ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am deeply indebted to my guides Ar. Anup Naik, Ar. Dev Bildikar, Ar. Nagaraj Vastarey,
Ar. Sundeep Nagaraj and, Ar. Seema Maiya U for their invaluable guidance and
constructive criticism rendered during the course of the project.

I wish to express my gratitude to Dr Om Prakash Bawane, Principal, R V College of

Architecture, under whose encouragement all possible facilities were provided for the
successful completion of the project.

I would also like to express my warm appreciation to the members of the faculty of the
College for their kind co-operation during the course of my work.

Several people have directly or indirectly contributed to the success of this project and
writing of this report. It is my pleasure acknowledging the help of these people.

ANUJA RAJU
1RV12AT016

i
LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. No. 3.1 & 3.2 : Maldharis with their cattle.

Fig. No. 3.3 : The ruins due to water wars
Fig. No. 3.4 : Details

Fig. No. 4.1 : Map of South Africa. (Star indicates site)

Fig. No. 4.2 : Site plan
Fig. No. 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7: Views of the Centre
Fig. No. 4.8 : Masterplan
Fig. No. 4.9, 4.10: Views
Fig. No. 4.11 : View of the village
Fig. No. 4.12 : Masterplan
Fig. No. 4.13, 4.14: Before and after intervention
Fig. No. 4.15 :Masterplan
Fig. No. 4.16 : Plan of a cluster
Fig. No: 4.17, 4.18: Sections

Fig. No. 5.1 : Regions of Gujarat

Fig. No. 5.2 : Population growth
Fig. No. 5.3 : Tropical Moist Deciduous Forests
Fig. No. 5.4 : Tropical Dry Deciduous Forests
Fig. No. 5.5 : Forest cover in Gujarat
Fig. No. 5.6 : Section across the settlement and well
Fig. No. 5.7, 5.8, 5.9 (clockwise) : Saurashtra region plan with ware bodies and Gir
forest indicated; Key plan; Zoomed in plan of rivers and water bodies around
the site
Fig. No. 5.10 : Section across the settlement and river
Fig. No. 5.11, 5.12, 5.13 (clockwise) : Saurashtra region plan with dams and Gir
forest indicated; Key plan; Zoomed in plan of green cover around the site
Fig. No. 5.14, 5.15, 5.16 (clockwise) : Saurashtra region plan with road networks
and Gir forest indicated; Key plan; Zoomed in plan of settlements and
pathways taken around the site
Fig. No. 5.17 : Wind movement and Sun path around the site;
Fig. No. 5.18: Key plan with site indicated in yellow
Fig. No. 5.19 : Context plan with shops, pasture lands, etc shown.

Fig. No. 6.1 : Sections

Fig. No. 6.2 : Sections
Fig. No. 6.3 : Plans
Fig. No. 6.4 : Plans

ii
TABLE OF CONTENT
ACKNOWLEDGMENT

LIST OF FIGURES

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION

LITERATURE STUDIES
Use and Abuse of Nature
Subaltern Studies
Development Dilemma - Resettlement Of Gir Maldhari
India Eco-development Project
Water Wars
Forest Policy And Indigenous People
Building with Earth

CASE STUDIES
Mapungubwe Interpretation Centre, Peter Rich Architects
Public Library Extension, Kere Architects
Hathigaon, RMA

ANALYSIS
Forests Of The World And Gujarat
Forest Cover in India
Regions of Gujarat
Forest Cover in Gujarat
Site Analysis (Water Networks)
Site Analysis (Green Networks)
Site Analysis (Settlements)
Site Analysis (Site and Immediate Context)

DESIGN
Design Brief
Design Development and Strategies
Final Design

CONCLUSION

REFERNCES

BIBLIOGRAPHY
iii
ABSTRACT

The story of the man, the lion and the land, goes way back in time. Some are privileged
to be a part of this story, while others only hear of it. For generations we heard these
awe-inspiring stories of the tribal man and his delicate-yet-strong bond with nature.
However, this bond is at its most fragile state now. The concrete jungle has begun to
take over the real one.

The question we must ask ourselves is if there are ways to mend the bond. Wildlife
protection is a growing concern in this day and age. One of the best ways to learn to live
with nature is to learn it from those who have been doing this for centuries. Given our
changing administrative policies, the people from the forest move out of the forests and
into the outskirts or other cities. Studies have shown how this has affected the lion
population. With better policies and facilitating the tribal to move back into the forests,
the last few decades has seen an increase in number.

After much research and study, there was a conclusion that a built intervention might
help the process. For every time a change occurred ideologically, there was a new
typology of building to quantify it. The idea is translated into architecture. And hence,
the question arises. What should we build? What would be the best way to craft such
delicate spaces? Will the program and the language of the building help?

The proposed project is an Environment and Social Sustainability Centre in Sasan Gir,
Gujarat. The Gir Forest has a history of an intimate and strong relation between the
tribes, the forest and the king of the jungle. After understanding the social fabric that
exists, a program has been chalked out for a dairy and forest produce unit, a clinic
(human and veterinary) and a research facility, among other things. The structure of the
built was also debated upon. Material is bamboo and is locally sourced. The bamboo is
exposed in its true form and experimented with in a way that it could relate to both the
contemporary and local architecture.

1
INTRODUCTION

2
There has been a growing concern for the forest ecology, in the past few decades. One
of the most alarming cases was that of the lions of Gir. What happened in the past few
centuries? Where did we go wrong? The decrease in the population of lions in Gir over
the past centuries has a strong connection with not just the administrative bodies that
were controlling them but also, the forest as well as the people in the forest. The entire
system that is in place there, needs to enhanced and preserved. Although, there have
been measures take to facilitate their sustenance, they are meagre. The animals have
benefitted largely from these but the tribes living in the forest, not so much. What is
needed is a large scale change in terms of the implementation of the ideology.

HYPOTHESIS

The thesis studies the relationship between nature and people. Even now, people live in
harmony with forest and wildlife in many national reserves. The thesis would aim at
trying to study this seamless relationship and give it a physical definition. The project
would be situated in Gir forest, Gujarat. More specifically in Sasan Gir where the tribes
and the wildlife interact consciously or sometimes unintentionally. The built would act as
in in-between transition from the town and the forest and form the link between the two
while aiding the sustainability of the two.

ISSUES AND OBJECTIVE

The change in administration right from the era of the kings, the colonisers and so on
and so forth, has affected our perception of the forest and the people of the forest. The
tribes in the forest as well as the animals have suffered due to this. The policies now
allow the tribal people to live within the sanctuary area and the surrounding towns. The
main occupation is cattle rearing and dairy farming. A lot of the locals there benefit
from the dairy facilities that are provided to them within their homes.

