AN EXAMINATION OF AL-ḤAJJĀJ B.

YŪSUF AL-THAQAFĪ'S MAJOR POLICIES

Author(s): Z. I. OSENI
Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4 (Winter 1988), pp. 317-327
Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad
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AN EXAllfN?TION OF M.-HAJJAJ . YUSUF
MAJORPOLICIES
AL-THAQAFT?S
. I. OSEN?

Evidently, al-?ajjaj b. Y?suf al-Thaqaff (661-714 CE.) was

more than a mere army general. He was a controversial figure and
probably the most famous viceroy under Umayyad administration
(661-750 C.E.). He was extremely harsh to his opponents to the
extent that he is often depicted in Arab writings as a
blood-thirsty ruler and a sadist of the first order. In this paper,
an attempt is made at highlighting some of his major achievements
outside the realm of military adventurism. Without trying to hold
brief for the Umayyad governor, the facts are presented and
interpreted as they are.

A BRIEF NOTE ON AL-IJAJJ?J 'S LIFE

Al-Hajjaj b. Y?suf al-Thaqaff was born in al-Ta'if of poor

parents about the year 661 CE.1 He grew up as a student of the
Qur*an under his father, Y?suf. As a small boy, he worked for a
while in a tannery in his home town and later joined his father in
teaching little children.2 During the turbulent years that greeted
the death of Mu^Iwiyah 1 (d. 680), the founder of the Umayyad
Dynasty, al-^ajjlj joined the army. His fame rested on his absolute
loyalty to the Umayyad house and his devotion to the service of
*Abd al-Malik in particular.* The latter had succeeded his father in
685 CE. at a time when a large part of the Arab empire was under
the rule of 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr. After the reconquest of Iraq
which culminated in the murder of Mus/ab b. al-Zubayr, the
Umayyad Galiph sent al-Hajjlj to Makkah to liquidate 'Abdullah b.
al-Zubayr in 692 C.E.% Al-Hajj?j marched on Makkah immediately
and bombarded the Ka'bah with stones from the mountain Abu
Qubays. Ibn Zubayr who had sought refuge in Ka'bah was eventually
killed.5 By this action, al-Hajjaj removed the greatest threat to the
Umayyad rule.

As a reward, al-Hajjlj was made governor of the Hij?z,

Yemen, and Yamlmah. After a two-year rule, he was sent to govern
Iraq and the East-an area which was the most turbulent in the
empire. In early 695, he stormed K?fah and began his reign of
terror. It was really a reign of terror, but when viewed against
the Iraqis* hate of the Umayyads, their belligerence and fickleness,

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318 Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988)

one is obliged to consider the governor's severity with some

sympathy. Afterall, such severity is a lesser evil than anarchy and
lawlessness.* Some of the insurrections he had to crush included
those of the Kh?rijites, Ibn J?rOd and ?Abd al-Rahm?n b.
al-Ash'ath.7 Al-Hajj?j descended heavily on the Iraqi malcontents
and massacred them, thanks to the constant reinforcements which
he received from Syria when necessary.8

ATTITUDE TOWARDS ISLAM AND CONTRIBUTION TO

ARABIC AND ISLAMIC CULTURE

Al-rjajjaj's extreme severity in treating his subjects

notwithstanding, he was a Muslim, and normally his attitude towards
religion, especially Islam, affected the manner in which he ruled
Iraq and the East. He led the congregational prayer himself as the
Chief Imam. On Fridays he addressed the congregation in a pious
tone, admonishing the Iraqis to eschew evil deeds and to obey the
Umayyad government. In this manner, he regarded the Umayyad
Caliphate as God's own Caliphate.9 In one of such sermons, he says
??itZK oX?cl "0 People, to abstain onself from what God forbids is
easier than (being compelled) to exercise patience in God's punish
ment".18 As a devout Muslim, he abstained from superstition and
fanaticism in the practice of Islam, and was never moved by the
endless controversial dialectics of theologians of the various
political camps.11

