Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Trauma and
Motherhood in
Contemporary
Literature and Culture
Editors
Laura Lazzari Nathalie Ségeral
Catholic University of America The University of Sydney
Washington, DC, USA Sydney, NSW, Australia
Sasso Corbaro Foundation for the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa
Medical Humanities Honolulu, HI, USA
Bellinzona, TI, Switzerland
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
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Acknowledgments
We would like to thank all the scholars, authors and translators who, dur-
ing a global pandemic, promptly contributed to this volume with insight-
ful chapters on trauma and motherhood.
We are grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their generous feedback
and to our editors Allie Troyanos and Paul Smith Jesudas at Palgrave
Macmillan for all the assistance they provided. Their suggestions were
greatly appreciated and helped us improve the content and the focus of
this book.
This manuscript spans from a conference we co-organized at the
Catholic University of America and from two interdisciplinary roundtables
on “New Representations of Motherhood in the Literature of the New
Millennium” organized by Dr. Lazzari at the Northeast Modern Language
Association Annual Convention in Washington DC in March 2019. The
papers presented and the discussions that followed convinced us of the
importance of editing such a volume. For this reason, we would like to
thank all those who participated in these conferences and contributed to
making them possible.
Special thanks go to Dr. Claudia Bornholdt and Flor Argueta for their
logistical help. We would also like to acknowledge Emanuele Amendola—
Director of the Istituto Culturale Italiano in Washington DC—and the
Department of Modern Languages and Literatures of the Catholic
University of America for their financial support in organizing the confer-
ence “Trauma and Recovery: Challenges to Motherhood in Contemporary
Literature and Culture” on March 7, 2019. Finally, Dr. Ségeral is grateful
to the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa for their generous support of her
v
vi Acknowledgments
travel and research related to the book project through the Endowment
for the Humanities Summer fellowship and the Spring 2019 Paris Resident
Director position of their Study Abroad Program.
To our families and children.
Contents
Trauma and Recovery: New Challenges to Motherhood in
Contemporary Literature and Culture 1
Laura Lazzari and Nathalie Ségeral
Understanding the Trauma of Pervasive Pregnancy Denial in
L’enfant que je n’attendais pas 13
Julie Anne Rodgers
Salvaging the Bones Means Fighting for Reproductive Justice:
Jesmyn Ward’s Literary Representations of the Trauma
Produced by Attacks on Reproductive Rights, Comprehensive
Sex Education, and Access to Maternal Health Care 31
Mary Catherine Foltz
Social Trauma and the Anti-Maternal Body in Diane a les
épaules 59
Holly Runde
vii
viii Contents
Trauma Behind Bars: Maternal Dilemma in Rossella Schillaci’s
Ninna nanna prigioniera 87
Giulia Po DeLisle
“Pour dire la souffrance des innocents?” Problematics of the
Madonna-Son Trope in Representing Trauma in Philippe
Aractingi’s Under the Bombs and Nadine Labaki’s Capernaum105
Maya Aghasi
Traumatic Memory and Narrative Healing in Contemporary
Diasporic Chinese British Women’s Writing129
Fang Tang
Tragedy, In Vitro: The Function of Reproductive Science in
Simon Stone’s Adaptation of Yerma163
Bryan Betancur
Index239
Notes on Contributors
ix
x Notes on Contributors
L. Lazzari
Catholic University of America, Washington, DC, USA
Sasso Corbaro Foundation for the Medical Humanities,
Bellinzona, TI, Switzerland
N. Ségeral (*)
The University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia
University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, Honolulu, HI, USA
e-mail: nathalie.segeral@sydney.edu.au
these current issues through the lens of trauma, resilience, and “working
through” theories, engaging with a transnational corpus drawn from the
five continents and spanning topics as diverse and little discussed as preg-
nancy denial, surrogacy, voluntary or involuntary childlessness, the inter-
section of racism and motherhood, carceral mothering practices, and
mothering through wars and migration.
British psychoanalyst, Jacqueline Rose, proceeds from what she terms
“a simple argument”:
that motherhood is, in Western discourse, the place in our culture where we
lodge, or rather bury, the reality of our own conflicts, of what it means to be
fully human. It is the ultimate scapegoat for our personal and political fail-
ings, for everything that is wrong in the world, which it becomes the task—
unrealizable, of course—of mothers to repair. (2018, I)
The double bind and conflicting injunctions that ensue epitomize the
intrinsic relationship between motherhood and trauma, on which each
one of the contributions included in this volume casts a different light.
Part I is devoted to traumatic experiences surrounding pregnancy and
childbirth. In the chapter, “Understanding the Trauma of Pervasive
Pregnancy Denial in L’Enfant que je n’attendais pas,” Julie Rodgers exam-
ines an aspect of motherhood that remains mostly silenced: pregnancy
denial and the unavoidable trauma that accompanies it. Pregnancy denial
refers to the condition in which a woman remains unconscious of her
pregnancy for a few months or, in the present case, until the birth. The
denial of pregnancy usually results in very few pregnancy symptoms and
hardly any physical transformation. Rodgers studies these disembodied
pregnancies by focusing on the French tele-film L’enfant que je n’attendais
pas, directed by Bruno Garcia (2019). She analyzes the various forms of
trauma that arise from such a cryptic pregnancy, highlighting that the
trauma is not only limited to the new mother but also affects the immedi-
ate family and the newborn whom no one expected. This chapter also
considers the role played by society in the reinforcement of the trauma,
through ostracization and criminalization, and demonstrates the urgent
need and educational potential for screen representations of this rarely
discussed phenomenon.
