Professional Documents
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Citizenship
on the Margins
State Power, Security and Precariousness
in 21st-Century Jamaica
Yonique Campbell
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University College London
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Citizenship
on the Margins
State Power, Security and Precariousness
in 21st-Century Jamaica
Yonique Campbell
Department of Government
University of the West Indies
Kingston, Jamaica
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Foreword
v
vi FOREWORD
Colin Clarke
Emeritus Professor of Geography
Oxford University and
Emeritus Fellow of Jesus College
Oxford, UK
Acknowledgements
Along the way, I have amassed quite a few debts which in justice should
be acknowledged here. This book began as a DPhil thesis, written under
the supervision of Colin Clarke and Patricia Daley at Oxford University.
Their helpful criticism and careful scrutiny of my work played a large part
in any value this book may have. Colin generously provided intellectual
support and invaluable comments at every stage of the writing process.
At UWI, I am grateful to Anthony Harriott for the many stimulating
conversations about security and violence in the region. My students at
UWI and members of The Society for Future Policy Leaders have been
powerful sources of inspiration. For their role in my early intellectual
development, I am especially grateful to Stephen Vasciannie and Edwin
Jones.
The initial doctoral research on which this book is based was funded
by the Commonwealth Scholarship Commission. Jesus College also pro-
vided funding for a field research trip to Jamaica and further financial
support for completing the project. I would like to acknowledge a recent
award I received through the Canada-CARICOM Faculty Leadership
Programme, which allowed me to spend 5 months at Concordia
University, where I completed the manuscript. I remain deeply indebted
to these institutions for their support. I am also indebted to Tina Hilgers
who invited me to Concordia.
For taking time to share their knowledge and points of view with me,
I am grateful to members of various governmental and non-governmental
organizations in Jamaica. I am grateful to the staff at Palgrave whose work
ix
x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
xi
xii PROLOGUE
and laws. Citizenship rights and security had effectively been localized
in spaces like Tivoli that were differentially incorporated into the society
following independence. Coke had managed to secure a social contract
in Tivoli Gardens—citizens agreed to submit to the authority of their
don, which invariably includes surrendering some of their rights and
freedoms. Coke had governed Tivoli Gardens through a parallel govern-
ance order that had close ties to the state and a tacit but fragile territorial
agreement. Life without Coke and this localized order were inconceiv-
able for people living in Tivoli Gardens. The deliberate attack on the
state by members of Tivoli Gardens, to prevent his extradition, and the
response from the state coalesced in urban warfare, one that reverberated
throughout Kingston and elsewhere. This was not just a national event—
the international repercussions and underpinnings were evident. The US’
war on drugs had brought the national, the international and local into
an uncomfortably close proximity. On the positive side, a policy window
was also created for rethinking the relationship between the community
and the state, the politics-crime nexus and the community’s relationship
with the so-called society, more generally.
In the aftermath of the Tivoli ‘operation’ or ‘incursion’, I met and
interviewed approximately 40 community members. For them the don’s
extradition and the ‘incursion’ was a nightmare’—they no longer had
guaranteed security and they suddenly felt vulnerable to various threats
including rape, police abuse and threats to their personal safety. But,
for the US, this was another victory for the ‘war on drugs’, and for the
Jamaican armed forces, it represented a significant step toward the rein-
statement of state power. They had taken back control of a space that
politicians had willingly ceded to criminal actors in their bid to embed
state control and win electoral support. Two things were clear from the
conversations: people did not feel that they were a part of Jamaican soci-
ety (they were not full citizens) and they had no guarantee of protection
from the state (their security was now threatened); citizenship rights are
not guaranteed to those living on the margins of Jamaican society. They
are negotiated. During the battle between the security forces and those
who felt they had a responsibility to protect their don and territory at
all cost, many people engaged in negotiations with police and soldiers
about various rights, including the right to life. Some were successful
in their bid and others were not. On the battlefield, the police and sol-
diers, rather than the don, became sole arbiters of justice. By protecting
PROLOGUE xiii
the dons and legitimizing their authority, those living on the margins,
in securitized spaces, had forfeited their citizenship rights. According to
this logic, the police were justified in utilizing force and repressive mech-
anism. At the same time, neighbourhood watches in middle-class com-
munities were ready to ‘take back their community’, with private security
emerging as a part of a self-governance approach to security among the
middle class.
Since Kingston’s garrisons had dominated most studies on secu-
rity and violence, I decided it was also important to grasp the realities
of other, non-urban securitized spaces in Jamaica. This community pro-
vided further insights into garrison processes and the subnational factors
that both legitimized and challenged the local ordering of securitized
spaces. Violence and insecurity had become a part of everyday, and citi-
zenship rights and the right to security, were not guaranteed by the state.