Besides personal profession of Islam, al-Hajj?j helped to

improve Arabic orthography to facilitate the reading of the Qur'?n.
At the time of his taking over the Governorship of Iraq in 695,
Arabic orthography was still at its rudimentary stage of
development. It was made up of consonants alone with hardly any
satisfactory vowel marks. To compound the situation there were
many identical consonants without any diacritical points or other
marks to differentiate between them. The result was that many
non-Arabs and the new generation of city-dwelling Arabs who were
not well versed in the Arabic language made serious mistakes in
the reading of the Qur'an. It is true that the scripture was
recorded in the Prophet Muhammad's life-time, compiled into a
volume during the reign of Abu Bakr, and further redacted and
circulated in Caliph 'Uthm?n b. ^ff?n's reign. But, as has been
noted, the Arabic orthography at the time created problems for
people. It was difficult to differentiate between Arabic letters like
'
/, /, /, /. jr /, C /, C /,
hJ /,> f9* /?> 1^ h* ht /,?/;-*#
To facilitate the reading of the Qur'an therefore, there was
a direneed to supply marks to distinguish between the letters.
First, witnessing the incorrect reading of the Qur'an, one Abu
-Aswad al-Du'al? al-BasrT (d. 688) had to supply some vowel marks
in Arabic language. By this effort, he was able to reduce serious

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Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988) 319

grammatical errors which were increasingly becoming a cause for

concern among the intellectuals of the time. Al-Du'all represented
iathoh (the vowel 'a') with a dot in a colour different from the
colour of the ink in which the material was written, fammah (the
vowel *u' ) was represented by a dot in front of a letter while a
dot under a letter represented the kaMah (the vowel 5). In
addition the nasal sound (at-qhunnah} was represented by two
dots.13

The
scanty inflectional marks introduced by al-Du*alf were
not enough to solve the problem of mispronunciation of written
Arabic. So al-flajj?j commissioned one of his scribes named Na?r b.
'?sim al-LaythT to supply the diacritical points to distinguish
between indentical letters.1* A second version of the story,
however, says that Nasr b. 'Asim al-Layth? and Yahy? b. YaWr
(d. 129/747) were the ones entrusted with the responsibility of
supplying the consonantal marks of differentiation.15 This source
also claims that the job was completed not later than the year 75/
695 when Yahy? b. Yaguar was sent to Khurasan bv al-Hajjij for
detecting a minor grammatical error in the viceroy's speech.16 Al
Hajj?j was one of the few people of his time who hardly committed
solecism in their speeches and writings; but when Yahy?, a brilliant
philologist, discovered one or two instances when the governor
made mistakes, the latter cleverly appointed the former ? judge of
- a case of subtle banishment
Marw, the Khur?s?n? capital from
Iraq.17 A third version of the story mentions Yahya b. YaWr and
the famous ascetic, al-Hasan al-BasrT (d. 110/729), the scholars
whom al-Hajj?j charged with the responsibility of supplying the
marks.18

The third stage in the improvement of Arabic orthography

was the supply of maddah (mark of prolonging a vowel) ?haddah
(mark of doubling a consonant), hamzah (the gluttural stop), Mkun
(a mark of absence of a vowel), and wqaI (a mark of eliding a
gluttural stop, especially in the a!, (the) of definiteness). The
Arab/Islamic society had to wait till the 8th century to get the
above items supplied. It was Khalil b. Ahmad al-Far?h?di (d. 786)
who supplied them. He is the one who put most of the marks in
their present shape. Khalil was a creative scholar, for he is also
remembered today as the father of Arabic lexicography and Arabic
prosody.19

It is also related that al-Hajj?j was the one who divided the
Qur'?n into thirty equal parts called ajz?* to
(singular, juz')29
facilitate the reading. This division is recognized all over the
Islamic world. To this day, Muslims who read over the Qur'?n as a
matter of routine every month, read a part
{juzO everyday.

Athough the story of the supply of vowels and consonantal

marks to the Arabic language has many versions, one fact which
stands clear is that al-Hajj?j b. Y?suf's name is always cited in
connection with this achievement. This is a testimony to his reform
capability and the use in which he put his knowledge of the Qur'?n

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320 Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988)

acquired in his youth in al-Ta'if.21 By his foresight, pragmatism,

seriousness, and sagacity he was able to improve Arabic
orthography and provide a uniform mode of reading the Qur'In in
particular and any Arabic material in general. He made this new
orthography the authoritative one and forbade other variant
manners of reading the Qur'?n which were enunciated by the
scholars in Iraq, the most prominent of which was Ibn Mas'?d's
version.22 Perhaps, the viceroy's action was a reaction to the
cynical attitude of some of the scholars of Iraq to the viceroy's
commendable reform. They forbade the adoption of his innovation
as regards 2 In the end, it was al
the text of the Qur'an V
Hajj?j's will that prevailed.

