�� 335
Section 46.1—Parental Substance Use�� 336
Section 46.2—Domestic Violence and
Child Abuse�� 339
Section 46.3—Postpartum Depression�� 341
Chapter 47—Disciplining Your Child�� 345

Section 47.1—Setting Structure and
Rules�� 346
Section 47.2—Using Discipline and
Consequences�� 348
Section 47.3—Use of Rewards�� 355
ix
Chapter 48—Improving Parenting Skills�� 359
Section 48.1—Building Healthy
Relationships with Your
Kids�� 360
Section 48.2—Positive Parenting Tips�� 363
Section 48.3—Parental Support Groups�� 384
Chapter 49—Kinship Caregivers, Foster Care, and
Adoption�� 387
Section 49.1—Kinship Caregivers�� 388
Section 49.2—Information for Foster
Parents Considering
Adoption�� 393
Section 49.3—Helping Foster Children
Transition into Adoption�� 398
Section 49.4—Sibling Issues in Foster
Care and Adoption�� 410
Section 49.5—Parenting a Child Who
Has Been Sexually Abused—
A Guide for Foster Parents�� 428
Section 49.6—Questions to Ask Your
Adoption Agency or
Organization�� 438
Chapter 50—Parenting a Child Who Has
Experienced Trauma�� 443
Chapter 51—Parenting Children and Youth Who
Have Experienced Abuse or Neglect�� 451
Chapter 52—Parenting after Domestic Violence�� 461
Chapter 53—Leaving Your Child Home Alone�� 463
Part VII: Additional Help and Information

Chapter 54—Glossary of Terms Related to Child Abuse�� 471
Chapter 55—Where to Report Child Abuse�� 483
Chapter 56—A Directory of Organizations Dedicated
to Promoting Healthy Families�� 489
Index�� 501
x
Preface
About This Book

According to the Administration for Children and Families (ACF),
over 700,000 children are abused in the United States annually. Child
maltreatment can create visible welts, bruises, and broken bones,
or it can be invisible, producing deep emotional scars and life-long
mental-health challenges. Children who have been the victims of abuse
or neglect can experience alterations in brain chemistry, difficulty with
social interaction, physical injuries, and even death.
Child Abuse Sourcebook, Fifth Edition provides updated informa-
tion about child neglect and the physical, emotional, and sexual abuse
of children, including facts about severe punishment, abusive head
trauma, Munchausen syndrome by proxy, rape, incest, exploitation,
medical neglect, educational neglect, bullying, and aggression through
technology. The book explains the differences between situations that
require legal intervention and those considered to be parental choices,
even when controversial. Facts about child protective services (CPS)
and interventions by the court system are also included. Parenting
issues that may relate to child abuse risks, including domestic violence,
postpartum depression, military service, substance abuse, and disci-
plinary strategies, are addressed, and information for adult survivors
of child abuse is provided. The volume concludes with a glossary, a
state-by-state list of contact information for reporting suspected child
maltreatment, and a directory of resources for finding additional help
and information.
xi
How to Use This Book
This book is divided into parts and chapters. Parts focus on broad
areas of interest. Chapters are devoted to single topics within a part.
Part I: Child Maltreatment explains the types of intentional actions
that U.S. state laws typically recognize as forms of abuse. These
include physical abuse, sexual abuse and exploitation, emotional
abuse, neglect, and abandonment. Related issues, including bullying
and exposure to violence, are also explored. The part concludes with
a discussion regarding the physical, psychological, behavioral, and
societal consequences of child maltreatment.
Part II: Physical and Sexual Abuse of Children concerns itself with
modes of maltreatment that result from physical actions, including
family violence, harsh corporal punishment, abusive head trauma
(shaken baby syndrome), and Munchausen syndrome by proxy. It also
reports on the physical and behavioral indicators of sexual abuse and
provides facts about incest and abuse in dating relationships, and it
discusses statutory rape laws.
Part III: Child Neglect and Emotional Abuse provides information
about forms of abuse that are generally less visible than physical
abuse. These can result from the failure of a parent or guardian to
take appropriate action on a child’s behalf—such as refusing to seek
medical care or education—or from other behaviors that negatively
impact a child’s mental development or psychological wellbeing.
Part IV: Adult Survivors of Child Abuse explains the long-term con-
sequences of experiencing maltreatment during childhood, and it dis-
cusses the outcomes that may emerge in adulthood. Mental-health
issues related to the vestiges of child abuse are also addressed, and
the link between child abuse and adult suicide risk is explored.
Part V: Child Abuse Preventions, Interventions, and Treatments reports
on various strategies, laws, and regulations intended to reduce the
incidence of child abuse. It explains how child protective services can
intervene in suspected abuse cases, and it describes therapy options
for children and adults who have been impacted by abuse.
Part VI: Parenting Issues and Child Abuse Risks describes some of
the most common family challenges that place children in dangerous
situations, including domestic violence, mental-health issues, parental
substance abuse, and inappropriate forms of discipline. It provides tips
for improving parenting skills and also offers suggestions for parents,
and foster and adoptive parents.
xii
Part VII: Additional Help and Information includes a glossary of terms
related to child abuse and child protective services, a state-by-state
list of contact information for reporting suspected child maltreatment,
and a directory of organizations involved in efforts to end child abuse
and heal its effects.
Bibliographic Note
This volume contains documents and excerpts from publications
issued by the following U.S. government agencies: Administration
for Children and Families (ACF); Assistant Secretary for Planning
and Evaluation (ASPE); Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
(CDC); Child Welfare Information Gateway; Eunice Kennedy Shriver
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD);
National Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS); National
Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI); National Institute of
Justice (NIJ); National Institute on Mental Health (NIMH); National
Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS); National
Institutes of Health (NIH); Office for Victims of Crime (OVC); Office
of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP); Office on
Women’s Health (OWH); Substance Abuse and Mental Health Ser-
vices Administration (SAMHSA); U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ);
U.S. Department of Education (ED); U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services (HHS); U.S. Department of State (DOS); U.S. Depart-
ment of Veterans Affairs (VA); and U.S. National Library of Medicine
(NLM).
It may also contain original material produced by Omnigraphics
and reviewed by medical consultants.
About the Health Reference Series

The Health Reference Series is designed to provide basic medical
information for patients, families, caregivers, and the general public.
Each volume takes a particular topic and provides comprehensive cov-
erage. This is especially important for people who may be dealing with
a newly diagnosed disease or a chronic disorder in themselves or in a
family member. People looking for preventive guidance, information
about disease warning signs, medical statistics, and risk factors for
health problems will also find answers to their questions in the Health
Reference Series. The Series, however, is not intended to serve as a tool
for diagnosing illness, in prescribing treatments, or as a substitute for
the physician/patient relationship. All people concerned about medical
xiii
symptoms or the possibility of disease are encouraged to seek profes-
sional care from an appropriate healthcare provider.
A Note about Spelling and Style

Health Reference Series editors use Stedman’s Medical Dictionary
as an authority for questions related to the spelling of medical terms
and the Chicago Manual of Style for questions related to grammati-
cal structures, punctuation, and other editorial concerns. Consistent
adherence is not always possible, however, because the individual vol-
umes within the Series include many documents from a wide variety of
different producers, and the editor’s primary goal is to present material
from each source as accurately as is possible. This sometimes means
that information in different chapters or sections may follow other
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ally a copyright holder may require that eponymous terms be shown
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Medical Review
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Reference Series editors by:
Dr. Vijayalakshmi, MBBS, DGO, MD

Dr. Senthil Selvan, MBBS, DCH, MD
Dr. K. Sivanandham, MBBS, DCH, MS (Research), PhD
Our Advisory Board

We would like to thank the following board members for providing
initial guidance on the development of this series:
• Dr. Lynda Baker, Associate Professor of Library and
Information Science, Wayne State University, Detroit, MI
• Nancy Bulgarelli, William Beaumont Hospital Library, Royal
Oak, MI
xiv
• Karen Imarisio, Bloomfield Township Public Library, Bloomfield
Township, MI
• Karen Morgan, Mardigian Library, University of
Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI
• Rosemary Orlando, St. Clair Shores Public Library, St. Clair
Shores, MI
Health Reference Series Update Policy

The inaugural book in the Health Reference Series was the first edi-
tion of Cancer Sourcebook published in 1989. Since then, the Series has
been enthusiastically received by librarians and in the medical com-
munity. In order to maintain the standard of providing high-quality
health information for the layperson the editorial staff at Omnigraph-
ics felt it was necessary to implement a policy of updating volumes
when warranted.
Medical researchers have been making tremendous strides, and
it is the purpose of the Health Reference Series to stay current with
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Managing Editor
Health Reference Series
Omnigraphics
615 Griswold, Ste. 520
Detroit, MI 48226
xv

Part One
Child Maltreatment

Chapter 1
Defining Child Maltreatment
Chapter Contents
Section 1.1—Understanding Child Abuse and
Neglect�� 4
Section 1.2—Legal Definitions of Child Abuse and
Neglect�� 8
3
Child Abuse Sourcebook, Fifth Edition
Section 1.1
Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect

This section includes text excerpted from “Child Abuse
and Neglect Prevention,” Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention (CDC), April 10, 2018.
Children under the age of 18 may be exposed to abuse and neglect

by a parent, caregiver, or another person in a custodial role (e.g.,
clergy, coach, or a teacher). There are four common types of child
abuse and neglect.
• Physical abuse
• Sexual abuse
• Emotional abuse
• Neglect
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) research and
programs work to understand the problem of child abuse and neglect
and prevent them before they begin.
Data and Statistics Related to Child Abuse in the