Rights were mediated by dons and localized understandings about the
rules of the game. People complained about how easily their rights were
violated and how insecure life on the margins had become. Although
residents felt shut out of the formal systems of politics and democracy,
politicians still won elections by sizeable majorities. Politicians worked
through interlocutors who had power and influence in the community
and were afforded further social influence through control over com-
munity projects and their ability to distribute goods and intervene in
disputes.
While Jamaica was experiencing a security crisis and violations of cit-
izenship rights in the interest of national security, in May 2010, other
events were unfolding on the security landscape in Latin America.
In May 2010 Central and South American migrants were killed in
Northeast Mexico by the Los Zetas drug gangs, violating their right
to life. Escaping violence insecurity, and precarious circumstances in
impoverished spaces in Latin America has been at the heart of the
attempts by migrant to cross the US border. Three years before the
killings in Northeast Mexico, Brazil’s ‘Pan Massacre’ invasion into
the favela resulted in deaths and civil rights abuses; and in 2008, two
years before I started my fieldwork in Jamaica, Columbia launched a mil-
itary operation into Ecuador and extradited 14 ‘paramilitary warlords’ to
the US. During the same period, the Brazilian state initiated the Police
Pacification Units (UPP) in Santa Marta, one of the many favelas in Rio
de Janeiro. As a policing tool, the UPP was developed to address lethal
xiv PROLOGUE
violence, high crime rates and gang control in the favelas. While the
Police Pacification Programme in Brazil seems to provide an ‘alternative’
to the dominant technique of government, the Jamaican case shows that
another security technique is becoming popular: states of emergency or
the state of exception.
In January 2018, nearly a decade after warfare between Tivoli Gardens
and the state, Jamaican Prime Minister Andrew Holness, in response
to shifting patterns of violence in the tourist city of Montego Bay,
announced a state of emergency. Citizenship rights were to be suspended
in the interest of national security. By utilizing a constitutional provision
and the Emergency Powers Act 1938, the state has sought to formalize
and legitimize an old state practice. Suppressive law enforcement meth-
ods had always been central to security strategies in Jamaica, and in Latin
America more broadly. The use, and normalization, of states of emer-
gencies and zones of special operations, as official state policy, to address
national security threats and to police garrisons have, however, pro-
duced new implications for citizenship rights and insecurity. Since 2018,
a total of six states of emergency have been declared in various p arishes
and sections of Jamaica. The state also passed new legislation, in the
form of the Law Reform (Zones of Special Operations) (Special Security
and Development Measures) (ZOSO), Act 2017, which gives the state
expansive powers and the wherewithal to detain suspects and suspend
citizenship rights. Although ZOSO makes provision for social interven-
tion measures, this is treated as an appendage to the dominant security
approach. By drawing attention to the narratives and voices of those on
the margins, I am anticipating that this book will, like others before it, act
as a counterpoise to dominant security approaches and discourses (which
this book also examines) in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Contents
8 Conclusion 129
References 137
Index 163
xv
List of Figures
Fig. 1.1 Total Homicides per region for the period 2000–2016 11
Fig. 1.2 Total Robberies per region for the period 2003–2016 12
xvii
List of Tables
xix
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
People living on the margins of cities in Jamaica, Brazil, Mexico, Columbia,
El Salvador, among others, are central to discourses and practices of secu-
rity, violence and citizenship (Arias and Goldstein 2010; Caldeira 2000;
Gray 2004; Hilgers and McDonald 2017; Holston 2008). The impact of
national security policies and practices on the quality of citizenship—under-
stood broadly as political, social and civil rights (Marshall 1950) and a
practice whereby people constitute themselves as political subjects in order
to claim these rights (Insin and Neilson 2008)—is, in fact, a controversial
and widely debated topic in Latin America and the Caribbean. The secu-
rity practices of the state, and its structuring power, reinforce and produce
notions of who is a citizen and who is not and are critical to the ways in
which citizenship is framed and enacted in marginalized spaces. Citizenship
on the Margins argues that attention must be paid to the intersection of
these issues because of the way in which insecurity, violence and the invo-
cation of national security are transforming state power and raising new
concerns over citizenship rights.
This question of the connection between security and citizenship is par-
ticularly pertinent in the current period where neoliberal globalization and
an increasing emphasis on the security of the state, coupled with its inability
to address violence and insecurity, have made citizenship more precarious
for those living on the margins of society. While the constitutions in the
region provide for citizenship in the juridical sense, class discrimination,
discourse which focuses on state security, individuals at the local level artic-
ulate their own narratives which reflect particular lived-experiences and the
socio-political context. The book also examines state and popular societal
discourses which claim that national security threats are most effectively
resolved through unorthodox or exceptional measures.
