Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034

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Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cresp

Historical rice farming explains faster mask use during early days of
China’s COVID-19 outbreak
Alexander Scott English a,∗, Thomas Talhelm b,∗, Rongtian Tong c, Xiaoyuan Li d, Yan Su d
a
Department of Psychology and Behavioral Sciences, Zhejiang University; Hangzhou, China
b
Behavioral Science, Booth School of Business, University of Chicago; Chicago, USA
c
Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington; Seattle, USA
d
Intercultural Institute, Shanghai International Studies University; Shanghai, China

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Keywords: In the early days of the coronavirus outbreak, we observed mask use in public among 1,330 people across China.
China People in regions with a history of farming rice wore masks more often than people in wheat regions. Cultural
Coronavirus differences persisted after taking into account objective risk factors such as local COVID cases. The differences fit
COVID-19
with the emerging theory that rice farming’s labor and irrigation demands made societies more interdependent,
Mask Use
with tighter social norms. Cultural differences were strongest in the ambiguous, early days of the pandemic, then
Norm tightness
Rice farming shrank as masks became nearly universal (94%). Separate survey and internet search data replicated this pattern.
Although strong cultural differences lasted only a few days, research suggests that acting just a few days earlier
can reduce deaths substantially.

“One thing we know is that this novel coronavirus, whether or not it
turns out to be a huge catastrophe or something that we can control
and relax about within six months, one thing we know is that it won’t
be the last.” (Gross, 2020)
1. Introduction
The novel coronavirus has killed millions and shut down entire
countries. Yet the danger was not always this clear. In late Decem-
ber 2019, China reported over 40 cases of unusual pneumonia to the
World Health Organization. By January 25th, Beijing, Shanghai, and
many other provinces had declared public health emergencies, and most
cities in Hubei went into lockdown. During this time span, it was unclear
whether the virus was a rumor, how deadly it was, or how it spread.
In three studies, we investigate how people in China reacted to
COVID-19 during this early window of uncertainty. We find evidence
that people in some regions reacted more proactively to this ambiguous
threat. We test two broad categories of predictors: objective risk fac-
tors and subjective cultural factors. Analyses reveal that culture—not
simply objective risk—explains meaningful differences in how people
responded.
1.1. Study overview
At the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, our research team observed
whether people wore masks in public spaces (Study 1). Day 0 of our
observations was January 23rd, 2020, the day Wuhan went into lock-
down. We observed people at eight sites across seven Chinese cities for
two weeks. We ended our observations when mask use was nearly uni-
versal.
A noteworthy strength of our observational data is that it reflects
actual mask use. However, a limitation to the data was the number of
researchers we could deploy quickly and safely. Thus, to supplement the
data, we surveyed people from a broader range of provinces on when
they started wearing masks (Study 2). Finally, we triangulated the find-
ings against web searches for “masks,” which are less direct but provide
more datapoints and a complete geographic coverage (Study 3).
1.2. Previous studies on masks
In reviewing previous studies on mask use, we identified three limi-
tations. First, most studies relied solely on self-reported data. This could
be problematic as people may feel pressured to report that they wore
masks even if they did not—meaning self-reports may not reflect ac-
tual mask use. In this study, we measure both self-reports and observed
behavior, which allowed us to test whether the results converge.
Second, few studies have tracked mask use over time. One notable
exception is a Hong Kong study, which found that mask use increased