United States
Listed below are statistical facts on child abuse in the United States.
• There were 676,000 victims of child abuse and neglect reported
to child protective services (CPS) in 2016.
• A non-CPS study estimated that one in four children experience
some form of child abuse or neglect in their lifetime, and one
in seven children have experienced abuse or neglect in the last
year.
• About 1,750 children died from abuse or neglect in 2016.
• The total lifetime economic cost of child abuse and neglect is
estimated at $124 billion each year.
Risk and Protective Factors of Child Abuse

A combination of individual, relational, community, and societal
factors contribute to the risk of child abuse and neglect. Although
4
children are not responsible for the harm inflicted upon them, certain
characteristics have been found to increase their risk of being abused
and/or neglected. Risk factors are characteristics that are associated
with child abuse and neglect—they may or may not be direct causes.
Risk Factors for Victimization

Individual risk factors for victimization include:
• Children younger than four years of age
• Special needs that may increase caregiver burden (e.g.,
disabilities, mental-health issues, and chronic physical illnesses)
Risk Factors for Perpetration

Individual risk factors for perpetration include:
• Parents’ lack of understanding of children’s needs, child
development, and parenting skills
• Parental history of child abuse and/or neglect
• Substance abuse and/or mental-health issues, including
depression in the family
• Parental characteristics, such as young age, low education,
single parenthood, having a number of dependent children, and
low income
• Nonbiological, transient caregivers in the home (e.g., mother’s
male partner)
• Parental thoughts and emotions that tend to support or justify
maltreatment behaviors
Family-related risk factors include:

• Social isolation
• Family disorganization, dissolution, and violence, including
intimate partner violence (IPV)
• Parenting stress, poor parent-child relationships, and negative
interactions
Risk factors associated with community include:

• Community violence
5
• Concentrated neighborhood disadvantage (e.g., high poverty,

residential instability, high unemployment rates, and high
density of alcohol outlets) and poor social connections
Protective Factors for Child Maltreatment

Protective factors buffer children from being abused or neglected.
Protective factors have not been studied as extensively or rigorously
as risk factors. However, identifying and understanding protective
factors are equally as important as researching risk factors.
There is scientific evidence to support the following protective
factors.
Family protective factors include:
• Supportive family environments and social networks
• Concrete support for basic needs
• Nurturing parenting skills
• Stable family relationships
• Household rules and child monitoring
• Parental employment
• Parental education
• Adequate housing
• Access to healthcare and social services
• Caring adults outside of the family who can serve as role models
or mentors
Community protective factor includes:

• Communities that support parents and take responsibility for
preventing abuse
Essentials for Childhood Framework: Creating Safe,

Stable, Nurturing Relationships and Environments for
All Children
Young children experience their world through their relationships
with their parents and other caregivers. Safe, stable, nurturing rela-
tionships and environments are essential to preventing child abuse
and neglect.
6
The Essentials for Childhood Framework, as provided by the CDC,

includes strategies to promote relationships and environments that
can help create neighborhoods, communities, and a world in which
every child can thrive. It is intended for communities committed to
both promoting the positive development of children and families and
preventing child abuse and neglect. The framework has four goal areas
and suggests strategies based on the best available evidence to achieve
each goal. The four-goal areas include:
• Goal 1: Raise awareness, and commit to promoting safe, stable,
nurturing relationships and environments to prevent child
abuse and neglect
• Goal 2: Use data to inform actions
• Goal 3: Create the context for healthy children and families
through norms change and programs
• Goal 4: Create the context for healthy children and families
through policies
States Implementing the Framework

The CDC’s Division of Violence Prevention (DVP) is funding five
state health departments in California, Colorado, Massachusetts,
North Carolina, and Washington to implement the four goals in the
Essentials for Childhood Framework, using a collective impact process.
The CDC also offers technical assistance and training to many other
states that do not receive CDC funding but are engaged at varying
levels in implementing the Essentials for Childhood Framework. State
health departments:
• Coordinate and manage existing and new partnerships with
other child abuse and neglect prevention organizations and
nontraditional partners involved in assuring safe, stable,
nurturing relationships and environments for children
• Work with partners to identify and align strategies across
sectors
• Identify, coordinate, monitor and report on the strategies
implemented by multi-sector partners
• Document the state-level impact of these efforts
7
Section 1.2
Legal Definitions of Child Abuse and Neglect

This section includes text excerpted from “Definitions of Child Abuse
and Neglect,” Child Welfare Information Gateway, U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services (HHS), April 2016.
Child abuse and neglect are defined by federal and state laws. At
the state level, child abuse and neglect may be defined in both civil and
criminal statutes. At the federal level, the Child Abuse Prevention and
Treatment Act (CAPTA) defines “child abuse” and “neglect” as “any act or
failure to act on the part of a parent or caretaker, which results in death,
serious physical or emotional harm, sexual abuse, or exploitation, or an
act or failure to act which presents an imminent risk of serious harm.”
Types of Abuse
Nearly all states, the District of Columbia (DC), American Samoa,
Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the United
States Virgin Islands provide civil definitions of child abuse and
neglect in statute. States recognize the different types of abuse in
their definitions, including physical abuse, neglect, sexual abuse, and
emotional abuse. Some states also provide definitions in statute for
parental-substance abuse and/or for abandonment as child abuse.
Physical Abuse
Physical abuse is generally defined as any non-accidental physical
injury to the child and can include striking, kicking, burning, or biting
the child, or any action that results in a physical impairment of the
child. In approximately 38 states and American Samoa, Guam, the
Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands, the
definition of abuse also includes acts or circumstances that threaten
the child with harm or create a substantial risk of harm to the child’s
health or welfare. In 7 states, the crime of human trafficking, includ-
ing labor trafficking, involuntary servitude, or trafficking of minors,
is included in the definition of child abuse.
Neglect
Neglect is frequently defined as the failure of a parent or other per-
son with responsibility for the child to provide needed food, clothing,
8
shelter, medical care, or supervision to the degree that the child’s

health, safety, and well-being are threatened with harm. Approxi-
mately 25 states, the DC, American Samoa, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin
Islands include failure to educate the child as required by law in their
definition of neglect. 10 states and American Samoa specifically define
medical neglect as failing to provide any special medical treatment
or mental healthcare needed by the child. In addition, 4 states define
medical neglect as the withholding of medical treatment or nutrition
from disabled infants with life-threatening conditions.
Sexual Abuse/Exploitation
All states include sexual abuse in their definitions of child abuse.
Some states refer in general terms to sexual abuse, while others specify
various acts as sexual abuse. Sexual exploitation is an element of the
definition of sexual abuse in most jurisdictions. Sexual exploitation
includes allowing the child to engage in prostitution or in the produc-
tion of child pornography. In 21 states, the definition of sexual abuse
includes human trafficking—including sex trafficking or trafficking of
children—for sexual purposes.
Emotional Abuse
Almost all states, the DC, American Samoa, Guam, the Northern
Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands include emotional
maltreatment as part of their definitions of abuse or neglect. Approx-
imately 33 states, the DC, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and
Puerto Rico provide specific definitions of emotional abuse or mental
injury to a child. Typical language used in these definitions is injury
to the psychological capacity or emotional stability of the child as evi-
denced by an observable or substantial change in behavior, emotional
response, or cognition.” These definitions also point to injury as evi-
denced by “anxiety, depression, withdrawal, or aggressive behavior.”
Parental Substance Abuse

Parental substance abuse is an element of the definition of child
abuse or neglect in some states. Circumstances that are considered
abuse or neglect in some states include:
• Prenatal exposure due to the mother’s use of an illegal drug
or other substance (14 states—including Arizona, Arkansas,
Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Louisiana, Massachusetts,
9
Minnesota, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota,

and Wisconsin—and the DC)
• Manufacture of a controlled substance in the presence of
a child or on the premises occupied by a child (12 states,
including Colorado, Indiana, Iowa, Montana, Ohio, Oklahoma,
Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Tennessee, Virginia, and
Washington).
• Allowing a child to be present where the chemicals or equipment
for the manufacture of controlled substances are used or stored
(3 states, including Arizona, Arkansas, and Washington).
• Selling, distributing or giving drugs or alcohol to a child
(7 states—including Arkansas, Florida, Hawaii, Illinois,
Minnesota, Ohio, and Texas—and Guam).
• Use of a controlled substance by a caregiver that impairs the
caregiver’s ability to adequately care for the child (8 states).
Abandonment
Approximately 17 states and the DC include abandonment in their
definitions of abuse or neglect, usually as a type of neglect. Approxi-
mately 19 states, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands provide
definitions for abandonment that are separate from the definition of
neglect. In general, it is considered abandonment of the child when
the parent’s identity or whereabouts are unknown, the child has been
left by the parent in circumstances in which the child suffers serious
harm, or the parent has failed to maintain contact with the child or to
provide reasonable support for a specified period of time.
10

Chapter 2
Acts of Omission: An
Overview of Child Neglect
Chapter Contents
Section 2.1—An Overview of Child Neglect�� 12
Section 2.2—Chronic Child Neglect�� 16
11
Section 2.1
An Overview of Child Neglect

This section includes text excerpted from “Acts of Omission: An
Overview of Child Neglect,” Child Welfare Information Gateway,
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), July 2018.
Neglect accounts for over three-quarters of confirmed cases of child

maltreatment in the United States—far more than physical or sexual
abuse. It continues, however, to receive less attention from practitioners,
researchers, and the media. Some reasons may be that neglect is not well
understood, and it is difficult to identify, prevent, and treat effectively.
Child Neglect: Scope of the Problem