The book further argues that as state power is deployed to address vio-
lence and national security threats, there is a corresponding increase in
the tension between national security and citizenship rights and between
security actors and everyday citizens. In addition to making citizenship on
the margins more precarious, this has produced numerous effects on lived-
experiences, state legitimacy and the outcomes of security policies. Fur-
thermore, as the tension between national security and citizenship rights
increases, there is a centrality of the local as a site where citizenship is
(re)defined, mediated, interpreted, performed and given meaning. The
nature of state security and the hostile composition of the social order
have been integral to this localization of citizenship and the legitimiza-
tion of violence outside of the state apparatus. Authors, including Arias
(2017), Sives and Figueroa (2002), Gray (2004), Jaffe (2012) have shown
that armed actors and dons carry out local governance roles in a number
of countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. Some of these actors are
usually enmeshed in clientelist and collaborative relationships with the state
and political parties (Clarke 2006; Stone 1983; Hilgers 2012).
The book anchors the study in the experiences of Latin America and
the Caribbean, generally, and Jamaica, specifically, for three main reasons.
Firstly, many of these states, including Brazil, El Salvador, Mexico and
Columbia, have failed to address common issues of (in)security, violence,
marginalization and violation of rights (Arias and Goldstein 2010; Hilgers
and McDonald 2017; Idler 2019). Secondly, these unresolved problems
predispose the region to experiencing higher levels of direct confronta-
tion between security actors and individuals in securitized spaces. Thirdly,
in(security) and national security practices have raised critical questions
about respect for, and enjoyment of, citizenship rights. This has made polic-
ing and its punitive and extralegal character (and the need for reform) the
focus of a number of writers, who conduct research in the region (Dammert
and Malone 3003; Frühling 2012; Harriott 2000; Müller 2012).
The intersection of citizenship rights and security is a feature of Latin
American and Caribbean cities for many reasons: the homicide rates are
high, structural violence is prevalent; there is an inordinately high level of
abuse and police impunity; organized criminal networks and gangs exercise
1 SECURITY, STATE POWER AND CITIZENSHIP: THE LATIN AMERICA … 5
control over sections of the urban poor (ensuring security for some and
insecurity for others) who have been securitized; fear is pervasive, and the
Weberian state which in theory should have a legitimate monopoly on the
use of force has failed to provide security, an important public good. These
and other factors, which I discuss in this and subsequent chapters, have
shaped the relationship between citizenship and security in significant ways.
This relationship is embedded in processes of state formation, the power
of dominant practices and discourses, the political history of Latin America
and the Caribbean and the systems of domination and subjugation that are
ingrained in the predominant approaches to both security and citizenship.
The book argues that in the face of an ever-increasing concern with the
way in which national security is affecting citizenship, attention must be
paid to the complexities of the situation.
To foreground the study, the book presents a critical analysis of the way
in which both security and citizenship have been treated, theoretically, in
various studies that privilege the state and experiences of citizenship in
the West. It highlights the centrality of the state in security discourses and
examines how certain security measures and a pervasive sense of in(security)
have rendered de facto and liberal notions of citizenship rights elusive for
the urban poor. The book explores how citizenship rights and discourses
of who is a citizen and who is not are embedded in historical, economical
and socio-cultural conditions and shaped by responses to the threat of
state security and insecurity. Holston (2008), Koning and Kruijt (2007),
Goldstein (2012), Thomas (2011), and Gray (2010), for example, have
examined questions of citizenship and violence in the Latin American and
Caribbean context. A number of books have focused on the European
context, migration and the war on terror as well. Gillaume and Husyman’s
(2013) book, ‘Security and Citizenship: The Constitution of Political Being ’,
concentrates on how political being is constituted in relation to securitizing
practices with particular emphasis on terrorism and migration. In ‘At the
Edges of Citizenship: Security and the Constitution of Non-citizen Subjects ’
Hepworth (2015) examines forms of non-citizenship, exclusion from the
political community and how they relate to specific security policies in Italy.
Noxolo and Husyman’s (2009) book ‘Community, Citizenship and the War
on Terror’ focuses on how the war on terror has shaped the meanings
given to community and citizenship. This project looks more broadly at
the intersection of security and citizenship, and their correlates, at the state
and local levels through the lens of Latin America and the Caribbean and
Jamaica in particular.