The main issues that they face today is the need for a more organised lifestyle in terms
of economies. Earlier their dependency for food was on the neighbouring lands. Since
these have transformed into towns now, there is a requirement to be economically stable
to sustain a living in the forest. There also an aversion towards the city by some, while
others aspire to be a part of the growing towns and cities. This is mainly due to the
security in a certain sense that the city provides.

The objective of the thesis is to be able to address these issues taking clues from the
problem solving methods adopted locally and improvising them.
3
BRIEF

The thesis addresses social and environmental concerns of place. The premise is set for a
project that not only looks into the environmental and social aspect but also into the
necessity of a change, architecturally. The programmatic approach is such that it
incorporates the basic needs of the people living in the forest such as clinics, a dairy
regulation, forest produce sale, all of which is run by the tribal folk. The architectural
expression is aimed at using structural expressionism to emphasise on the spaces
created. The traditional methods of constructions, as will be discussed in the coming
sections, uses wattle and daub technology for construction. By understanding and
dissecting the traditional construction, the structure has been exposed and worked with
instead of using concrete and steel.

The initial approach of the project was by using very fluid forms, using mud structures.
After a few relooks, this was transformed into a more orderly form. The idea that was
carried through was to have a very traditional sequence of spaces in an ordered manner
using locally sourced materials. The final form arrived at takes care of the incremental
nature of buildings in such contexts, while allowing it to form order in chaos. The aim
was to achieve a highly efficient building that uses local materials and also derives clues
from the local space-making practices.

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

The scope of the project was to explore the various iterations that could be arrived at by
using the plethora of building technologies that have been locally used as well as the
material and, combing this with kind of the spaces created. This project bridges between
the urban and the forest dwelling communities and aims at creating a different building
language that ties the two. Having started off with fluid forms, that are helpful
climatologically, it was challenging to use space efficiently. That is the foremost concern
in the project, efficiency. The issue was tackled with moving into a more formal layout, in
the mean time keep the overall form curvilinear in order to tackle climatological issues.

4
LITERATURE STUDIES

5
2.1 USE AND ABUSE OF NATURE, Madhav Gadgil, Ramachandra Guha

Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha in their pioneering work on Indian

environmental history, identified at least three different types of environmentalisms
currently practiced in India. These philosophies were further categorized according to
the constituencies within which they most likely prevailed, thus linking the particular
human-environment relationship to the worldview held by the individual or group.

However, in the past decade, this has been complicated by the expansion of the urban
middle class and their concerns for a liveable city for themselves and their families.
Beyond the original rural focus of previous environmental activists and historians, a very
powerful NIMBY type environmentalism seems to have emerged, one that has upended
previous concerns for biodiversity and conservation on one hand and social justice and
self-determination on the other. While similar to the middle and upper class
preoccupation with cleanliness and order of the North, this new sentiment has taken on
a far more sinister aspect in India, where it plays out as a Darwinian struggle for space
and legitimacy between the upwardly mobile and the impoverished slum communities.
How far this socially regressive environmentalism has developed is debatable, although
several scholars such as Amita Bhaviskar have tackled this apparent trend with an
alacrity born of the titanic changes now taking place in India’s urban centres.

At the same time, the pressing need for social movements to unite their efforts has led
to a far ranging discussion between environmentalists and the Left. Although both have
shared an anti-capitalist orientation and have made common cause on numerous
celebrated occasions including Chipko, a clear difference in methods and ideology has
kept the two powerful movements at arms length. Debates over traditional identity vs.
class-based political mobilization and notions of modernity have been particularly sharp,
leading to different conclusions about the nature of the struggle and vision for the
future. However, Red-Green coalitions have proliferated, allowing a far wider range of
social actors to enter the picture and setting the stage for a new type of decentralized
politics to counter both neoliberal globalization and traditional local elites. This paper
will thus review these developments by first revisiting Gadgil & Guha’s original
framework. This will be coupled with a rudimentary overview of the main schools of
thought that have interpreted the varieties of environmentalisms, paying particular
attention to their treatment of the society-nature interface. This will be supplemented by
a review of Archana Prasad’s recent work on environmentalism and the Left within the
tribal context.

The paper will then proceed to look at the new urban reality being socially constructed
by the rapid growth of cities and the cultural and economic transformations taking place
due to globalization, consumerism, and the expanding gap between rich and poor.
Finally, the paper will take up the struggle of social movements to forge a broad front. It
will touch upon important theoretical interventions from critical geographers like David
Harvey who has applied the concept of “accumulation by dispossession” to link all these
disparate struggles. It will also approach the issues of scales and networks that are
fundamental to strengthening and expanding these movements to contend with both
global and local forces. It is hoped that this would go a long way towards reconciling
divergent visions by proposing a new environmental imaginary and alternative
modernity that is more just, humane, and sustainable than the current order.

6
OMNIVORES VS. ECOSYSTEM PEOPLE

“No one, I repeat no one will be allowed to stand in the way of Orissa’s industrialisation and the people’s
progress.” – Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, commenting on the opposition to mining in Kashipur distr ict,
Orissa “You are all high-c lass people who live in Bombay, right? If there is a plan to make a huge dam in
Bombay city, it’s obvious that the posh buildings where you r eside would be submerged. Will you allow that
to happen?” – Narmada Bachao Andolan activist Ramkrishna Bawa

Given this adverse scenario, Gadgil & Guha brought out their theoretical treatise in
order to assist these movements understand the nature of the beast. In dialectical
fashion, they elaborated a classical binary, dividing the entire population along
ecological lines and into two basic constituencies. While out of academic fashion for its
polarizing potential and limited ability to perceive intervening shades of grey, Gadgil &
Guha erected their dichotomy to bring into sharp focus the political and economic
disparities between the two classes.

Moreover, the binary did not in itself constitute a general social theory of urban and
rural stratification, but was crafted to provide a way to apply an ecological perspective
to hitherto purely socio-economic modes of analysis. In addition, the similarity to
historical materialism with its emphasis on class struggle was more than just a
coincidence.

It also firmly grounded their concept in the same project of transformative social
change. At its most basic level, Gadgil & Guha’s formulation invokes access to resources
as the determining factor dividing the “two Indias.”

However, this aspect implicates a whole range of social, political, and economic relations
that work to maintain the unequal status quo. At the upper end of the spectrum are the
“omnivores” who engage in economic activity far removed from their natural resource
base and whose economic relationship with the environment is negligible (Gadgil &
Guha, 1995). The term itself connotes a voracious consumer of commodities and
resources drawn from multiple sources.

As expropriators of natural surplus, omnivores are usually deeply embedded in the

market economy. No longer earning their keep from the soil or the waters, this section
of society thus can consume above and beyond what is ecologically sustainable, while
disposing of their waste in an “out of sight, out of mind” fashion. Moreover, the state,
which is composed entirely of omnivores, works on behalf of their class that includes
everyone from the typical middle class city dweller to a World Bank official. On the other
side dwell the ecosystem people who depend on the environment for much if not all
aspects of their livelihoods.