∗
Corresponding authors.
E-mail addresses: AEnglish@zju.edu.cn (A.S. English), Thomas.Talhelm@ChicagoBooth.edu (T. Talhelm).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cresp.2022.100034
Received 14 September 2021; Received in revised form 3 January 2022; Accepted 10 January 2022
2666-6227/© 2022 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al.
Fig. 1. Mask observation sites
Note: The labelled cities are the sites of observational data collection: Beijing
and Taiyuan in Wheat; Chengdu, Shanghai, Jiaxing, Changsha, and Quanzhou
in Rice (> 50% cultivated land devoted paddy rice). Wuhan is the epicenter of
COVID-19 with over 37,000 cases reported as of February 15th, 2020.
from 12% to 67% during the first seven days of the SARS outbreak
(Liao et al., 2011). Studying response change over time is crucial as
early action can save lives. For example, analyses estimated that im-
plementing COVID-19 measures seven days earlier in the United States
could have drastically reduced cases (Pei et al., 2020).
Third, the few observational studies of mask use we found were lim-
ited in the locations and lengths of time tracked. For example, a study
of mask use during H1N1 only observed two subway stations in Mexico
City (Condon & Sinha, 2010). Our study expands on this approach by
covering multiple, diverse regions (Fig. 1). This richer dataset allows us
to explore a range of cultural factors beyond basic demographics like
age and gender.
1.3. Established predictors of mask use
Researchers have studied mask use during previous disease out-
breaks and found that some social groups were more likely to wear
masks. A review of two decades of self-reported survey research found
that women (66%) wore masks more than men (52%) and that elderly
people (65%) wore masks more than young people (53%) (Sim et al.,
2014; Tang & Wong, 2004). People who were married and more edu-
cated were also more likely to report wearing masks (Sim et al., 2014;
Taylor et al., 2009).
1.3.1. Knowledge
One intuitive prediction is that people who are more educated or
knowledgeable are more likely to wear masks. For example, Hong
Kongers who claimed to know more about infectious outbreaks were
24% more likely to report washing their hands and taking other precau-
tions during H5N1 and SARS (Liao et al., 2011).
1.3.2. Objective risk
Research suggests that people who face greater objective threats are
more likely to wear masks (Lau et al., 2007). We test several proxies
for objective risk: (a) number of local COVID-19 cases; (b) distance to
Wuhan; and (c) number of days since the Wuhan lockdown.
1.3.2.1. Long-term risk history. Factors like local case count are indi-
cators of immediate risk, but people’s perceptions of risk may also be
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Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034
rooted in past experiences. Thus, we also tested historical risk factors
like communicable disease. We collected historical data on case count
during the SARS epidemic and seasonal influenza from 2004 to 2016
(Table S7 lists the sources for all regional variables). To capture longer-
term regional differences in disease prevalence, we also analyzed data
on provincial pathogen prevalence dating back to the 1973.
1.3.2.2. Enclosed versus open spaces. Enclosed spaces are riskier than
open spaces because of recirculated air. It is also harder to social dis-
tance in enclosed areas. Thus, we observed whether people were more
likely to wear masks indoors and on buses.
1.3.2.3. Population density. Population density is a risk factor because
disease spreads more easily in densely populated areas (Hatchett et al.,
2007). Thus, we tested whether people were more likely to wear masks
in densely populated districts or prefectures.
1.3.2.4. Current and historical air pollution. In the last ten years, air pol-
lution has spurred mask sales in China (Zhang & Mu, 2018). However,
air pollution is not spread evenly across China: particulate pollution is
55% higher in the north (Huang et al., 2018). Accordingly, northerners
are more likely to buy air purifiers (Ito & Zhang, 2020). Thus, people in
polluted areas might: (a) already own masks at the start of the outbreak
and (b) be more accustomed to wearing masks. We tested whether peo-
ple in areas with worse current and long-term air pollution were more
likely to wear masks. We analyzed air pollution on days of observation,
as well as average fine particulate air pollution (PM2.5) from 2013 to
2019.
1.4. Role of culture
1.4.1. Collectivism
We move beyond prior research on masks by testing for less obvious
cultural differences that might influence mask use. One feature of collec-
tivistic cultures is interdependence—a view that people are, or should
be, dependent on each other (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Such a world-
view could increase mask use because, even if people are unafraid of
risking their own health, masks could prevent them from transmitting
the virus to others.
Even before the COVID-19 outbreak, some cultural observers argued
that wearing masks in Japan symbolized an obligation to protect oth-
ers from the wearer (Burgess & Horii, 2012). In contrast, some people
argue that mask mandates infringe on individual freedoms in individual-
istic cultures like the US. One important study found that mask use was
higher in more collectivistic nations and US states that scored higher on
collectivism measures (Lu et al., 2021).
1.4.2. Tight norms
Another cultural influence on mask use could be norm tightness
(Gelfand et al., 2011). All societies have social norms—ideas about what
behaviors are proper and not. Yet some societies have tighter norms
than others. Recent research suggests that tightness varies within China
(Chua et al., 2019). Specifically, norms are tighter in more developed
provinces, as well as provinces that farmed rice in the past (Talhelm &
English, 2020).
Tight norms come with costs and benefits. Tight societies generally
have stricter rules— which seems to conflict with out-of-the-box think-
ing and innovation. For example, tighter societies have fewer patents
for inventions (Harrington & Gelfand, 2014). However, tight norms can
help societies respond to danger. Tighter societies tend to have more
social order (Gelfand et al., 2011), which might facilitate strict mask
policies.
Tightness and collectivism are separate constructs, while collectivis-
tic cultures tend to have tighter norms, the correlation is far from per-
fect. Across 26 nations, collectivism and tightness correlate at r = .49
(Lu et al., 2021). In other words, 75% of the variation in tightness is
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al.
separate from collectivism. For example, Brazil and Thailand score high
on collectivism but low on tightness (Gelfand et al., 2011), thus the ra-
tionale to test the constructs separately.
1.4.3. Rice farming
We focus on China’s farming histories as a source of cultural varia-
tion. Recent research has found that China has large-scale cultural dif-
ferences between the north and south that trace back to wheat versus
rice farming (Talhelm et al., 2014).
Paddy rice farming required twice the labor per hectare as dryland
crops like wheat, corn, and millet (Buck, 1937). To deal with labor
demands, rice farmers in southern China formed cooperative labor ex-
changes. Paddy rice also involved shared irrigation systems and these
irrigation systems increased labor demands and forced farmers to coor-
dinate water use and labor for upkeep (Talhelm & Oishi, 2018). There is
evidence that the tight inter-reliance in historical rice farming has made
parts of southern China more interdependent. In contrast, historically,
wheat required less labor and relied mostly on rainfall, which reduced
farmers’ need to coordinate (Buck, 1937). Why would these farming dif-
ferences be related to pandemic responses?
1.4.4. Pathogen prevalence
Some researchers have argued that the long-term prevalence of in-
fectious diseases shapes cultural differences (Schaller & Park, 2011). For
example, cultures in areas with more disease may be less open to out-
siders as a way of defending against people with diseases that are not al-
ready present in the community (Thornhill et al., 2010). Because China
is such a large country, covering climate zones from the tropics to Russia,
it has significant variation in climates and disease rates (Talhelm et al.,
2014).
We tested for the influence of different regions’ experience with dis-
eases by analyzing data on provinces’ SARS cases per population and
for the long-run prevalence of flu cases per population. We chose SARS
cases because the SARS outbreak captured public attention and thus
may have influenced culture. We chose flu cases as an indicator of more
stable differences in respiratory infections across China. Flu cases catch
less media attention than SARS, but they affect far more people.
1.5. China provides a natural test case
If rice farming influences behavior and social coordination, it can
potentially explain cultural differences in mask use outside China. By
early February, 2020, mask use became widespread in Japan, South
Korea, and Vietnam (Yang, 2020). Newspaper articles in the US and
the UK have argued that culture played a role in mask use in East Asia
(Joung, 2020). Thus, it’s possible that countries with histories of rice
farming like China, Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam might have been
quicker to adopt masks and were thus less affected by COVID-19.
However, comparing nations makes it hard to pinpoint the effect
of culture. For example, is South Korea’s strong response related to its
history of rice farming or the policies Korea put in place after the lo-
cal MERS outbreak? This is why exploring cultural differences within
China is empirically valuable. By looking at differences within a single
nation, we can compare people who share the same national govern-
ment, healthcare system, language family, and other factors. Although
this does not eliminate confounding variables, it limits them far more
than cross-country comparisons. If rice farming can explain differences
within a single country, we may gain insights that could be applied to
“messier” cross-country comparisons.
The epicenter of the outbreak also provided a rare opportunity to
test for regional differences. This is because Wuhan is located in the
middle of China. Had the epicenter been in the north or the south, the
relationship between proximity and mask use, as well as other cultural
factors, would have been harder to gauge.
3
Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034
2. Methods
Seven researchers observed 1,330 people in eight sites across seven