6 Y. CAMPBELL
affected citizenship and respect for human rights in the region (Feitlowitz
1998; Huggins 2000). The extensive abuse of citizenship rights through
death squads, repression of political dissidents, killings en masse, and securi-
tization of domestic stability encapsulates the national security praxis of the
region during the Cold War. Because Latin America was a key player in the
development of citizenship rights and the establishment of the American
Declaration of the Rights, Cardenas (2011) argues ‘that images of mili-
tary coups, disappearances, death squads, and bloody civil wars’ is ‘vastly
incomplete and misleading’. Security institutions in Latin America face a
constantly evolving landscape. It is clear, however, that the establishment
of democracy through institution building and electoral processes does not
guarantee that security actors and state organizations will act in a demo-
cratic manner or that state violence will end. In fact, higher levels of vio-
lence, police abuse and impunity coincided with the onset of democracy
and the establishment of civilian police forces in countries such as Brazil
(Holston 2008).
Despite marked differences in their political histories, Latin American
and Caribbean countries have ended up with somewhat similar security
norms and practices (Campbell 2018). The Commonwealth Caribbean,
for the most part, did not experience authoritarianism and political insta-
bility never became a prominent feature of most of the countries in the
Caribbean. However, Haiti, Dominican Republic and Cuba, in the Greater
Antilles, have long histories of authoritarianism. State formation in the
Commonwealth Caribbean relied on the adoption of a democratic, com-
petitive two-party political system under the Westminster Whitehall model
(Smith 1961; Girvan 2015; Sutton 2013). The two-party political system
which was used to consolidate democracy through electoral competition
culminated in state-sponsored violence and ethnic conflict. Similar to Latin
America, the Cold War affected security interventions and practices in the
Caribbean; national security was used to justify the use of violence as a
means of preventing communism spreading to Caribbean countries that
had close ties to socialist regimes, such as Cuba under Fidel Castro and
Venezuela under Hugo Chavez. In the specific case of Jamaica, the vio-
lence of the 1980s reflected a clash between the right-wing Jamaica Labour
party led by Edward Seaga and the left-wing Peoples National Party led by
Michael ‘Joshua’ Manley (Payne 1988). The political parties militarized
and armed their supporters to defend their respective ideologies. Like the
right-wing parties in Latin America, the Jamaica Labour Party saw its role
as one of protecting the state from threats presented by communism during
10 Y. CAMPBELL
the Cold War. Under a national security doctrine, most Caribbean coun-
tries supported the US’s intervention in Grenada in 1983 and Panama in
1989. Invasion of a sovereign country, despite the reasons, always carries
the potential for human rights abuses and destabilization. To some extent,
this potential for foreign interference in matters of security is always present
in the region. The act of intervening, whether through the ‘war on drugs’
or through neoliberal conditionalities and policy transfer, involves a certain
level of anxiety and an ever-present risk of abuse for those in close prox-
imity to the ‘target’. Those who have the privilege of dual citizenship or
multiple visas, the global desirables, always have the advantage of fleeing.
1,58,092
1,80,000
1,49,859
1,50,335
1,46,658
1,35,130
1,29,694
1,60,000
1,36,471
1,33,563
1,28,813
1,26,070
1,20,731
1,24,488
1,22,176
1,25,574
1,17,812
1,17,506
1,40,000
1,16,920
1,20,000
Number Of Homicides
1,00,000
80,000
60,000
40,000
6,709
6,972
5,361
6,922
6,908
3,049
6,202
6,709
5,723
6,225
4,383
4,723
3,916
5,505
4,199
4,789
3,689
20,000
-
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Years
Fig. 1.1 Total Homicides per region for the period 2000–2016
2012; Schmidt 1974; Sives 2010; Stone 1980), access to firearm and the
drug-for-guns trade; ‘the cry for respect’ (Campbell and Clarke 2017; Levy
1996); inefficiencies in the criminal justice system and organized crime
(Denyer Willis 2014; Harriott 2008). Violence has also been constituted
as disembodied and set apart for the social milieu. Indeed, violence and the
response to it must necessarily be read against a socio-political background
in which conditions in the socio-historical environment have a pervasive,
structuring influence. Gangs, which are responsible for a high percent-
age of the violence generated in the region, emerged in response to issues
stretching from the post-conflict environment defined by insecurity and
heightened precarity among demobilized combatants (in the case of Cen-
tral America, for example) (Bruneau et al. 2011) to the internecine La Vio-
lencia in the case of Columbia (Karl 2017) and state-supported violence to
win elections in Jamaica. Failure to acknowledge the discrepancy between
this socio-historical reality and contemporary strategies has influenced the
12 Y. CAMPBELL
2500000
2266557 2267213
2138889 2209952 2145855
2155793
1953946
2000000
1762090
Number Of Robberies
1500000
1152675 1199191
1125712
1038334
1000000
753658
500000
96366 100143
4236 5271 8138 8187 11251 10126 9116 9714 7905 18334 17978 13277
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Years
Robberies Caribbean Robberies LA
Fig. 1.2 Total Robberies per region for the period 2003–2016
deployment of security strategies which aim to, in one go, resist, control and
arrest the problem. Policies that seek to control gangs and respond to high
homicide rates have produced repressive strategies and discourses which
pit national security against citizenship rights. These strategies present the
ongoing risk of collapsing the distance between the margins and abyss of
citizenship.