Significant too, was al-Hajjaj's introduction of the UahmH to

grace the rites of the pilgrimage to Makkah.The \kakmiior mahmat,
according to T.P. Hughes, is

a covered litter borne on a camel from Cairo and Damascus,

to Makkah, as an emblem of royalty at the time of the
pilgrimage.
It is said that Sultan Az-Z?hir Baybars, King of
Egypt, was the first who sent a Mahmal with the caravan of
a
pilgrims to Makkah in A.D. 1272 but that it has its origin
few years before his accession to the throne....2*

This is one of the many stories about the introduction of the

makmil to the ceremonies of the pilgrimage. However, ancient
Islamic sources such as at-Ma'a/Ufa by Ibn Qutaybah (p. 274) and
at-Kanz at-Madfan by al-Suy?t? (p. 68) states that it was al-Hajj?j
who first initiated the practice of sending the makm?? to Makkah.
In the modern times, however, the Wahh?bT rulers of Saudi Arabia
have abolished the mahmiZ as it is regarded by them as "a relic of
heathenism1',25 not in any way sanctioned by Islam. There is at
least one occasion on which they intercepted a caravan which
accompanied a makmiL2* It should be noted that puritanism and a
return to the unalloyed, pristine principles of Islam are the
mainstay of Wahhabism27; therefore, one should not be surprised at
the Wahhabis' abolition of the mahmiL

THE MINTING OF ARABIC COINS

Sequel to the consolidation of the Caliph *Abd al-Malik's

grip on the Arab empire, he settled down to initiate reforms of
far-reaching effect. In 695, the Caliph began his monetary reforms
and struck new Arabic coins for the first time in the history of
Islam. Al-Hajj?j followed suit and minted pure Arabic coins first at
K?fah and later at W?sit, his new capital. The officer in charge of
the work was a Jew called Sumayr; hence the coins were sometimes
referred to as al-Sumay>Uyyah.2*

The viceroy did not spare anyone who attempted to produce

counterfeits. He also punished workers at the mint for any fault in

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Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988) 321

production.29 To him, high quality was an object which must be

sought at all cost.

The new Umayyad silver coins were similar to the last

S?s?nid ones which they replaced. The crescent, the star and
"Jti?trU?llah" (In the Name of God) were imprinted on their margins.
One side of the early silver coins bore "the Prophet's blessing"
while the other side had the legend "IMah" (Unto God)36. In
addition to the name of God, al-Hajj?j's coins in Iraq and the East
bore his own name.31 He carried out this policy with the tacit
approval of the Caliph 'Abd al-Malik; for none of the sources
consulted in this research show any indication of disapproval from
the Caliph.

As was usual with the Iraqi populace who never saw anything
good in al-Uajj?j's actions, many of their theologians expressed
their disapproval of the governor's coins, and claimed that the
money "might fall into the hands of unbelievers".32 Yet they forgot
that the S?s?nid currencies which the Muslims had been using since
the conquest of Iraq had been coins minted by "unbelievers". Now
that a Muslim viceroy had minted Arabic coins with the name of
God inscribed on them, they resented the attempt and called the
coins af-daiahim at-mak>iuhah (loathsome dirhams).33 Nevertheless,
in spite of the unwarranted criticism of the coins by the
theologians, al-tfajj?j's coins circulated well and helped to stabilize
the economy of the eastern provinces of the Umayyad empire.3*

AND LAND POLICIES

AGRICULTURAL

The viceroy knew how devastating the effect of famine could

be on the people and therefore evolved significant agricultural and
land policies. He implemented these policies vigorously and made
the aa>a&35 toil hard for the survival of the economy.