Then, in the chapter “Salvaging the Bones Means Fighting for
Reproductive Justice: Jesmyn Ward’s Literary Representations of the
Trauma Produced by Attacks on Reproductive Rights, Comprehensive
6 L. LAZZARI AND N. SÉGERAL
Although they have been adapted for each author, the questions asked in
the interviews are similar and are meant to create a virtual roundtable in
order to open the discussion on important and sensitive topics related to
the trauma and stigma connected to experiences of miscarriage, infertility,
and childlessness. The creative part includes conversations with Canadian
writer and journalist Alexandra Kimball on miscarriage, infertility, and
third-party reproduction; with Eleonora Mazzoni, the author of Le difet-
tose [The Defectives], an Italian novel engaging with the trauma of infer-
tility and IVF; with Marta Baiocchi, a scientist and novelist whose fictions
stage dystopic reproduction narratives; and with Nicoletta Nesler and
Marilisa Piga, directors and instigators of the Lunàdigas project and docu-
mentary centering on voluntarily childless women, whose aim is to break
the stigma associated with childlessness across languages and cultures.
Read together, this volume and the creative supplement dealing with
silenced aspects of embodied motherhood in the twenty-first century will
create bridges among these transnational maternal experiences located on
the margins. In so doing, it will enhance a better understanding of the
cathartic effects of storytelling and of “working through” trauma, while
challenging accepted notions of motherhood as a monolithic entity and
the last vestige of humanity in traumatic contexts.
Works Cited
Almond, Barbara. (2010). The Monster Within: The Hidden Side of Mothering.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Amoia, Alba. (2000). No Mothers We! Italian Women Writers and Their Revolt
Against Maternity. Lanham: University Press of America.
Averis, Kate, Hollis-Touré, Isabel, eds. (2016). Exiles, Travellers and Vagabonds:
Rethinking Mobility in Francophone Women’s Writing. Cardiff: University of
Wales Press.
Blackwood, Sarah. (2018). “Is Motherhood a Genre?” Los Angeles Review of Books
(May 20). https://blog.lareviewofbooks.org/essays/motherhood-genre/.
Caruth, Cathy. (1996). Unclaimed Experience: Trauma, Narrative, and History.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Druckerman, Patricia. (2014). Bringing Up Bébé. One American Mother Discovers
the Wisdom of French Parenting. New York: Penguin Books.
Edwards, Natalie. (2016). Voicing Voluntary Childlessness: Narratives of Non-
Mothering in French. Oxford: Peter Lang.
Eljdupovic, Gordana and Rebecca Jaremko Bromwich. (2013). Incarcerated
Mothers. Oppression and Resistance. Ontario, Canada: Demeter Press.
10 L. LAZZARI AND N. SÉGERAL
J. A. Rodgers (*)
Maynooth University, Maynooth, Ireland
e-mail: Julie.Rodgers@mu.ie
1
Our societal representation of the maternal role and the idealized expectations that we
have of motherhood which, in turn, demand that the mother is always “good” without
exception (all translations from French to English are my own).
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 15
All four consider the traumatic impact of giving birth and suddenly becom-
ing a mother when the preparation stage, that is, the pregnancy itself, has
been largely non-existent. L’enfant que je n’attendais pas [The Unexpected
Child], the film chosen for analysis in this chapter, shares a similar concern
and allows the maternal point of view to come to the fore in its depiction
of denied pregnancy. However, there are other angles to the resultant
trauma that emerge in L’enfant que je n’attendais pas but which do not
receive the same careful treatment in the other four films. For instance,
there is substantial reference to the consequences of the denied pregnancy
for extended family members, including the newborn, as well as the social
and judicial trauma inflicted on the mother figure, thus the viewer is com-
pelled to acknowledge a spectrum of responses. Subsequently, without
diminishing or detracting from the maternal perspective, L’enfant que je
n’attendais pas manages to reflect on the nature of this particular type of
birth trauma more holistically than other on-screen representations and it
is for this reason that it is worthy of individual critical attention.
If serious on-screen representation of denied pregnancy, in contrast to
the more common media tendency towards sensationalization, is already
insubstantial, it would appear that this is even more so the case when it
comes to academic scholarship on the said subject. At present, it appears
that Ayers and Manjunath’s article cited above and which relates to
American film may, in fact, be the only existing piece of critical engage-
ment. In the field of French and Francophone scholarship, to date there
has been no published material dedicated to fictional representations of
denied pregnancy in any textual form, screen or otherwise. This chapter,
therefore, has the potential to make a valuable contribution not only to
the wider discussion of challenging variations of motherhood, but to the
very specific issue of a grossly misunderstood form of pregnancy trauma.
mother-victim, but also the wider family and, to a certain extent, society at
large. The film opens with an idyllic scene from family life. Johanna, a slim
and attractive career woman and mother who is happily married, returns
home from work to partake in her young daughter’s birthday celebrations.
The mise-en-scène is one of bright afternoon sunlight streaming through
the windows of their tastefully decorated and well-appointed home while
laughter resounds in the background. The family presented to us is a
happy, secure and prosperous unit and there is nothing to suggest the hor-
ror and chaos that lie ahead.
Following on from the party, however, the scene cuts to dark/night
and we see Johanna waking suddenly with agonizing stomach pains.
Deciding not to disturb her husband and presuming that the spasms will
eventually subside, she goes to the bathroom where she unexpectedly
gives birth. Not fully realizing what has just happened, she places the new-
born in a plastic bag and abandons it by the bins outside. Just as Johanna
is returning to the house, her husband, who has now arisen from his sleep,
calls the ambulance when he sees wife’s blood-stained nightdress. Before
long, Johanna finds herself accused of attempted neonaticide (the baby is
rescued by a neighbour and manages to survive) despite remaining ada-
mant that this is impossible given that she was never pregnant in the first
place. It soon becomes evident that Johanna has suffered a denied preg-
nancy. However, that does not immediately absolve her of crime as one
might expect.
As the film unfolds, the focus shifts from the immediate events of the
opening scene to a careful examination of how such a trauma is negotiated
and understood internally by the victim as well the external need for a
concrete explanation of what has happened and why. Through a close
filmic reading of L’enfant que je n’attendais pas, this chapter will elucidate
the extent to which denied pregnancy remains both an enigmatic and
taboo topic in society. It will discuss the physical and psychological trauma
for the mother concerned and, moreover, the difficulties that this presents
for maternal bonding with the newborn. By considering the characters of
the husband (Laurent) and the daughter (Camille, approximately 8 or
9 years old) in the film, it will also examine the extension of the trauma to
other family members. Finally, the chapter will raise a number of questions
relating to societal expectations of motherhood and pregnancy, which, in
turn, infiltrate reactions to the phenomenon of denied pregnancy, most
notably through a refusal to accept and validate it. Linked to this will be a
discussion of the potential of L’enfant que je n’attendais pas to challenge
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 17
2
Unthought/Unthinkable pregnancy.