High homicide rates produce high levels of fear and public demands for
common sense, populist solutions (Wacquant 2009). The Latinobarometro
(2018), which uses interviews across 18 countries, revealed that more than
40% of citizens in Latin America are afraid of becoming the victim of a
crime. This fear shapes the way people negotiate security and manoeuvre
in public spaces. It is common, for example, to disregard certain regula-
tions in the interest of personal security: running the stop light at a certain
time is considered acceptable in some countries. It is an indication of fear,
but also shows awareness of the security environment. Fear and the lack of
faith in the state’s ability to address violence have also influenced the prolif-
eration of gated communities and expansive investment in private security.
In addition to being influenced by high homicide rates, fear has also been
influenced by people’s political, economic and social insecurities, which
1 SECURITY, STATE POWER AND CITIZENSHIP: THE LATIN AMERICA … 13
Table 1.1 Total Homicide per Caribbean country for the period 2000–2016
Anguilla 27 205
Antigua and Barbuda 105 115
Aruba 56 56
Bahamas 1445 408
Barbados 416 150
British Virgin Islands 10 45
Cayman Islands 51 99
Cuba 10,188 90
Curaçao 203 156
Dominica 89 126
Dominican Republic 31,802 331
Grenada 166 160
Guadeloupe 170 38
Haiti 4206 42
Jamaica 21,864 786
Martinique 112 28
Montserrat 4 82
Puerto Rico 13,857 371
Saint Kitts and Nevis 199 397
Saint Lucia 559 334
Saint Vincent and the 338 310
Grenadines
Trinidad and Tobago 5571 422
Turks and Caicos Islands 14 48
United States Virgin 532 497
Islands
Total 91,984 5296
Table 1.2 Total Homicide per Latin American country for the period 2000–2016
An increasing number of residents of Sao Paulo are opting for types of private
security and even private justice (through either vigilantism or extra-legal
police actors) that are mostly unregulated and often explicitly illegal. Fre-
quently these privatized services infringe on and even validate the rights of
citizens. Yet these violations are tolerated by a population that often consid-
ers some citizenship rights unimportant and even reprehensible as evidenced
in the attack on human rights’. (2000: 3)
1 SECURITY, STATE POWER AND CITIZENSHIP: THE LATIN AMERICA … 15
do not apply (Buzan and Waever 1998). Coercive and exceptional measures
are normalized, preparing the target and the community for the possibility
of ‘collateral damage’. The use of mass surveillance as one of the primary
tools used in the war on drugs raises important questions about the right
to privacy, procedural fairness and racial equality (Rudovsky 1994). It also
points to the complications that attend transnational policing and intelli-
gence sharing, which take place across national borders and is, therefore,
beyond the sovereign’s control. These transnational and clandestine prac-
tices mute democratic accountability and set the tone for similar national
practices and policies.
In 2010, there were accusations from the then leader of the Jamaica
Labour Party and Prime Minister, Bruce Golding, that the way in which
wiretapped evidence, used to secure the extradition of drug kingpin,
Christopher ‘Dudus’ Coke to the US, was obtained amounted to a breach
of Coke’s constitutional rights. It was later revealed that the US had secured
two secret memorandums with the Jamaican government which allowed
them to bypass legal constraints. Additionally, the methods used to ‘cap-
ture’ gang members and ‘drug lords’ often have implications for citizen-
ship rights. In Jamaica, the use of the army to quell protests, respond to
attacks and ensure the extradition of drug ‘kingpin’ Christopher Dudus
Coke resulted in the death of over 70 persons and violation of human
rights. For many in the society, at least initially, national security was a jus-
tifiable reason for the abrogation of the right to life. But for people living
in Tivoli Gardens, the extradition of Coke led to numerous anxieties about
protection and security. People do not just rely on drug lords for guaran-
teeing personal security but for instituting predictable rules of citizenship
and for negotiating with the state and the police on their behalf.