According to the latest Children’s Bureau Child Maltreatment
report, more than 514,000 children were neglected in 2015, account-
ing for 75.3 percent of all unique victims of child maltreatment. In
addition, neglect was either the sole cause or one of the contributors
to nearly 73 percent of the 1,670 deaths related to child maltreatment
in 2015.
These statistics include only children that were brought to the
attention of state child protective services (CPS) agencies. The National
Incidence Study (NIS) of Child Abuse and Neglect, which generates
broader estimates by gathering data from sources beyond CPS agen-
cies, generally shows higher numbers of maltreatment than those
shown in the Child Maltreatment reports. The most recent version,
NIS-4, uses data from 2005 to 2006 to show that more than 2.2 million
children were neglected, accounting for about 77 percent of all children
harmed or endangered by maltreatment. Although the rates of all
types of maltreatment have declined in recent years, rates of neglect
have decreased much less than the other types. The persistently high
rates of neglect and its serious consequences point to the need for more
effective prevention and early intervention in cases of neglect.
Defining Child Neglect

Both federal and state laws provide basic definitions of child abuse
and neglect. The federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act
(CAPTA), as amended by the CAPTA Reauthorization Act of 2010,
defines “child abuse” and “neglect” as the following:
12
Acts of Omission: An Overview of Child Neglect
• Any recent act or failure to act on the part of a parent or

caretaker, which results in death, serious physical or emotional
harm, sexual abuse, or exploitation
• An act or failure to act, which presents an imminent risk of
serious harm
The Justice for Victims of Trafficking Act of 2015 expanded the

federal definition of “child abuse and neglect” and “sexual abuse” to
include a child who is identified as a victim of sex trafficking or other
severe forms of trafficking.
Neglect is commonly defined in state law as the failure of a parent
or other person with responsibility for the child to provide needed food,
clothing, shelter, medical care, or supervision to the degree that the child’s
health, safety, and well-being are threatened with harm. Some states
specifically mention types of neglect in their statutes, such as educa-
tional neglect, medical neglect, and abandonment; in addition, some states
include exceptions for determining neglect, such as religious exemptions
for medical neglect and financial considerations for physical neglect.
Child neglect is generally thought of as the inability of a parent or
caregiver to meet a child’s basic needs, potentially placing the child
at risk of serious harm. For definitions, many state laws focus on the
omission in care by parents or caregivers, but holding parents or care-
givers accountable for the harm that results from failing to care for
their children is challenging for child-welfare workers who may feel
uncomfortable labeling failure to provide necessary care as “neglect.”
Definitions and accountability are complicated by multiple and inter-
acting factors, such as the following:
• Whether care is adequate to meet a child’s needs
• If harm is actual or potential
• Variety in the types of neglect
• Whether the neglect was intentional
These factors create difficulties in developing standard definitions

of neglect, and the varied definitions contribute to a lack of consistency
in research on neglect and responses to the research.
Types of Neglect
Although state laws vary regarding the types of neglect included
in definitions, summarized below are the most commonly recognized
categories of neglect.
13
• Physical neglect is abandoning the child or refusing to accept

custody and not providing for basic needs, such as nutrition,
hygiene, or appropriate clothing.
• Medical neglect is the act of delaying or denying recommended
healthcare for the child.
• Inadequate supervision is the act of leaving the child
unsupervised (depending on the length of time and the child’s
age/maturity), not protecting the child from safety hazards, not
providing adequate caregivers, or engaging in harmful behavior.
• Emotional neglect is the act of isolating the child, not
providing affection or emotional support, or exposing the child to
domestic violence or substance use.
• Educational neglect is the act of failing to enroll the child
in school or homeschool, ignoring special-education needs, or
permitting chronic absenteeism from school.
Reasons for Neglect

To fully understand the reasons for neglect, it is important to move
beyond considerations of child neglect only as a function of parent or
caregiver characteristics. Considerations should include the following
four levels of the socioecological model. To better understand the influ-
ences on individual families, it is important to explore the context for
these different areas in the lives of families. Examples of factors in
each of the levels of the socioecological model that contribute to and
protect against child neglect include the following:
• Child/individual—Physical, emotional, intellectual, and other
personal characteristics of the parent or child; current or past
trauma; nurturing and attachment capacity of the parent and
child; resilience
• Family/parents—Healthy partner relationship; physical,
emotional, and economic well-being; parent–child interactions
• Community/neighborhood—Adequate resources to meet
community needs (e.g., safe playgrounds, libraries, access
to healthy foods); networks for support and assistance;
neighborhood violence
• Society—Family policies that provide support for families, lack
of clarity on adequate parenting standards, concrete supports
available to all families
14
Understanding the reasons for neglect that extend beyond par-

ents and caregivers may lead child-welfare professionals to use
strengths-based approaches and preventive strategies with parents
who need support.
Consequences of Neglect
Although the initial impact may not be as obvious as physical or
sexual abuse, the consequences of child neglect are just as serious.
The effects of neglect are cumulative, and long-term research, such
as that being performed by the Longitudinal Studies of Child Abuse
and Neglect (LONGSCAN) funded by the Children’s Bureau, helps
child-welfare professionals better understand outcomes for children
affected by neglect. Neglect can have a negative effect on children in
the following areas:
• Health and physical development—Malnourishment,
impaired brain development, delays in growth or a failure to
thrive
• Intellectual and cognitive development—Poor academic
performance, delayed or impaired language development
• Emotional and psychological development—Deficiencies in
self-esteem, attachment, or trust
• Social and behavioral development—Interpersonal
relationship problems, social withdrawal, poor impulse control.
The impacts in these areas are interrelated; problems in one devel-

opmental area may influence growth in another area. In addition,
research has established a clear link between child maltreatment,
including neglect, with health and well-being issues. The effects of
neglect can vary, however, based on the following factors:
• The child’s age
• The presence and strength of protective factors
• The frequency, duration, and severity of the neglect
• The relationship between the child and caregiver
15
Section 2.2
Chronic Child Neglect

This section includes text excerpted from “Chronic Child Neglect,”
Child Welfare Information Gateway, U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services (HHS), January 2013. Reviewed March 2019.
Chronic child neglect is one of the most daunting challenges to the

well-being of children and families receiving child welfare services. The
child welfare system is primarily geared to protect children who are in
imminent danger or who experience egregious harm at the hands of their
parents or caregivers. Chronic child neglect, however, which is less visi-
ble and often less sensational, is more pervasive and difficult to resolve.
This section discusses what we know about chronic neglect and then
reviews ways to work with families experiencing chronic neglect, including
critical elements of successful casework practice, examples of what agen-
cies are doing, and ways agencies can integrate child welfare approaches
to chronic neglect with prevention and early intervention efforts.
What Is Chronic Neglect?

While a universal definition of chronic neglect does not exist, there are
several professionally agreed upon identifiers. Chronic neglect occurs when:
1. One or more needs basic to a child’s healthy development are
not met.
2. The neglect is perpetrated by a parent or caregiver.
3. The neglect happens on a recurring or enduring basis.
When these three identifiers result in cumulative harm or serious

risk of harm to the child’s safety, health, or well-being, a child can be
said to be chronically neglected. Using this framework, “chronic child
neglect” can be defined as a parent or caregiver’s ongoing, serious pat-
tern of deprivation of a child’s basic physical, developmental, and/or
emotional needs for healthy growth and development. Chronic neglect
differs from incident-based neglect in terms of duration, frequency
(e.g., number of reports), duration of need for services, and referrals
for multiple types of maltreatment.
Scope of the Problem

For more than a decade, state reports to the National Child
Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS), a Children’s Bureau
16
initiative, have shown that the great majority of maltreatment

reports in the United States involve neglect rather than physi-
cal or sexual abuse. The most recent child maltreatment reports
show that children who experienced neglect made up approximately
three-quarters of children who were identified as maltreatment
victims. Additionally, cases involving neglect are more likely to
recur than cases involving other maltreatment types and recur more
quickly than abuse cases.
Characteristics of Families
Several parental stressors are associated with chronic neglect,
including poverty, mental-health issues, and substance abuse. Of
all forms of maltreatment, neglect has the strongest relationship to
poverty. This relationship is not causal but contributory. Neglect is
strongly associated with measures of socioeconomic disadvantage,
which include welfare dependence, homelessness, low levels of educa-
tion, and single-parent families, as well as limited income. It is often
difficult to distinguish when neglect is a direct effect of family poverty
and when it arises from lack of concern, insufficient knowledge of par-
enting, poor financial planning, mental incapacity, addiction, parental
disabilities, medical conditions, or other factors. Families’ lives at home
are frequently characterized by a chaotic, unpredictable, and disorga-
nized family life; low social cohesion and fewer positive interactions;
fewer actual or perceived social supports and social isolation; a lack
of life skills; limited nurturing; perceived or learned powerlessness;
and exposure to violence and crime. The communities in which these
families live are often typified by community poverty, high unemploy-
ment, inadequate housing, and high crime rates. In addition, these
families are often victims of intergenerational issues. If parents do not
engage in developmentally appropriate activities to encourage their
children’s physical, mental, and academic growth and promote their
safety and well-being, their children are less likely to learn how to do
those things when they are parents.
Effects on Children
Neglected children, relative to children impacted by other types of
maltreatment, experience more severe cognitive and academic defi-
cits, social withdrawal, and internalizing behaviors. Although single
incidences of physical and sexual abuse may sometimes appear to
be more extreme than neglect, the effects of chronic neglect, if not
addressed, can have a considerable impact on the long-term health
17
and well-being of children and youth. Child trauma expert Bruce Perry
has indicated that the impact of child neglect is often similar to that
of trauma. Permanent changes in the brain, including lack of neural
connections and pathways, may permanently limit the child’s ability
to develop normally.
Children who have been the subject of chronic neglect exhibit
problems with attachment, cognitive development, emotional
self-regulation, social self-confidence, social competence, perseverance
in problem-solving, and empathy and social conscience. They may
experience language delay, as well as conduct disorders. The younger
the child and more prevalent the neglect, the greater the cumulative
harm and more pernicious the consequences for the child. The unre-
mitting daily impact of these experiences on the child can be profound
and exponential, diminishing a child’s sense of safety, stability, and
well-being. Given that neglect often co-occurs with other types of mal-
treatment, isolating the impacts of neglect alone is challenging. More
research is needed in this area.
Effects on Society
In assessing the impact of chronic neglect on society, studies show
a significant economic toll as resources are disproportionately ded-
icated to chronic neglect families to increase supports and enhance
their capacity to parent their children. One study found that the costs
associated with families who chronically neglect their children are
seven times greater than the costs associated with families not expe-
riencing chronic neglect in the child welfare system. Another study
indicated that one-half of all child welfare expenditures are spent
on chronic neglect cases, with one-fifth of all families responsible for
one-half of the spending, averaging $13,000 per year per family over
a five-year period. High-cost and long-term solutions can be consid-
ered if there are significant future benefits, especially cost-avoidance
results. Cost-benefit and cost-effectiveness studies are essential to new
programs aimed at chronic neglect families.
18