Chinese cities for 13 days starting January 23rd, 2020 (Fig. 1). Re-
searchers took safety precautions, including wearing masks and social
distancing. Although modest in size, the sample of seven cities covers
a broad range of rice and wheat regions that also varied in: distance to
Wuhan (292 to 1,040 kilometers), size, wealth, and number of COVID-
19 cases (Fig. S2).
2.1. Observation rules and settings
Observers coded whether people wore masks, and if so, the type of
mask (surgical, N95, cloth, or other; Fig. S2). Observers also recorded
gender and approximated age by decade (under 10, 10-19, and so on).
Observers coded every person who walked by in public places such as
streets, buses, and subways (Fig. S1 reports site details).
To assess whether the ratings were reliable, two researchers indepen-
dently coded people at the same site and time. The two coders reached
the convention for “excellent” agreement for mask use (k = 0.97, p <
.001) and gender (k = 0.97, p < .001), and “substantial” agreement for
age (k = 0.79, p < .001) (Landis & Koch, 1977). These results suggest
that mask observations were reliable.
2.2. Quantifying historical rice culture
To measure rice farming, we used the percentage of farmland de-
voted to rice paddies per prefecture. To represent historical rice farming,
we used the earliest prefecture-level rice data available from provincial
statistical yearbooks (2001 for most prefectures). For Study 3, because
the search engine data are reported by province, we used provincial
rice statistics from the 1996 Statistical Yearbook—the earliest statisti-
cal yearbook we could find.
To test whether the rice statistics represent historical farming pat-
terns, we compared the statistics to rice data available for a subset of
regions from 1914. The 1914 data correlate highly with modern rice
statistics (r[20] = .95, p < .001). This suggests that the more complete,
recent data adequately represent historical rice-farming patterns. Addi-
tional analyses found that the results were robust to alternative oper-
ationalizations of rice: (a) using provincial rice data instead of prefec-
tural rice data and (b) a simple dichotomous rice-versus-wheat variable
(wheat defined as < 50% of cultivated land devoted to paddy rice).
2.3. Time (days since lockdown)
Although mask use became widespread, the idea of wearing masks
to prevent COVID-19 was not initially obvious. As late as January 22,
2020, the World Health Organization noted that “more evidence was
needed” for human-to-human transmission. In the data, we analyze re-
gional differences over time to test what factors potentially led to early
and late mask adoption. Here, time represents the unfolding of the pan-
demic in China, with cases rising (and therefore risk) and awareness
spreading.
2.4. Mask policies
As time progressed, regional governments introduced mask policies.
Mask policies arose first in Wuhan on January 22. Yet even then, many
people publicly questioned the effectiveness of masks. At the same time,
most reported cases were confined to Wuhan, in Hubei Province. By Jan-
uary 24 (Day 1), most cities in Hubei were quarantined. Other provin-
cial governments began to introduce their own mask policies afterwards
(Table S8).
We measured top-down policies by gathering news reports of official
city-level notices requiring residents to wear masks, as well as regula-
tions banning public gatherings and events. Table S8 lists the policy
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al.
dates and newspaper reports for each observation area. Section S5A de-
scribes the data collection in more detail.
2.5. Mask shortages
One plausible alternative explanation to rice theory is that mask
shortages determined mask use. Since masks were in short supply, per-
haps people in some regions did not wear masks because they could not
find one.
We investigated this possibility by tracing reports of mask short-
ages across China. We searched newspaper reports that documented
when masks first sold out in different regions. We searched for the word
“masks shortage” using Chinese search engines and were able to trace
reports and dates for all observation sites (Table S9 lists all dates and
sources). We coded the earliest day a mask shortage was mentioned in
the local news.
In this approach, we followed the methodology previous re-
searchers used to retrace unfolding events like the 2008 financial crisis
(Maier, 2010) and were able to identify that masks were in short supply
across all of our observation window. This allows us to explore the pos-
sibility of how mask shortages might impact mask use during the early
days of the outbreak.
2.6. Robustness to analysis method
We test the key findings in hierarchical linear models, which nest in-
dividual observations within prefectures (Table S1 and Table S3A Model
1). However, because the observational data covered a small number of
cities, we were limited in the number of group-level predictors we could
model in multilevel analyses simultaneously. To compensate for this, we
triangulate the findings in two datasets with more provinces (Studies 2
and 3).
2.7. Regional difference variables
In addition to rice farming, we test a host of other cultural factors,
including modernization, urbanization, and education. Tables S7A and
S7B list sources and rationales for all cultural variables.
3. Results
3.1. Objective risk
3.1.1. Women and younger people wear masks more
Mask use was more common among women (B = 0.39, z = 3.17,
p = .002, d = 0.17) and younger people (B = -0.35, z = -8.00, p <
.001, d = -0.45; Table 1 Model 1). Both observations are the opposite
of what we would expect if people made decisions based purely on ob-
jective risk. Men have a higher death rate (1.9%) from COVID-19 than
women (1.2%). Although these statistics were not widely known during
the early days of the outbreak, the same gender dynamic is true of other
respiratory illnesses—such as the seasonal flu and SARS (Grasselli et al.,
2020). Yet during the SARS outbreak, women (60%) were also more
likely to wear masks than men (52%) (Tang & Wong, 2004).
Still, one could argue that most people do not know about male-
female differences in risk. Age may be more intuitive. Even beyond
COVID-19 in particular, research has found that older people are more
susceptible to illnesses like the flu (Simonsen et al., 1998). Despite their
higher risk, only 31% of people over age 50 wore masks compared to
60% of people under 50. This finding contradicts previous SARS stud-
ies (Sim et al., 2014; Tang & Wong, 2004). However, as surprising as
this finding may be, it fits with anecdotal reports from China. Newspa-
pers reported how young people had to urge their grandparents to wear
masks.
One explanation for why the elderly were less likely to wear masks
may be access restrictions. Many people buy masks online, but older
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Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034
people are less likely to shop (Shen et al., 2014). If brick-and-mortar
stores had limited supplies, older people may have had a harder time
buying masks. Another reason could be resistance to change. In unpub-
lished data from years past, we counted mask use on Beijing streets dur-
ing heavily polluted days. Even on days with dangerous air quality, less
than 2% of people were wearing masks. Thus, it is safe to assume that
most people in China did not routinely wear masks before the COVID-19
pandemic. That means wearing a mask would require a change of rou-
tine, and older people may be slower to that change. For example, there
is evidence that people change their brand loyalties when they move to
new cities, but older people change more slowly (Bronnenberg et al.,
2012).
3.1.2. Distance to Wuhan
An important proxy for objective risk in the early days of the pan-
demic was distance to the epicenter (Wuhan). Distance is a reasonable
proxy because, among our eight sites, regions farther from Wuhan had
fewer cases (r = -.60, p < .001). Although local cases are a more direct
measure of risk, people may pay particular attention to distance (espe-
cially during the early days of an outbreak) because distance is easier
to understand. Moreover, case counts can be misleading because they
depend on how many people get tested. Results show that people were
less likely to wear masks as distance to Wuhan increased (B = -0.0007,
z = -2.25, p = .024, d = -0.13).
3.1.3. Time (days since lockdown)
Not surprisingly, more people wore masks as the outbreak progressed
(days: B = 0.47, z = 8.12, p < .001, d = 0.46; Table 2 Model 1). We
explored whether that mask use increased steadily over time (linearly)
or exponentially (Zhang et al., 2019). We found a linear model fit the
data (z = 9.84, AIC = 1501.0) slightly better than an exponential model
(z = 8.52, AIC = 1524.7).
3.1.4. Masks more common indoors
People were more likely to wear masks indoors than outdoors
(B = 0.51, z = 2.41, p = .016, d = 0.13). This fits with the immediate risk
perspective because infections are more common indoors (Taylor et al.,
2009). However, people were less likely to wear masks on buses (B = -
1.11, z = -4.24, p < .001, d = -0.23). Given that masks were more com-
mon in wealthy areas, one potential explanation is that bus-riders may
be less well-off (Condon & Sinha, 2010).
3.1.5. Urbanization and economic development
People in larger cities were more likely to wear masks (indexed by
city tier; B = 0.97, z = 3.46, p < .001, d = 0.19). In first-tier cities like
Shanghai, 70% of people wore masks compared to 43% in second-tier
and third-tier cities (Fig. S4). Interestingly, district population density
did not predict mask use (p = .208). However, city tier and population
density seemed to be tapping into the same underlying factor (r = .58,
p < .001).
Masks were also more common in economically developed areas.
People in wealthier areas were more likely to wear masks based on both
current GDP (B = 0.19, z = 2.07, p = .038, d = 0.11; Table 1 Model
6) and recent historical GDP (B = 0.85, z = 2.09, p = .036, d = 0.11;
Table 1 Model 5).
3.1.6. Local COVID-19 cases
In the basic model, people responded to local COVID-19 cases, both
the absolute number of cases (B = 0.05, z = 3.85, p < .001, d = 0.21;
Table S6 Model 2) and cases per capita (B = 1.78, z = 3.66, p < .001,
d = 0.20; Table S6 Model 4). Interestingly, when taking into account
distance from Wuhan and days since lockdown, local cases negatively
predicted mask use (B = -0.10, z = -2.31, p = .021, d = -0.13; (Table 2
Model 2). This is probably because cases, distance from Wuhan, and
time were all correlated.
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al. Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034