Although ecosystem people make up the vast majority of India’s rural population, they
usually have little wealth in the classical economic sense, and thus little say in state level
decision-making processes. Living for the most part at a subsistence level, they have
long represented the “real India” in the international imaginary. However, this bucolic
image has masked a history of real neglect, oppression, and hardship at the hands of
successive exploitative regimes.

7
2.2 SUBALTERN STUDIES, Leela Gandhi

"The water crisis is the most pervasive, most severe, and most invisible dimension of the ecological
devastation of the earth."

The Subaltern School of historiography emerged in the 1980s. From its inception it
resulted into a major transition in South Asian historiography and posed a vigorous
challenge to existing historical scholarship. It was largely by its relentless postcolonial
critique that Indian history came to be seen in a different life. Indian History had thus
found a new approach that was so critically needed. The Nationalist and the Cambridge
Schools became the focus of their criticism due to their elite based analysis of history.
They also contested the Marxist School due to the fact that their mode of production
based narratives have a tendency of merging inevitably into the nationalist ideology of
modernity and progress.

Moreover the Subalterns rightly pointed out that the Marxist found it really difficult to
accept the ideology of caste and religion as crucial factors in Indian History, which to
them was somewhat backward and degrading. They were thus, according to the
Subalterns, totally unable to gather vital historical data from lived experiences of various
oppressed classes, which were submerged in religious and social customs. The Subaltern
Historians originally started as an Indian version of “History from below” approach of the
west. They were also influenced by the British Marxist Historians. The term “Subaltern”
came from the writings of Antonio Gramsci and is referred to the subordination in terms
of class, caste, gender, race, language and culture. Gayatri Chakraboty Spivak in an essay
titled, “Can the Subaltern Speak?” wrote : The Subaltern cannot speak.

There is no virtue in global laundry lists with woman as a pious. Representation has not
withered away. The female intellectual has a circumscribe task which she must not
disown with a flourish. She cited the examples of widows burnt at the pyre of the
husband in her essay. She emphasized the condition of women who are doubly
oppressed–firstly by patriarchy and secondly by colonialism. Leela Gandhi says;

By ‘Subaltern’ Spivak meant the oppressed subject, the members of Antonio Gramsci’s Subaltern
Classes or more generally those of inferior rank and her question followed on the work began in
the early 1980s by a collection of individuals now known as Subaltern Studies group. ‘‘The stated
objective of this group was to promote a systematic and informed discussion of Subaltern themes
in the field of South Asian Studies. Further they described their project as an attempt to study the
general attribute of subordination in South Asian Society whether this is expressed in term
of class, caste, age, gender and office or in any other way”. Fully alert to the complex
ramification arising from the composition of subordination, the Subaltern studies group
sketched out its wide ranging concern both with the visible ‘history, politics, economics and
sociology of subalternity’ and with the occluded “attitudes, ideologies and belief systems-
in short, the cultural informing that condition.” In other words, Subaltern studies defined
itself as an attempt to allow people finally to speak within the jealous pages of elitist
historiography and in so doing, to speak for, or to sound the muted voices of, the truly
oppressed.

The Subaltern Studies began in the beginning of 1980s. It aimed promoting, as the
preface declared, the study and discussion of the subalternist themes in South Asian
Studies. The principle aim was to rectify the elitist bias found in most of the academic
works in South Asian Studies.
8
2.3 DEVELOPMENT DILEMMA - RESETTLEMENT OF GIR MALDHARI, Chaudhary Kameshwar

This paper discusses the case of displacement and resettlement of the 'Maldharis' of the
Gir forest in Gujarat, who were displaced and resettled in 1970s and 1980s as a result of
creation of a sanctuary and later a national park in the Gir forest. He also examines the
approach and policy of the World Bank in connection with relocation of forest dwellers
as reflected in ongoing Eco-development project in the Gir. In the discussion Choudhary
remarks that the policy and strategy adopted by the state government of Gujarat had
certain drawbacks in case of displacement and resettlement scheme of 1972 regarding
Maldharis. A negative attitude is evident towards the Maldharis who have been
considered a threat to the bio diversity and wildlife, particularly lions of the Gir forest.

Moreover, the expenditure involved in the scheme is found to be grossly

underestimated in its initial proposal. Even the land plated at disposal for resettlement
was not fully distributed. At the same time, it was stated that there was scarcity of land
and as a result all the Maldhari families could not be resettled. The exercise of
resettlement has not achieved desired success. Around 45 percent of the resettled
families have; left the new sites where they were they resettled. Some sites have been
deserted completely, others partially. Some families have come back to the Gir forest. It
was not easy for a community fully dependent on animal husbandry to switch over to
84 agriculture -quickly. As a result, many families who have stayed at the new sites have
suffered seriously and have become labourers. Resettlement has affected the Maldharis
negatively. This is the result of an ecology centred view of development. The world Bank
insists on having a participatory approach to voluntary relocation under the eco-
development project currently operational in the Gir.

It does not support involuntary relocation/resettlement of people. It offers

supplementary funds for meeting all the needs planning, implementation and
monitoring of voluntary relocation. Prior approval of the Bank is made essential for
voluntary relocation to ensure that all the conditions are met for a smooth and worthy
resettlement of people in all the Pas, including Gir, under the eco-development project.
The focus is on maintaining, if not improving the material and cultural life of the
relocated families. It clearly shows a shift in the policy of the Bank. But the government
of India and the state government of Gujarat have accepted the conditions of the World
Bank only for an experimental purpose.

Fig. No. 3.1 & 3.2 : Maldharis with their cattle.

9
2.4 INDIA ECO-DEVELOPMENT PROJECT, Samata

At the time of notification of PA in 1972, there were 129 Maldhari “Nes” with 845
families, which comprised 4,802 people and 16,842 head of livestock. A scheme for
relocation was drawn up in 1972 and the process was continued up to 1986. Out of 845
Maldhari families, 580 Maldhari families have been resettled. Of the original 129 “nes”,
some are now completely abandoned and the rest are partially abandoned. The Maldhari
still depend on the park (buffer zone) for their livestock grazing and fuel wood. There are
no Maldhari nesses in the national park area now.

The community is categorized into three groups by the government they are –
permanent Maldhari, non-permanent Maldhari and “illegal” Maldhari. The permanent
Maldhari are the ones who have grazing passes. The non-permanent are the ones who
have passes but they have expired as passes are issued for a fixed period only. The
“illegal” ones are those who have resettled in the nes and were residing in the Vasahats*.
At present there are 54 (2,540 population) “nes” in the sanctuary having 361 families
including non-permanent Maldharis. Gir forests also have settlements of 239 Siddis who
are of African origin and are classified as scheduled tribes. There are also approximately
65 people permanently occupying the three main temple complexes within the forest in
the core area There are 14 forest settlement villages in the buffer Zone covering an area
of 5,176 ha. A total human population of about 4,500 and 4,200 cattle population is
existing in Gir forests. An area of 1,867 ha. has been given as settlement land to
cultivators for agriculture purpose and all development works in these settlements are
carried out by forest department under development of forest settlement schemes.