Chapter 3
Child Abuse Statistics
Chapter Contents
Section 3.1—Child Maltreatment Facts at a Glance�� 20
Section 3.2—Fatality�� 25
19
Section 3.1
Child Maltreatment Facts at a Glance

This section includes text excerpted from “Child Maltreatment 2017,”
Administration for Children and Families (ACF), U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services (HHS), 2017.
Number of Child Victims

In the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS),
a “victim” is defined as “a child for whom the state determined at
least one maltreatment is substantiated or indicated.” This includes
a child who died of child abuse and neglect. Prior to federal fiscal year
(FFY) 2015, children with alternative response victim dispositions
were included in the victim count. To ensure analyses are comparable
across years, the new victim definition was used for trend analyses for
FFYs 2013 through 2017.
For FFY 2017, there are nationally 674,000 (rounded) victims of
child abuse and neglect. This equates to a national rate of 9.1 victims
per 1,000 children in the population. The FFY 2017 national number
of victims is 2.7 percent higher than the FFY 2013 national (rounded)
number of 656,000. The percent change is calculated using the national
rounded number of victims for FFY 2013 and FFY 2017.
At the state level, the percent change of victims of abuse and
neglect range from a 45 percent decrease to a 149.9 percent increase
from FFY 2013 to 2017. The FFY 2017 state rates range from a high
of 22.2 to a low of 1.7 per 1,000 children. Changes to legislation,
child-welfare policy, and practice that may contribute to an increase or
decrease in the number of victims are provided by state commentary.
For example, one state changed its level of evidence to substantiate
maltreatment from clear and convincing to preponderance. As the
new level does not require as much evidence to substantiate as the
previous level, one would expect to see an increase in the number of
victims.
During FFY 2013 to 2017, the national rates remained relatively
stable for victims who did not have a prior history of victimization
(known as “first-time victims”). During the 5 years, the national rates
fluctuated from a low of 6.5 to a high of 6.7 per 1,000 children in
the population. States use the disposition date of prior substantiated
or indicated maltreatment to determine whether the victim was a
first-time victim.
20
Table 3.1. Exhibit 3–E Child Victimization Rates, 2013 to 2017
National
Estimate/
Child Population Victims from National Rounded
Reporting of Reporting Reporting Victimization Rate Child Population Number of
Year States States States per 1,000 Children of All 52 States Victims
2013 52 74,378,641 656,359 8.8 74,378,641 656,000
2014 52 74,339,990 675,429 9.1 74,339,990 675,000
2015 52 74,360,792 683,221 9.2 74,360,792 683,000
2016 51 73,658,812 671,716 9.1 74,352,938 677,000
2017 52 74,312,174 673,830 9.1 74,312,174 674,000
The number of victims is a unique count. The national victimization rate is calculated by dividing the number of victims from reporting
states by the child population of reporting states, and multiplying by 1,000. If fewer than 52 states report data in a given year, the
national estimate/rounded number of victims is calculated by multiplying the national victimization rate by the child population of all
52 states, and dividing by 1,000. The result is rounded to the nearest 1,000. If 52 states report data in a given year, the number of
wounded victims is calculated by taking the number of reported victims and rounding it to the nearest 1,000. Because of the rounding
rule, the national estimate/rounded number could have fewer victims than the actual reported number of victims.
To better understand prior victimization, a new 3-year retrospec-

tive analysis uses the combination of the report date and unique child
identifiers to determine the number and disposition type of victims’
prior contact with child protective services (CPS). A prior CPS con-
tact is defined as any investigation or assessment that results in a
disposition prior to the current disposition. This analysis examines
nonfatal victims in states’ FFY 2017 submissions, with report dates
of up to 3 years prior to the date of the most recent victim report. 5
percent of victims have prior victim contacts, and 13 percent have
prior non-victim contacts. Some victims (1.8%) have both victim and
non-victim prior contacts.
Child Victim Demographics

The youngest children are the most vulnerable to maltreatment.
Nationally, states report that more than one-quarter (28.5%) of victims
are younger than 3 years of age. The victimization rate is highest for
children younger than 1 year of age at 25.3 per 1,000 children in the
population of the same age. This is more than double the rate of victims
who are 1 year of age (11.7 per 1,000 children). Victims who are 2 or 3
years of age have victimization rates of 11 and 10.4 victims per 1,000
children of those respective ages in the population. Readers may notice
some states have lower rates across age groups than other states. The
states with lower rates may assign low-risk cases to alternative response
or have other state policies or programs in place for maltreatment allega-
tions. In general, the rate of victimization decreases with the child’s age.
Figure 3.1. Exhibit 3–G Victims by Age, 2017
22
Table 3.2. Exhibit 3–F Nonfatal Victims by Prior CPS Contact, 2017
Victims with
Victims with Victims with Victims with Prior Victim
Number of Victims with Prior Victim Prior Nonvictim Prior Victim and Nonvictim
Prior CPS Prior Victim Contact Contact and Nonvictim Contact
Contacts Victims Contact Percentage Percentage Contact Percentage
1 — 29,782 4.5 10.4 — —
2 — 2,888 0.4 2.0 7,856 1.2
3 — 377 0.1 0.4 2,810 0.4
>3 — 70 0 0.2 1,429 0.2
National 662,150 33,117 5 13.0 12,095 1.8
Based on data from 50 states. Percent is calculated against the number of total unique victims. Reports occurring on the same day as
the prior report are excluded. Prior CPS contacts with a report date of up to 3 years prior to the date of the most recent victim report
are counted. States are excluded from this analysis if victim child IDs are not unique across years.
The percentages of child victims are similar for both boys (48.6%)
and girls (51.0%). The sex is unknown for 0.4 percent of victims. The
FFY 2017 victimization rate for girls is 9.5 per 1,000 girls in the
population, which is higher than boys at 8.6 per 1,000 boys in the
population. Most victims are one of three races or ethnicities—White
(44.6%), Hispanic (22.3%), or African American (20.7%). The racial
distributions for all children in the population are 50.7 percent White,
13.7 percent African American, and 25.2 percent Hispanic. For FFY
2017, American Indian or Alaska Native children have the highest
rate of victimization at 14.3 per 1,000 children in the population of
the same race or ethnicity; and African American children have the
second highest rate at 13.9 per 1,000 children. The 2017 table includes
improved reporting compared with 2016 data in 3 states—Alaska,
Massachusetts, and Michigan—by reducing the number of victims
with unknown race.
Maltreatment Types
Individual Types (Unique Count of Child Victims and
Duplicate Count of Maltreatment Types)
In this analysis, a victim who suffered more than one type of mal-
treatment is counted for each maltreatment type, but only once per
type. This answers the question of how many different types of mal-
treatment victims suffered from, rather than how many occurrences
of each type; for example:
• A victim with three reports of neglect–victim is counted once in
neglect.
• A victim with one report of both neglect and physical
abuse–victim is counted once in neglect and once in
physical abuse.
The FFY 2017 data show, three-quarters (74.9%) of victims are

neglected, 18.3 percent are physically abused, and 8.6 percent are
sexually abused. In addition, 7.1 percent of victims experience other
types of maltreatment as threatened abuse or neglect, drug/alcohol
addiction, and lack of supervision. States may code any maltreatment
as “other” if it does not fit in one of the NCANDS categories. A few
states have specific policies about conducting investigations into spe-
cific maltreatment types.
24
Child Abuse Statistics
Combination of Types (Unique Count of Child Victims

and Unique Count of Maltreatment Types)
Polyvictimization in child welfare refers to children who experience
multiple types of maltreatment. The FFY 2017 data show, 85.6 percent
of victims suffered a single type of maltreatment, although they could
suffer a single type multiple time. For example, 62.7 percent of victims
are neglected only and did not suffer additional maltreatment types. The
remaining victims (14.4%) experience a combination of maltreatment.
A child is considered to have suffered a combination of maltreatment if:
• The child has two different types of maltreatment in a single
report (e.g., neglect and physical abuse in the same report)
• The child suffers different maltreatment types in several reports
(e.g., neglect in one report and physical abuse in a second report)
The most common combination is neglect and physical abuse (5.2%).