Agriculture was a very important factor in the growth of the

Umayyad empire. Consequently, al-Hajj?j showed a keen interest in
this occupation and ensured its development. This interest is
glaring in the interview which the viceroy once had with an AzdT
bedouin farmer who came from 'Umm?n. The governor asked him
about the best crop in the land. The farmer replied that the best
crop was the one with a thick stalk, widespread foliage, big grains
and long ears. The viceroy then asked him about the best type of
grape. Without hesitation the 'Urn?m farmer replied that the best
grape was the one with a thick base, a fresh stem, and a large
bunch. Asked further what the best type of dates was, the farmer
replied that it was the one with a thick rind, a small nut, and a
thin back."36

In an age that was far less scientific than the modern era,
the fear of a devoted ruler like al-Hajj?j of the consequences of
famine made him send progress reports about rainfall in Iraq to his
sovereign in Damascus. In one of such reports, al-Hijjaj told the

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322 Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988)

Caliph 'Abd al-Malik that after his last letter to the Caliph, there
had not been any rain in Iraq except a light shower which could
not wet the ground properly. He gave a vivid picture of the
suffering of fanners in Iraq and the fear of famine. The viceroy
then gave the information about a heavy down-pour which took
place during the weekend preceding the writing of the said
report. As a result of the intensity of the rain, farmers in Iraq
had a cause to thank God for the blessing. In concluding the
report, the viceroy said, "Praise be to God Who sent down His rain
and spread His mercy after they had lost hope; He is the Protector,
the Praise-worthy. Greetings".37

The viceroy constructed canals in the lower Euphrates and

Tigris to drain marshes. By this action, he reclaimed fertile land
suitable for agriculture. Wherever an embankment broke down, he
got it repaired as quickly as possible-regardless of whatever it
cost him.3*

The governor was strict in land matters, for he knew that

land was the first and major factor in agricultural practice. He
gave uncultivated hectares of land to some worthy Arabs such as
Qutaybah b. Muslim's brother, Bashshar as fiefs.39

In order to ensure a steady flow of Khar?j (land tax), he

took a decision which is wrong from the Islamic point of view, and
he was vehemently criticised for it. The MaMxG. felt that as Muslims
they had to pay only the Zak?h (poor rate). They resented the
which that the treasury would soon
viceroy's policy envisaged
become empty as a result of the acceptance of Islam by the
conquered non-Arab peoples in thousands, if nothing was done to
stem the tide. As a measure dictated by the economic situation in
his domain, al-rjajjaj imposed the khanRj (land tax) on the Maw?T?,
thus disregarding their new status as Muslims. Thus it became
obvious that the non-Arab Muslims could not be treated by the
Umayyad rulers as the compeers of their Arab counterparts.

The MatmG, soon discovered that they could not evade this
tax. Al-rjajj?j called them Barbarians, drove them out of the cities
to which they had migrated in large numbers, and sent them back
to their fields.*" He got the names of their villages branded on
their hands for easy ^identification.*1 They were made to till the
land as before, and pay the land tax which sometimes amounted to
one fifth of their total crops harvested from the land in addition
to the poll tax [jizyah).h2 When the farmers complained that, as a
result of years of war, the land had become desolate, the viceroy
forbade them from slaughtering their cattle so that they could
thereby preserve the animals for ploughing and probably supply the
manure required in the farms.*3

Al-Hajjaj's oppressive attempt to drive the Maw?l? back to

their farms ultimately occasioned resentment and indignation, and
proved unworkable.** One can understand why the Maitf?f? joined
other forces to destroy the Umayyad regime in 750.

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Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988) 323

CONSTRUCTION OF A NEW CAPITAL, WASIT

As a result of the constant intrigues of the Iraqis,

especially in the two main cities of Basrah and K?fah, al-Hajj?j
decided to build a new capital in the area about the year 702. His
choice fell on a spot midway between K?fah, Basrah and Ahw?z.
Hence he named the town "W?sit" (a medial town).*5 The governor
built this fortified capital in order to keep the majority of his
Syrian troops detached from the rebellious Iraqi population.
Ostensibly, he built the town so as to save the people from
encroachment on the part of Syrian* troops*6 whom the Iraqis hated
because they were veritable representatives of the 'oppressive'
regime of Ban? Umayyah. The city was built on the west bank of
the river Tigris. The eastern side was formerly occupied by a town
called Kaskar-known in Aramaic sources as "Kashkar". The viceroy
destroyed many towns and villages and used their doors and other
materials in building W?sit.*7