Within the national context, it is common for gangs to be described
as ‘animals’ and non-humans. Through a dehumanizing or ‘animalizing’
discourse, the state is able to deploy a more extensive use of coercive pow-
ers, which as Hume (2007) shows in the case of El Salvador undercut
citizenship rights. Columbia and Mexico, for example, have employed the
rhetoric of killing drug traffickers and militias. ‘A good criminal is a dead
criminal’ was a slogan oft repeated by Jair Bolsonaro, Brazils president on
his campaign trail in 2018. Evidently, national governments take a hard-line
approach to gangs and drugs when it suits their political interest or when
international pressure is applied, but they also employ peripheral strate-
gies which have consequences for citizenship. These include negotiating
1 SECURITY, STATE POWER AND CITIZENSHIP: THE LATIN AMERICA … 19
and cooperating with armed groups and contracting out security. By fail-
ing to provide security, the state actively participates in the production of
privatized security, provided by a range of actors including private com-
panies and armed actors. In a neoliberal paradigm, where governments
are increasingly incapable of providing public goods, alternative security
arrangements have become the norm. Contracting out security to armed
groups encourages urban segregation, excludes people from entitlements
through the state and encourages alienation from the state. In this regard,
marginalized spaces in Latin America and the Caribbean, pose a particular
difficulty for state legitimacy, making it difficult to reassert authority in
moments when the state wishes to assume control, for whatever reasons.
Negotiation is usually a last resort after all other strategies have been
exhausted. The 1996 peace agreement between the Guatemalan govern-
ment and the guerrillas put an end to the civil war which began in 1962
and resulted in numerous deaths. In the case of Columbia, the 2016 peace
treaty between the Columbian government and the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Columbia (FARC) is expected to address the decades-long prob-
lem of violence, guerrilla warfare and displacement. This would have pos-
itive effects on citizenship but without the necessary social and economic
institutions to fill the vacuum, other paramilitary groups can easily assume
control of territories previously occupied by the FARC. This would mean
a failure to incorporate people living on the margins into formal processes
of citizenship. Without this, people will continue to rely on the FARC for
protection and the provision of social services (Idler 2019).
Policing
It is impossible to discuss security practices and policies and the way in
which they affect citizenship on the margins without examining the action
of police and policing doctrines and institutions in Latin America and the
Caribbean. Police forces are often implicated in the dark side of democracy
—they use excess force, carry out extrajudicial killings, violate due
process, conduct searches without warrants, carry out abuses in the penal
system, engage in corruption and develop legitimating narratives to win
public support. The action of the police is usually influenced by several fac-
tors: the dominant security paradigm that frame the roles and functions
of policing, their colonial and authoritarian orientation, political forces
and measures of accountability, or the lack thereof (Bowling 2010; Loader
2018). The mano dura or zero-tolerance approach to policing in Latin
20 Y. CAMPBELL
Localizing Citizenship
Owing to the nature of dominant security approaches and the marginaliza-
tion of more human-centred approaches, the local has come to occupy a
more central place in the performance, negotiation and mediation of citi-
zenship. While the community has always been critical to the embodiment
and performance of citizenship, the security regimes in Latin America and
Caribbean have made the localization of citizenship more pronounced in
the lives of marginalized citizens who feel shut out of the formal process of
citizenship (Campbell and Clarke 2017). The denial of or failure to provide
security or its discriminate provision across different spaces within the same
territory, constitutes a denial of citizenship. In this way, the community
has become a critical site for the enactment and realization of citizenship.
The local practices that inform the social order of marginalized spaces are
decidedly in conflict with, and contest, the state’s legal-rational institutions,
calling its legitimacy and the veracity of the Rosseauian social contract into
question. In spaces where criminal groups provide social services and secu-
rity, resolve conflict and establish ‘jungle justice’ mechanisms, citizenship
through the state is often replaced with local security systems and gover-
nance actors who rely on de facto authority. By studying micro-level polit-
ical regimes in Medellin, Kingston and Rio de Janeiro, Arias (2017) shows
how the local governance roles of armed actors affect politics and crime
control policies and lead to different forms of governance. He argues that
factors including levels of consolidation, integration among armed actors,
weak or strong ties to the state, determine the types of armed level regimes
that emerged in the neighbourhoods that inform his study. The ability of
armed actors to influence crime control and governance, I would argue, is
also directly related to their role in mediating citizenship rights at the local
level. This provides armed groups with the support they need to embed
and legitimize their authority and strengthen their bargaining power with
the state.