Table 1
Historical rice farming predicts mask use during COVID-19 outbreak (Study 1)

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6

∗∗ ∗∗ ∗∗ ∗∗ ∗∗
Female 0.39 0.39 0.39 0.39 0.39 0.39∗ ∗
(0.12) (0.12) (0.12) (0.12) (0.12) (0.12)
Age -0.35∗∗∗ -0.35∗∗∗ -0.35∗∗∗ -0.35∗∗∗ -0.35∗∗∗ -0.35∗ ∗ ∗
(0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04)
Indoors 0.52∗ 0.53∗ 0.53∗ 0.53∗ 0.54∗ 0.54∗
(0.21) (0.21) (0.22) (0.22) (0.21) (0.21)
On Bus -1.12∗∗∗ -1.12∗∗∗ -1.11∗∗∗ -1.12∗∗∗ -1.12∗∗∗ -1.13∗ ∗ ∗
(0.26) (0.26) (0.26) (0.26) (0.26) (0.26)
City Tier 0.84∗∗ 0.50 0.91∗∗ 0.86∗ 0.21 0.38
(0.28) (0.30) (0.28) (0.38) (0.41) (0.35)
Prefecture Rice % 1.04∗∗ 1.69∗∗∗ 0.99∗ 0.95∗ 1.37∗∗∗ 1.36∗ ∗ ∗
(0.37) (0.46) (0.39) (0.42) (0.37) (0.37)
COVID-19 Cases 0.01
(0.01)
Historical SARS Cases 7.07∗
(3.25)
Current Air Pollution 0.0004
(0.0002)
District Population Density 0.05
(0.23)
District GDP2007 0.84∗
(0.40)
District GDP2019 0.19∗
(0.09)
∗∗∗
p < .001; ∗ ∗ p < .01; ∗ p < .05
Note: Models are multilevel with districts nested in prefectures in provinces. Historical SARS
cases are per capita; COVID-19 cases are raw district cases as of Feb. 3rd, 2020. District popu-
lation density is in units of person per km2 . City tier is coded so that higher numbers represent
larger cities. Age is coded in decades, from < 10 to > 70.

3.2. Rice history predicts mask use
Prefecture history of rice farming predicted mask use, even after
taking into account all demographic and objective risk factors above
(Table 1). Across the entire sample, 57% of people in rice regions wore
masks compared to 50% in wheat regions (B = 0.91, z = 2.39, p = .017,
d = 0.13; rdistrict = .71).
3.2.1. Cultural differences were largest during early, ambiguous days
When we analyzed cultural differences over time, a clear time pat-
tern emerged (interaction between rice and time: B = -0.39, z = -5.30,
p < .001, d = -0.29; Table 2 Model 1). In the first three days (January
24th to 26th), mask use was 12% higher in rice regions (Fig. 2). Then,
as the outbreak progressed, rice-wheat differences shrank, and mask use
reached a ceiling where nearly everyone (94%) was wearing masks (Fig.
S3).
Or put another way, the slope for mask use over time were differ-
ent between rice and wheat areas. Rice areas started high and increased
slowly from there. Wheat areas started low and increased quickly, even-
tually almost catching up with rice areas. We interpret this as meaning
that cultural differences can be stronger when risk is less clear and when
there are not strongly enforced formal policies. We analyze risk and
mask policies below.
3.2.2. Wheat regions reacted to risk; rice regions wore masks regardless
Although regional proxies for risk predicted mask use, people in rice
and wheat regions responded differently to risk ("rice" defined as > 50%
of cultivated land devoted to paddy rice). In wheat regions, distance
from Wuhan mattered as expected: people farther from Wuhan were
less likely to wear masks (B = -10.40, z = -2.53, p = .001, d = -0.14;
Table 2 Model 1). Meanwhile, people in rice regions wore masks at the
same rate whether they were in Changsha (292km away) or in Chengdu
(972km away).
The pattern was similar with local cases. People in wheat regions re-
sponded more to local cases, whereas people in rice regions wore masks
regardless (interaction between rice and cases: B = -2.16, z = -3.82,
p = .001, d = -0.21; Table S6 Model 4).
3.3. Robustness to alternative predictors
In the supplemental materials, we present analyses of other variables
that researchers have used to explain cultural differences: pathogen
prevalence, ethnic homogeneity, and alternative measures of modern-
ization. Rice remained robust after controlling for other potential cul-
tural influences (Tables S2–S5). To test for the possibility of collinearity
of rice with other predictors, we also present analyses of alternative pre-
dictors without rice (Tables S4A and S4B). No alternative predictor was
robust after including objective risk factors.
3.3.1. Cultural differences not explained by mask availability
We found that local reports of mask shortages did not predict less
mask use. Instead, mask use increased, even as shortages became more
widespread (B = 1.56, z = 2.84, p = .004, d = -0.16; Table S1 Model
3). Shortages did not seem to be a major driver of mask use for three
possible reasons. First, mask shortages increased as the outbreak wors-
ened, yet the cultural differences were largest at the beginning of the
outbreak. Second, our analysis on reports of mask shortages found that
masks were still widely available when we observed cultural differences
(Table S9). Third, if shortages were the primary determinant of people’s
behavior, it would be hard to explain why mask use increased all over
China during our data collection.
3.3.2. Mask policies flattened cultural differences
People were more likely to wear masks in places with stricter poli-
cies, even when comparing places with similar objective regional risk
(B = 1.06, z = 3.72, p < .001, d = 0.21; Table S1 Model 5). The policy
effect was stronger in wheat regions (interaction between rice and poli-
cies: B = -2.59, z = -5.26, p < .001, d = -0.29; Fig. 2; Table S1 Model 4).
This fits with the idea that many people in rice regions were wearing
masks early in the pandemic, before regulations required it. After local
governments enacted regulations, rice-wheat differences shrank.

