28.12.8 Đề Cương Corruption

THE CONCEPTUAL METAPHOR WAR ON CORRUPTION IN
VIETNAMESE NEWS DISCOURSE
I. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background of the Study
Vietnam's enduring battle against corruption is both a policy challenge and a
narrative struggle, deeply influencing its socio-economic landscape and the
governance fabric. Central to this struggle is the deployment of potent metaphors in
public discourse, notably the "Đốt lò" or "Firing up the furnace" campaign, which
vividly symbolizes the Vietnamese government's intensified efforts to eradicate
corruption. This metaphor not only communicates a powerful message of
purification and renewal within the political and administrative systems but also
underscores the role of the Vietnamese Communist Party and General Secretary
Nguyen Phu Trong in leading this formidable crusade.
Under the stewardship of General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong, a figure often
associated with a strong anti-corruption stance, Vietnam has witnessed a significant
mobilization against corruption. The "Đốt lò" campaign, evoking the image of
purging impurities in a furnace, reflects a decisive and rigorous approach to
dismantling the networks of graft that have plagued the nation. This campaign, and
the broader anti-corruption drive it represents, is deeply embedded in the
Vietnamese cultural context, resonating with symbolic imagery potent in rallying
public support and emphasizing the seriousness of governmental initiatives against
corruption.
Recent years have seen the unfolding of several significant corruption cases in
Vietnam, involving high-ranking officials and large state-owned enterprises.
Noteworthy among these are the cases involving PetroVietnam, the national oil and
gas company, and scandals within the banking sector, highlighting the government's
efforts to clean up critical sectors of the economy. These actions against corruption
at all levels, from financial mismanagement and embezzlement to bribery and fraud
in land management and local government, demonstrate the government's resolve to
root out corruption.
However, corruption in Vietnam, manifesting in various forms such as bribery,
embezzlement, nepotism, and fraud, has long undermined the country's
development and governance. Despite these challenges, the Transparency
International Corruption Perceptions Index indicates a persistent effort by Vietnam
to climb out of the lower rankings, a testament to the ongoing battle against
corruption (Transparency International, 2022). The "Đốt lò" campaign and the
actions of the Vietnamese Communist Party exemplify a comprehensive strategy
aimed at promoting transparency, accountability, and integrity within government
operations, striving to restore public trust and establish a more efficient
administration.
In that context, public discourse plays a vital role in the fight again corruption.
Among which, the significance of metaphors in shaping public discourse cannot be
overstated. Lakoff and Johnson's seminal work, "Metaphors We Live By," argues
that metaphors fundamentally shape our understanding of the world, influencing
how audiences interpret events and issues (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). In the context
of Vietnam's anti-corruption discourse, the use of metaphors, especially the war
metaphor, plays a crucial role. Framing corruption as a "disease," "monster," or
"battle" evokes specific emotions and attitudes, potentially mobilizing public
opinion and shaping the narrative around anti-corruption efforts. This narrative
strategy is evident in the Vietnamese Communist Party's discourse, where
corruption is portrayed as an enemy to be combated, defeated, or eradicated. Such
framing conveys a sense of urgency and seriousness, appealing to the public's sense
of justice and moral outrage.
1.2. Rationale of the study
The current study aims to explore the pivotal role of metaphorical language in
framing public narratives and perceptions of corruption within Vietnam. The
rationale behind this investigation is multifaceted, rooted in the intersection of
linguistics, media studies, and political science. It seeks to understand how the
conceptual metaphor of war, as employed in Vietnamese news discourse, influences
the public's understanding and attitudes towards the government's anti-corruption
initiatives. This exploration is underpinned by the broader theoretical framework
provided by Lakoff and Johnson's Conceptual Metaphor Theory, which posits that
metaphors are not merely rhetorical flourishes but foundational to our
conceptualization of complex phenomena (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980).
Vietnam's ongoing battle against corruption, spearheaded by the Vietnamese
Communist Party and its General Secretary, Nguyen Phu Trong, has been
prominently characterized by the metaphor of war, encapsulated in campaigns such
as "Đốt lò" (Firing up the furnace). This metaphorical framing serves not only as a
rallying cry for public support but also as a strategic tool for legitimizing and
contextualizing the government's anti-corruption efforts. Given the central role of
the media in shaping public discourse, an analysis of how such metaphors are
deployed and interpreted within news coverage is crucial. This study, therefore,
aims to dissect the layers of meaning embedded in the war metaphor and evaluate
its impact on public discourse and perception.
Moreover, the study's rationale extends to the implications of metaphorical framing
for policy and governance. By analyzing the use of the war metaphor, the research
seeks to uncover how such linguistic strategies might influence policy development,
implementation, and public reception. This aspect of the study is particularly
relevant in light of scholarship suggesting that metaphors can significantly affect the
formulation and public acceptance of policies (Charteris-Black, 2004).
Furthermore, the study is grounded in the socio-political context of Vietnam, where
the media landscape is tightly controlled, yet serves as a critical conduit for
government messaging. This dual role of the media as both a tool for state
propaganda and a platform for public discourse makes the Vietnamese case
particularly interesting for examining the dynamics of metaphorical framing in
political communication.
1.3. Statement of problem
The current study addresses a critical and multifaceted issue: the strategic use of
metaphorical language in shaping public discourse and attitudes towards corruption
in Vietnam. This subject is particularly pertinent in the context of Vietnam's
ongoing battle against corruption, spearheaded by notable political leaders,
including General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong, who have utilized potent
metaphors like "Đốt lò" to mobilize public support and legitimize anti-corruption
efforts. However, the study reveals a gap in existing research regarding the impact
of such metaphors on public perception and policy effectiveness, especially in a
tightly controlled media environment.
Corruption in Vietnam, despite ongoing efforts, remains a significant impediment to
its development and governance. The rhetoric used to combat this challenge,
notably the war metaphor, positions corruption as a formidable enemy, necessitating
a united and vigorous response. This metaphorical framing, while powerful, has not
been thoroughly examined for its influence on public attitudes and the overall
discourse surrounding corruption in Vietnam. The absence of a comprehensive
analysis of the metaphor's effectiveness and its reception by the Vietnamese public
forms the crux of the study's problem statement.
Further complicating the landscape of political communication in Vietnam is the
enduring legacy of Ho Chi Minh, whose rhetoric continues to influence
contemporary Vietnamese political discourse. Ho Chi Minh's stance on corruption
was unequivocal, as captured in his statement, "To carry out a revolution, an
organization needs integrity, clarity, and honesty" (Ho Chi Minh, 1960). This quote
underscores the foundational importance of integrity in governance and revolution,
situating corruption as antithetical to the ideals of the Vietnamese state and society.
The study seeks to explore how the resonant themes of integrity and honesty, as
articulated by Ho Chi Minh, are invoked and reinterpreted in the current political
and media discourse on corruption.