3
That a woman did not want to see what was real.
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 19
4
Pregnancy denial engenders a whole host of received ideas concerning the demographic
that it affects, ideas that are hard to deconstruct, even within the medical domain. For exam-
ple, denial primarily concerns female adolescents, women with mental health problems or
women from the lower classes. This is all false. Denial can affect any woman within the pro-
creating age bracket.
5
The persistence of these stereotypes is interesting. It plays a protective role, perhaps. It’s
as if discovering and accepting the absence of a typical profile would mean suddenly con-
fronting the more difficult, darker aspects of maternity, recognizing that each and every
woman harbours ambivalence, at times lethal, in relation to pregnancy.
20 J. A. RODGERS
arguments that will be used against her in the collective refusal to accept
her denial as authentic.
6
What baby? What are you talking about? It’s impossible. I’m not pregnant.
7
You have confused me with someone else. I’m not pregnant.
8
My wife is not pregnant.
9
A collective mechanism.
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 21
et du social” (Masseaux 2019, 53)10 and not just the individual mother
figure. The husband’s profession as physiotherapist, accustomed to closely
observing bodies and their movements, is remarked on in the film, as well
as the fact that he both shared a bed and intimate relations with his wife
over the course of the last nine months. It is not just Johanna, therefore,
who is implicated in the denied pregnancy but her husband too.
Commenting on the role of partners in cases of denied pregnancy,
Masseaux states, “Tout comme leur compagne, ils ont fait un déni en ne
percevant pas les signes infiniment discrets de la grossesse” (2019, 37).11
Guernalec-Levy develops this argument, suggesting that it is perhaps the
collective aspect to the denial that is key to the persistence of the denial in
the mother concerned, based on the logic that “c’est aussi le regard de
l’autre qui permet de se sentir enceinte” (2007, 12).12
Linked to this idea of pregnancy denial extending beyond the mother
figure is society’s outright refusal to believe Johanna’s account of events,
which, understandably, intensifies the trauma as her own personal truth is
invalidated. The mother who experiences a denied pregnancy is treated as
“une dissimulatrice qui n’assume pas ses devoirs maternels”13 and labelled
as “la menteuse, la folle, ou encore pire, l’irresponsable” (Marinopolous
and Nisand 2011, 16).14 Consequently, the police who interrogate
Johanna in the hospital, before she has even had time to recover from the
horror of her labour, presume maternal agency and deceit, as is evident in
the recriminatory tone of their questioning: “Pourquoi vous avez caché
votre grossesse ? Pourquoi vous avez tenté de tuer votre bébé ?”15 Similarly,
Johanna’s husband rejects his wife’s narrative, also accusing her of having
engaged in a deliberate act of concealment. “Dis-moi la vérité,”16 he
orders her, and “Pourquoi tu m’as caché que tu étais enceinte?”17 As
Guernalec-Levy points out, “le terme ‘cacher’ porte en lui l’intention et la
préméditation” (2007, 111),18 thereby engendering a denial of the denial.
10
A series of participants, from the immediate entourage to social and medical workers.
11
Just like their partner, they have undergone a denial by not recognizing the very discrete
signs of pregnancy.
12
It is also the gaze of the Other that allows a woman to see her pregnancy.
13
A deceitful woman who refuses to assume her maternal role.
14
A liar, crazy or, even worse, irresponsible.
15
Why did you hide your pregnancy? Why did you try to kill your baby?
16
Tell me the truth.
17
Why did you hide that you were pregnant from me?
18
The term hide implies intention and premeditation.
22 J. A. RODGERS
Both Johanna’s mother-in-law and the judge dealing with the legal case
that emerges from the abandonment of the newborn also contribute sig-
nificantly to the persistent cancelling of the mother’s narrative that occurs
in the film. Her mother-in-law claims that, as far as she is concerned, it is
impossible to be pregnant and unaware of it: “Quand on est enceinte on
le sait.”19 Johanna is, therefore, like many women who undergo a denied
pregnancy, implicitly blamed “de ne pas avoir été suffisamment à l’écoute
de leur corps” (Masseaux 2019, 48).20 The judge hones in on Johanna’s
age, education and the fact the she has already had a child as condemna-
tory evidence that the denial has been falsified: “Madame Solis n’est pas
une jeune femme écervelée qui ne connaît pas les signes d’une grossesse.”21
Simultaneously, through this statement, the judge also reinforces the ste-
reotypes commonly associated with denied pregnancy and the belief that
it can only happen to a certain type of woman. This is a myth that, it must
be added, is also initially upheld by Johanna herself, until she has had the
opportunity to undergo therapy: “Mais ça n’arrive pas à des femmes
comme moi. Ça arrive à des femmes qui ont des problèmes.”22
With such reluctance to believe that a denied pregnancy has indeed
occurred, by those close to Johanna as well as society at large, it becomes
necessary then to construct what might be deemed a more feasible inter-
pretation. As Marinopolous and Nisand observe, “Questionner, vouloir
une réponse à tout prix est le premier réflexe avec ces femmes. Tout le
monde la prie de donner une explication tout de suite” (2011, 132).23
Subsequently, Johanna finds herself accused of having had an affair and
carried another man’s baby as well as being over-ambitious in terms of her
career, with her mother-in-law remarking that “On ne donne pas une pro-
motion à une femme enceinte”24 and thus insinuating that the pregnancy
was deliberately hidden in favour of professional success. Marinopolous
and Nisand clarify why society needs an explanation for denied pregnancy
as follows
19
When you’re pregnant, you know.
20
To not have been properly in tune with her body.