The construction of the city began with a mosque, beside

which the government house was built. The house had a high dome
known as a -qubbat al-Khadt?? (the Green Dome). The city's roads
to the neighbouring towns had large gates. Al-Hajj?j also built a
mighty jail-house known as al-VZmc?>.h* The city was surrounded by
a ditch and two walls. In all, the viceroy spent an estimated
amount of 43 million d?ihamA on the project. This amount, according
to Bahshal, was up to the total amount realized from land tax in
Iraq for five years.*9 The western part of the town was a fortified
garrison which no one could enter except through the city gates.
The governor did not allow strangers to pass a night in the new
city. By sunset those who came to transact their business in the
city had to leave and the city's inhabitants who had gone out had
to return. Moreover, the governor did ^not allow any outsider to
enter the city without a pass. There were sentries at each gate.50

The city was beautiful and had a better climate than Basrah.
to al-D?hawar?, Iraqis used to visit the place for
According
hence there were many inns in it. In the field of
pleasure;
the many erudite scholars such as Bahshal
learning, city produced
al-W?siti (d. 292/905)5*, al-Khatib al-Baghd?d?, Ibn al-Jawz?, and
Ibn al-?thlr.52 Ibn Batt?tah described the people of Wasit in the
14th century CE. as the best in Iraq. He said that many of the
scholars in the town learned the Qur'?n by heart, and that they
read it with excellent intonation. Consequently, according to him,
outsiders thronged to the town to study the Qur'?n.53

After al-Hajj?j's death, the town continued to expand until

it became one of the major centres of the Islamic world. This
expansion further enhanced the density of the population of the
- Basin.5* W?sit continued to be the most
Tigris Euphrates
city in Iraq throughout the Umayyad era. It was,
important
however, over-shadowed during the 'Abb?sid period by Baghdad and
in the
Samarra, though it did not lose its military importance

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324 Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988)

southern and middle parts of Iraq, When al-Mans?r started the

construction of Baghdad, he removed the gates of W?sit and used
them. He also imitated al-Hajj?j in the construction of a central
mosque, a palace, and a green dome. W?sit is considered today as
one of the most important monuments of Islam in Southern Iraq.55

The people of W?sit were proud of the mosque and dome of

al-Hajj?j. When the light-houses fell in 497/1104, the people of
W?sit wept and lamented in such a manner that surpassed mourning
a dead person, according to Ibn al-Jawz?.5e

W?sit, suffered greatly at the hands of the Mongols when

they destroyed Baghdad in 656/1258. H?l?g? descended on the city
with his army and pillaged, massacred, and enslaved the inhabitants
of the town. Furthermore, W?sit suffered at the hands of Timur
Lank in 795/1394, a man who destroyed its monuments, the great
mosque, the government palace, and the Green Dome.57

Over the centuries, the waters of the Tigris had receded and
the river had changed its course near W?sit; it flows at present by
the town of al-'Am?rah. W?sit and the neighbouring towns
consequently shrank and were later deserted by the inhabitants
from the early part of the 12th century A.H./18th century CE.58
The town is now in ruins. Excavation work started at the site in
the Autumn of 1939 and continued till 1942.5 9

CONCLUSION

attempt has been made

An in the foregoing discussion to
evaluate the reform policies of al-Hajj?j b. Y?suf al-Thaqaff, the
prominent Umayyad governor who-in spite of his ruthlessness in
dealing with his subjects-made significant contribution to the Arab
and Islamic culture.

It has been established that notwithstanding his severity and

other weaknesses, al-Hajj?j was a devout Muslim. He led Muslims in
prayer as an Imam and believed that obeying him and his Umayyad
over-lords was tantamount to obedience to God and His Apostle,
Muliammad. Under his direction the Arabic orthography was improved
to facilitate the reading of the Qur'?n. To the present writer, this
is the greatest achievement of al-Hajj?j. He also made the
pilgrimage to Makkah more buoyant and colourful by the
introduction of the MahnU?, though the latter has been abolished by
the puritanical Wahhab?s of Saudi Arabia.