The other common combinations include neglect and other/unknown
at 3.7 percent, neglect and psychological maltreatment at 1.9 percent,
and neglect and sexual abuse at 1.4 percent.
Section 3.2
Fatality
This section includes text excerpted from “Child Maltreatment 2017,”
Administration for Children and Families (ACF), U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), 2017.
The effects of child abuse and neglect are serious, and a child fatality
is the most tragic consequence. National Child Abuse and Neglect Data
System (NCANDS) collects case-level data in the Child File on child
deaths from maltreatment. Additional counts of child fatalities, for
which case-level data are not known, are reported in the Agency File.
Some child maltreatment deaths may not come to the attention
of child protective services (CPS) agencies. Reasons for this include
25
if there were no surviving siblings in the family or if the child had

not (prior to her or his death) received child-welfare services. To
improve the counts of child fatalities, states consult data sources
outside of CPS for deaths attributed to child maltreatment. The
Child and Family Services Improvement and Innovation Act (P.L.
112 to 34) lists the following additional data sources, which states
must include a description of in their state plan or explain why they
are not used to report child deaths due to maltreatment: state vital
statistics departments, child death review teams, law-enforcement
agencies, and offices of medical examiners or coroners. In addition
to the sources mentioned in the law, some states also collect child
fatality data from hospitals, health departments, juvenile justice
departments, and prosecutor and attorney general offices. States
that can provide these additional data do so as aggregate data via the
Agency File. After the passage of P.L. 112 to 34, several states men-
tioned that they implemented new child death reviews or expanded
the scope of existing reviews. Some states began investigating all
unexplained infant deaths regardless of whether there was an alle-
gation of maltreatment.
Number of Child Fatalities

For FFY 2017, a national estimate of 1,720 children died from abuse
and neglect at a rate of 2.32 per 100,000 children in the population.
The 2017 national estimate is an 11 percent increase from the 2013
national estimate of 1,550. Due to the relatively low frequency of child
fatalities, the national rate and national estimate are sensitive to
which states report data and changes in the child population estimates
produced by the U.S. Census Bureau.
At the state level for FFY 2017, 50 states reported 1,688 fatalities. Of
those states, 44 reported case-level data on 1,368 fatalities, and 44 reported
aggregate data on 320 fatalities. Fatality rates by state range from 0 to
5.61 per 100,000 children in the population. The number of child fatalities
in the Child File and Agency File fluctuated during the past 5 years.
The child fatality count in this report reflects the FFY in which the
deaths are determined as due to maltreatment. The year in which a
determination is made may be different from the year in which the
child died. CPS agencies may need more time to determine that a child
died due to maltreatment. The time needed to conclude if a child was a
victim of maltreatment often does not coincide with the timeframe for
concluding that the death was a result of maltreatment due to multiple
agency involvement and multiple levels of review for child deaths.
26
Table 3.3. Exhibit 4–A Child Fatality Rates per 100,000 Children, 2013 to 2017
Child National
Population Child Fatalities Fatality Rate Child National
Reporting of Reporting from Reporting Per 100,000 Population of Estimate of
Year States States States Children all 52 States Child Fatalities
2013 51 74,116,816 1,548 2.09 74,378,641 1,550
2014 51 74,081,066 1,585 2.14 74,339,990 1,590
2015 49 70,432,795 1,589 2.26 74,360,792 1,680
2016 49 72,028,582 1,699 2.36 74,352,938 1,750
2017 50 72,689,585 1,688 2.32 74,312,174 1,720
Data are from the Child File and Agency File. National fatality rates per 100,000 children are calculated by dividing the number of child
fatalities by the population of reporting states and multiplying the result by 100,000. If fewer than 52 states reported data, the national
estimate of child fatalities is calculated by multiplying the national fatality rate by the child population of all 52 states and dividing by
100,000. The estimate is rounded to the nearest 10. Because of the rounding rule, the national estimate could have more or fewer
fatalities than the actual reported number of fatalities.
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CHAPTER II
CINCINNATI AND WASHINGTON
One day after we had been married less than a year my husband
came home looking so studiously unconcerned that I knew at once he
had something to tell me.
“Nellie, what would you think,” he began casually, “if I should be
appointed a Judge of the Superior Court?”
“Oh, don’t try to be funny,” I exclaimed. “That’s perfectly
impossible.”
But it was not impossible, as he soon convinced me. My father had
just refused the same appointment and it was difficult to believe that
it could now be offered to my husband who was only twenty-nine
years old. It was a position made vacant by the retirement from the
Bench of Judge Judson Harmon who was my husband’s senior by
more than a decade.
One of the most prominent and prosperous law firms in Cincinnati
was that of Hoadley, Johnston and Colston, and both Mr. Hoadley
and Mr. Johnston had been invited to go to New York and become
partners of Mr. Edward Lauterbach who was then doing an
enormous business.
They went, and the old firm in Cincinnati being broken up, Mr.
Colston asked Judge Harmon, who was then on the Superior Court,
to take Mr. Hoadley’s place. Mr. Harmon decided to do so, but he
was anxious to resign his judgeship in such a way as to leave a long
enough vacancy to attract a good man. It was an elective office and
the law provided that a vacancy occurring within thirty days before
election could not be filled by an election until the following year.
Judge Harmon resigned so as to make the appointment for a period
of fourteen months. After my father declined it, the choice lay
between Mr. Taft and Mr. Bellamy Storer. Mr. Taft always thought
that but for his opportunity in the Campbell case Judge Hannon
would not have recommended him and Governor Foraker would not
have appointed him. That is why he says he traces all his success
back to that occasion. Mr. Foraker was opposing counsel in the
Campbell case, but he had a lawyer’s appreciation for a lawyer’s
effort.
After the first pleased surprise at the honour which came to us so
unexpectedly I began to think; and my thinking led me to decide that
my husband’s appointment on the Bench was not a matter for such
warm congratulation after all. I saw him in close association with
men not one of whom was less than fifteen years older than he, and
most of whom were much more than that. He seemed to me
suddenly to take on a maturity and sedateness quite out of keeping
with his actual years and I dreaded to see him settled for good in the
judiciary and missing all the youthful enthusiasms and exhilarating
difficulties which a more general contact with the world would have
given him. In other words, I began even then to fear the narrowing
effects of the Bench and to prefer for him a diverse experience which
would give him an all-round professional development.
He did not share this feeling in any way. His appointment on the
Superior Court was to him the welcome beginning of just the career
he wanted. After serving the interim of fourteen months he became a
candidate for the office and was elected for a term of five years. This
was the only elective office Mr. Taft ever held until he became
President.
My own time and interest during that winter was largely spent on
my house. We had been very particular about the plans for it and had
fully intended that it should combine outward impressiveness with
inward roominess and comfort. It was a frame structure, shingled all
over, and with certain bay window effects which pleased me
exceedingly. In fact, with our assistance, the architect had made a
special effort to produce something original and, while I don’t claim
that the result was a conspicuous architectural success, to my mind it
was anything but a failure. And our view of the Ohio River and the
surrounding country was really superb.
But I was not destined to enjoy my satisfaction with my
surroundings very long. The section had been at one time a stone
quarry, and the man who had levelled off the land and filled in the
gulches made by the quarry operations, took as a part of his
compensation two building lots which happened to be just across the
street from ours. He forthwith proceeded to put up a sort of double
house which looked more like a gigantic dry-goods box than anything
else, and I felt that it quite robbed the neighbourhood of the “tone”
which I had confidently hoped our house would give it. The double
house had just one quality and that was size.
I think the owner, whose name was Jerry something, lived in one
side of it, and he had a tenant in the other who hung clothes out of
the front windows. But tastes in architecture differ, as we soon found
out.
We were paying taxes on our house at an assessed value of $4000
and the undervaluation had been troubling my husband’s conscience
for a long time, in spite of my assuring him that tax collectors ought
to know their own business. Some men from the board of
equalization were to call one day to make a new appraisement and I
had very much hoped that my husband would not be at home. But he
was; he was there to welcome them and give them every possible
assistance. Without waiting for an examination of the premises, he
addressed one of them, an Irishman named Ryan.
“See here, Mr. Ryan,” he said, “I understand that Jerry, my
neighbour across the street, has his property assessed at $5000. Now
I don’t think that’s fair. I’m assessed at only $4000 and I’m sure my
house cost a good deal more than his. As a matter of fact it cost over
$6000. Now I’m a Judge of the Superior Court; I get my income out
of taxes and I certainly have no disposition to pay any less than my
share.”
“Well, Judge, your Honour,” said Mr. Ryan, “that is a sentiment
very befitting your Honour. Now I’ll just be after goin’ over and
lookin’ at those houses of Jerry’s, and then I’ll come back and look at
yours.”
I watched them as they went over to the other houses; then I saw
them go up the street a way and down the street a way, looking us
carefully over from every possible view-point. When they came in
they wore a very judicial aspect and I expected to see taxes go up
with one wild leap.
“Well, Judge, your Honour,” began Mr. Ryan, “I think you’re givin’
yourself unnecessary concern. We assess houses for what they’re
worth and not for what they cost. While your house no doubt suits
your taste, it has a peculiar architectural style that wouldn’t please
very many people, and certainly it ain’t to compare with those houses
of Jerry’s. There’s a modern polish about those houses that will rent,
Judge, your Honour.”
My son Robert was born in this house on McMillan Street in
September, 1889. In the following February an interruption occurred
in our peaceful existence which was welcome at least to me.
President Harrison offered the appointment of Solicitor General of
the United States to Mr. Taft and he, with a few regretful glances at
his beloved Bench, accepted it. I think that once again it was Major
Butterworth who suggested my husband’s name to the appointing
power. I was very glad because it gave Mr. Taft an opportunity for
exactly the kind of work I wished him to do; work in which his own
initiative and originality would be exercised and developed. I looked
forward with interest, moreover, to a few years in Washington.
Mr. Taft made his first official arrival in Washington alone. My
baby, Robert, was only six months old and I concluded to remain in
Cincinnati until my husband could make arrangements for our
comfortable reception. His description of his first day in Washington
is, in the light of later events, rather amusing.
He arrived at six o’clock on a cold, gloomy February morning at
the old dirty Pennsylvania station. He wandered out on the street
with a heavy bag in his hand looking for a porter, but there were no
porters. Then he stood for a few moments looking up at the Capitol
and feeling dismally unimportant in the midst of what seemed to him
to be very formidable surroundings. He wondered to himself why on
earth he had come. He was sure he had made a fatal mistake in
exchanging a good position and a pleasant circle at home, where
everybody knew him, for a place in a strange and forbidding city
where he knew practically nobody and where, he felt sure, nobody
wanted to know him. He lugged his bag up to the old Ebbitt House
and, after eating a lonesome breakfast, he went to the Department of
Justice to be sworn in. After that ceremony was over and he had
shaken hands with the Attorney General, he went up to inspect the
Solicitor General’s Office, and there he met the most dismal sight of
the whole dismal day. His “quarters” consisted of a single room,
three flights up, and bearing not the slightest resemblance to his
mental picture of what the Solicitor General’s offices would be like.
The Solicitor General’s stenographer, it seemed, was a telegrapher in
the chief clerk’s office and had to be sent for when his services were
required. Altogether it must have been a very disheartening outlook.
As Mr. Taft sat looking over briefs and other papers, and trying to
get some definite idea about his new work, a messenger brought in a
card.
“Mr. Evarts, New York,” it read.
Evarts was a well-known name, of course, but it was hard for Mr.
Taft to believe that the William M. Evarts, leader of the American Bar
and then Senator from New York, could be calling on the Solicitor
General of less than a day. He knew that Wm. M. Evarts had known
his father.
Mr. Evarts entered.
“Mr. Taft,” he said, as he gave my husband’s hand a cordial grasp,
“I knew your father. I was in the class of ’37 at Yale and he had
graduated before I entered; but he was there as a tutor in my time
and I valued his friendship very highly.”
Then the visitor came straight to the point.
“Mrs. Evarts and I are giving a dinner to-night for my former
partner and his wife, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Choate. Mr. Choate is in
Washington for a short time to argue a case before the Supreme
Court. Now, unfortunately, one of our guests has sent word that he
can’t come and I thought, perhaps, considering my long-standing
friendship with your father, you might consent to waive ceremony
and fill the place at our table at this short notice.”
My husband accepted the invitation with almost undue alacrity,
and when his guest left started in on his new duties feeling that, after
all, Washington might afford just as friendly an atmosphere as
Cincinnati, once he became accustomed to it.
There is just one incident in connection with the dinner party
which Mr. Taft adds to his account of that day. As he sat down to
dinner the ladies on either side of him leaned hastily forward to see
what was written on his place card. “The Solicitor General”—that was
all. Of course neither of them knew who the new Solicitor General
was and it didn’t occur to him to enlighten them until it was too late
to do it gracefully. So he allowed them to go on addressing him as
“Mr. Solicitor General” while he, having them at an advantage,
addressed them by the names which he had surreptitiously read on
their place-cards. They were Mrs. Henry Cabot Lodge and Mrs. John
Hay.
MRS. TAFT, WITH ROBERT AND HELEN, WHEN MR. TAFT