5
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al. Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034

Table 2
Rice-wheat differences are larger in early “ambiguous” days of the outbreak and regions farther from
epicenter (Study 1)

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Model 7

Female 0.48∗∗∗ 0.48∗∗∗ 0.48∗∗∗ 0.48∗∗∗ 0.48∗∗∗ 0.48∗∗∗ 0.48∗ ∗ ∗

(0.13) (0.13) (0.13) (0.13) (0.13) (0.13) (0.13)
Age -0.35∗∗∗ -0.35∗∗∗ -0.36∗∗∗ -0.35∗∗∗ -0.35∗∗∗ -0.36∗∗∗ -0.36∗ ∗ ∗
(0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05)
Indoors 0.39+ 0.40+ 0.41+ 0.35 0.40+ 0.43∗ 0.44∗
(0.22) (0.22) (0.22) (0.22) (0.22) (0.22) (0.22)
On Bus -0.52+ -0.59∗ -0.54∗ -0.49+ -0.54+ -0.56∗ -0.51+
(0.28) (0.28) (0.28) (0.28) (0.28) (0.28) (0.28)
City Tier 0.22 -0.08 0.30 -0.03 0.14 1.26 1.69∗ ∗ ∗
(0.41) (0.36) (0.48) (0.52) (0.48) (0.83) (0.39)
Prefecture Rice % 72.24∗∗∗ 206.69∗∗∗ 158.81∗ 85.89∗∗ 71.68∗∗ 185.39∗ 352.55∗ ∗ ∗
(20.44) (60.48) (78.48) (29.32) (22.86) (82.95) (33.03)
Days Since Lockdown 0.47∗∗∗ 0.46∗∗∗ 0.47∗∗∗ 0.48∗∗∗ 0.47∗∗∗ 0.47∗∗∗ 0.47∗ ∗ ∗
(0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Distance to Wuhana 9.59∗∗∗ 24.94∗∗∗ 21.06∗ 11.67∗∗ 9.46∗∗ 24.77∗ 46.29∗ ∗ ∗
(2.77) (7.02) (10.40) (4.04) (3.12) (11.14) (4.34)
Rice x Days -0.39∗∗∗ -0.39∗∗∗ -0.39∗∗∗ -0.41∗∗∗ -0.39∗∗∗ -0.39∗∗∗ -0.39∗ ∗ ∗
(0.07) (0.07) (0.07) (0.08) (0.07) (0.07) (0.07)
Rice x Distance -10.40∗∗∗ -30.44∗∗∗ -23.40∗ -12.38∗∗ -10.33∗∗ -27.19∗ -52.08∗ ∗ ∗
(2.99) (9.00) (11.77) (4.29) (3.34) (12.30) (4.91)
COVID-19 Cases -0.10∗
(0.04)
Historical SARS Cases -18.66
(16.64)
Current Air Pollution -0.0004
(0.003)
Population Density 0.10
(0.25)
District GDP2007 -2.92
(2.09)
District GDP2019 -1.67∗ ∗ ∗
(0.21)
∗∗∗
p < .001; ∗ ∗ p < .01; ∗ p < .05, + p < .10
Note: Models are multilevel with districts nested in prefectures in provinces. COVID-19 cases are district-
level cases as of Feb. 3rd, 2020. Air pollution is the local air quality index recording at the time of
observation. Table 3 tests long-term average air pollution. Population density is in units of person per
km2 . District GDP is in units of 10,000 RMB. SARS cases are reported per province. Distance to Wuhan
is log. a The overall main effect of distance from Wuhan is negative. The positive sign here reflects the
interaction with rice, wherein people in wheat areas do not wear masks more often in places closer to
Wuhan.

3.3.3. Norm tightness partially explains mask use
Next, we tested whether tight norms could explain the link be-
tween rice and mask use. To do so, we first sourced a tightness score
for each Chinese province from a recent study of over 11,000 people
(Chua et al., 2019). More people wore masks in provinces with tighter
norms (B = 0.45, z = 2.56, p = .011, d = 0.14; Table S2A Model 4).
Furthermore, tightness mattered the most early in the pandemic. As the
outbreak progressed, looser regions caught up in mask use (interaction
between tightness and time: B = -0.06, z = -2.96, p = .003, d = -0.16;
Table S4B; Fig. S5).
Prior research has found that rice cultures have tighter norms
(Talhelm & English, 2020). Therefore, we ran mediation models to test
whether norm tightness mediated the effect of rice on mask use. Norm
tightness partially explained the relationship between rice and mask use
(B = 0.74, z = 7.27, p < .001, 95% CI = [0.551, 0.925]; Fig. S6). The
indirect effect of rice remained significant (B = 0.52, z = 2.76, p = .006,
95% CI = [0.151, 0.894]). This suggests that there is still an influence
of rice beyond norm tightness.
As with rice, the effect of tightness changed with risk. Tightness
had significant interactions with both distance from local COVID-
19 cases and distance from Wuhan (ps < .001; Table S6). In
other words, tightness mattered more when risk was ambiguous.
Yet when cases were high (and in areas close to the Wuhan epi-
center), mask use was high, and tightness mattered less. Places
with looser norms eventually caught up to places with tighter
norms.
Finally, we tested if collectivism mediated the effect of rice on mask
use. We used province-level estimates of collectivism from a self-report
survey (Chua et al., 2019). However, collectivism did not significantly
predict mask use (Table S4B). If anything, collectivism scores predicted
slightly less mask use. We suspect this counter-intuitive result reflects a
problem with measuring collectivism using self-report scales, which sev-
eral studies have found fail to reflect cultural differences (Heine et al.,
2002; Peng et al., 1997).
3.3.4. History of infectious disease
People in regions with more historical SARS cases appeared to be
more likely to wear masks (B = 7.07, z = 2.18, p = .030, d = 0.12,
Table 1 Model 2). However, when we included objective risk factors,
SARS did not predict mask use (p = .262) while rice remained robust
(Table 2 Model 3). Similarly, historical prevalence of infectious disease
did not predict mask use (p = .183; Table 3 Model 2). Thus, historical
infectious diseases did not seem to influence people’s behavior.
3.3.5. Air pollution
Another possibility is that people wore masks because of air pol-
lution (especially early in our observations). However, the air quality
index at the time of observations did not predict mask use (p = .117;
Table 2 Model 4). On the other hand, long-term air pollution did pre-
dict mask use (B = 0.04, z = 5.55, p < .001, d = 0.31; Table 3 Model
1). These results suggest that long-term air pollution may have prepared
people to react to the pandemic.