Al-rjajjaj, as we have noted, also carried out monetary

reforms by minting purely Arabic money like his sovereign, the
Caliph *Abd al-M?lik. Their coins were the first purely
Arabic/Islamic coins in history. In the realm of agriculture, the
viceroy introduced reforms to enhance food production for the
people. But by so doing, he made the Maw??, bear the burden and
compelled them to pay taxes which Islam does not sanction. Thus

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Islamic Studies, 21- (1988) 325

economic expediency forced him to disregard Islamic laws in

imposing the poll tax and land tax on the McutictfL

Finally the construction of a new capital, named W?sit, is

one of the most lasting achievements of al-Ilajjaj. Though the town
is now in ruins, it constitutes one of the oldest Islamic monuments
in Iraq today. All in all, al-Hajjaj's achievements do testify to his
greatness, as an Arab figure in the Umayyad era. Very few Caliphs
could boast of what he attained in his life. He was extremely
ruthless in treating his enemies; but his benefits he bestowed on
the Umayyad society were far greater than could be claimed by
some other ruthless governors and army commanders of the Umayyad
period. Herein lies his special place in Arab history.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. A Dietrich, "Al-ljadjdj?dj ibn Y?suf" in The Encyclopaedia o?Warn.

New Edition, Vol. III. (Leiden; E.J. Brill, 1970) p. 40. Henceforth
this work will be referred to as E.I.
2. 'Abd al-LaJlf Shar?rah, Af-Hajj?j T?qkiyat al-'Aiab. (Beirut: D?r
al-Maksh?f, 1950), p. 81; 'Amr ibn Bahr, al-Jahiz, Al-Bayan wa
Vol. I, 3rd Edition (Cairo; Maktabat al-Kh?nij? and Beirut:
*l-TAbytn,
Maktabat al-Hil?l, 1968), p. 202.
3. Shar?rah, op. cit., p. 87, Mahm?d Taym?r, Ibn Jal?. (Cairo: Dar al
Ma'?rif, 1965), pp. 13-25.
4. Muhammad ibn Jartr al-TabarT, T?nikh a?-Rubul a >f-Muftik ed.
Muhammad Abu 'l-FacJl Ibr?hlm. (Cairo: D?r al-Ma'?rif, 1964), p. 174.
5. Al-TabarT gave details of al-Hajj?j's march on Makkah and the
various incidents which took place. Ibid, pp. 187-92.
6. See Al-rjajj?j's speeches on this issue in Ibn 'Abd-Rabbih?, Af-'Jqd
-
a a a, Ed. Karam al-Bust?n?, Vol. xv. (Beirut, Matba'at al-Manahil,
1953), pp. 129-32.
7. See Dietrich, op. cit., p. 40; P.K. Hitti, HitfMy o/ the An.abst 10th
Edition. (London, Macmillan, 1970), p. 208; L.V. Vaelieri, "Abd
al-Rabm?n ibn al-Ash'ath", E.I. New Edition, Vol. 1, pp. 715-19. See
also M. Al-Faruque,"The Rebolt of 'Abd al-Rahm?n ibn al-Ash'ath. Its
Nature and Causes/' Wamic Studies, vol. 25, 3(1986) 289-304.
8. Ibid., p. 717.
9. See Ibn 'Abd-Rabbih?, op. cit., xv, pp. 125-26.
10. See al-J?hiz, op. cit., vol. II, p. 303.
11. Dietrich, bp. cit., p. 42.
12. Prior to the introduction of dots to between these
distinguish
identical letters, it was extremely difficult to comprehend fully the
import of any written text as many ways of and
reading interpreting
it were possible.
13. Muhammad HaqqT al-N?zili, Kkazinat at-AMdl: Jalilat al-Adhk?n.
(Cairo, 'Abd al-Ham?d Ahmad HanafT, 1286/1869), p. 14.
14. Ibid., p. 14
' a
15- Sabati 'Abbas Salim, Ibn 'Uman.al-Tkaq?fX: Hahwub? min
Khil?l Q?fratiht Ist Edition. (Baghdad, D?r al-Tarbiyah, 1975), p. 20.
16. Ibid., p. 20.
17. T.P. Hughes, Dictionary o? Warn. Revised Edition. (Lahore, The Book
House, 1964), p. 686.