WAS SOLICITOR GENERAL
When my husband had been in Washington two weeks I joined

him and we took a small house on Dupont Circle where for two years
we lived a life, sometimes amusing, sometimes quite exciting, but, on
the whole, of quiet routine.
Washington society was much simpler then than it is now. Since
that time a great many people of very large means have gone to
Washington to live because of its unusual attractions and its
innumerable advantages as a residential city. They have changed
Washington, by their generous hospitality, into one of the most
brilliant social centres in the world, where large dinner parties, balls,
receptions, musicals and other entertainments are of daily and
nightly occurrence throughout the season. The very character of the
streets has changed. The small, red brick houses, closely grouped
together and neighbouring, even in fashionable quarters, on negro
shacks and cheap tenements, are being everywhere replaced by
marble and granite residences of great beauty and luxury.
In 1890 Society in Washington still consisted, chiefly, of the “best
families” of the old city, the Diplomatic Corps and the highest among
the government officials. A dinner party of twelve was still
considered large, and only a few people had weekly evenings At
Home. There were occasional big receptions, but for nobody was
society the mad rush that it is to-day. We ourselves lived very simply
even for those simple days.
My daughter Helen was born in 1891, so for the last year in
Washington I had two small babies to care for. In order that he might
get a little much needed exercise Mr. Taft bought a horse and,
fortunately, for us, he secured a most adaptable creature. He was
supposed to be a riding horse, but he didn’t mind making himself
generally useful. The Attorney General lent us a carriage which he
was not then using—a surrey, I think it was called—and we hitched
him to that; and the whole Taft family drove out of a Sunday
afternoon to the Old Soldiers’ Home, which was the fashionable drive
in those days, or up the aqueduct road to Cabin John’s bridge. My
sister Maria who visited us used always to speak of our steed as
“G’up,” a name suggested by Bobby’s interpretation of his father’s
invocations to the good-natured and leisurely beast. Poor old “G’up”!
I suppose with his “horse sense” he finally realised that he was
leading such a double life as no respectable horse should lead; he
gave up and died before we left Washington.
The Justices of the Supreme Court and the Attorney General, the
men with whom Mr. Taft came most in contract, were, with their
wives, very kind and attentive to us, including us in many of their
delightful parties. Chief Justice Fuller was then the head of the court
and I have the pleasantest memories of his and Mrs. Fuller’s
hospitality. Justice Grey had married a Miss Matthews, a daughter of
Mr. Justice Matthews. I had known Mrs. Grey in Cincinnati before
her marriage.
During the course of my first weeks in Washington Mr. Taft had
taken special pains to impress on me many times the necessity for
my calling on Mrs. Grey without any delay. Much importance
attached to the formality of first calls and I was the newest of
newcomers who had to call on the wives of all my husband’s official
superiors before they noticed me. Still, it was a full month before I
had time to go to Mrs. Grey’s and I was considerably worried about
it. But when, finally, I did go and had been most kindly received, I
explained at once that the settling of myself and my small baby in a
new house had, until then, kept me too busy for any calls. Mrs. Grey
hastened to assure me that she understood my position perfectly and
had not thought of blaming me.
“Indeed, my dear,” she said, “I knew that you had a small baby in
the house and that you must be kept constantly occupied. As a
matter of fact I should have waived ceremony and come myself to
welcome you to Washington except for one thing which I could not
very well overlook, and that is—that Mr. Taft has not yet called on
Mr. Justice Grey.”
I think I have rarely seen anything more satisfactorily amusing
than the expression on my husband’s face when I told him this.
But, in spite of the friendliness of the Justices and others, we really
went out very little. On one occasion when my sister Maria had been
visiting us for several weeks we went for a Sunday night supper to
the house of a lady whom Maria had known very well in Cincinnati.
She was living that winter in Washington and seemed to be rather
well pleased with her social success. She talked loftily throughout
supper, and during a good part of the evening, about the dinner
parties she had attended and the grand people she had met. Then
just as we were about to start home she turned to my sister and said:
“And have you been much entertained, my dear Maria?”
“Oh, I’ve been enjoying myself tremendously,” was the answer.
“Well, with whom have you dined, dear?” persisted our hostess.
“Why, we’ve dined with the Andersons, with the German
Ambassador, with the Chief Justice, and with the Maurys, and with
the French Ambassador,—and with, oh, a number of other people.”
Our hostess was visibly impressed.
“Why! you really have been very gay, haven’t you, dear!” she
exclaimed.
When we got into our cab to go home Maria turned to my husband
and said:
“I had my eye on you all the time I was talking, Will Taft. I was
perfectly certain that your terrible sense of fact would overcome you
and that you would blurt out that I dined with all those people on the
same evening at the same dinner party!”
President Harrison, in March, 1892, appointed my husband on the
Federal Circuit Bench, so once more I saw him a colleague of men
almost twice his age and, I feared, fixed in a groove for the rest of his
life. However, he was greatly pleased and very proud to hold such a
dignified and responsible position at the age of thirty-four. I think he
enjoyed the work of the following eight years more than any he has
ever undertaken.
We moved back to Cincinnati. Mr. Taft’s circuit included parts of
Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Michigan—reached in fact, from
Lookout Mountain to Marquette, and he was much away from home.
My own life during those years in Cincinnati was very busy, for, in
addition to my occupation with family and friends, I became
interested in a number of civic movements.
My principal work was the organisation and management of the
Cincinnati Orchestra Association. I found, at last, a practical method
for expressing and making use of my love and knowledge of music.
We had not had a good symphony orchestra in the city since
Theodore Thomas left, but with our music-loving population it was
only necessary that somebody should take the initiative and arouse
definite enthusiasm and keep it going, in order to establish and
maintain such an institution. There were many public-spirited
citizens, some of them true music-loving Germans, and I saw no
reason why I should not get strong popular support for my project. I
was not disappointed. From the first the response was general and
generous and we did not have much difficulty in raising the
necessary funds for financing the orchestra, although in addition to
our box-office receipts, we had to secure $30,000 a year for six
consecutive years. It could not have been done had it not been for
such liberal friends as my brother and sister, Mr. and Mrs. Charles P.
Taft, Mr. Charles Krippendorf, Mr. M. E. Ingalls, Mr. and Mrs. L. A.
Ault, Mrs. Charles Fleishmann, Mr. J. G. Schmidlapp and others.
For the first year we had three different directors, Mr. Seidl, Mr.
Schradick and Mr. Van der Stücken, who came to Cincinnati and led
two concerts each. Then we secured Mr. Van der Stücken as a
permanent leader and he remained with the orchestra ten years.
I think I regretted the Cincinnati Orchestra Association more than
anything else when we left for the Philippines, but I left it in good
and well-trained hands. Mrs. C. R. Holmes, who succeeded me as
President of the Association, had taken a great part in the original
work of organisation and management, as had my sister-in-law, Mrs.
Charles P. Taft, and others. Through their efforts the orchestra has
been enlarged and improved and it is still a source of great pride and
satisfaction to the city of Cincinnati. Mrs. Charles Taft is now the
President and through her interest, activity and generosity it has
been enabled to grow in excellence.
Except for the orchestra, our life was tranquil; quite too settled, I
thought, and filled with the usual homely incidents connected with
housekeeping and the entertaining development of small children.
My youngest child, Charles, was born in 1897, and my family was
thus complete.
I come now to the years which we gave to the Philippine Islands
and I must say that I wonder yet how our lot happened to be so cast.
There had never been any unusual interest in our family as to the
results of the Spanish-American War. Like most patriotic Americans
we had been greatly excited while the war was in progress and had
discussed its every phase and event with a warmth of approval, or
disapproval, as the case might be, but it did not touch us directly,
except as citizens, any more than it touched the vast majority of the