The Maldharis of Gir are mainly Charan, Rabari, Bharwad, Ahir, Makarani, Muslims and
Dalits. Rabari, Charan and Bharwad are the ones who are schedule tribes and mainly
depend on their livestock for their survival. The Maldhari communities do not enjoy any
formally recognised rights over their natural resources despite the fact that they have
traditionally used local lands, flora, fauna and other biological and mineral resources in
the area for generations. According to existing laws, they cannot have land in their name
even if given on lease as outside the forests where individual ownership of land is a
norm. They do not have control over minerals, forests and other resources on their
traditional lands and are controlled by the State, principally by the State Forest
Department.

10
2.5 WATER WARS, Vandana Shiva (review by Sue Ann Gardner, Univ. Of Nebraska)

"The water crisis is the most pervasive, most severe, and most invisible dimension of the ecological
devastation of the earth."

Though the topic is timely and poignant, the presentation is more that of a collection of
research notes than a fully formed essay. The organization is not straightforward either
chronologically or in terms of subject matter. The book also contains numerous
unsubstantiated pronouncements. One example, on page 66: "I was personally involved
in assessing the impact of World Bank-financed dams on [several Indian] Rivers. In each
case, the ecological and social costs far surpassed the benefits. Typically, the benefits
were grossly exaggerated in order to accommodate the World Bank's logic of returns on
investment." I would have liked specifics about how the benefits were grossly
exaggerated so that I could knowledgeably agree or disagree. Another shortcoming is
that 20 percent of the citations are to the author's own works. Some of those refer to
paragraphs containing primarily hard statistics such as those regarding acres of land
submerged by dam projects, annual rainfall amounts, and earnings projections for
Monsanto. Citations to primary sources would have bolstered the scholarship
considerably. Shiva's latest work covers a worthy topic, but it is best considered only as a
companion volume to others in which the scholarship is more rigorous and the
organization more direct.

Fig. No. 3.3 : The ruins due to water wars

11
2.5 FOREST POLICY AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN COLONIAL AND POST COLONIAL
PERIOD, Anonymous

Forest policy and management has been a subject of considerable debate and conflict
ever since the British established a Forest Department and enacted legislations related
to forestry in the 19th century. The imperial needs dictated the British interests in the
Indian forest resources, which resulted in the establishment of control over forest
resources. In the process, at least two crucial aspects of forest management were
ignored. First, the well-established traditional systems of conservation and sustainable
use, and second, the critical ecological and social role that forests played (Ashish Kothari
1994). The colonial system of forest management was continued even after 1947 with
little modifications, emphasizing revenue generation and commercial exploitation, while
its policing orientation excluded villagers who had the most longstanding claim on
forest resources.

The tribals especially were confronted with the vagaries of forest management that
continuously eroded their life-styles and simultaneously the assertion of State primacy
over natural resources deprived them of an important means of subsistence (Guha 1983).
In this context, an attempt is made to review colonial and post-colonial forest policies by
examining the debate on the ownership of forests between British and Indian colonial
officers, especially the officials of the Madras Presidency who happened to be more
articulate at that time. The first section, deals with the relation between tribals and
forests, the second section explains the evolution of State control over forest resources.
The third section is on colonial forest policy and on the process of establishing colonial
control over natural resources, the fourth section focuses on the forest policies of
independent India and on the changes in forest management and the last section
contains conclusions.

RELATION BETWEEN FORESTS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLE

Forests play a vital role in sustaining the life supporting systems of a country's
environment and the quality of its people. The livelihood activities of tribals centre on
the forests in which they live. The tribals get food from the forests by shifting cultivation,
apart from picking varieties of edible and herbal roots, tubers, creepers, fruits, leaves
(detailed descriptions of these activities are given in the chapter-4). The major source of
food production for them is shifting cultivation, which is an integral part of the economy
in tribal culture. About 25 percent of India's tribals (70 million) practice shifting
cultivation (Reddy 1983). The Report on Forest and Tribals (1982) indicates shifting
cultivation is practised by at least 109 tribal communities in 233 blocks in 62 districts
spread over 16 states.

In Andhra Pradesh it covers nearly 17,000 hectares in 9 blocks, 92,000 hectares in

Arunachal Pradesh, 69,000 hectares in Assam, and 83,000 hectares in Manipur are under
swidden cultivation (GO1 1982). Besides this, tribals collect varieties of minor forest
produce(MFP), which includes fodder and grasses, raw materials like bamboo, canes and
leaves, gums, waxes, dyes and resins and several forms of food including nuts, wild
fruits, and honey. National Commission on Agriculture(1976) has classified MFP as i).
fibres and flosses, ii). grasses(other than oil producing), bamboo, reeds, and canes, iii).
oil seeds, iv). tams and dyes, v). gums, resins and oleoresins, and vi). leaves. These often
play a critical part in the livelihood of the tribal.
12
Most of the MFP come from forests although some trees yielding MFP are found on
private fields and also provide valuable assets, and subsistence and cash. Seventy
percent of the MFP are collected from the five states - Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh,
Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, where 65 percent of the tribal population live (Guha1983). On
a rough estimation it has been revealed that between 10- 15 per cent of income of an
average tribal family is obtained from the collection of MFP(NCA 1976). The tribals
collect MFP in the seasons when these were ready.

For instance, tendu leaves are collected during April-May, sail seeds fall with the pre-
monsoon showers and collected from under the tree and pine trees are trapped for resin
during warm and hot weather. Thus, the activities concerning MFP are carried out almost
all the year around. As we observed during the field study, all the members of the family,
including grown-up children, go to the forest in search of these products. However, we
observed that the involvement of particular members of the family in the collection
depended upon the nature of the product. For instance in the collection of gum, honey,
bark, bamboo etc., which required more time, the male members were involved. While in
the collection of leaves, seeds, flowers etc., women, folk were engaged.

Tribals acquire the skill regarding collection of MFP from the elder members of the
family. They learn to identify the useful species, seasons of availability, the locations and
plants in which it is found. Availability, marketability and access to the forests condition
the collection of MFP. Traditionally, traders and contractors used to purchase the
produce from the tribals at low rate or by barter.

Latter procurement of MFP has been nationalised to protect the tribals from this
exploitation. Regarding the relationship of tribals with the forest, the Committee on
Forests and Tribal in India (1982) stated that "they are not only forest dwellers but also
for centuries they have evolved a way of life which, on the one hand, is woven around
forest ecology and forest resources, on the other hand, ensures that the forest is
protected against the degradation by man and nature" by evolving their own
conservative systems.