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 326 Islamic Studies, 27U (1988)

18. JIM., p. 686.

19. See Hitti, op. ciL, p. 242.
20. Al-N?zil?, op. ciL, p. 14.
21. For more d?tails on al-HajjSj's role in the revision of Arabie
Orthography, see Ibn Kha?ik?n, Wafay?t al-A'y?n a An?d* Abn?'
al-Zam?n, ed. Ihsan 'Abb?s, Vol. II. (Beirut Dar al-Thaq?fah, 1971),
p. 32.
22. Dietrich, op. ciL, p. 41.
23. Hughes, op. ciL, p. 686.
24. ibid., p. 306.
25. Hitti, op. ciL, p. 136; Afcmad 'AIT al-Qalqashandi, $ubh a?-9 k?h?
Sin?'at al-ifuh?', Vol. I, (Cairo, Wiz?rat al-Thaqlfah wa l-Drshld
?l-Qam?, 1936), p. 428.
26. Hugh?s, op. Q?L, p. 307.
27. For details on the Wahh?b?s, see The Cambridge.HUtoKy o? i?tam: The
CzntAal Utamic Land?. Vol. I, edited by P.M. Holt, A.K.S. Lambton
and B. Lewis. (London, C.U.P., 1970), pp. 380-1; Hitti, op. cit., pp.
740-41.
28. Dietrich, op. ciL, p. 41.
29. Ibid., p. 41.
30. A. Levy, Thd Social StXuctWio,o?Warn. (London, Cambridge Uni
versity Press, 1969) p. 304?.
31. Ibid., p. 304. One side of the coin bore S?Aat al-ikhlfo (Chapter;
112 of the Qur'?n). See al-Qalqashandi, op. ciL, I, P. 424.
32. Dietrich, op. ciL, p. 41.
33. ibid., p. 41; Al-Qalqashand?, op. ciL, I, p. 424.
34. Dietrich, op. ciL, p. 41.
35. The Maw?H (singular, mawl?) were clients who were non-Arab Muslims
under the protection of powerful Arab tribes. As Muslims they
deserved to be treated with their Arab counterparts. But al-yajjaj
would not do this. For more on the Mavo?l? see Hitti, op. cit., pp.
218-19, 232-33.
36. Al-J?l>iz, op. ciL, vol. II, p. 146.
37. Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 99-100.
38. Dietrich, op. caL, p. 41.
39. Ibid., p. 41.
40. ibid., p. 41.
41. Levy, op. ciL, p. 58.
42. ibid., ? 58. When the Basran scholars saw this they wept over the
disregard of Islamic regulations on the part of al-ijajj?j. See Aljmad
Amin, Faji al-Utam, 10th Edition. (Beirut, D?r al-Kit?b al-'Arabi,
1969)'p. 92.
43. Dietrich, op. ciL, p. 41.
44. . Lewis, Tfie A^tab? in Htitoiy, 4th Edition, (London, Hutchinson
University Library, 1968), p. 77.
45. Dietrich, op. ciL, p. 41. The governor built the city after seeking
the permission of the Caliph. See Aslam ibn Sani al-Razz?z al-W?sitT
Bahshal, Tct?kh W??it ed. Gurguis 'Aww?d. (Baghdad, Matba'at al
Ma'?rif, 1387/1967), p. 43.
46. Dietrich, op. ciL, p. 41.
47. Bahshal, op. ciL, p. 23.
48. ibid., pp. 23-25; Nfj? K?rtSf, Al-Madkhal fi T?tikh al-Hadfaat al
4Aiabiyyah. 5th Edition. (Baghdad, Matba'at 'Wiz?rat al-Tarbiyah,
1965), p. 220.
49. Bahshal, op. ciL, p. 22; NSff MaV?f, Md?Ki? W??it. (Baghdad,
Matba'at al-Irsh?d, 1966), 98.
50. ibid., p. 8.

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Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1988) 327

51. The author of T?t?kn W??it referred to in notes 45, 47 and 49 is

the one mentioned here, kis book, according to 'Awwld, was the
first history work to be written on W?sit, and, in fact, one of the
first on the cities of Islam. See Bahshal, "op. c#., p. 9.
52. MaVQf, Md?H?A...,op. cit., p. 9.
53. Itoci., p. 9, quoting Ibn Battutah, Rihtah, p. 183; Bahshal op. cit.,
pp. 25-26.
54. MaV?f, MadiU?..., op, cit., p. 10.
55. Idem,,M-MdkhaL.? op. cit., p. 221.
56. Idem.,M-ik&dkhaL.., op. cit., p. 10.
57. ibid., p. 11.
58. Idem., Ki-MadkhaJL.., op. cit., p. 221.
59. Idem., Mad?U?..., cit., p. 3; Bahshal, op. ext., pp. 27-28.

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