6
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al.
Fig. 2. Observational data finds masks more common in rice-farming areas, particularly in early days
Note: Study 1 finds that people in historically rice-farming regions were more likely to wear masks (left), particularly in the ambiguous early days of the pandemic
(far left side). When local governments passed mask policies, rice-wheat differences decreased. When masks were not yet required, rice regions were already wearing
masks more than wheat regions (right side). Bars = 1 SEM.
4. Study 2: survey across 30 provinces
One weakness of Study 1 is that the sample size was limited to 1,300
people across seven cities over two weeks. To address this shortcoming,
we ran two follow-up studies. In Study 2, we surveyed a sample that
was smaller but covered more provinces. We used snowball sampling,
asking students in China to take the online survey and send it to five
people.
Compared to the observational study, this method has a shortcoming
in that it uses self-reports and relies on a narrow sample of the popu-
lation (relatively young and educated). However, it has the benefit of
allowing us to compare more individual characteristics (such as educa-
tion) and "in the head" factors such as knowledge of COVID-19.
4.1. Methods
We surveyed people from 30 provinces in March, 2020
(Mage = 25.83, SD = 9.27, 64% female). A total of 743 partici-
pants reported: “When did you first hear about COVID-19?” and “In
response to the outbreak, when did you first wear a mask?” Table S10
reports demographic details by province. We used random-intercept
multilevel models with participants nested within provinces to test
differences based on rice farming, demographics, and other regional
variables. Participants gave informed consent at the start of the survey.
The survey received ethical approval from Shanghai International
Studies University.
5. Results
As expected, the earlier people heard about COVID-19, the earlier
they wore masks (B = 0.134, t = 9.47, p < .001, d = 0.71). Yet even
controlling for when respondents heard about COVID-19, rice farming
predicted earlier self-reported mask use (B = -1.57, t = -4.70, p = .021,
d = -0.35; Fig. 3). On average, people in rice regions began wearing
masks 1.7 days sooner than people in wheat regions (95% CI = [1.06,
2.73]).
7
Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034
5.1. Rice robust to alternative predictors
After controlling for distance to Wuhan, we found that younger
people reported wearing masks earlier (B = 0.04, t = 3.31, p = .001,
d = 0.25). People adopted masks faster in wealthier prefectures
(GDP2012 , B = -0.009, t = -2.67, p = .011, d = -0.20) and in more ur-
banized prefectures (B = -0.48, t = -2.43, p = .020, d = -0.18). People
wore masks earlier in places with tighter norms, lower long-term air
pollution, more local SARS cases, and more historical pathogens (Table
S11A).
Next, we tested whether rice was robust against other factors like
age, education, and other regional differences like GDP per capita, city
tier, and historical diseases. Rice farming continued to predict earlier
mask use after controlling for demographics (age, gender, education,
employment status, distance to Wuhan, SARS cases per capita, and pre-
fecture GDP per capita, Ps < 0.001). The results largely mirrored the
observational data, suggesting that the self-reported data was at least
somewhat valid (Table S11B, Table S12A, & Table S12B).
Finally, we tested whether norm tightness mediated the relationship
between rice farming and mask use. People in rice regions wore masks
earlier (B = -0.26, t = 10.13, p < .001, 95% CI = [-0.316, -0.213]) and
norm tightness partially explained the relationship between rice and
earlier mask use (B = 0.56, t = 5.71, p < .001, effect size = .075; 95%
CI = [0.037, 0.076]; Fig. S8). The indirect effect of rice remained signif-
icant (B = -0.34, t = 11.81, p < .001, 95% CI = [-0.394, -0.281]). This
result mirrors the observational data.
6. Study 3: internet searches for masks
Next, we tested the robustness of the observational results against
large-scale search data from Baidu, China’s largest search engine. Al-
though internet searches do not provide as rich contextualized informa-
tion as observations from the street, one advantage of the Baidu data is
that it represents a much larger sample, with millions of searches from
every province in China.
We tested whether the Baidu data would show the same time-course
differences as the observational study. If street-level mask data accu-
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al. Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034

Fig. 3. Self-report survey (top) and internet search data (bottom) find rice areas seek masks earlier
Note: People self-reported wearing masks earlier in rice provinces than people in wheat provinces (top). The correlation between rice and “mask” searches shows
that rice farming strongly predicts mask searches during the early days of COVID-19, but differences weaken as masks become mandated (bottom).

rately represented a larger trend, we should find a similar pattern of
large cultural differences in mask searches early on, followed by smaller
cultural differences in the later days. The search data also allowed us to
look at an expanded time window, from before the Wuhan lockdown
to weeks after. This expanded time course allows us to test whether
these cultural differences were unique to the early days of the pandemic,
rather than long-term mask habits.
6.1. Methods
We gathered Baidu search data for the term “mask” ( ) for
each province from January 15th to February 8th, 2020. We collected
data from the Baidu index website (http://index.baidu.com/). We in-
put “mask” in the query page, and the website generated the number
of searches on the keyword by date range in a specific province (each
province requires a new query). Baidu locates users to provinces based
on IP address.
Baidu only provides results on the website. There is no export func-
tion. Thus, three researchers ran the queries and manually input the
number of searches by day (total of 25 days) and for all provinces
(N = 31) into an Excel sheet.
There are limitations to using search engine data. Companies like
Baidu and Google provide only aggregate data, not individual users’
data. Furthermore, search engines provide few details on data cleaning
they do before producing the search volume index.
Despite these limitations, we think the search data has value. For
example, previous studies have used Baidu search data to track flu out-
breaks (Yuan et al., 2013), HIV cases (Li et al., 2019), and stock market