These traditional systems of conservation of resources were ensured through restrictions

on using the economically useful species. These not only included a long fallow period in
the rotation of shifting cultivation but also selective retention of valuable trees such as
mango and mahua while felling for cultivation. There is substantial evidence that all of
this enabled the tribals to use their resource base in a sustained manner (Mc Neely and Pitt
1985). Thus, tribal cohesion and equitable social organisation meant possibilities of better
enforcement of norms to ensure the ecological balance. Outside flows of material were
largely restricted. For instance, honey and ivory were exchanged for metal. However,
such exchanges were quantitatively insignificant, so that the material cycles were largely
closed over the spatial scale of tribal territories. This meant that the tribal population
had a real stake in the security of the resource base of their territory and evolved a
number of cultural traditions to ensure its sustenance (Gadgil 1989a). Thus, they put
various kinds of restrictions such as seasonal restrictions, total protection to certain
areas, protection to certain valuable species, which have some religious importance etc.
Most tribal communities forbade the cutting or hunting during certain periods in the
year and allowed it then only on the annual day of renewal. Restrictions were put also
during certain stages of life of different species. Most tribes forbade the killing of
pregnant animals.
13
In a few cases the restriction was on a few species such as fawns, doves and black bucks,
while most others imposed a ban on the killing of any pregnant animal(Gadgil and Vartax
1976). Femandes et.al(1985) identified other restrictions on the use of species essential for
survival, such as by declaring them sacred hence not to be destroyed. They could not be
cut till they were mature and so long as did not yield any fruit.

Precisely, because of their value, these plants, trees, creepers and animals also play an
important role in their rituals and ceremonies (Deeney, 1992). In certain areas they
maintain restrictions on using sickle or axe. Gupta (1981) identified three kinds of systems
in Chotanagapur, such as 'sana, aknra and season' in such accord. And also protection
was ensured by banning the use of destructive technologies. Bamboos, for example,
were cut at a certain angle, a few centimeters above the ground to ensure copping
(Gadgil 1989a). So it is claimed that over centuries of living sustainable with nature, tribals
have acquired a deep knowledge and understanding of ecological processes and
evolved as ideal natural resource managers(Shiva et.al. 1990).

"All the studies on natural resource use by the forest people show that their traditional way of life have been
brilliantly conservationist Theirs' is an ecological wisdom that is intr icately woven into the very fabric of
their cultur es; for the most part of it is not an articulate, consc ious 'body of knowledge' Their way of life
expresses an ecological wisdom that enables them to take care of their forest environment"(Taylor 1990).

Thus, tribals have a certain specific relationship with forests. They always interact for
their sustenance and try to recreate the forests with their traditional conservation
systems. But the progressive assertion of State monopoly rights over large areas of
forests turning them into 'reserves', has resulted in large-scale eviction and uprooting of
traditional tribal villages. The relationship that existed between tribal social organisation
and the forest was completely upset as a result of these policies. The reservation of
tracts, which denied the tribals access to forest produce on which they had depended
for many of their necessities for centuries, cut them off from their life-support system.

When an area was declared a reserve forest, all the rights of tribals were extinguished,
except those explicitly mentioned. For instance, in a recent study on the effects on
tribals of the loss of forest areas in Orissa and of Chattisgarh in Madhya Pradesh,
observed that in these areas the distance required to collect forest products is reported
to have multiplied several fold.

14
2.5 BUILDING WITH EARTH, Gernot Minke

In nearly all hot-arid and temperate climates, earth has always been the most prevalent
building material. Even today, one third of the human population resides in earthen
houses; in developing countries this figure is more than one half. It has proven
impossible to fulfil the immense requirements for shelter in the developing countries
with industrial building materials, i.e. brick, concrete and steel, nor with industrialised
construction techniques. Worldwide, no region is endowed with the productive capacity
or financial resources needed to satisfy this demand. In the developing countries,
requirements for shelter can be met only by using local building materials and relying on
do-it-yourself construction techniques.

Earth is the most important natural building material, and it is available in most regions
of the world. It is frequently obtained directly from the building site when excavating
foundations or basements. In the industrialised countries, careless exploitation of
resources and centralised capital combined with energy-intensive production is not only
wasteful; it also pollutes the environment and increases unemployment. In these
countries, earth is being revived as a building material.

Increasingly, people when building homes demand energy- and cost-effective buildings
that emphasise a healthy, balanced indoor climate. They are coming to realise that mud,
as a natural building material, is superior to industrial building materials such as
concrete, brick and lime-sandstone. Newly developed, advanced earth building
techniques demonstrate the value of earth not only in do-it-yourself construction, but
also for industrialised construction involving contractors. This handbook presents the
basic theoretical data concerning this material, and it provides the necessary guidelines,
based on scientific research and practical experience, for applying it in a variety of
contexts.

Fig. No. 3.4 : Details

15
CASE STUDIES

16
3.1 MAPUNGUBWE INTERPRETATION CENTRE, Peter Rich Architects

The Limpopo Valley may be one of the most remote and isolated places in South Africa.
The huge Mapungubwe National Park is located at the confluence of the Limpopo and
Shashe Rivers. This park is a property of the South African National Parks authority
(SANParks) who commissioned the Interpretation Centre which celebrates the ancient
civilisation of Mapungubwe, linked to the Great Zimbabwe.

The rocky landscape is a result of geological events that reshaped the area. At that time
the course of the Limpopo River was also changed; from going towards the Atlantic
Ocean it now headed towards the Indian Ocean. The vegetation is that of a dry area with
mopane and baobab trees, and could easily be likened to a “hilly” savannah.
Understanding the landscape is essential to the Mapungubwe Interpretation Centre as
the whole design and architecture of this building is focused on its integration into the
natural landscape of the park.

The Interpretation Centre is located past a pond, on the side of a mesa that sisters the
main mesa of the Heritage Site, the ceremonial centre of the Mapungubwe civilisation,
one kilometre away, close to the entrance to the park. Peter Rich, head of Peter Rich
Architects, has taught architectural theory and design for three decades at the University
of the Witwatersrand’s Department of Architecture in Johannesburg. He partnered with
Michael Ramage and John Ochsendorf for the Mapungubwe Heritage Centre.