The strategic deployment of metaphors in political discourse, as highlighted by
scholars such as Lakoff and Johnson (1980), emphasizes the conceptual role of
metaphors in shaping our understanding and attitudes towards complex issues like
corruption. However, the application of these theoretical insights to the specific
context of Vietnam's media landscape and anti-corruption campaign is notably
lacking. The Vietnamese media, operating within a single-party system, presents a
unique case study for examining the dissemination and impact of government-
endorsed metaphors on public perception and discourse.
This study, therefore, identifies a significant gap in the literature concerning the role
of metaphorical language in political communication in Vietnam, particularly in
relation to anti-corruption efforts. By focusing on the war metaphor in Vietnamese
news discourse and its potential effects on public perception and engagement with
anti-corruption initiatives, the study aims to contribute both to the theoretical
understanding of metaphors in political discourse and to practical insights into
effective communication strategies in governance and policy advocacy.
1.4. Aim and objectives of the study
At the heart of this study lies a central aim: to delve into the intricacies of how war
metaphors are employed in Vietnamese news media to frame the discourse on
corruption and to assess the impact of this metaphorical framing on public
perception and policy discourse. This aim is supported by a series of objectives
designed to provide a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon.
The first objective is to analyze the prevalence and structure of war metaphors
within Vietnamese news discourse on corruption. This entails a detailed content
analysis of news articles and broadcasts, identifying instances where the war
metaphor is used to describe, explain, or comment on corruption and anti-corruption
initiatives. By cataloging and examining these metaphors, the study seeks to
understand the scope and variations of their use, laying the groundwork for further
analysis of their implications.
In pursuit of a deeper understanding, the second objective focuses on exploring the
historical and cultural significance of war metaphors in Vietnam. Vietnam's history
is replete with wars for independence and sovereignty, which have left an indelible
mark on its collective consciousness and cultural expressions. This objective aims
to contextualize the use of war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse within this
historical backdrop, providing insights into why such metaphors resonate with the
Vietnamese public and how they contribute to the framing of corruption as a
significant national issue.
The third objective examines public perceptions of corruption and the government's
anti-corruption efforts. Through surveys, interviews, or focus groups, this study
aims to capture the Vietnamese people's reactions to and interpretations of the war
metaphor in relation to corruption. This will shed light on the metaphor's
effectiveness in engaging the public, mobilizing support for anti-corruption
measures, and shaping the overall public discourse on corruption.
Furthermore, the study sets out to evaluate the impact of metaphorical framing on
policy discourse and implementation. This fourth objective investigates how the use
of war metaphors by the media and government officials influences the
development, communication, and public reception of anti-corruption policies.
Analyzing speeches, policy documents, and media coverage, this objective seeks to
uncover whether and how metaphorical framing aligns with policy objectives and
influences public expectations and acceptance of anti-corruption initiatives.
Finally, the study aims to offer insights into the strategic use of metaphorical
language in political communication. By synthesizing findings from the analysis of
war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse, this study aspires to contribute valuable
perspectives on the power of metaphors in shaping public opinion, fostering policy
engagement, and enhancing the effectiveness of government communication. This
includes providing recommendations for policymakers, media practitioners, and
civil society actors on leveraging metaphorical language to effectively communicate
and promote policy initiatives.
1.5. Research questions
To achieve the above-mentioned objectives, the study seeks to answer the following
research questions:
Research question 1: What are the prevalent conceptual metaphors of war on
corruption in online news articles?
Research question 2: How are these conceptual metaphors construed via multi-level
view framework?
Research question 3: What ideologies motivate these conceptual metaphors?
1.6. Significance of the study
The significance of the study extends beyond a mere academic exercise, offering
substantial contributions both theoretically and practically. This research illuminates
the intricate dynamics between language, perception, and policy within the context
of Vietnam's battle against corruption, thereby enriching our understanding of
political communication and metaphor theory, as well as providing actionable
insights for practitioners in the fields of media, governance, and anti-corruption.
Theoretically, this study ventures into relatively uncharted waters by exploring the
use of war metaphors in the discourse surrounding corruption in Vietnamese news
media. Through this lens, the research contributes to the broader body of knowledge
in several key ways. Firstly, it engages with and expands upon Conceptual
Metaphor Theory as articulated by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), applying it within a
specific socio-political context. By examining how the metaphor of war shapes
conceptualizations of corruption and anti-corruption efforts, the study tests and
extends metaphor theory, exploring its applicability and resilience in varying
cultural and political landscapes.
Additionally, the study contributes to the field of political communication by
offering a nuanced understanding of how strategic language use influences public
discourse and perception. It sheds light on the power of metaphors not just as
linguistic tools but as mechanisms for framing political issues, mobilizing public
opinion, and legitimizing policy actions. In doing so, it opens up new avenues for
research into the role of language in political strategy and public policy discourse.
Moreover, by situating the analysis within the Vietnamese context - a country with
a unique historical, cultural, and political background - the study enriches
comparative political communication studies. It provides valuable insights into how
similar metaphorical strategies might operate differently across diverse political and
media ecosystems, thereby contributing to a more global understanding of political
discourse.
Practically, the implications of this study are manifold, offering significant benefits
to policymakers, media professionals, and anti-corruption advocates. For
policymakers and government officials, the research highlights the impact of
metaphorical framing on public perception and policy reception. Understanding
how metaphors like those of war influence public attitudes towards anti-corruption
efforts can inform more effective communication strategies, helping to rally public
support for necessary reforms and initiatives.
For media professionals, this study underscores the critical role of language in
shaping news discourse and, by extension, public opinion. It provides a foundation
for more responsible and impactful journalism by illustrating the consequences of
metaphorical framing in reporting on issues of national importance such as
corruption. Media practitioners can draw on these insights to craft stories that not
only inform but also constructively engage the public in policy discussions.
Finally, for anti-corruption advocates and civil society organizations, the findings of
this study offer guidance on how to communicate their messages more effectively.
By leveraging the insights into how war metaphors resonate with the public and
influence perceptions of corruption, these groups can design campaigns and
initiatives that better capture public interest and participation, enhancing their
efforts to combat corruption.
1.7. Scope of the study
The scope of the study is designed to provide a focused analysis on the utilization
and impact of war metaphors in the context of anti-corruption discourse within
Vietnam. This investigation delineates its boundaries across several dimensions,
including thematic focus, temporal span, media selection, and methodological
approach, to ensure a comprehensive yet precise exploration of the subject matter.
At the core of this study is the examination of war metaphors as they appear in news
discourse about corruption. The research is specifically interested in how the
metaphor of war is employed to describe, understand, and communicate about
corruption and anti-corruption efforts in Vietnam. This thematic concentration
allows for a detailed investigation into the linguistic strategies used in political
communication and media reporting, emphasizing the metaphor's role in shaping
public perception and discourse.
The study confines its analysis to a defined period, which is crucial for providing
context and relevance to the investigation. This period is chosen based on
significant political events or anti-corruption campaigns led by the Vietnamese
government, particularly under the leadership of current figures such as General
Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong. By focusing on a specific timeframe, the research
aims to capture a snapshot of how war metaphors have been utilized in recent years,
offering insights into their contemporary relevance and impact.