people of the United States. And yet, it came to mean more to us
personally, than any other event in our times. The whole course of
my husband’s career was destined to be changed and influenced by
its results.
Mr. Taft was strongly opposed to taking the Philippines. He was
not an anti-imperialist in the sense that he believed the Constitution
required us to keep the boundaries of the United States within their
continental limits, but he thought the Antipodes rather a far stretch
for the controlling hand, and he thought the taking of the Philippines
would only add to our problems and responsibilities without
increasing, in any way, the effectiveness and usefulness of our
government.
Oddly enough, he had expressed himself to that effect when he
happened, during the Spanish War, to be dining with a number of
judges including Justice Harlan who, although later an anti-
imperialist, was at that time strongly upholding the policy of taking
over Spanish territory in both oceans.
Mr. Taft knew just about as much about the Filipino people as the
average American knew in those days. What he definitely knew was
that they had been for more than three centuries under Spanish
dominion and that they now wanted political independence. He was
heartily in favour of giving it to them.
It was one day in January, 1900, that he came home greatly
excited and placed before me a telegram.
“What do you suppose that means?” said he.
“I would like to see you in Washington on important business
within the next few days. On Thursday if possible,” it read. And it
was signed—William McKinley.
We didn’t know and we couldn’t think what possible business the
President could have with him. I began to conjure up visions of
Supreme Court appointments; though I knew well enough that
Supreme Court appointments were not tendered in that fashion and
besides there was no vacancy.
Mr. Taft lost no time in responding to the President’s summons
and I awaited his return with as much patience as I could muster. In
three days he came home with an expression so grave that I thought
he must be facing impeachment. But when he broke his news to me it
gave me nothing but pleasure.
“The President wants me to go to the Philippine Islands,” he said,
in a tone he might have used in saying: “The President wants me to
go out and jump off the court house dome.” “Want to go?” he added.
“Yes, of course,” I answered without a moment’s hesitation. I
wasn’t sure what it meant, but I knew instantly that I didn’t want to
miss a big and novel experience. I have never shrunk before any
obstacles when I had an opportunity to see a new country and I must
say I have never regretted any adventure.
“The President and Mr. Root want to establish a civil government
in the Philippines,” said Mr. Taft, “and they want me to go out at the
head of a commission to do it.” It was only after I had accepted the
invitation to go ten thousand miles away that I asked for an
explanation.
In answer to the President’s proposal, Mr. Taft said that he didn’t
approve of the acquisition of the Philippines in the first place, and
that in the second place he knew nothing about colonial government
and had had really no experience in executive work of any kind. But
Mr. McKinley did not accept these objections as final. He called in
Mr. Root, who was then Secretary of War, and who would be Mr.
Taft’s chief in the proposed mission to the Philippines, and together
they presented the case so strongly that my husband could not help
but waver in his decision. Neither Mr. McKinley nor Mr. Root had
rejoiced in the taking over of the Philippines for that matter, but that
was beside the question; the Philippines were taken, and it behooved
the United States to govern them until such time as their people had
learned the difficult art of governing themselves.
Mr. Root said:
“The work to be done in the Philippines is as great as the work
Livingston had to do in Louisiana. It is an opportunity for you to do
your country a great service and achieve for yourself a reputation for
the finest kind of constructive work. You have had a very fortunate
career. While you are only slightly over forty you have had eight
years on the Federal Bench, three years on the State Bench and two
years as Solicitor General. These places you have filled well, but they
have been places which involved no sacrifice on your part. Here is a
field which calls for risk and sacrifice. Your country is confronted
with one of the greatest problems in its history, and you, Judge Taft,
are asked to take immediate charge of the solution of that problem
7,000 miles away from home. You are at the parting of the ways. Will
you take the easier course, the way of least resistance, with the
thought that you had an opportunity to serve your country and
declined it because of its possible sacrifice, or will you take the more
courageous course and, risking much, achieve much? This work in
the Philippines will give you an invaluable experience in building up
a government and in the study of laws needed to govern a people,
and such experience cannot but make you a broader, better judge
should you be called upon again to serve your country in that
capacity.”
My husband promised to consult with me and with his brother
Charles and give his answer in a few days. He didn’t know whether or
not I would be willing to go, but that was a question soon settled.
His resignation of his judgeship was the greatest difficulty. The
President told him he did not think it would be at all necessary for
him to resign since the work in the Philippines would take only about
six months—nine months at the longest—and that he could absent
himself from his duties for that length of time, and for such a
purpose, without fear of any kind of unfortunate consequences. Mr.
Taft’s investigation and study of the situation immediately convinced
him that Mr. McKinley was wrong in his expectation that the work
could be done so quickly. Nor did Mr. Root have any such idea. Even
with the meagre information which was then available, my husband
at once saw that it would be years before the Philippine problem
would begin to solve itself. So he resigned from the Bench; the
hardest thing he ever did.
After sending in his acceptance he went immediately to
Washington to discuss with Mr. McKinley and Mr. Root the whole
situation and, especially, the names of four other men who were to be
chosen to serve with him on the Commission. He had met Mr.
Worcester, a member of the first Commission, and had got from him
a great deal of valuable data. If Professor Shurman, the chairman of
the first Commission, had become a member of the second, he
probably would have been at its head, but he did not, and this
position fell to Mr. Taft. He was thereafter known as President of the
Commission, until civil government was organised in the Philippines
and he became governor.
After he had gone to Washington I began at once to make hasty,
and I may say, happy preparations for my adventure into a new
sphere. That it was alluring to me I did not deny to anybody. I had no
premonition as to what it would lead to; I did not see beyond the
present attraction of a new and wholly unexplored field of work
which would involve travel in far away and very interesting
countries. I read with engrossing interest everything I could find on
the subject of the Philippines, but a delightful vagueness with regard
to them, a vagueness which was general in the United States at that
time, and has not, even yet, been entirely dispelled, continued in my
mind. There were few books to be found, and those I did find were
not specially illuminating.
I gave up my house in Cincinnati and stored my belongings,
packing for shipment to the Orient only such things as I thought
would be absolutely necessary. We were to leave almost immediately
and I had very little time in which to do a great many things. Mr. Taft
came back to Cincinnati for a short period and we entered upon a
busy season of good-bye hospitality. Everybody we knew, and we
knew nearly everybody, wanted to give us a farewell dinner or
entertainment of some sort. Mr. Taft, especially, was fêted in a way
which proved to him how much more widely he was valued in his
native town than he had ever realised. In the opinions of people then
we were going, sure enough, to the ends of the earth, and many of
our friends were as mournful about it as if they had private
foreknowledge that it was to be a fatal adventure.
When the banquets and dinners and luncheons and receptions and
teas had all been given; when the speeches had all been made, and
the good-byes had all been said, Mr. Taft hastened off to Washington
once more to meet his colleagues and make final arrangements, and I
was not to see him again until we met in San Francisco a week before
the date set for sailing.
I asked my sister Maria to go with me for the first year, and she
accepted with delight. So, one morning in early April, with our world
waving at us from the platform of the station, we started south to join
the Southern Pacific railroad at New Orleans and to make our way
from there to Los Angeles and so to San Francisco.
CHARLIE TAFT WHEN HE WENT TO
THE PHILIPPINES
I had with me my three children, Robert, Helen and Charlie.