21
Mrs. Solis is not an idiotic young woman who doesn’t know what the signs of preg-
nancy are.
22
But that kind of thing doesn’t happen to women like me. It happens to women with
problems.
23
Questioning, demanding a response at all costs is the first reflex when faced with these
women. Everyone wants an immediate explanation.
24
Pregnant women don’t get promotions.
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 23
Les femmes qui font un déni … nous projettent dans un monde incom-
préhensible dont nous voulons absolument sortir …. Il est intolérable de se
retrouver face à un corps non modifié qui attend un enfant; il est insupport-
able d’entendre telle femme nous dire qu’elle ne savait rien de son état.
(2011, 132)25
Maternal Trauma
One of the main indicators of the extreme level of trauma that Johanna has
just undergone is her state of complete dissociation from her body. On
two separate instances she describes feeling totally outside of and removed
from herself: “J’ai l’impression que c’est pas moi”27 and “C’est comme si
c’était pas moi.”28 Much later in the film, when revisiting the events of that
particular night with her therapist, this sense of dissociation from the
actual birth and, by extension, the baby, is revisited. Johanna refers to hav-
ing lost all control of her body that evening, so much so that it felt as if she
wasn’t even there, as if her body had betrayed her. Masseaux observes that
the trauma of denied pregnancy can remain long after the birth itself, not-
ing that “la plupart des femmes se méfient dorénavant de leur corps. Elles
25
Women who experience denial … force us to enter an incomprehensible world that we
want to escape from. … We cannot tolerate these bodies that do not change despite expect-
ing an infant; we cannot accept a woman telling us that she didn’t know anything about her
pregnancy.
26
By classifying them monsters, we deprive them of humanity.
27
I feel like it’s not me.
28
It’s as if it wasn’t me.
24 J. A. RODGERS
ont peur de faire un nouveau déni de grossesse. … Elles n’ont plus tout à
fait confiance en leur corps qui a caché ce qu’il est pourtant censé afficher”
(2019, 73).29 When Johanna jokes, therefore, towards the end of the film,
that she is going to take a pregnancy test every month for the rest of her
life, the humour masks the deeper and enduring wounds of the trauma
that befell her.
As a result of the corporeal dissociation engendered by the denied preg-
nancy, it is not surprising, therefore, that Johanna should experience sig-
nificant difficulties in bonding with her newborn. This is not helped, of
course, by the fact that Johanna is initially prevented from seeing, holding
and feeding her baby thereby prolonging her denial phase by preventing
mutual recognition. Johanna herself pleads with the medical staff and
police officers: “Mais j’ai besoin de savoir qu’il existe.”30 Subsequently, the
baby remains outside the realm of consciousness and temporality for
Johanna, causing her to feel, in her own words, “comme si c’était l’enfant
d’une autre.”31 It is worth noting here that it is not until several weeks
after the birth that the baby is given a name (Hugo), and even then, it is
his sister Camille who provides it and not one of his parents who both
struggle with his existence and refer to him simply as “le bébé”32 as if he
has no connection to them.
To return specifically to Johanna, however, it must be acknowledged
that Johanna’s inability to bond with the newborn is also closely linked to
the fact that she has not had time to prepare for its arrival in the way that
expectant mothers normally would. In other words, Johanna has been
deprived of what Bayle describes as the psychic space of pregnancy (2016,
23). According to Bayle, each trimester is integral to the development of
a different aspect of the mother-child relationship to come (2016, 28). As
Marinopolous and Nisand astutely point out, “il ne suffit pas d’accoucher
pour devenir mère” (2011, 223).33 Masseaux agrees with this stating that
the becoming of the mother is a long process that unfolds in small steps
over the course of the nine months of gestation (2019, 39). Women who
experience denied pregnancy, however, do not have access to the vital
29
The majority of these women are suspicious of their bodies from then on. They are wor-
ried about another pregnancy denial. … They no longer have any confidence in a body that
hid from them something that it should have revealed.
30
But I need to know that he exists.
31
It’s as if it’s someone else’s baby.
32
The baby.
33
Becoming a mother is not simply about giving birth.
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 25
Extended Trauma
Without undermining the traumatic impact of denied pregnancy on the
mother, L’enfant que je n’attendais pas also successfully draws the specta-
tor’s attention to the wider implications of such a phenomenon, in par-
ticular for the newborn and other family members concerned. Although
Johanna’s baby survives and emerges strong and healthy despite the cir-
cumstances of the pregnancy, it is made clear that had the paramedics
arrived even minutes later, the outcome could have been fatal. The risk of
infant mortality in the case of denied pregnancy is elevated, first due to the
often-perilous conditions of the labour and second as a direct result of the
pregnancy not having been monitored. During Johanna’s pregnancy, we
learn that she continued to consume alcohol, exercised no extra precau-
tion (e.g., she did not take folic acid) and did not receive antenatal
34
Society expects these women to act as loving and protective mothers. It expects them to
lift the baby to the breast, keep it warm, show it attachment and tenderness. Because this is
how a mother behaves.
26 J. A. RODGERS
Un enfant qui naît à la suite d’un déni de grossesse de sa mère est un enfant
pour lequel aucun processus d’attente ne s’est construit. Cet enfant arrive
soudainement et, quand le déni s’est maintenu jusqu’à l’accouchement, il
projette la mère et l’enfant dans un danger réel pour leur vie respective.