Given the vast landscape of media outlets, the study narrows its focus to major
Vietnamese news platforms, including state-owned and independent media, to
analyze the dissemination of war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse. This
selection is informed by the reach and influence of these outlets on public opinion.
Additionally, the study might limit itself to certain formats, such as print journalism
and online news portals, considering their accessibility and the feasibility of
conducting a thorough content analysis.
The scope of the study also encompasses its methodological framework, which
primarily involves qualitative content analysis. This approach allows for the
identification, categorization, and interpretation of war metaphors within the news
discourse. Moreover, the study may incorporate quantitative methods to measure
the prevalence of these metaphors, providing a balanced analysis of their usage and
significance. By clearly defining its methodological boundaries, the study ensures
that its findings are both reliable and relevant to its thematic focus.
While the study examines the use of war metaphors in Vietnamese news discourse,
it inherently situates its analysis within the broader cultural and political context of
Vietnam. This geographical and cultural specificity is crucial for understanding the
resonance and implications of war metaphors in Vietnamese society, considering
the country's historical experiences and socio-political dynamics.
1.8 Key assumptions
The study operates under several key assumptions that underpin its conceptual
framework and methodological approach. These assumptions are critical for
shaping the research questions, guiding the analysis, and interpreting the findings
within the broader context of metaphor theory, media studies, and political
communication.
A fundamental assumption of this study is that metaphors are not merely decorative
elements of language but powerful cognitive tools that shape our perception and
conceptualization of reality. Drawing on Lakoff and Johnson's (1980) Conceptual
Metaphor Theory, the study presupposes that the metaphor of war in anti-corruption
discourse does more than describe corruption; it frames corruption and anti-
corruption efforts in a particular way that influences how the public understands and
engages with these issues.
The study assumes that the news media plays a critical role in disseminating and
reinforcing metaphorical frames. By choosing to represent the fight against
corruption through the lens of war, media outlets contribute to the construction of a
specific narrative that impacts public discourse. This assumption acknowledges the
media's power in shaping societal narratives and the importance of examining
media content to understand public perceptions.
Another key assumption is that the reception and interpretation of metaphors vary
among the public. While the war metaphor may be intended to mobilize and unite
the public against corruption, individuals may interpret and react to this framing
differently based on their personal experiences, political beliefs, and cultural
background. This variability is crucial for understanding the effectiveness and
implications of metaphorical framing in political communication.
The study also assumes that the resonance and effectiveness of the war metaphor in
anti-corruption discourse are influenced by Vietnam's unique cultural and historical
context. Given Vietnam's history of war and conflict, the metaphor of war might
carry particular significance and emotional weight, making it a potent tool for
framing public issues. This assumption underlines the importance of situating the
analysis within the specific socio-political and historical context of Vietnam.
Lastly, the study operates under the assumption that the use of war metaphors in
anti-corruption discourse is a strategic choice by the government and media outlets.
This implies a deliberate effort to frame the issue of corruption in a way that
legitimizes certain policies and actions, mobilizes public support, and constructs a
narrative of urgency and collective action. The assumption of intent is crucial for
analyzing the strategic use of language in political communication and policy
framing.
II. LITERATURE REVIEW
Nhận thấy “ẩn dụ tồn tại khắp nơi trong cuộc sống hàng ngày, không chỉ trong ngôn
ngữ mà cả trong tư duy và hành động”, G. Lakoff và M. Johnson cho rằng, “Chúng
tôi vẫn cảm thấy sợ khi nhận ra rằng mình và những người xung quanh sống bằng
ẩn dụ, như THỜI GIAN LÀ TIỀN BẠC, TÌNH YÊU LÀ CUỘC HÀNH TRÌNH,
KHÓ KHĂN LÀ NHỮNG MẪU GHÉP HÌNH” [Lakoff, G. and Johnson, M.,
2003, tr.238]. Ẩn dụ giúp con người nhận thức và trải nghiệm nhiều điều trong cuộc
sống hằng ngày. Do đó, “ẩn dụ cũng là một phần trong sự vận động của chúng ta,
như xúc giác, và ẩn dụ cũng quý giá như thế” [Lakoff, G. and Johnson, M., 2003,
tr.239].
Ẩn dụ ý niệm là một phần tự nhiên trong tư duy con người, còn ẩn dụ ngôn ngữ học
là một phần tự nhiên của ngôn ngữ con người. Bản chất của ẩn dụ là hiểu và trải
nghiệm loại sự vật này trên cơ sở loại sự vật khác [Lakoff, G. and Johnson, M.,
2003, tr.5]. Ẩn dụ ý niệm (ADYN) có hình thức “MIỀN Ý NIỆM A LÀ MIỀN Ý
NIỆM B” [Kövecses, Z., 2010, tr.4]. Miền ý niệm B được gọi là miền nguồn, còn
miền ý niệm A được gọi là miền đích. Miền nguồn thường được phác họa rõ ràng,
cụ thể hơn miền đích và có cơ sở trực tiếp trong kinh nghiệm của con người. Miền
đích được hiểu trên cơ sở của miền nguồn thông qua các ánh xạ. Sự ánh xạ từ miền
nguồn sang miền đích không dựa trên những tương đồng có sẵn, mà dựa trên tương
quan trải nghiệm. Đó có thể là sự đồng hiện trải nghiệm hay tương đồng trải
nghiệm. Tương đồng ở đây không phải là tương đồng khách quan mà là tương đồng
do những ẩn dụ tạo ra, hay tương đồng trong cấu trúc tri nhận.
2.1. Conceptual metaphor theory

2.1.1. Definitions of conceptual metaphor
The notion of conceptual metaphor, as expounded by Lakoff and Johnson (1980),
revolutionizes our understanding of how we grasp abstract concepts through the
prism of more concrete, tangible experiences. This cognitive process, where one
idea or domain is comprehended in terms of another, fundamentally alters our
perspective on language, thought, and perception. For instance, the metaphor "time
is money" showcases this mechanism, transforming the abstract concept of time into
the more palpable domain of money. This transformation is not just a linguistic
flourish but a cornerstone of human cognition, suggesting that our understanding of
the world is inherently metaphorical in nature.
Conceptual metaphors are instrumental in structuring our thought processes,
language, and how we perceive the world around us. They serve as a bridge,
connecting abstract concepts with concrete experiences, thus facilitating a deeper
understanding of the former. This conceptual framework, predominantly explored in
cognitive linguistics, particularly by scholars such as Lakoff and Johnson (1980),
challenges the traditional view of metaphors as mere figures of speech. Instead, it
positions metaphors at the heart of human cognition, essential for processing,
communicating, and conceptualizing our experiences and the world at large.
The implications of conceptual metaphor theory extend beyond its linguistic
expressions, influencing the very fabric of how we think, communicate, and interact
with each other. This paradigm shift, introduced by Lakoff and Johnson (1980),
opens up new horizons in cognitive linguistics, prompting a reassessment of the
intricate relationship between language and cognition. It underscores the pervasive
role of metaphors in not just shaping our language but also our thought patterns,
social interactions, and cultural constructs.