8
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al. Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034

gains (Shen et al., 2017). Researchers have also found similar results us-
Table 3 ing Google Trends and the Baidu Index (Vaughan & Chen, 2015). Thus,
Rice, modern, and historical indicators predict mask use early in the outbreak search engine data can provide value, especially when cross-validated
(Study 1) against other metrics. In particular, the search engine data provides a
larger and more precise time window of people’s interest in masks.
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
The search data yielded more than 1.7 million searches. Much like
∗∗∗ ∗∗∗ ∗∗∗
Female 0.49 0.48 0.48 0.48∗ ∗ ∗ the study on peak internet searches of coronavirus keywords during the
(0.13) (0.13) (0.13) (0.13)
outbreak, our main interest was people’s searches for “mask” (Li et al.,
Age -0.37∗∗∗ -0.34∗∗∗ -0.34∗∗∗ -0.35∗ ∗ ∗
(0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) 2020).This covers the pre-pandemic phase (before our mask observa-
Indoors 0.45∗ 0.35 0.34 0.38+ tions) to the period of widespread mask use.
(0.21) (0.22) (0.21) (0.22) Next, we ran analyses to can rule out the possibility that people in
On Bus -0.52+ -0.50+ -0.56∗ -0.51+ rice areas were just temporarily more active online. To do this, we com-
(0.27) (0.27) (0.27) (0.27)
pared “mask” searches to a list of the most popular search terms, such
City Tier 0.42+ -0.30 4.65∗∗∗ 0.03
(0.22) (0.65) (0.78) (1.50) as “map” and “calendar” (Hudgens, 2020). These common terms should
Prefecture Rice % 37.39∗∗ 85.68∗∗ 204.47∗∗∗ 76.70∗ not show the same changes across time. In the Supplemental Materials,
(11.50) (27.47) (25.29) (30.20) we also compared searches that were related to COVID-19, but not di-
Days Since Lockdown 0.47∗∗∗ 0.47∗∗∗ 0.47∗∗∗ 0.47∗ ∗ ∗
rectly related to our observational mask data: “coronavirus” ()
(0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Distance to Wuhan 5.42∗∗∗ 10.80∗∗ 21.20∗∗∗ 10.17∗ ∗ and “pneumonia” ().
(1.55) (3.55) (2.52) (3.94)
Rice x Days -0.39∗∗∗ -0.40∗∗∗ -0.40∗∗∗ -0.40∗ ∗ ∗
6.2. Results
(0.07) (0.07) (0.07) (0.07)
Rice x Distance -5.16∗∗ -12.41∗∗ -29.89∗∗∗ -11.06∗
(1.69) (4.04) (3.72) (4.50) “Mask” searches show a clear difference in time trend between rice
Historical Air Pollution 0.04∗∗∗ and wheat areas (Table S13). In the “pre-pandemic phase” (January 15th
(0.01)
to 20th, 2020), there were no significant rice-wheat differences in mask
Pathogen Prevalence -0.81
(0.61)
searches (Fig. 3). If anything, people in rice regions were slightly less
Prefecture GDP per Capita2017 -1.47∗∗∗ likely to search for masks, which fits with the fact that air pollution is
(0.25) worse in the wheat areas of northern China (Zhang & Mu, 2018).
Historical GDP per Capita1996 0.01 But then for a stretch of four days (January 21st to 24th), strong
(0.12)
rice-wheat differences emerged (B = 0.80, t = 4.19, p < .001, d = 1.60).
∗∗∗
p < .001; ∗ ∗ p < .01; ∗ p < .05; + p < .10 In raw numbers, rice provinces in China have fewer people (657 mil-
Note: Models are multilevel with observations nested in provinces. GDP per lion) than wheat provinces (730 million), but rice provinces had more
capita is in units of 10,000 RMB. Current GDP uses 2017 prefecture data; his- “mask” searches (275,604) than wheat provinces (183,782). The cor-
torical GDP uses 1996 provincial data. Historical air pollution is the historical relation between rice and “mask”" searches peaked on January 21st at
average PM2.5 micrograms per cubic meter from 2013 to 2019. r = .57, p = .001. By January 25th, most provinces had declared pub-
lic health emergencies, and rice-wheat differences weakened (B = 0.30,
t = 2.54, p = .017, d = 0.94). This result suggests that rice-wheat differ-
ences in mask searching were a response to the pandemic rather than
Table 4 habitual differences.
Rice, modern, and historical indicators predict mask searches early in
the outbreak (Study 3)
6.2.1. Rice-wheat “mask” search differences are robust to confounds
Baidu "Mask" Searches B SE t p d Rice-wheat differences persisted after taking into account several
GDP per Capita2018 0.96 0.02 5.22 < .001 1.94 plausible confounds and alternative explanations. Since the outbreak
Rice % 0.48 0.15 3.16 .004 1.17 was by far the worst in Hubei, we re-ran the analyses excluding Hubei,
GDP per Capita1996 0.09 0.19 5.90 < .001 2.19 and rice-wheat differences remained (B = 0.61, t = 2.12, p = .043,
Rice % 0.50 0.14 3.50 .002 1.30
% Urban2017 0.02 0.004 4.54 < .001 1.69
d = 0.79). Rice continued to predict mask searches after controlling
Rice % 0.54 0.16 3.39 .002 1.26 for distance to Wuhan, historical air pollution, SARS cases, historical
Distance to Wuhan -0.24 0.00 -0.22 .831 -0.08 influenza cases, COVID-19 cases, and other indicators (Table 4, S13, &
Rice % 0.77 0.24 3.28 .003 1.22 S14). Similar to the observational data, norm tightness partially medi-
Historical Air Pollution 0.002 0.004 0.58 .565 0.22
ated the relationship between rice and mask searches (Fig. S9).
Rice % 0.85 0.21 4.04 < .001 1.50
Pathogen Prevalence -0.35 0.097 -3.55 .002 -1.63
Rice % 0.85 0.22 3.94 .001 1.81 6.2.2. No rice-wheat differences for common search terms
Historical Influenza 0.00 0.01 -0.01 .989 -0.004
Rice % 0.80 0.20 4.06 < .001 1.51
As a robustness check, we tested whether rice farming predicted
Historical SARS Cases 10.23 11.46 0.89 .380 0.33 searches for common search terms not related to COVID-19. we ran
Rice % 0.83 0.19 4.26 < .001 1.58 the same analyses using four of the most popular internet search terms:
COVID-19 Cases 0.13 0.14 0.92 .367 0.34 weather, map, calculator, and translate (Hudgens, 2020). This can rule
Rice % 0.77 0.20 3.93 .001 1.46
out methodological artifacts. For example, perhaps internet activity was
Note: Mask searches are searches per population average Jan 21st to generally higher in rice provinces during this time. If so, rice would pre-
Jan 24th, which we then divided by 10,000 for ease of interpreta- dict more searches in general, not just for masks.
tion. GDP per capita is in units of 10,000 RMB. Historical Influenza is The results for these common search terms showed no evidence of a
the province incidence per 1,000 people from the Chinese Center for spike in rice regions during the initial outbreak (Table S19). For exam-
Disease Control and Prevention from 2004 to 2016. SARS Cases are ple, people from rice-farming provinces were no more likely to search
provinces’ cases per capita in the SARS outbreak. COVID-19 Cases are for “weather” before the outbreak, in the early days, or in the later days.
the province daily average for Jan 23rd and Jan 24th per population
People from rice provinces did search for “translate” more than people
(divided by 100,000 for ease of interpretation).
in wheat provinces, but this difference was consistent before, during,
and after the emergency declarations. In sum, these results suggest that