Illustratively, donmanship is a key feature of garrisons in Jamaica: the
de facto legitimacy of a local don, a community leader, who controls how
1 SECURITY, STATE POWER AND CITIZENSHIP: THE LATIN AMERICA … 23
violence, security and criminality are ordered within the sphere of his geo-
graphical and political domain, is derived and authorized by his local follow-
ers. Donmanship has provided a localized system of citizenship for many
individuals within the garrisons, but, by their very nature, the garrisons are
exploitative entities that reproduce patterns of domination and subjuga-
tion. In contrast to what obtains in the garrisons, Jamaica’s middle class
derives formal citizenship through the institutions of the state and by virtue
of class position, education and place of residence. Consequently, while the
middle class has also become disenchanted with governance processes and
suffers from a growing problem of insecurity, its ‘good citizens’ remain
fairly passive, preferring to seek refuge in civil society organizations and
private security. Citizens on the margin, though, have shown an inclination
towards decentring the state. In the more organized garrisons, dons define
and rank rights determine how and in what manner they are to be enjoyed
and establish rules and enforcement policies. The local also provides a space
where people establish a sense of belonging and a local identity. It is also
the context in which people seek and command a respect and make sense
of the world. People’s worldview is to a large extent determined by expe-
riences in the local space where citizenship is practiced. While dons and
armed groups also deprive people of their citizenship rights which, along
with other factors, generate ‘low intensity citizenship (O’Donell 1993), in
some cases there is a tacit approval where citizens agree to give up some
of their rights for security (Jaffe 2012), reconfiguring citizenship in the
process. Blake’s (2013) study of Jamaican dons provide insights into their
role in local governance, justice and social control processes. Through vio-
lent practices such mob justice and lynching, Goldstein (2012) through
his study of Bolivia also reveals the way in which justice and security have
been managed and dispensed by communities. These practices result from a
complex set of issues including the lack of protection by the law and peren-
nial class discrimination and marginalization. The ineffectiveness of security
policies and practices of the state are always implicated in the reasons for
and the complexities that surround the localization of citizenship. Whereas
at the national level democratic citizenship is defined by the rule of law and
rights imbued in the constitution, citizenship at the local level rejects the
rule of the law and the values of middle-class respectability most closely
associated with the social requirements for citizenship. These arguments
are further explored and illuminated in the empirical chapters.
24 Y. CAMPBELL
Tivoli Gardens, Turl Head and Market Heights with an additional 35 con-
ducted amongst policy elites, including politicians, civil society, interna-
tional donors and policy managers. I have used pseudonyms to protect the
identity of all research participants.
By travelling to the communities on a daily basis I was fortunate enough
to observe people in their own social setting. I went to football games and
kept up with the activities of NGOs and governmental actors in the com-
munities. It would have been difficult to think through the information
collected without this kind of immersion into the socio-cultural environ-
ment. This also provided opportunities for personal reflections which are
integral because they provide the researcher with new vantage points and
with opportunities to make the ‘strange familiar and the familiar strange’
(Marshall and Rossman 2011). I also relied on focus group discussions.
The quantitative data utilized in the study was drawn from the United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) which provides data related
to drug trafficking, crime, criminal justice, drug production and drug use.
Data on many types of criminal offences are provided. These include rob-
bery, kidnapping and homicide data. The data is collected through the
Annual Report Questionnaire which focuses on drugs and the Crime Trend
Survey which focuses on crime and criminal justice, which are submitted by
Member States. UNODC also collect other kinds of data through national
surveys. It is important to bear in mind crime data has its limitations and
relies mainly on police collection and measurement methods.
Book Structure
Chapter 2, entitled Security and Citizenship, introduces key concepts and
uses a critical framework to explore debates which have emerged in studies
on both security and citizenship. Having laid the theoretical and concep-
tual foundation, in Chapter 3, The Jamaican Context, I pick up on central
issues raised in the introduction as a way of illuminating Jamaica’s social
order and its political and economic structures. I bring together debates,
past and present on the political, social and economic order with the aim of
providing a lens for the reader to situate the field sites. In addition to pro-
viding the context for situating the research, this chapter aims to sharpen
the focus on citizenship in Jamaica, preparing the reader for the empirical
chapters. It sets the stage, as well, for discussing the dynamic between cit-
izenship and security, according to spatial, political, and class realities, and
gives the reader important information on constant struggles experienced
26 Y. CAMPBELL
Introduction
In this chapter, I outline and critically assess the relevant literature on secu-
rity and citizenship as a way of exploring the arguments I present in the
remaining sections of this book. Both security and citizenship are con-
tested concepts and their traditional meanings have been challenged by
those who support a more critical, place-based understanding of social and
political phenomena. New approaches to citizenship have attempted to
move beyond the limits of a juridical, legalistic framework that privileges
the nation-state and those whose citizenship is made more readily accessible
through institutions of the state. By using the theoretical framework to lay
the building blocks of the book, I plan to unpack the empirical chapters in
a way that critically interrogates the relevant concepts. The empirical chap-
ters determined, significantly, the theoretical concepts that are explored
here; they suggest a strong correlation between security and citizenship,
making it imperative to examine the ways in which citizenship and security
‘speak’ to each other.