Moreover, the exploration of conceptual metaphors has significant ramifications
across various disciplines, including psychology, philosophy, and communication
studies, shedding light on the cognitive foundations of how we construct and
navigate abstract concepts such as time, love, or even corruption. This
understanding enriches our comprehension of the societal norms and cultural
narratives that emerge from these collective conceptualizations.
2.1.2. Conceptual metaphor domains
Conceptual metaphor theory, a foundational element of cognitive linguistics, offers
a fascinating lens through which to explore how human beings conceptualize and
articulate their experiences. At the heart of this theory lies the concept of domains -
conceptual spaces that represent different facets of human experience, providing the
structure for metaphorical expression and understanding. These domains are
categorized into source, target, and intermediate domains, each playing a crucial
role in the formation and interpretation of metaphors (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980;
Lakoff & Turner, 1989).
2.1.2.1. Source domain
The source domain is essentially the wellspring of metaphorical language, typically
characterized by its concrete or tangible nature. This domain provides the
foundational elements for constructing a metaphor, drawing on familiar experiences
to elucidate more complex or abstract concepts. Lakoff and Johnson (1980)
illustrate this through the metaphor "love is a journey," where "journey" serves as
the source domain. The choice of a journey, a universally understood and tangible
experience, as the source domain allows for the intricate emotions and dynamics of
love, a decidedly abstract concept, to be communicated in a relatable manner.
2.1.2.2. Target domain
Conversely, the target domain is where the metaphorical language is applied, often
representing an abstract or complex area of human experience that is being
elucidated through the metaphor. In the case of "love is a journey," "love" embodies
the target domain, encapsulating the abstract, multifaceted nature of romantic
relationships. The conceptual metaphor theory posits that by mapping
characteristics from the concrete source domain onto the abstract target domain,
individuals are able to form a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the target
concept (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980).
2.1.2.3. Intermediate domain
The intermediate domain, as described by Lakoff and Turner (1989), serves as a
crucial bridge that facilitates the conceptual leap from the source to the target
domain. This domain encompasses elements that, while rooted in the source
domain's context, directly correlate to aspects of the target domain, thus aiding
comprehension. For instance, in "love is a journey," the intermediate domain might
include concepts such as exploration, progress, challenges, and destinations. These
elements draw on the physical experience of embarking on a journey, enabling
individuals to grasp the complexities of romantic relationships by paralleling them
with the universally understood challenges and milestones of a physical voyage.
2.1.3. Categories
Conceptual metaphor theory, as developed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980),
revolutionized the understanding of metaphors from mere rhetorical flourishes to
fundamental components of human thought and language. Within this theoretical
framework, metaphors are classified into various categories based on their
underlying structure and function, each playing a distinct role in how we
conceptualize and communicate about the world. These categories include
orientational metaphors, structural metaphors, ontological metaphors, and
metonymic metaphors, offering a comprehensive lens through which to examine the
intricacies of metaphorical thought.
2.1.3.1. Orientational metaphors
Orientational metaphors are particularly intriguing, as they describe relationships
and concepts in terms of spatial orientation. Phrases like "up is good" and "down is
bad" exemplify how spatial relationships are leveraged to convey evaluative
judgments (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). These metaphors are deeply ingrained in our
language and thought, reflecting how physical and spatial experiences shape our
understanding of abstract concepts. The ubiquity of orientational metaphors in
everyday language underscores their fundamental role in structuring our perceptions
and evaluations of experiences and ideas.
2.1.3.2. Structural metaphors
Structural metaphors, on the other hand, involve the mapping of the structure of one
domain onto another, often to highlight similarities or relationships between
concepts. A classic example is "argument is war," where the competitive,
adversarial structure of war is used to conceptualize the dynamics of argumentation
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). This category of metaphor reveals how our
understanding of one domain can be enriched by drawing parallels with another,
more familiar domain, facilitating a deeper comprehension of complex or abstract
concepts through structured mapping.
2.1.3.3. Ontological metaphors
Ontological metaphors take this conceptualization a step further by portraying
abstract concepts as entities or substances, thereby enabling us to refer to, quantify,
and interact with these concepts as if they were tangible objects. For instance, when
we say "time is a resource," we conceptualize time—an abstract, intangible concept
—in terms of a physical, manageable entity, which allows us to discuss and reason
about time in concrete terms (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Ontological metaphors thus
play a crucial role in our ability to comprehend and manipulate abstract domains
within the constraints of our cognitive and linguistic systems.
2.1.3.4. Metonymic metaphors
Finally, metonymic metaphors, which employ a part-to-whole relationship to
convey meaning, illustrate another vital mechanism of metaphorical thought. An
example such as "the White House issued a statement" uses "the White House" to
stand in for the U.S. government, relying on the part (a building) to represent the
whole (the executive branch of the government) (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). This
category of metaphor highlights the cognitive process of using more accessible or
recognizable elements to refer to more complex entities or concepts, facilitating
communication and understanding through simplification and association.
2.1.4. Mapping
In conceptual metaphor theory, the process of mapping plays a pivotal role in
bridging abstract concepts with tangible experiences, facilitating a deeper
understanding of the world around us. As elucidated by Lakoff and Johnson (1980),
mapping involves the alignment of elements from a source domain (often concrete
and familiar) onto a target domain (typically abstract and complex), allowing for the
conceptualization of the latter in terms of the former. This process is underpinned
by several key principles and models that elucidate the mechanisms underlying the
formation and application of conceptual metaphors in human cognition, including
the invariance principle, cognitive models, embodied cognition, and cultural
models.
The invariance principle, as posited by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), asserts that
mappings between the source and target domains maintain structural coherence,
ensuring that the inherent logic and structure of the source domain are preserved in
the target domain. This principle ensures that the metaphorical mapping does not
distort the essence of the target concept but rather illuminates it by drawing parallels
with the source domain. The invariance principle is crucial for the efficacy of
metaphors in enhancing our understanding of abstract concepts, as it maintains the
integrity of the conceptualization process, allowing for a meaningful and coherent
transfer of knowledge between domains.
Cognitive models, introduced by Johnson (1987), refer to mental representations
that guide our perception and comprehension of the world. These models shape our
conceptual mappings by providing a framework through which we interpret our
experiences and organize our knowledge. Cognitive models are dynamic, evolving
with new experiences and insights, and play a central role in the formation of
metaphors by influencing how we select and interpret the source and target
domains.
Embodied cognition, further explored by Lakoff and Johnson (1999), suggests that
our bodily experiences and sensations significantly influence how we conceptualize
abstract concepts. This perspective posits that our understanding of the world is
grounded in our physical interactions and sensory experiences, which contribute to
the formation of cognitive models. Embodied cognition highlights the role of our
physicality in shaping our cognitive processes, including metaphorical thought, by
anchoring abstract conceptualizations in concrete bodily experiences.