Fig. No. 4.1 : Map of South Africa. (Star indicates site) Fig. No. 4.2 : Site plan

LOCAL ARCHITECTURAL CHARACTER, INCLUDING PREVALENT FORMS AND MATERIALS

It is very difficult and tricky to relate Mapungubwe to any existing form of architecture
nearby. There are no inhabitants close to this area; this huge reserve is totally free of any
human presence. After flourishing for centuries, the area has been long abandoned.
However, different ethnic groups of the region claim traditional ownership of the land.
This became a serious issue for the project which the architects had to confront by
ensuring that their building did not refer to any one particular group, as this would have
raised controversy.
17
CLIMATIC PERFORMANCE

All provisions for lighting, climatic performance, heat control, acoustics and other
systems are achieved through natural control. Natural lighting is ensured through
windows and oculi that give to each space a particular type of lighting in relation to its
function. Heat control is essential in this area and it is performed here with great
efficiency. The shape of the vaults, designed from paraboloids, creates a good balance of
sound and the sandstone walls and brick vaults associated to the volumes created
ensure a delicate reverberation time that towel suits the solemnity of the exhibition
spaces.

RESPONSE TO TREATMENT OF WATER AND RAINFALL

A system of waste-water treatment has been installed. The annual rainfall (10 days a
year) is not significant enough to justify the installation of retention systems.

Fig. No. 4.3, 4.4, 4.5: Views of the Centre

ENVIRONMENTAL RESPONSE

This project is all about adapting to its context. It readapts the general responses of
nature to the constraints of a particular human project. The vaults perfectly fit into the
general hilly and undulating landscape and their covering materials have been extracted
from the site. The interior space designed by this project is like a series of caverns that
react to the climatic constraints exactly the way a real cavern would. The structural
constraints of a cavern are reproduced in a way to serve the architecture of the Centre.
The answers of nature to its constraints is generally very efficient in terms of economy
(the quantity of energy developed vs. the goal to reach). The Interpretation Centre goes
in that direction.
18
CHOICE OF MATERIALS, LEVEL OF TECHNOLOGY

The main materials were extracted from the site, manufactured on site or recycled from waste. 85%
of materials are local. The result is a very empowering technology that was easy for the local
unemployed people to acquire. In fact, unemployed women (manufacturing bricks) and men
(structural works) benefitted from the training to acquire skills and actually use them to build the
project. The technology is both simple and sophisticated: simple because this is basically an
application of static principles and the renewal of an ancient technique; and sophisticated, because
the technique allows a degree of freedom in the design of the Centre that could only be achieved
with concrete structures (30% more expensive and with the disadvantages of using concrete in such
a climate).
Fig. No. 4.6, 4.7 : Views of the Centre

19
3.2 SCHOOL LIBRARY EXTENSION, Kere Architects

The library building forms a physical connection between the Primary School and its
extension, sheltering the school yard from dusty-carrying eastern winds. Keeping with
the same material palette as the surrounding buildings, the walls of the library are built
with compressed earth blocks made with local clay. The geometry of the library is
formally distinct from the others however, taking on more of an organic elliptical shape
reminiscent of the traditional vernacular housing in the region. The intention of the
space is to mesh traditional tribal teaching methods between elders and children with
the more standardized learning environment of the schools.
Fig. No. 4.8: Masterplan

20
The School Library ceiling makes use of a widely-recognized handicraft in the form of
locally produced earthenware pots. Traditionally hand-built by the women of the village,
the clay pots were sawed in half and then cast into the ceiling. These circular openings
create a playful pattern and introduce natural light and passive ventilation in the interior
spaces. An overhanging corrugated iron roof sits above this ceiling, protecting the
interior and surrounding spaces from sun and rain. The stack effect created by the hot
metal surface draws cooler air in from the windows and out through the perforations in
the ceiling, providing a passive cooling strategy without the use of electricity.

Fig. No. 4.9, 4.10: Views

The study area surrounding the library is shaded and protected by a transparent screen
of eucalyptus columns. Eucalyptus is generally thought of as a weed because it provides
very little shade and leaches moisture from the soil. This fast growing, hardy plant is an
appropriate building material for a country such as Burkina Faso, which suffers from
desertification due to deforestation. The eucalyptus façade elements are also used to
form alcoves for sitting and relaxing in the shade. In addition to supporting the
educational needs of the children of Gando, the library is also intended as a resource
centre for the village as a whole. The library provides a substantially improved
environment for the transference of knowledge in a climactically arid region with
virtually no access to modern resources and amenities.
21
3.3 HATHIGAON, Rahul Mehrothra Architects

A housing project for Mahouts (care-takers) and their elephants, Hathigaon (or elephant
village) is situated at the foothill of the Amber Palace and Fort near Jaipur. The design
strategy first involved structuring the landscape that had been devastated by its use as a
sand quarry by local sand suppliers, to create a series of water bodies to harvest the rain
runoff, as this is the most crucial resource in the desert climate of Rajasthan. With the
water resources in place, an extensive tree plantation program was carried out together
with seeding the site to propagate local species.

Fig. No. 4.11: View of the village, Fig. No. 4.12: Masterplan
22
The water body was a critical component of the design, as it also facilitated the bonding
between the mahout and elephant, through the process of bathing – an important ritual
both for the health of the elephant as well as their attachment to their keeper.

The landscape process required an acute understanding of the history of the site as
well as needs of the elephants. Local knowledge was vital to selecting the species and
building crafts used throughout the site.

Fig. No. 4.13, 4.14: Before and after intervention; Fig. No. 4.15 :Masterplan
23
 RESIDENCE STORE/ UTILITIES

ENCLOSURE

COURTYARD

ENCLOSURE

RESIDENCE
RESIDENCE

Fig. No. 4.16: Plan of a cluster; Fig. No: 4.17, 4.18: Sections
24
ANALYSIS

25
4.1 FORESTS OF THE WORLD AND GUJARAT

World Forest Cover, 1990 - 2010 (in Million

Hectares)

1200

1000

800

600
in Million
Hectares

400

200

Africa Asia Europe North and Oceania South

Central America
America

1990 2000 2010

Increase in forest cover

(in sq. km.)
14,619 14,653
16,000 12,913
11,907
14,000
12,000
10,000
8,000
6,000
4,000
2,000
0
1991 2001 2011 2013

The world forest cover decreased from 4168 million hectare in 1990 to 4033 million
hectare in 2010, i.e., a loss of over 3 percent in two decades. Some 80 percent of the
people living in developing countries depend on non-timber forest products, such as
fruits and herbs, for their primary health and nutritional needs. The spread of planted
forests has been accelerating. Planted forests now cover nearly 264 million hectares,
comprising nearly 7 percent of total forest area. Approximately 14 million people
worldwide are formally employed in the forestry sector. Forests cover 31 percent of the
world’s land surface, just over 4 billion hectares. This is down from the pre-industrial area
of 5.9 billion hectares.
26
4.2 FOREST COVER IN INDIA

IMPORTANT NATIONAL LEGISLATIONS:

• Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972
• Indian Forest Act, 1927
• Forest (conservation) Act, 1980
• Protection of plant varieties and Farmers Right Act, 2001
• Biological Diversity Act, 2002
• The Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest dwellers, (Recognition of
Forest Rights) Act, 2006
• The National Green Tribunal Act, 2010

FUNCTIONS OF NBA:

• Advise the government of India on matters relating to conservation of

biodiversity, sustainable use of its components and equitable sharing of benefits
arising out of utilization of biological resources
• Regulate activities and issue guidelines
for access and benefit sharing
• Take necessary measures to oppose the grant of IPR in any country outside India on
any biological resources obtained from India or knowledge associated with such
biological resources derived from India
• Advice the State Government in the selection of areas of biodiversity importance
to be notified as “Biodiversity Heritage Sites (BHS)” and suggest measures for their
management

India signed the United Nations 3 tier structure is in

Convention on Biological Diversity place to achieve the
(CBD) in 1992. objectives of BDA, 2002

Objectives: National Level:

• Conservation of biological National
diversity Biodiversity
• Sustainable use of its Authority (NBA)
components
• Fair and equitable sharing of the
benefits arising out of commercial State Level: State
utilization of biological resources Biodiversity Board
and traditional knowledge (SBB)

To fulfill the above objectives, the

Biological Diversity Act, 2002 (BDA, Local Level: Biodiversity
2002) was enacted Management
in 2003. Committees (BMCs)
27
4.3 REGIONS OF GUJARAT

Fig. No. 5.1: Regions of Gujarat

Fig. No. 5.2: Population growth

28
4.4 FOREST COVER IN GUJARAT

Natural ecosystems of Gujarat range from wetlands (34,750 sq. km), grasslands (8,483 sq.
km) and deciduous forests (18,868 sq. km) to deserts (23,000 sq. km). Its coastline, which
spreads across almost 1600 km, houses variety of coastal ecosystems like mangroves,
coral reefs, estuaries and mudflats. Out of 16 Forest types found in India, 4 are present in
Gujarat. Moist and dry deciduous forest are located mainly in the eastern belt from
Banaskantha to Valsad. The State harbours 14 percent of fish, 9 percent amphibians, 19
percent of reptiles, 37 percent of birds and 25 percent of the mammals recorded in the
country.

Gujarat is very rich in biodiversity, owing to varied bio geographic zones. So far, 4,228
species of plants and 2,728 species of animals have been recorded. Out of the 8
threatened mammalian species in India, each having a single population in the world, 2
of them (the Asiatic lion and Wild Ass) are found only in Gujarat.

Fig. No. 5.3 : Tropical Moist Deciduous Forests Fig. No. 5.4: Tropical Dry Deciduous Forests

Fig. No. 5.5: Forest cover in Gujarat

29
4.5 SITE ANALYSIS, Water Network Analysis

The whole water network is what helped sustain the people in and around the forests.
Therefore there is a very strong relation between the water networks and the settlements
in the forest. There are various natural as well as man made dams formed in this region.

The main river is Hiran River, over which the Kamleshwar dam is built. This is the main
provider of water for the tribes as well as the animals. Although, with a town coming up
around these water bodies, a lot of the streams are obstructed. The rivers are also dry for
most of the year as this is hot, dry climate.
Fig. No. 5.6 : Section across the settlement and well

Fig. No. 5.7, 5.8, 5.9 (clockwise) : Saurashtra region plan with water bodies and Gir forest indicated; Key plan; Zoomed in plan of rivers and
water bodies around the site

Kamleshwar dam

Gir Sanctuary

Gir National Park

Gir Sanctuary

Gir National Park

Sasan Gir

30
4.6 SITE ANALYSIS, Green Network Analysis

The green network as understood is dependant on the water network. The sanctuary area
is allowed to be pasture/agricultural/grazing lands whereas the main dense forest cover
lies in the National Park area.

The forest varies from moist to dry deciduous forest. The national park is well fed with
water, both naturally and artificially to allow the animals to meet their needs. This results
in the national park being the moist deciduous in various regions. This is where the
bamboo is sourced. Around the water bodies the growth of the plants and shrubs is more
dense as compared to that of the areas away from it.
Fig. No. 5.10 : Section across the settlement and river

Fig. No. 5.11, 5.12, 5.13 (clockwise) : Saurashtra region plan with dams and Gir forest indicated; Key plan; Zoomed in plan of green cover
around the site

Kamleshwar dam

Gir Sanctuary

Gir National Park

Gir Sanctuary

Gir National Park

Sasan Gir

31
4.7 SITE ANALYSIS, Settlement Analysis

The settlements in this region have come up near the various water an green networks, as
well as those where the two intersect. The settlements are all in the sanctuary area.

The second map shows the various routes taken by the tribes for various daily activities or
travel in general. The routes in place are those that have existed for centuries now. They
are marked by grazing lands, wells, temples, etc.

Over the years the commute has not only increased, but also been eased by the use of
vehicles. Of course, this is allowed only in the sanctuary area. The parts of the National
park can only be accessed by foot or cycles. Since they travel more distances to procure
goods from the forest, such as honey, vegetables, fruits, firewood, etc, they prefer using
the produce from the city. Their sale of dairy products anyway, requires them to make
the trip. In spite of having to take a much longer tedious route, they have refused to
move out of the forests, as it is nothing but their homes.
Fig. No. 5.14, 5.15, 5.16 (clockwise) : Saurashtra region plan with road networks and Gir forest indicated; Key plan; Zoomed in plan of
settlements and pathways taken around the site

Kamleshwar dam

Gir Sanctuary

Gir National Park

Gir Sanctuary

Gir National Park

Sasan Gir

32
4.7 SITE ANALYSIS, Site and Context Analysis

The amenities, the green, the water, the wind direction and sun path are mapped for the
site and immediate context.
Fig. No. 5.17: Wind movement and Sun path around the site; Fig. No. 5.18: Key plan with site indicated in yellow

Fig. No. 5.19 : Context plan with shops, pasture lands, etc shown.

33
DESIGN

34
5.1 DESIGN BREIF

The design stance taken is that of structural expressionism. The design aims at working
with locally available material, bamboo, and using that to maximise building efficiency
and performance. The form, after various iterations, is climatically viable. As for the layout,
the design concentrates on getting a an informal feel to a very formal layout while taking
clues from the traditional methods of creating spaces.

FUNCTION AREA (m2)

Administrative Department 700

Clinic 1000

Veterinary Clinic (herbivore and carnivore) 500

Rehabilitation (for the animal) 500

Dairy Cooperative and Forest Produce unit 600

NGO Office 400

Library 800

Research 2000

TOTAL AREA 6500

The program is designed in such a way that it accommodates the necessities of the
people of the forest. The program enables generation of revenue through the dairy
cooperative and the forest produce unit and provides basic health care for not just
humans, but also their cattle and the wild animals. The NGO office is to create awareness
in terms of medicine, investment, etc.