(2011, 88)35
Expanding on from this, in the same way that the denial has been
described earlier as a collective phenomenon, implicating more than just
the pregnant woman, so too can the trauma be seen to stretch beyond the
mother-newborn dyad. After Johanna and the baby, the other characters
whose lives are significantly disrupted by the unexpected birth are, under-
standably, her husband and her daughter. The film shows the way in which
cases of denied pregnancy are regularly sensationalized by the media with
Johanna’s family members hounded by reporters and this relentless exter-
nal harassment exacerbating what is already an overwhelming internal
ordeal. Where Camille is concerned, there is also the added struggle of
school bullies taunting her over what has happened to her family. With
both lives having been irrevocably disrupted, Laurent and Camille, like
Johanna, experience a sensation of dislocation and dissociation from their
sense of self. Laurent feels lost and estranged from everything that was
once familiar to him and finds it difficult to reconfigure his identity:
“Qu’est-ce que je suis censé faire ? Reprendre ma vie comme si de rien
n’était ?”36 Similarly, Camille no longer recognizes in Johanna (whom she
knows to have abandoned her brother by the bins), the mother who was
tender and protective of her daughter. There is an acute sense of loss for
Laurent and Camille who, while grappling with the unexpected arrival of
35
An infant born of a denied pregnancy is an infant for whom no preparation whatsoever
has been undertaken. The infant arrives suddenly, and when the denial persists up until the
onset of labour, both the lives of the mother and the infant are thrust into grave danger.
36
What am I supposed to do? Start my life all over again as if nothing has happened?
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 27
Judicial Trauma
The final aspect of the trauma of denied pregnancy as depicted by L’enfant
que je n’attendais pas that must be discussed before drawing the film analy-
sis to a close is, of course, the problematic status of this particular phe-
nomenon within the judicial system. As previously indicated, Johanna
abandons her newborn by the bins outside immediately after the birth.
Guernalec-Levy refers to this “le syndrome du sac-poubelle” (2007,
103)37 and explains it as a frequently occurring, uncontemplated and auto-
matic response on the part of women who have experienced pregnancy
denial. Despite the emphasis on the unconscious nature of such an action,
Johanna, nonetheless, finds herself accused of a pre-meditated attempt at
neonaticide and is facing a lengthy prison sentence, which commences
when she is refused release on bail while the legal proceedings are ongoing.
What unfolds then in the film is a complex court battle whereby Johanna
must prove the validity of her denied pregnancy and demonstrate that she
is not guilty of concealment and intended murder. It quickly becomes
clear that there is a very weak understanding of the reality of pregnancy
denial within the legal system, as is evident in Johanna’s struggle to find a
suitable and sympathetic lawyer to represent her (e.g., she is initially
turned down by her best friend who is a lawyer). In fact, for the most part,
it is up to her to research the phenomenon and equip her legal team with
the general facts while also trying to negotiate her own personal psycho-
logical and physical trauma. The success of the case rests on being able to
convince the jury that Johanna truly had no awareness of her pregnancy
whatsoever and did not realize that she was in labour. As Ducroix and
Vacheron underline, the mother who undergoes a denied pregnancy and
abandons the newborn after the birth cannot be accused of a pre-meditated
attempt at neonaticide if one accepts that “cet enfant … n’a jamais existé
en tant qu’être différencié” (2016, 208).38 Marinopolous and Nisand add
to this argument by describing labour in the case of denied pregnancy not
as a “giving birth” experience, but, rather, “une tentative de survie …
37
The bin-bag syndrome.
38
This child … who has never existed as a separate being.
28 J. A. RODGERS
39
An attempt at survival … fighting so as not to die.
40
Is generally treated as a waste product that have removed and erased.
41
The state of panic, stupor and confusion that these women find experience.
UNDERSTANDING THE TRAUMA OF PERVASIVE PREGNANCY DENIAL… 29
key areas of society where services for these women are in grave need of
improvement. For example, the film broaches the need for more support
groups dedicated to facilitating recovery from the trauma of denied preg-
nancy. As Masseaux states, it is absolutely essential to offer a safe and
empathetic space to these mothers where they can talk freely and without
fear of judgement from their entourage (2019, 106). The same point is
underscored by Blazy who speaks of the importance for women who
undergo denied pregnancy of having access to “un accompagnement qui
ne les stigmatise pas; et qui refuse de voir en elles des menteuses, voire des
monstres, ou encore pire des femmes potentiellement meurtrières” (2016,
49).42 In the case of Johanna, it is within the forum of the community
support group which gathers together various women who have under-
gone a similar experience, that she begins to better comprehend what has
happened to her and realize that she is not alone in her anguish. It is also
the support group and its emphasis on talking therapy that enables her to
better articulate her experience to her legal representatives, thus indirectly
leading to the more positive outcome of her trial whereby she is found
guilty for abandoning a minor as opposed to attempted neonaticide and
receives a suspended sentence.
Having exposed the various layers to the trauma of denied pregnancy,
L’enfant que je n’attendais pas ends on a note of recovery. The final scene
of the film depicts a confident and informed Johanna delivering a talk to
medical students on her own personal experience of denied pregnancy.
L’enfant que je n’attendais pas is, therefore, an example of how art and
film can educate society and encourage renewed and more tolerant atti-
tudes in relation to the poorly understood medical condition of denied
pregnancy.
Works Cited
Almond, Barbara. (2010). The Monster Within: The Hidden Side of Motherhood.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Auer, Julie and Anne-Catherine Rolland. (2016). “Une revue de la littérature.” In
Benoît Bayle (Ed.), Le déni de grossesse (67–87). Toulouse: Éditions Eres.
42
An accompanied journey, where they are not stigmatized or treated as liars and monsters
or, even worse, potential murderers.
30 J. A. RODGERS
Filmography
Benm’Barek, Meryem, dir. (2018). Sofia. France, Belgium, Qatar, Morocco:
Curiosa Films, Versus Production.
Dupontel, Albert, dir. (2013). Neuf mois ferme [9 Month Stretch]. France, Belgium:
ADCB Films, France 2 Cinéma.
Fontaine, Anne, dir. (2016). Les Innocentes [Agnus Dei]. France: Aeroplan Cinema,
France 2 Cinéma.
Garcia, Bruno, dir. (2019). A l’enfant que je n’attendais pas [The Unexpected
Child]. France Television: Pampa Productions.
Millet, Emmanuelle, dir. (2011). La brindille [Twiggy]. France: Thelma Films,
Manchester Films, Canal.