Cultural models, as described by Holland and Quinn (1987), encompass the shared
understandings, beliefs, and values within a cultural group, which influence the
conceptual mappings and metaphors prevalent within that culture. These models
reflect the collective knowledge and experiences of a cultural community, shaping
the way its members perceive, conceptualize, and communicate about the world.
Cultural models underscore the social and cultural dimensions of metaphorical
thought, illustrating how metaphors are not only cognitive constructs but also
cultural artifacts that reflect and reinforce the shared understandings of a
community.
2.1.5. Conceptual metaphor identification
In the study of metaphor identification within discourse, researchers adopt various
theoretical approaches to systematically uncover the nuanced use of metaphors in
text. Among these methodologies, the top-down and bottom-up approaches stand
out as primary strategies, each offering distinct pathways for metaphor analysis. As
outlined by Steen et al. (2010), these approaches are instrumental in navigating the
complex landscape of metaphorical language, providing frameworks that allow for
the detailed and rigorous identification of metaphors within discourse.
2.1.5.1. Top-down approach
The top-down approach is characterized by its reliance on pre-existing knowledge
or theories to identify metaphors. This method involves applying a theoretical lens
or conceptual framework to the discourse under investigation, guiding the search for
metaphors based on established criteria or definitions of what constitutes a
metaphor. For instance, researchers might employ Conceptual Metaphor Theory
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) as a foundational framework, looking for expressions in
the text that align with known conceptual metaphors. The top-down approach
presupposes that our understanding of metaphors is informed by cognitive models
and patterns of thought that precede the analysis of any specific text. This method is
particularly useful for studies aiming to explore the prevalence and function of
specific metaphorical themes across various texts or to assess the consistency of
metaphorical usage within a particular discourse community.
2.1.5.2. Bottom-up approach
Conversely, the bottom-up approach eschews preconceived theories or frameworks
in favor of direct analysis of the text itself. This method begins with the linguistic
features of the discourse, examining the text line by line to identify metaphorical
expressions based on their deviation from literal language use or their invocation of
imagery and concepts from disparate domains. Without relying on prior knowledge
or theoretical assumptions, the bottom-up approach allows for the discovery of
unexpected or novel metaphors, shedding light on the creative and context-specific
use of metaphorical language. This approach emphasizes the role of the text as the
primary source of insight into metaphorical usage, offering a grounded perspective
that can reveal the unique ways in which metaphors are employed to convey
meaning, negotiate identities, and construct realities within specific discursive
contexts.
For the current study, bottom-up approach to metaphor identification is chosen. This
decision stems from the study's aim to explore and uncover the specific, potentially
novel uses of the war metaphor within the unique cultural and political context of
Vietnam's media landscape. Unlike the top-down approach, which relies on pre-
existing frameworks and might overlook unexpected metaphorical expressions, the
bottom-up approach allows for an unbiased, detailed analysis of the text itself. This
methodology enables the identification of metaphors based solely on their linguistic
features and context within the discourse, without any presuppositions. Given the
exploratory nature of this study, which seeks to understand how metaphors shape
perceptions of corruption in a distinct cultural setting, the bottom-up approach is
ideally suited to reveal the innovative and context-specific use of war metaphors,
thereby providing fresh insights into how these metaphors contribute to the
discourse on corruption in Vietnam. This approach ensures that the analysis remains
grounded in the actual language use within the news media, allowing for a more
comprehensive and nuanced understanding of metaphorical framing in this context.
2.1.5.3. Metaphor identification process floowing bottom-up approach
The bottom-up approach to metaphor identification involves a systematic process of
analyzing the text itself to identify metaphors, without relying on prior knowledge
or theories (Steen et al., 2010). This approach typically follows several detailed
steps:
Step 1.Text selection: Begin by carefully selecting the text or corpus for analysis.
The text could be any form of discourse, such as written documents, speeches, or
conversations, chosen based on relevance to the research question or topic of
interest.
Step 2. Close reading: Conduct a close and thorough reading of the selected text.
Pay close attention to linguistic expressions that may potentially contain metaphors.
Look for words or phrases that seem to deviate from their literal meanings or
suggest non-literal interpretations. Note any instances of figurative language,
including metaphors, similes, personification, and other forms of non-literal
language.
Step 3. Identification of figurative language: Identify instances of figurative
language within the text, focusing specifically on metaphors. Metaphors often
involve implicit comparisons between two concepts or domains, where one is
understood in terms of the other.
Step 4. Contextual analysis: Examine the surrounding context of each identified
metaphorical expression to understand its intended meaning and the relationship
between the literal and metaphorical interpretations. Consider factors such as the
speaker's or writer's intentions, the audience, and the broader socio-cultural context
in which the text is situated.
Step 5. Pattern recognition: Look for patterns or clusters of metaphorical
expressions within the text. Pay attention to recurring themes or motifs that emerge
through the use of metaphorical language. Consider how these metaphors contribute
to the overall theme, message, or argument being conveyed by the text.
Step 6. Annotation and coding: Annotate and code the identified metaphors,
categorizing them based on their thematic or conceptual domains. Develop a coding
scheme to systematically classify different types of metaphors present in the text,
allowing for easier analysis and comparison.
Step 7. Validation and reliability: Ensure the reliability and validity of the
identified metaphors through inter-coder reliability measures and validation
techniques. This may involve having multiple coders independently analyze the
same text and comparing results to assess consistency and agreement in metaphor
identification.
Step 8. Interpretation and analysis: Interpret the identified metaphors within the
broader context of the discourse and analyze their significance, implications, and
rhetorical functions. Consider how the metaphors contribute to the overall meaning
and communicative goals of the text, and explore their potential effects on the
audience's understanding and interpretation.
2.2. Critical metaphor analysis
2.2.1 Theoretical foundations
Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) is presented as a comprehensive
interdisciplinary approach that merges insights from various fields such as
linguistics, cognitive science, and critical discourse analysis to delve into the
intricate relationship between language, cognition, and societal constructs. This
approach is particularly focused on examining metaphors within discourse to
uncover how they contribute to the formation of reality, ideologies, and power
dynamics in everyday language. By integrating methods from Critical Discourse
Analysis, pragmatics, corpus linguistics, and cognitive linguistics, CMA aims to
reveal the hidden intentions of language users, offering an in-depth understanding
of how metaphor influences comprehension, persuasion, and the reflection of power
relations and ideologies in discourse. Charteris-Black (2004, 2005) emphasized the
persuasive nature of metaphor, arguing that it draws on both personal experiences
and social contexts to influence political discourse effectively, thereby proposing a
model to better understand this dynamic.
2.2.2. Stages of CMA
CMA integrates insights from linguistics, cognitive science, and critical discourse
analysis to explore the nuanced role of metaphors in constructing reality, ideologies,
and power dynamics. By employing a structured approach to metaphor
identification, interpretation, and explanation, CMA aims to reveal the underlying
intentions and effects of metaphors in political discourse and beyond.