The library is also made accessible to the public as well as the researchers. The entry to
the site for the tribes could be from anywhere as there isn’t any boundary wall. This
allows them to have easy access to various facilities such as research, library, NGO office,
and the clinic. The research facility also opens up to allow interaction between the public
and the researchers. There is also a crop testing area that would help testing the
efficiency of cultivating certain crops against others.
35
5.1 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT AND
STRATEGIES

The various sectional iterations

are shown as follows. The
transformation of the spaces
occurs from a very shallow
volume to a very tall structural
space.

Also, there is a transformation

from mud architecture to bamboo
architecture.

Fig. No. 6.1 : Sections

36
Over the design development phase, the design did go back and forth a few times while
the concentration was on internal space making and overall master plan resolution. The
sections were made to see the relation of spaces to each other.

A major issue that was faced with the forms shown hear was the treatment of the
connection with ground. The earth structure was impossible to construct while creating
the free connection. Hence bamboo was introduced.

Fig. No. 6.2 : Sections

37
5.1 DESIGN
DEVELOPMENT

The various plan iterations

are shown as follows. The
transformation of the
spaces occurs from a very
shallow volume to a very
tall structural space.

Also, there is a
transformation from mud
architecture to bamboo
architecture.

As the height of the

structure increase the
footprint decreases and
vice versa.

The planning of the

spaces in relation to each
other also changes

Fig. No. 6.3 : Plans

38
Fig. No. 6.4 : Plans
39
CONCLUSION, REFERNCES
AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

49
6.1 CONCLUSION

The environment and social sustainability centre works on a very simple principal, simple
and efficient construction with locally sourced materials. Over time, such buildings will
probably be found more due to its sensitive qualities and cost effectiveness. The
government is also promoting the use of bamboo for various things; this would give the
use of bamboo a new perspective. The buildings in the region that come up would
therefore, be more sensitive towards the ecology .

The facilities provided should also help sustain a livelihood for the tribes in the forest.
Many such models can be produced with time. This would set an example for efficient yet
simple planning in sensitive zones.

6.2 REFERENCES

Theodore (Ted) Jojola, Ph.D., A Case for Indigenous Design Education

Professor in the Community and Regional Planning Program, School of Architecture and
Planning, University of New Mexico
http://www.di.net/articles/a_case_indigenous_design_education/

Varsha Ganguly, Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 54, No. 1 (January-April 2005), pp. 3-17,
Displacement, Rehabilitation and Resettlement: The Case of Maldhari Families of Gir Forest
http://www.jstor.org/stable/23620582

Kausik Banerjee, Yadvendradev V. Jhala, Kartikeya S. Chauhan, and Chittranjan V. Dave,

Matt Hayward, Editor, Living with Lions: The Economics of Coexistence in the Gir Forests,
India
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3547023/

Weslyan University, Subaltern Studies and its critics

https://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/History/British/subaltern%20studies.pdf

Ramchandra Guha and Madhav Gadgil, Vol. 87, No. 3 (Jul., 1997) Use and Abuse of Nature
http://www.jstor.org/stable/216043

Vandana Shiva, November 1, 2001, Water Wars

http://web.boun.edu.tr/ali.saysel/ESc307-06/Shiva-Water%20Wars.pdf

Jorge H García, Jitendra Vir Sharma and Ridhima Sud, Voluntary REDD+ Database (2011).
Progress Report. November 2011 International Architecture of REDD+: Implications for
India - Final Report
http://data.worldbank.org/datacatalog/world-development-indicators

Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. 2009., Sustainable Forest

Management, Biodiversity and Livelihoods: A Good Practice Guide
http://www.cbd.int/development/doc/cbd-good-practice-guide-forestry-booklet-weben.pdf
50
6.1 BIBLIOGRAPHY

http://www.presidentsmedals.com/Entry-10921

https://vimeo.com/86661134

http://www.exploration-architecture.com/projects/woodgreen-animal-centre

http://www.west8.nl/projects/resilience_strategies_sustainability/

http://www.west8.nl/projects/parks/yongsan_park/

http://www.narendramodi.in/social-forestry-a-model-sector-in-gujarat-3154

http://envfor.nic.in/division/introduction-19

https://india.gov.in/official-website-forest-department-gujarat

http://www.gujaratforest.org/

https://forestrightsact.com/https://forestrightsact.com/

http://www.n-e-e-d.org/Yongsan-National-Park

http://www.curaj.ac.in/pdf/Hathi%20Gaon.pdf

http://archnet.org/system/publications/contents/8734/original/DTP101233.pdf?13916111
33

http://www.architectural-review.com/today/mapungubwe-interpretation-centre-by-peter-
rich-architects-mapungubwe-national-park-south-africa/5218201.fullarticle

http://aina.wikidot.com/documentation:pitched-roof

http://gujenvfor.gswan.gov.in/e-citizen/e-citizen-list-ngos.htm

http://www.downtoearth.org.in/

http://www.wri.org/our-work/topics/forests

http://www.gujaratlion.com/rti-list-maldhari.htm

http://gujenvfor.gswan.gov.in/wildlife/national-park/wildlife-gir-nat-park.htm

http://www.vibrantgujarat.com/focus-sectors-2015.htm

http://www.gujaratlion.com/governmentresolutions.htm

http://www.districtsofindia.com/gujarat/statedistrict.aspx
51
http://www.jstor.org/stable/23620582?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

http://www.reuters.com/article/us-india-forests-idUSDEL25463820070102

http://handeyemagazine.com/node/70#2

https://blogs.cornell.edu/nflc/

https://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/showpage.aspx?contentid=1625&lang=English

http://inhabitat.com/hobbit-style-turf-homes-sustainable-houses-that-lasts-for-
centuries/

http://inhabitat.com/the-green-school-showcases-bamboo-construction-in-indonesia/

http://www.mrmgvp.in/csrm/user/Field_Work.php

http://vslopac.iimahd.ernet.in/cgi-bin/koha/opac-
search.pl?q=pb:Tribal%20Research%20&%20Training%20Institute,%20Gujarat%20Vidyap
ith

http://www.indiantribalheritage.org/?p=9997

http://www.bannedthought.net/India/PeoplesMarch/PM1999-
2006/archives/2006/Aug2k6/Adivasi%20Women.htm

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3547023/

http://www.avtarkaul.com/video.html

http://www.deboerarchitects.com/BambooThoughts.html

https://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/History/British/subaltern%20studies.pdf

https://trti.gujarat.gov.in/research

http://earth.sustainablesources.com/

http://www.guaduabamboo.com/construction/the-reality-about-building-with-bambOo

http://webecoist.momtastic.com/2011/06/20/building-with-bamboo-13-super-
sustainable-structures/

http://inhabitat.com/roswag-seiler-and-pakistani-locals-hand-build-a-school-from-cob-
bamboo-and-mud/roswag-seiler-architects-bamboo-mud-cob-school-tipu-sultan-
merkez-pakistan-1/

http://naturalhomes.org/greenschool.htm

52