Robert was ten years old, Helen eight, while Charlie, my baby, was
just a little over two. It did not occur to me that it was a task to take
them on such a long journey, or that they would be exposed to any
danger through the experience. They were normal, healthy and very
self-reliant little people and I made preparations for their going
without giving the matter a moment’s unhappy consideration. But I
was to receive a few shocks in this connection later on. One of these
came when I learned that some members of the party had left their
children at home for fear of the Philippine climate. Then one day, at
the old Palace Hotel in San Francisco, I was sitting on guard over
Charlie as he played up and down a wide corridor, and reading a
book at intervals, when along came an odd-looking elderly
gentleman who stopped to regard the boy with a smile of the
kindliest amusement. Charlie was an attractive child. Even I couldn’t
help but see that, and I was used to having people stop to watch him.
He had big, dark eyes, soft, brown curls, very deep dimples, and a
charming smile that was always in evidence. The elderly gentleman
stood watching him for some little time, his face growing gradually
very grave, and I wondered what he was thinking about. He didn’t
keep me wondering long. After a few moments he stepped
deliberately up to me and said:
“Madam, I understand you are going to the Philippine Islands.
Now I want to know if you are going to take that great, big, beautiful
boy out to that pest-ridden hole and expose him to certain
destruction.”
I grabbed my great, big, beautiful boy and rushed off to my room,
and it was a relief eventually to learn that the awful Philippine
climate, at least so far as children were concerned, existed, largely, in
people’s minds.
We found intense interest in our mission in California and San
Francisco. If there were any anti-imperialists there, they successfully
concealed themselves. The East was uncomfortably crowded with
them in those days, but the evident interest and profit that the West
coast would derive from a large Philippine trade may have been
responsible for the favourable attitude of the Californians. However,
we must not impeach their patriotism, and we ought to attribute
some of their enthusiasm in reference to the Philippines, and our
assuming control over them, to the natural enterprise of a people
who had themselves gone so far in a land of development and hope.
Everything that could be done to make smooth the path of the new
Commission was done. At their own request the powers of the
Commissioners were carefully defined so that complications with the
military government then in force in the islands, might be avoided.
They were given equal rank with ministers plenipotentiary in the
matter of naval courtesies and precedence; and Mr. Root drafted a
letter of instructions, which the President signed, outlining their
duties in such precise and correct detail that it was afterward
adopted and ratified in its entirety in the act of Congress by which
the Philippine government was established.
So—I believed we were going to have “smooth sailing” in every
sense, when we started on the long voyage with which began this
interesting experience.
CHAPTER III
TO THE PHILIPPINES
The United States Army Transport Hancock had been assigned to

the Commission for the trip from San Francisco to Manila and it was
at noon on a pleasant day in mid-April—the seventeenth—that she
pulled away from the crowded dock and headed straight for the
Golden Gate and the long path across the Pacific that leads to the
other side of the world. There were forty-five people in our party and,
although most of us had met for the first time in San Francisco, we
soon became well acquainted, as people do on shipboard, and
proceeded at once to prove ourselves to be a most harmonious
company.
The Hancock was the old Arizona, a one-time greyhound of the
Atlantic, which the Government had purchased and remodelled for
service as an army transport. A considerable fleet of such vessels
plied the Pacific at that time, carrying large consignments of troops
to and from the Philippines and, though there are not so many now, I
still read with interest of the comings and goings of ships whose old,
friendly sounding names became so familiar to us in the course of
our residence in the East. The Grant, the Sherman, the Sheridan, the
Thomas, and others, all named for great American generals, awaken
memories of interesting days. The Hancock was later given up by the
Army and turned over to the Navy on account of her heavy
consumption of coal. She is now used as a recruiting ship at the
Brooklyn Navy Yard.
We found her very comfortable. There were few people aboard
besides the members of our party, and, as she was equipped to carry
the officers and men of an entire regiment, we found ourselves
commodiously quartered. Moreover, the commissary of the transport
service had received instructions to give us excellent fare; this, I
believe, through the thoughtful kindness of Mr. McKinley himself.
Mr. McKinley never failed to take a personal interest in the
everyday welfare of all those in his administration who came under
his own observation and we were made to feel this throughout our
experience on the Philippine Commission, while he lived. On every
appropriate occasion we were certain to receive from him some
kindly compliment, a cablegram or other communication, and it
made everybody who came within range of his influence anxious to
serve him well and to make the work which was being done
satisfactory and pleasing to him. I owe to our connection with
President McKinley’s administration some of my happiest
recollections.
The men who made up the second Philippine Commission were
Mr. Taft, General Luke E. Wright of Memphis, Tennessee; Judge
Henry C. Ide of Vermont, Professor Dean C. Worcester of the
University of Michigan, and Professor Bernard Moses of the
University of California. A short introduction of my husband’s
colleagues and the members of their families who went with them to
the Philippines will be necessary at this point, because I was destined
to be constantly associated with them during four of the most
interesting years of my life. Our co-operation, social and
governmental, was based upon a common purpose, and our
attachment to this purpose, as well as the bonds of friendship which
united us, were greatly strengthened by the opposition we had to
meet for some months after we reached Manila, not only from the
Filipinos, but also from the military government which the
Commission was sent out gradually to replace.
The men of the Commission, coming, as they did, from different
parts of the United States, were widely contrasted, no less in
associations than in their varied accents and family traditions.
General Wright was, and is, one of the ablest lawyers in Tennessee,
and enjoyed, at the time of his appointment on the Commission, the
finest practice in Memphis. He is a Democrat; and old enough to
have been a lieutenant in the Civil War on the Confederate side. But
perhaps his finest laurels for bravery and devotion to duty were won
at the time when he exerted himself to save Memphis in the days
when she was in the grip of a terrible epidemic of yellow fever. I don’t
know the exact year, but the epidemic was so out of control that all
who could, left the city, while General Wright remained to organise
such resistance as could be made to the spread of the dread disease.
Mrs. Wright was a daughter of the famous Admiral Semmes of the
Confederate Navy and for some time after the war she travelled with
her father in Mexico and abroad, thereby acquiring at an early age a
very cosmopolitan outlook. Admiral Semmes was a great linguist and
Mrs. Wright inherited his gift. She had learned to speak Spanish in
her girlhood, so when she arrived in Manila she had only to renew
her knowledge of the language. General and Mrs. Wright had with
them their daughter Katrina, who was then about fourteen years old,
but their two sons, one a naval officer, did not join them in the
Philippines until later.
General Wright had, on the whole, the most delightful social
qualities of anybody on the Commission. He had a keen sense of
humour and could recount a great number of interesting personal
experiences with a manner and wit which made him, always, a
delightful companion. He was a devotee of pinochle and he
instructed the entire party in the game until it was played from one
end of the ship to the other. He was slow to anger, very deliberate
and kindly in his judgments, and offered at times a decided contrast
to his wife who was a little more hasty and not infrequently founded
judgments on what he would jocosely criticise as “a woman’s
reason.”
Judge Ide was born and bred a Vermonter and had many of the
rugged characteristics of the Green Mountain State, not the least
among which is a certain indefinable, but peculiarly New England
caution. In addition to a large and active law practice in both New
Hampshire and Vermont, he had banking connections through
which he had gained a better knowledge of business and finance than
is possessed by the average lawyer. Moreover, a long term as Chief
Justice of Samoa had given him diplomatic experience and a
knowledge of the Polynesian races which were to serve him well in
his work in the Philippines. As Chief Justice he exercised diplomatic
and consular as well as judicial functions, and his position brought
him in close relations with the English and German officials of the
joint protectorate of the Samoan islands and in constant social
contact with the naval officers of many countries whose ships very

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Child Abuse Sourcebook Fifth Edition.

Edition Angela Williams (Editor)

615 Griswold, Ste. 520, Detroit, MI 48226

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Electronic or mechanical reproduction, including photography, recording, or any other infor-

Part I: Child Maltreatment

Chapter 2—Acts of Omission: An Overview of

Chapter 3—Child Abuse Statistics�������������������������������������������� 19

Chapter 4—When Children Are Exposed to

Chapter 6—Sibling Abuse���������������������������������������������������������� 43

Chapter 8—Long-Term Effects and Consequences

Part II: Physical and Sexual Abuse of Children

Chapter 10—Abusive Head Trauma�������������������������������������������� 91

Part III: Child Neglect and Emotional Abuse

Chapter 22—Technology and Abuse������������������������������������������ 141

Chapter 23—International Parental Kidnapping��������������������� 161

Part IV: Adult Survivors of Child Abuse

Part V: Child Abuse Preventions, Interventions, and

Chapter 43—Reporting Child Abuse����������������������������������������� 289

Chapter 44—Therapy Options for Children

Chapter 45—Therapy Options for Adult Survivors

Part VI: Parenting Issues and Child Abuse Risks

Chapter 47—Disciplining Your Child���������������������������������������� 345

Part VII: Additional Help and Information

About This Book

About the Health Reference Series

A Note about Spelling and Style

Dr. Vijayalakshmi, MBBS, DGO, MD

Our Advisory Board

Health Reference Series Update Policy

Defining Child Maltreatment

Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect

Children under the age of 18 may be exposed to abuse and neglect

Data and Statistics Related to Child Abuse in the

Risk and Protective Factors of Child Abuse

Risk Factors for Victimization

Risk Factors for Perpetration

Family-related risk factors include:

Risk factors associated with community include:

• Concentrated neighborhood disadvantage (e.g., high poverty,

Protective Factors for Child Maltreatment

Community protective factor includes:

Essentials for Childhood Framework: Creating Safe,

The Essentials for Childhood Framework, as provided by the CDC,

States Implementing the Framework

Legal Definitions of Child Abuse and Neglect

shelter, medical care, or supervision to the degree that the child’s

Parental Substance Abuse

Minnesota, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota,

An Overview of Child Neglect

Neglect accounts for over three-quarters of confirmed cases of child

Child Neglect: Scope of the Problem

Defining Child Neglect

• Any recent act or failure to act on the part of a parent or

The Justice for Victims of Trafficking Act of 2015 expanded the

These factors create difficulties in developing standard definitions

• Physical neglect is abandoning the child or refusing to accept

Reasons for Neglect

Understanding the reasons for neglect that extend beyond par-

The impacts in these areas are interrelated; problems in one devel-

Chronic Child Neglect

Chronic child neglect is one of the most daunting challenges to the

What Is Chronic Neglect?

Chapter 2—Acts of Omission: An Overview of

Chapter 3—Child Abuse Statistics�� 19

Chapter 4—When Children Are Exposed to

Chapter 6—Sibling Abuse�� 43

Chapter 8—Long-Term Effects and Consequences

Chapter 10—Abusive Head Trauma�� 91

Chapter 22—Technology and Abuse�� 141

Chapter 23—International Parental Kidnapping�� 161

Chapter 43—Reporting Child Abuse�� 289

Chapter 44—Therapy Options for Children

Chapter 45—Therapy Options for Adult Survivors

Chapter 47—Disciplining Your Child�� 345