Security
Twenty-first-century discourses on security undoubtedly represent an arena
of conceptual contestation. The core of such contestations revolves around
debates which involve epistemological questions about knowledge creation
and how to theorize various referent objects that compete with the state
Chrotta, 368.
Chrysander, 53.
Church music, 9.
Clarinet, 599;
(in chamber music), 579, 598, 604.
Clavecinists, 26.
Clementi, Muzio, 64, 98, 100, 112, 117, 119ff, 143, 157.
Gradus ad Parnassum, 121.
Sonata in G minor (op. 7, no. 3), 121.
Sonata in B minor (op. 40, no. 2), 122.
Sonata in G minor (Didone abbandonata, op. 50, no. 3), 122.
Concertati, 474.
Corelli, Arcangelo, 6, 37, 93, 389, 392, 396ff, 412, 427, 428, 480,
481.
Violin sonatas, 397ff.
Coriat (quoted), 393.
Cornetto, 377.
Cortecci, 376.
Counter-theme, 11.
Couperin, François (le Grand), 8, 36, 41, 51ff, 63, 86, 207, 267f, 398,
484;
(rondo), 58;
(influence on Bach), 69.
Cremona, 375.
Crescendo, 378.
Crowd, 368.
Cryptograms, 218.
Cryth, 368.
Dante, 318.
Daquin, Claude, 61.
Dargomyzhsky, 330.
De Ahna, 451.
Denmark, 326.
Descriptive music, 27f, 55f, 214, 311. See also Picture music;
Realism in pianoforte music.
Diabelli, 165.
Dohle, 64.
Double-harmonics, 438.
Dumka, 586.
Durand, 412.
[d’]Étree, 376.
Fantasie, 79.
Fantasy pieces, 211. See also Schumann.
Fidula, 369.
Fochsschwantz, 468.
Form, 10;
(harmonic principle), 14;
(Scarlatti), 49;
(Chopin), 256;
(César Franck), 550.
See also Instrumental forms; Fugue; Sonata form; etc.
France, 25;
(modern pianoforte music), 341ff;
(violinist-composers), 405ff.
Franck, César, 207, 345ff, 349, 461, 547ff, 561, 581, 586.
Prelude, Chorale and Fugue, 345f.
Prelude, Aria and Finale, 346.
Symphonic Variations, 347f.
Violin sonata, 461.
String quartet in D minor, 547ff.
Pianoforte quintet, 586.
Francœur, 406.
Fuga, 10.
Furiant, 586.
Gastoldi, 377.
Gavotte, 26.
Gelinek, 182.
Genouillière, 156.
Giga, 23.
Gighi, 478.
Gigue, 23.
Glinka, 329;
(transcription of ‘A Life for the Czar’), 330.
Gluck, 7, 503.
Gossec, 499.
Grün, 445.
Guenin, Marie Alexandre, 408, 409f.
Guillemain, 409.
Guitar, 437;
(imitation of, on violin), 387.
Hardelle, 36.
Haydn, Joseph, 7, 89, 98, 100f, 112, 116, 128, 131f, 134, 135ff, 207,
410, 412, 416, 424, 444, 487, 503;
(compared with Beethoven), 133;
(fugue), 493;
(string quartet), 489ff, 498ff, 560;
(influence on Mozart), 499, 502f;
(trios), 574.
Piano sonata in G major (op. 14, Peters 11), 138.
Piano sonata in C major (op. 13, Peters 15), 138.
Piano sonata in F major (Peters 20), 138.
Piano sonatas in E-flat (Peters 1 and 3), 139.
Variations on a theme in F (for piano), 140f.
String quartets (op. 9), 491.
String quartets, (op. 20) (Sonnen quartets), 492.
String quartets (op. 33), 493f.
String quartets, op. 50 (1787), 495f.
String quartets (op. 54 and 55), 496f.
Heine, 134.
Hoftanz, 470.
Hungary, 317.
Hupfauff, 470.