Salvaging the Bones Means Fighting
for Reproductive Justice: Jesmyn Ward’s
Literary Representations of the Trauma
Produced by Attacks on Reproductive Rights,
Comprehensive Sex Education, and Access
to Maternal Health Care
I offer thanks to Laura Lazzari for organizing a 2019 NeMLA panel titled “New
Representations of Motherhood in the New Millennium” and to panelists at
NeMLA for their feedback on an early version of this chapter. I also am grateful
to my colleague Suzanne Edwards for her expert advice during the revision
process. Finally, I am indebted to graduate students, especially Justin McCarthy,
in my “Post-45 U.S. Women Writers” course at Lehigh University for their
thoughtful engagement with Ward’s work, which helped me to clarify my
arguments in this article.
has received widespread acclaim for its critical account of state institutions’
failure to protect marginalized communities during times of natural disas-
ter, critics have spent less time discussing how the novel is a twenty-first-
century contribution to the reproductive justice movement and Black
feminists’ critiques of middle-class white feminists’ limited focus on abor-
tion rights.1 Indeed, because the novel centers on a young girl, Esch, com-
ing to terms with an unplanned pregnancy and reflecting upon her
mother’s death following the birth of Esch’s younger brother, it is a pow-
erful portrayal of the challenges facing Black women in the U.S. Because
of its consistent and clear depiction of the variety of ways in which educa-
tional, medical, and governmental institutions fail Black mothers and their
children, the novel should be understood as one of the most important
contemporary novels to depict the impact of the Republican religious
right’s effective attacks on reproductive rights, comprehensive sex educa-
tion, and feminist health care facilities. As the novel centers on the Black
maternal health crisis and the lack of access to prenatal care as well as abor-
tion services in the South for Black women, it also showcases how white
middle-class feminists’ focus on abortion rights alone fails to address the
needs of low-income women of color.2 While legally they may have the
right to choose an abortion, the absence of state and federal funding for
M. C. Foltz (*)
Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA, USA
e-mail: mcf209@lehigh.edu
1
There are a few published articles that focus explicitly on pregnancy or sexuality in Salvage
the Bones; see Marotte 2015, 207–220; Edwards 2015, 141–167; Henry 2019, 71–85; and
Locke 2013, 12–19. A series of other articles address representation of Hurricane Katrina.
See Clark 2017, 341–358; Lloyd 2016, 246–64; Manzella 2018, 188–198; Crawford 2018,
73–84; Green 2018, 126–143; and Jellenik 2015, 221–237. For Jesmyn Ward’s nonfictional
account of her family’s experience of Hurricane Katrina, see Ward 2008, 34–41. Other arti-
cles address Ward’s intervention into representations of poverty in canonical U.S. literary
works; see Railsback 2016, 179–195; and Moynihan 2015, 550–567.
2
The critique offered here is not new. In the 1980s, the National Black Women’s Health
Project (NBWHP) was a central intellectual and activist force in moving beyond a limited
focus on abortion rights to a broader reproductive justice platform that addresses “external
challenges confronting communities of color and constraining their reproduction—popula-
tion control, sterilization abuse, unsafe contraceptives, welfare reform, the criminalization of
women who use drugs and alcohol during pregnancy, and coercive and intrusive family plan-
SALVAGING THE BONES MEANS FIGHTING FOR REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE… 33
abortion and closure of abortion providers across the South has made it
impossible for many low-income women to exercise their right to termi-
nate a pregnancy. And decreased funding for state and federal welfare,
racism, and classism within health care institutions, and the lack of afford-
able, inclusive, as well as supportive maternal health care for low-income
women, has led to increased maternal and infant mortality for Black
women and their children. By portraying the physical and emotional trau-
mas produced by institutions that fail to value Black mothers and their
children, Ward ultimately calls readers to respond to the high levels of
maternal mortality for Black women in the U.S. and the devaluation of
Black mothers as well as the disenfranchisement of their children through
a reproductive justice paradigm in which women of color are empowered
to make decisions about their own reproductive health care and provide
leadership in transforming medical, educational, and familial institutions
to meet their needs. The various forms of trauma that Esch (the protago-
nist) and her mother experience lead her to imagine—and to fight for—
communal, familial, and societal transformations that will benefit Black
women, their families, and larger communities.3
My chapter, titled “Salvaging the Bones Means Fighting for
Reproductive Justice,” positions representations of trauma in the novel in
conversation with theorists of reproductive justice and Black feminist the-
ory, including texts by Dorothy Roberts (1997) as well as Loretta Ross
ning programs and policies” (Silliman et al. 2016, 8). For a strong history of the foundations
of reproductive justice and key Black, Latinx, Native American, and Asian American leaders
as well as organizations in the movement, see Silliman et al. 2016. In the 1990s, Dorothy
Roberts continued this critique as she intervened into “public and scholarly debated about
reproductive freedom [that] center[ed] abortion, often ignoring other important reproduc-
tive health policies that are most likely to affect Black women” (1997, 5). For Roberts, activ-
ists and scholars need to explore the full range of policies and institutions that limit Black
women’s “reproductive autonomy,” including their ability to access safe birth control, pre-
natal care, childcare, and the financial means to support their families (1997, 5). For more
recent accounts of the foundations and current aims of reproductive justice activism, see Ross
and Solinger 2017; Ross et al. (eds) 2017; Briggs 2017; and Gurr 2015.
3
While I focus on the value of Ward’s novel for elucidating the stakes of reproductive
justice, Edwards shows how the novel intervenes into “black feminism … increasingly identi-
fied as a sexually conservative discourse whose adherence to a politics of respectability hin-
ders its capacity to respond in meaningful ways to the lives and cultures of contemporary
black women” (2015, 149). Her essay powerful illustrates the text’s value for broader con-
versations about representations of Black women’s sexuality beyond a focus on pregnancy
(Edwards 2015, 156–162).