2.2.2.1. Metaphor identification
Fairclough (1995) and Charteris-Black (2004) emphasize the initial stage of Critical
Discourse Analysis and Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) as the identification of
metaphors within discourse, highlighting the necessity to discern semantic tensions
between the source and target domains of metaphors. The Metaphor Identification
Procedure (MIP) developed by the Pragglejaz Group (2007) offers a systematic
approach to identify metaphorically used words, reducing subjective interpretations
by focusing on the comparison between contextual and basic meanings.
2.2.2.2. Metaphor interpretation
Charteris-Black (2004) extends the analysis to metaphor interpretation, focusing on
the relationships between metaphors and their motivating cognitive and pragmatic
factors. This involves identifying conceptual metaphors and, if possible, conceptual
keys to manage semantic tensions. The interpretation phase is grounded in the
semantic cognitive approach, which considers the embodied nature of thought and
the unconscious processing of metaphorical concepts (Charteris-Black, 2004, 2011).
2.2.2.3. Metaphor explanation
The explanation phase, as described by Charteris-Black (2004), seeks to uncover the
social agency behind metaphor production and its role in persuasion. This involves
examining the discourse functions of metaphors to identify their ideological and
rhetorical motivations, suggesting that metaphor use is driven by the intention to
persuade rather than by linguistic necessity (Charteris-Black, 2004, 2005).
2.2.3. Multi-level view of conceptual metaphor
2.2.3.1. Schematicity
Following Rosch (1978), Lakoff (1987), and Langacker (1987), I assume that much
of our knowledge about the world comes in large systems of concepts organized
into hierarchies at various levels (superordinate level, basic level, subordinate
level). The systems of concepts so connected are related by schematicity, which is
defined by Langacker (1987: 492) as follows: “Schematicity [is] Relative precision
of specification along one or more parameters.” If this is the case, we can see the
“source domains” of conceptual metaphors as a large system of concepts related to
each other at several levels, or layers, of precision of specification. The view entails
that, given particular concepts, the various levels of schematicity form a continuous
hierarchy; the various levels shade gradually into more or less schematic levels. In
other words, the levels within such schematicity hierarchies do not have rigid
boundaries but are graded as regards their schematicity.
It is proposed that the conceptual structures mentioned in the introduction (i.e.,
image schema, domain, frame, etc.) can be regarded as occupying different levels in
such schematicity hierarchies. Specifically, given such hierarchies, we can
distinguish fairly clearly four different levels of schematicity, each designated by
the four terms: image schema, domain, frame, and mental space. The four levels go
from the most schematic to the least schematic, as represented in the diagram
below:
2.2.3.2. Four levels in multi-level view of conceptual metaphor
- Image schema: Image schemas are fundamental cognitive structures derived from
bodily experiences, as described by Lakoff and Johnson (1980). Kövecses (2002)
expands on this notion, explaining how image schemas provide the basis for
metaphorical mappings. For example, the CONTAINER schema underlies
expressions like “bottling up emotions,” illustrating how bodily experiences are
metaphorically mapped onto abstract concepts.
- Domain: Kövecses (2002) emphasizes the role of domain as a central concept in
metaphor theory. Domains represent conceptual spheres or areas of knowledge from
which metaphorical mappings originate. The source domain provides a conceptual
framework that is mapped onto the target domain to facilitate understanding. For
instance, Kövecses discusses how the domain of “journey” is mapped onto the
domain of “love” in expressions like “love is a journey,” highlighting the role of
domain in structuring metaphorical concepts.
- Frame: Frames are cognitive structures that organize knowledge and shape
interpretation, as outlined by Lakoff (1993). Kövecses (2002) further explores the
concept of frame in the context of metaphor, emphasizing its role in providing
context and background for metaphorical mappings. Frames encompass cultural,
situational, and contextual knowledge that influences how metaphors are interpreted
and used in discourse. For example, Kövecses discusses how the frame of “war”
may shape perceptions of conflict and strategy in political discourse.
- Mental space: Mental spaces are dynamic cognitive constructs that emerge during
thought and communication, as described by Fauconnier and Turner (1998).
Kövecses (2002) discusses mental spaces in the context of blending and conceptual
integration, highlighting their role in the creation of new metaphorical meanings.
Mental spaces enable the integration of elements from different conceptual
domains, facilitating the construction of complex metaphors. For example,
Kövecses explores how the metaphor “time is money” involves blending elements
from the domains of “time” and “economics” to conceptualize time as a valuable
commodity.
2.3. War metaphors
War metaphors represent a fascinating intersection of language and cognition,
serving as a vivid illustration of how metaphorical language shapes our
understanding of complex phenomena. These metaphors, which draw from the
domain of warfare to describe a wide range of experiences, activities, and processes,
are deeply embedded in both everyday language and specialized discourse.
2.3.1. Definition and significance
Defined as linguistic expressions that apply warfare terminology to non-military
contexts, war metaphors enrich our language and influence our conceptual
framework. Phrases such as "battling illness" or "fighting inflation" exemplify how
these metaphors frame diverse challenges within the context of military conflict
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Such usage is not merely rhetorical; it taps into deeper
cognitive processes, enabling individuals to comprehend and navigate complex
situations by drawing on familiar knowledge about conflict and strategy. Beyond
their rhetorical appeal, war metaphors thus play a critical role in shaping our
perceptions and responses to various life aspects, underlining the intertwined
relationship between metaphor, thought, and social interaction.
The prevalence of war metaphors throughout history underscores their universal
applicability and enduring relevance. From ancient epics and religious texts to
contemporary political rhetoric, the motif of warfare as a metaphorical lens to view
human struggle and achievement persists across cultures and time periods. This
historical consistency points to the intrinsic human tendency to conceptualize life's
adversities and endeavors in terms of conflict and combat, a phenomenon well-
documented in the literature on conceptual metaphor theory (Lakoff & Johnson,
1980).
In more recent times, the prevalence of war metaphors has been notably visible in
public discourse, particularly in the context of social and political movements,
public health crises, and technological advancements. The "War on Drugs," "War
on Poverty," and "War on Terror" are prominent examples of how complex social
issues are framed in terms of military conflict, aiming to galvanize public support
and action. Similarly, the global response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been
suffused with war metaphors, with political leaders and media outlets frequently
referring to "frontline workers," "the battle against the virus," and "the arsenal of
vaccines".
The enduring prevalence of war metaphors in discourse across different domains
attests to their significance as a linguistic and cognitive tool. These metaphors not
only facilitate communication about complex or abstract issues but also influence
how societies understand and engage with these issues. By examining the role of
war metaphors in shaping thought, language, and perception, we gain insights into
the profound ways in which metaphorical language structures our understanding of
the world and our place within it.
2.3.2. War metaphors in political discourse
War metaphors have long been a staple in political discourse, serving as a powerful
tool for leaders and policymakers to rally public support, frame policy debates, and
shape national identity. The historical usage of war metaphors in political speeches
and writings reveals their profound impact on public perception and national policy.