9
A.S. English, T. Talhelm, R. Tong et al.
rice-wheat differences in the early days of the COVID-19 outbreak were
not the result of general search differences.
7. Discussion
7.1. Why would rice culture encourage mask use?
The three complementary studies suggest that rice-wheat differences
impacted mask use early in the pandemic. This is partly explained
through the mediation of tightness (Gelfand et al., 2011).Rice-farming
provinces in China have tighter norms (Talhelm & English, 2020), and
people in places with tighter norms wore masks more. Tight norms may
have helped pre-modern rice farmers deal with the large labor bur-
dens of rice and coordinate shared irrigation networks (Talhelm & En-
glish, 2020; Talhelm & Oishi, 2018). Although this emphasis on social
norms emerged for farming, it seems to have helped people in rice re-
gions react faster to the COVID-19 pandemic.
However, tight norms explain only a portion of the cultural differ-
ences. There are other reasons to think that people from interdepen-
dent cultures would wear masks more. For one, research has found
that people in interdependent cultures are more focused on risk preven-
tion, whereas people in independent cultures focus more on potential
gains and positive outcomes (Aaker & Lee, 2001). The data here fits
with prior evidence that East Asia (generally a rice region) is more con-
cerned about virus than people in other parts of the world. A study of
the Swine Flu outbreak East Asians reported greater concern about the
virus than Westerners, and East Asian air traffic decreased much more
severely (Hamamura & Park, 2010). A more recent mask observation
study found that even with more than 40-days without local COVID-
19, nearly 60% of Shanghai residents still wore masks in public settings
(English & Li, 2021), thus pointing to the continual ‘concern’ for others
even with no risk of infection.
In addition, seeing society through an interdependent lens may make
people see the dual purpose of masks: to protect not just the self, but
others (Grierson, 2020). Although our studies found little evidence for
provincial collectivism measures explaining the differences, it is possi-
ble that self-report measures of collectivism do not reflect cultural dif-
ferences (Heine et al., 2002; Peng et al., 1997).
7.2. Implications for the role of culture
The fact that cultural differences diminished as the pandemic pro-
gressed suggests three theoretical implications:
First, cultural differences may help fill in the blanks during ambigu-
ous times. In the early days of the outbreak, the virus was surrounded
with unknowns: Is it dangerous? Can it spread from human to human?
Is this a true crisis or are people overreacting? It was during this period
of uncertainty that cultural differences were the largest. At first, rice ar-
eas (with tight norms) wore masks. Over time, as cases spread and risk
increased, places with looser norms caught up. Culture seemed to help
fill in the blanks, before policy, science, and media come into play.
There is some evidence that people use stereotypes in the same way.
Studies have found that people readily use stereotypes to fill in details
about strangers (Lee et al., 2013). But when people have access to richer,
individuating information (such as when they meet someone in person),
they rely on stereotypes less or not at all (Jussim, 2012).
Second, the results suggest a boundary condition for the influence of
culture. Policy efforts can override cultural differences. While regions
responded differently at the beginning of the outbreak, they converged
as awareness spread and the government enforced mask policies. This
finding can help policymakers understand when cultural differences are
likely to influence human behavior and when external circumstances
will override initial differences.
Third, the data are also consistent with the idea that people do not re-
spond strictly to objective risk factors when they decide how to respond
to a public health crisis. For example, death rates were higher for older
10
Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology 3 (2022) 100034
people, yet they were less likely to wear masks. In addition, COVID-19
cases were less common in places farther from Wuhan. People in wheat-
farming regions responded to that distance—more people wore masks
in places closer to Wuhan, and fewer people wore masks in places far-
ther from Wuhan. Yet people in historically rice-farming regions wore
masks at the same rate regardless of distance, local COVID-19 cases, and
history of infectious diseases.
In sum, ground data from China during the early days of COVID-19
revealed some behaviors that fit with risk calculations and some that did
not. It is rational to expect that more people would wear masks in places
with more cases, places closer to the epicenter, and places with denser
populations. It is also rational to expect that mask use would approach
100% as the outbreak spread and local governments required masks.
Yet objective risk factors explained only a portion of human behav-
ior. Non-obvious cultural factors also predicted whether people wore
masks, how early people started wearing masks, and whether people
searched for masks online. Although COVID-19 was only discovered in
2019, people’s reactions mapped onto their long-run cultural histories.
Public significance statement
Rice-farming villages needed strong norms to coordinate the shared
irrigation systems and labor demands. In cities with a history of rice
farming (such as Shanghai), more people wore masks in public and
searched for masks on the internet than in places with a history of
wheat farming (such as Beijing). Culture influenced mask use—and
likely saved lives—in the early days of the coronavirus pandemic in
China.
Funding
This research was supported in part by a William Ladany Faculty
Fellowship awarded to Thomas Talhelm.
Data availability
Data and R analysis scripts are posted on the OSF platform
(https://osf.io/2uk4x/).
Declaration of Competing Interest
Authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Acknowledgments
We are grateful to the editors and reviewers for providing excel-
lent comments and feedback. We are also thankful to Ding Yaxin, Wang
Shuang, Dai Lu, Chen Ke, and Yao Chunyu for helping collect the data,
and Wei Liuqing for helping create the tables and coding the data. We
are grateful to Masaki Yuki, Shi Liu, Graham Noblit, Ying Lin, and Greg
Dubois for checking early versions of this manuscript. Finally, we are
especially grateful to Jackson Lu for his detailed edits and suggestions.
Supplementary materials
Supplementary material associated with this article can be found, in
the online version, at doi:10.1016/j.cresp.2022.100034.
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