34 M. C. FOLTZ
and Rickie Solinger (2017), and others.4 In particular, I show how the
novel reveals the failure of medical, educational, governmental, and famil-
ial institutions to live up to the three central tenets of the reproductive
justice movement: “the right not to have a child,” “the right to have a
child,” and “the right to parent a child in safe and healthy environments”
(Ross and Solinger 2017, 9). As Ross and Solinger explain,
At the heart of reproductive justice is this claim: all fertile persons and per-
sons who reproduce and become parents require a safe and dignified context
for these most fundamental human experiences. Achieving this goal depends
on access to specific, community-based resources including high-quality
health care, housing and education, a living wage, a healthy environment,
and a safety net for times when these resources fail. (2017, 9)
Like these activists and theorists, the novel critiques medical and govern-
mental institutions that neglect women by making access to reproductive
health care too expensive, limiting access to full reproductive health care
such as abortion services and prenatal care, and fostering health care envi-
ronments that deny Black women’s full humanity and value as mothers.
My analysis of maternal death and teen pregnancy in the novel draws upon
the aforementioned theorists, and also positions the text within the
twenty-first-century context of Mississippi’s long-term attack on repro-
ductive choice and education that has become even more effective during
the Trump presidency.5 While other authors in this collection turn to
trauma theory, I show how the novel links bodily and psychic trauma to
institutional structures that injure Black women and their children. In this
way, I reveal how literary works can help readers connect trauma to their
causes and begin to imagine structural change. In particular, I address
how the novel explores the physical and psychic trauma produced by: (1)
lack of prenatal care that can lead to maternal death; (2) lack of access to
information about sexual and reproductive health; (3) lack of access to
abortion services; and (4) lack of resources to raise children in healthy
environments before, during, and after natural disasters, thereby linking
reproductive justice to environmental justice movements. Despite the lack
of governmental, medical, and educational support, Black mothers in
4
See Ross and Solinger 2017; Ross et al. (eds) 2017; and Roberts 1997.
5
For an account of the history of reproductive politics that includes analysis of the Trump
era, see Briggs 2017. For recent discussions of Mississippi’s attack on abortion services, see
Carlsen et al. 2018; Andrews 2018 and 2019. Also, see Lai 2019.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
recognised where the ladders lead down to the holds beneath.
These vessels carry powerful pumps, the oil being taken on board
and discharged by this means. Oil is also employed as the ship’s
fuel, and the boiler is kept as far away from the cargo as possible,
but in order to counteract the possibility of the oil getting adrift and
leaking into the after part of the ship, a separate small compartment
is also added, so as more completely to divide the hold from the
boiler and engines. This will be easily recognised in the illustration.
The other illustration facing page 246 shows a model of the Silverlip,
also with her engines placed well aft; but this, with her derricks and
her deck-houses, represents a larger and more complex ship.
We come now to a type of steamship, which, by reason of its
peculiar construction, is deserving of more than ordinary
consideration. Opposite page 248 we give the latest example of this
type—the s.s. Inland. The “turret-ship,” as the class is called, is of
quite modern origin, and no one can come face to face with her
without being instantly struck with her unusual appearance. She
owes her birth to Messrs. William Doxford and Sons, Limited, of
Sunderland, who are the patentees and builders of this kind of ship.
It is needless to say that when this novel class of steamship first
appeared in the early ’nineties there was aroused the usual
prejudice; indeed, having in mind what has been the experience of
other inventors in connection with our subject, the reader could
hardly expect otherwise. Firstly, let us consider her with regard to her
appearance. It will be seen that she differs from the usual cargo and
passenger ship in that her sides tumble right in above the water-line.
This forms a kind of half turtle deck, and is known as the harbour
deck. But the upper deck of the “turret-ship” is extremely narrow.
(This will be seen more easily by reference to the next illustration,
which gives a model of the midship section of such a ship.) The
harbour deck need not be used except when in port, but it can be
employed for stowing long timbers or even iron girders if required.
Like the oil-tanker, many of the turret-ships have their engines
placed right aft, so that there is a long clear space for stowing the
cargo in the hold, an advantage which is especially appreciated in
the carrying of certain kinds of cargoes. Just as we saw there was
great danger to a ship in the possibility of oil washing about the hull
and shifting in a perilous manner, so also there is a danger in such
cargoes as rice and grain. With regard to the latter, I remember the
case of a big cargo ship which had the misfortune to spring a leak
and the water swelled the rice to such an extent that the ship, strong
as she was, burst her sides. But in the case of grain the danger is
not merely that, but also of shifting. As guarding against this
possibility the turret-ship, by reason of her special design, is
specially suitable, for any shifting that may take place in the turret
matters but little, and whatever shifting may take place in the hold is
compensated for by the turret; the cargo can be shot into the hold
without needing any trimming. The deck of the “turret” portion will be
seen from the illustration facing page 248 to form a navigating
platform.
But since the fishing fleets were at sea for weeks together, and
something faster than a sailing ship was required to hurry the
cargoes to market, a special steam fish-carrier came in which plied
her voyages from the Dogger to London and the east coast ports.
From that it was an easy step to building a steamship for use not as
a carrier but as a trawler. Already steam had been in use on board
the sailing trawler, but that had been for hauling the nets and
warping into dock. The increase of competition, the loss of a market
through calms and the prevalence of head winds, clearly marked the
way for the coming of the steam trawler. Recently it has been shown
that the employment of the motor-propelled trawler means a saving
of cost and a greater share of profits to all concerned, and perhaps
in the next decade the steam trawler may find the more modern form
of propulsion to be a serious rival. But even now sail has anything
but vanished, and there are many purely sail-driven trawlers, as also
there are many steam trawlers with auxiliary sails. Within the last few
years the steam fishing ship has grown to be of considerable size,
with topgallant forecastle, high freeboard and lofty wheel-house, so
that it penetrates to oceans thousands of miles away from the North
Sea, being enabled by reason of its size to carry sufficient quantities
of coal for many miles. The lower illustration facing page 252 shows
one of the modern type of steam trawler. This is the Notre Dame des
Dunes, built by the same makers as the Orontes. Her substantial
forecastle, her bold sheer and high bows, together with her length
(rather more than six beams to the longitudinal expanse), eminently
fit her for her work in most trying circumstances. A curious survival of
the old-fashioned sailing ship is seen in the retention in a twentieth
century ship of the imitation square ports painted along her topsides.
The Notre Dame measures 160 feet long, 25 feet wide, and 14½ feet
deep.