The tradition of using war metaphors in political rhetoric can be traced back to
ancient civilizations, where leaders often invoked the imagery of battle and conflict
to describe political and social struggles. For instance, in his addresses, Winston
Churchill famously employed war metaphors to inspire the British public during
World War II. Phrases such as "We shall fight on the beaches" encapsulated the
determination and resilience of a nation under siege (Churchill, 1940). Similarly,
Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech used the metaphor of a
"battlefield" to describe the struggle for civil rights, highlighting the moral and
societal conflict inherent in the fight against racial injustice (King, 1963). These
examples demonstrate the enduring appeal and effectiveness of war metaphors in
mobilizing collective action and defining moments of national crisis.
In modern political discourse, war metaphors continue to play a crucial role in
shaping public perception and policy. The "War on Drugs" initiated by President
Richard Nixon and the "War on Terror" declared by President George W. Bush are
prominent examples of how such metaphors are used to frame complex social issues
as battles to be won (Nixon, 1971; Bush, 2001). By casting these policies within the
framework of war, political leaders aim to invoke a sense of urgency and moral
imperative, seeking to unite the public behind a common cause. This rhetorical
strategy not only simplifies complex issues but also serves to justify policy
measures and allocate resources towards their resolution.
The use of war metaphors in political discourse has significant implications for
national identity and policy. By framing challenges as existential threats requiring a
unified response, these metaphors can reinforce a sense of national cohesion and
collective purpose. However, they can also obscure the nuances of policy debates,
reducing complex issues to binary oppositions and potentially marginalizing
dissenting voices. The construction of national identity around themes of conflict
and victory may foster resilience and solidarity, but it can also perpetuate a
militaristic culture that prioritizes aggression and competitiveness over dialogue and
cooperation.
Furthermore, the analysis of war metaphors in political discourse reveals their dual
function as both instruments of persuasion and mechanisms of conceptual framing.
As Lakoff and Johnson (1980) argue, metaphors not only influence the way we
speak but also the way we think and act. In the context of political discourse, war
metaphors can shape public attitudes towards policies and social issues, influencing
the direction of national agenda and the allocation of resources. The critical
examination of these metaphors, therefore, provides valuable insights into the
interplay between language, cognition, and political action.
2.3.3. Some common war metaphors
The pervasive use of war metaphors across various domains of discourse
underscores the profound impact of militaristic language on shaping our
conceptualizations, attitudes, and approaches towards a wide array of challenges
and endeavors.
At the heart of the conceptual metaphor theory, as expounded by Lakoff and
Johnson (1980), is the assertion that our understanding and interpretation of abstract
concepts are significantly influenced by our application of more concrete and
familiar experiences. War, with its universally recognizable elements of conflict,
strategy, and resolution, serves as a potent source domain for metaphorical thinking,
enabling individuals and societies to frame complex issues within a comprehensible
and relatable context.
ARGUMENT AS WAR: This metaphor conceptualizes argument or debate in terms
of battle, where participants are seen as opponents trying to win over each other.
Phrases like "defending a position" or "attacking an argument" exemplify this
metaphor (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980).
ILLNESS AS WAR: Common in medical discourse, this metaphor frames diseases
and ailments as enemies to be fought, defeated, or conquered. Expressions such as
"battling cancer" or "fighting off infection" reflect this metaphorical thinking
(Sontag, 1978).
LOVE AS WAR: This metaphor views romantic relationships through the lens of
conflict and conquest, with expressions like "winning someone's heart" or "the
battle of the sexes" (Kövecses, 1988).
BUSINESS AS WAR: In the business context, competition and strategy are often
conceptualized as warfare, with companies "capturing" markets, "defending"
territories, and "outmaneuvering" competitors (Koller, 2005).
SPORTS AS WAR: The competitive nature of sports lends itself to war metaphors,
with teams "invading" enemy territory, "clashing" with rivals, or facing "defeat"
and "victory" (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980).
POLITICS AS WAR: Political campaigns and policy battles are frequently
described in terms of warfare, where politicians "attack" opponents' positions,
"defend" their own policies, and strive for "victory" in elections (Charteris-Black,
2004).
EDUCATION AS WAR: Educational challenges can be framed as battles, with
students "struggling" to overcome obstacles, "conquering" subjects, or "defeating"
exams (Cameron & Low, 2004).
WAR ON TERROR/WAR ON DRUGS: These phrases have become lexicalized
metaphors in themselves, representing comprehensive efforts to combat terrorism
and drug trafficking, respectively (Lakoff, 2001; Charteris-Black, 2004).
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY AS WAR: The challenges of scientific research
and technological innovation are often framed in terms of conflict, with researchers
"battling" unknown elements, "conquering" technological limitations, or engaging
in the "arms race" of innovation (Brown, 2003).
ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION AS WAR: Efforts to protect and preserve
the environment sometimes adopt the language of warfare, with campaigns aimed at
"fighting pollution," "combating climate change," or "defending" endangered
species (Hulme, 2015).
ECONOMIC CRISIS AS WAR: Financial downturns and economic crises are
frequently described using war metaphors, with economies "under siege," markets
"battling instability," or policies "targeting" inflation (Lakoff, 2010).
SOCIAL REFORM AS WAR: Movements for social change and reform often
employ war metaphors to emphasize the struggle against societal issues, such as
"waging war on inequality," "fighting for rights," or "combating discrimination"
(Charteris-Black, 2006).
CRIME AND LAW ENFORCEMENT AS WAR: The domain of law enforcement
and crime prevention commonly uses war metaphors, with authorities "cracking
down" on crime, "declaring war" on gangs, or "policing" communities with
militarized tactics (Santa Ana, 1999).
CYBERSECURITY AS WAR: In the digital realm, cybersecurity is framed in
terms of conflict, with experts "defending" against attacks, "fortifying" digital
assets, or "neutralizing" threats in the ongoing "cyberwar" (Chilton & Lakoff,
2007).
MENTAL HEALTH AS WAR: Discussions around mental health sometimes utilize
war metaphors, with individuals "fighting depression," "battling anxiety," or
"overcoming" mental health challenges through "struggle" and "resilience" (Sontag,
1978).
The widespread adoption of war metaphors across such diverse spheres of life
reveals their deep cognitive resonance and rhetorical power. While these metaphors
can unify, motivate, and clarify, they also carry the potential to polarize,
oversimplify, and obscure the nuances of the issues they represent. The
militarization of discourse in non-military contexts raises critical questions about
the implications of such framing for public understanding, policy formulation, and
social cohesion.
2.3.4. The use of war terms in non-military discourse
The utilization of war terminology in military discourse and its extension into the
non-military narratives both draw from the rich lexicon of military jargon. There are
significant consequences of applying military-derived war terminology across these
two domains that, while distinct, share a conceptual linkage.
The origins and employment of war terminology in these areas stem from historical
and contemporary military practices, as outlined in foundational military literature
and analyses such as Keegan (1976), who explores the nature of warfare in The
Face of Battle, and Clausewitz (1832), who discusses war's strategic principles in
On War. These works provide a scholarly foundation for understanding the
derivation of war metaphors from military contexts and their implications in broader
societal and political discourses.