HYDRAULIC LIFEBOAT.
By permission from “The Yachting Monthly.”
But to-day, even with all the modern improvements which have
been put into the ship, both sailing and steam-propelled;
notwithstanding all the navigational appliances, the water-tight
compartments, the size of ships and the excellence with which they
are sent on their voyages, there is still need for the lifeboat, which
has to go out many times during a bad winter at the summons of
necessity. Although it is possible that the motor, as in the trawler, will
eventually oust steam from this special type of craft, that stage has
not yet been reached. Steam is a comparatively recent innovation to
the lifeboat, and this is partially explainable by the deep-rooted
prejudice of the local seamen. It is also owing to the fact that when
the lifeboat has to go out at all the seas are very bad, and the craft is
subjected to the water breaking over, and unless special precautions
were taken to guard against this the fires would be put out, and the
boat would be rather worse off than if she had no engines. There are
only a few steam lifeboats along our shores, and they are placed at
such stations where they can lie afloat instead of having to be
launched down the beach or from a specially constructed slipway.
The first form of steam lifeboat was to some extent on the lines of
the ship which John Allen had suggested as far back as 1730, of
which we spoke in an earlier chapter. It will be remembered that he
advocated a system which was actually employed by James
Rumsey in 1787. The principle was that of sucking water in at the
bows and ejecting it at the stern. A more recent instance of the use
of this idea will be found in the boat illustrated on the opposite page
which shows a hydraulic lifeboat. The disadvantage of having a
screw propeller is that it stands a very good chance of being fouled,
if not damaged, by wreckage and ropes. Therefore engines were
installed which sucked in the water by means of a “scoop,” placed at
the bottom of the boat amidships. The water thus indrawn is
discharged aft on either side of the hull, and if the craft is desired to
go astern, then this is easily done by discharging water forward. This
type has been in actual use, and has been highly efficacious in
saving human life from shipwreck. By referring to the lower figure of
the illustration on page 255, which shows the midship section of one
of the hydraulic type, some idea will be gained of the placing of the
“scoop.” By using alternately one of the after pipes the ship can be
manœuvred to port or starboard just like a vessel fitted with twin-
screws. But there are corresponding disadvantages which require to
be weighed. It is distinctly not an economical method of propulsion,
and if the sea happens to contain much sand considerable damage
may happen to the engines, and other undesirable matter also may
work still greater havoc.
A SCREW LIFEBOAT.
By permission from “The Yachting Monthly.”
On the other hand, we have mentioned that the screw has its
drawbacks owing to the possibility of its suffering injury. It was
therefore decided that this could be avoided by placing it in a tunnel
some distance forward of the stern, and thus protected against all
likely damage. (A similar method is also employed in the steam fire-
boats which are used by the London Fire Brigade on the Thames,
and are summoned whenever a river-side warehouse or factory gets
ablaze.) If reference is made to the illustration on page 257, this
tunnel will be discernible. In order to leave nothing to chance a
water-tight hatch is placed in the cock-pit floor just over the propeller,
through which any pieces of sea-weed, rope, or other undesirable
matter can easily be removed without having to beach the craft first.
These little ships measure about 50 feet long, and about 15 feet
wide; they are driven by direct-acting, compound, surface-
condensing engines, which give to them a speed of about nine
knots.
In certain parts of the world where the rivers are shallow, either
at their banks or in mid-stream, steam navigation is only possible by
means of “stern-wheelers.” Such instances occur on the West Coast
of Africa, and also in America. In general idea, though not in detail,
this method is a reversion to the antiquated ship already discussed
in Hulls’ idea for a tow-boat. The stern of these steamships to which
we are referring is not ended in the same continuous straight line,
but is raised slightly upwards at an angle so that the paddle-wheel is
able to revolve freely without requiring such a draught of water as
otherwise it would have needed if placed on the ship’s side in the
usual manner. This will be seen on examining the stern of the Inez
Clarke, illustrated opposite this page. This stern-wheeler was built as
far back as 1879, but the points on which we are insisting are here
well demonstrated. The draught of the ship, notwithstanding the
weight of her engines, was only 15 inches, so that she was enabled
to go into the very shallowest water, where even a bottle could float.
Nevertheless her stern-wheel was sufficiently powerful to send her
along at 15 miles per hour. Her measurements are 130 feet long,
and 28 feet wide. Steamboats possessing a similar principle to that
exhibited in the Inez Clarke, but much different in the arrangement,
are to-day in use on the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, being used as
tugs to tow along a large fleet of flat-boats containing coal. As much
as fifty to sixty thousand tons are taken in tow at one time.
THE “INEZ CLARKE.”
From the Model in the Victoria and Albert Museum.
To North America, with its fine long rivers, the steamboat has
been, as Fulton in his foresight prophesied it would be, a highly
useful institution. To the European mind the vast possibilities of the
mighty Mississippi come as a shock when fully realised. To quote the
very first sentence in one of the most popular books which that most
popular writer, Mark Twain, ever wrote, “The Mississippi is well worth
reading about”; so, also, we might add, are its steamboats, but in our
limited space we can only barely indicate some of their essential
features. The illustration facing page 258 shows a couple of these,
the Natchez and the Eclipse, racing against each other along this
great river by the light of the moon at midnight. The first thing that
strikes the attention is the enormous height to which the decks of
these steamboats are raised. The pilot-house is higher still, and will
be recognised as about midway between the water-line and the top
of the long, lanky funnels. Even to Mark Twain the height seemed to
be terrific. “When I stood in her pilot-house,” says the author of “Life
on the Mississippi,” “I was so far above the water that I seemed to be
perched on a mountain; and her decks stretched so far away, fore
and aft, below me, that I wondered how I could ever have considered
the little Paul Jones a large craft. When I looked down her long,
gilded saloon, it was like gazing through a splendid tunnel.... The
boiler deck—i.e. the second storey of the boat, so to speak—was as
spacious as a church, it seemed to me; so with the forecastle; and
there was no pitiful handful of deck-hands, firemen, and roustabouts