Table 2.1. War terms attributes and components (synthesized from Clausewitz
(1832) and Keegan (1976))
Category Attributes/components Expanded
description/examples
Conceptual entities Soldiers, generals, Entities include all
guerrillas, spies, allies, participants, from the front-
enemies line troops (soldiers),
leadership (generals),
unconventional forces
(guerrillas), intelligence
gatherers (spies), supportive
forces or nations (allies), and
those opposed (enemies).
Physical elements Weapons, armor, Encompasses the tools of
battlefields, barricades, warfare (weapons, armor), the
trenches, fortifications environments of engagement
(battlefields, trenches), and
defensive structures
(barricades, fortifications).
Strategies/tactics Siege, flanking, ambush, Expands to include strategies
psychological warfare, like encirclement and isolation
electronic warfare (siege), attacking from a
position of advantage
(flanking), surprise attacks
(ambush), using psychological
tactics to demoralize the
enemy (psychological
warfare), and disrupting
enemy communications or
equipment (electronic
warfare).
Objectives Territorial gain, Broadens objectives to
ideological victory, capturing land or resources
survival, neutralization of (territorial gain), winning over
threats or defending a belief system
(ideological victory), ensuring
the existence of a group or
nation (survival), and
eliminating dangers posed by
adversaries (neutralization of
threats).
Values and beliefs Duty, courage, patriotism, Further emphasizes core
sacrifice, honor values such as fulfilling one's
role or obligation (duty),
bravery (courage), love for
one’s country (patriotism),
giving something up for the
greater good (sacrifice), and
maintaining ethical standards
(honor).
Psychological Morale, trauma, resilience, Includes the collective spirit of
states fear, brotherhood a group (morale), long-lasting
psychological impact (trauma),
capacity to recover quickly
from difficulties (resilience),
apprehension or dread (fear),
and the deep bond formed
among soldiers (brotherhood).
Outcomes/ Victory, defeat, casualties, Details results such as success
consequences war crimes, (victory), failure (defeat), loss
reconstruction, peace of life or injury (casualties),
treaties violations of laws of war (war
crimes), rebuilding after
destruction (reconstruction),
and formal agreements to end
conflict (peace treaties).
Temporal phases Mobilization, engagement, Describes phases from
stalemate, ceasefire, preparation for war
demobilization (mobilization), periods of
active conflict (engagement),
when neither side can gain an
advantage (stalemate),
temporary stoppage of fighting
(ceasefire), to withdrawal or
return to peacetime status
(demobilization).
Social dynamics Alliance formation, Covers the creation of
propaganda, espionage, partnerships for mutual benefit
resistance, collaboration (alliance formation), spreading
of information to influence
public opinion (propaganda),
spying to gather intelligence
(espionage), opposition to
control (resistance), and
working together for a
common purpose, sometimes
with the enemy
(collaboration).
Cultural Heroism, memorialization, Explores societal narratives
significance mythologizing events, war such as celebrating bravery
rhetoric (heroism), honoring the
memory of those who have
died (memorialization),
creating legends out of
historical events
(mythologizing events), and
the specific language used to
discuss war (war rhetoric).
Action/processes To attack, to defend, to Highlights active components
mobilize, to fight, to in the discourse of war,
overcome, to engage, to focusing on the variety of
deploy, to strategize actions undertaken. Actions
like "to attack" (initiating
aggressive action), "to defend"
(protecting or upholding), "to
mobilize" (preparing and
organizing), "to fight"
(engaging in conflict), "to
overcome" (succeeding against
challenges), "to engage"
(participating actively), "to
deploy" (utilizing
strategically), and "to
strategize" (planning actions or
policies).
The employment of war metaphors within Vietnam's anti-corruption efforts is
justified through its multifaceted roles, including cognitive clarity and engagement,
strategic communication, and historical and cultural resonance. These metaphors
simplify the complexity of corruption, making it more tangible and comprehensible
to the public, thereby enhancing understanding and promoting a unified response
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Similarly, by adopting the strategic and potent language
of military discourse, the anti-corruption campaign effectively communicates its
strategies, demonstrating resolve and rallying public support in a manner akin to
mobilizing troops for battle (Charteris-Black, 2004). Furthermore, Vietnam's
profound history of conflict and resilience imbues these war metaphors with deep
cultural significance, aligning the fight against corruption with nationalistic values
and the collective memory of struggle and perseverance (Kövecses, 2002).
2.3.5. War metaphors’ framing effects
The influence of war metaphors in shaping public attitudes towards various events
and policies cannot be understated. The employment of war metaphors in public
communication, especially within media contexts, serves not only as a linguistic
strategy but also as a cognitive tool that deeply affects how societies perceive and
react to policy initiatives and significant events.
War metaphors significantly impact public attitudes towards events and policies by
encapsulating complex issues within the familiar and emotionally charged context
of conflict (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). These metaphors frame societal challenges or
policy initiatives as battles to be won or enemies to be defeated, thus simplifying
complex issues into a binary of victory or defeat. This framing can dramatically
influence public perception, often instigating a sense of urgency, solidarity, and
collective action among the populace. For instance, the "War on Drugs" or the
"War on Poverty" are not just policy labels; they are strategic framings that
mobilize public sentiment and support by invoking the seriousness and immediacy
typically associated with war (Lakoff, 1993).
Media plays a crucial role in deploying war metaphors, utilizing various framing
techniques to influence public discourse. Through selection and salience, media
outlets highlight certain aspects of a policy or event, effectively shaping public
perception and discourse (Entman, 1993). For example, when media frames an anti-
corruption initiative as a "war against corruption," it not only emphasizes the
seriousness of the initiative but also positions it within a narrative of moral and
ethical combat, appealing to the public's sense of justice and righteousness. This
framing technique leverages the emotive power of war metaphors to rally public
support, foster a collective identity among citizens against a common enemy, and
legitimize policy measures that might otherwise be contentious or controversial.
The narrative structure provided by war metaphors in media discourse also
simplifies complex issues, making them more accessible to the general public. This
simplification can, however, lead to oversimplification, where the nuanced realities
of social issues are overshadowed by the stark binary of win/lose inherent in war
framing (Semino, 2008). Consequently, while war metaphors can effectively
mobilize public sentiment, they also risk polarizing discourse and oversimplifying
2.4. Corruption
Corruption, a term frequently invoked in discussions spanning from political
debates to everyday conversations, embodies a complex phenomenon that
undermines the fabric of societies worldwide.
2.4.1. Definition of corruption
At its core, corruption signifies the abuse of entrusted power for private gain
(Transparency International, n.d.). This broad definition encapsulates various forms
of malfeasance, ranging from bribery and embezzlement to nepotism and fraud.
Corruption can manifest in both public and private sectors, affecting everything
from government institutions to non-profit organizations and corporations. The
World Bank further elucidates this concept by emphasizing corruption as a major
obstacle to the equitable and efficient functioning of public institutions and the
private sector alike (World Bank, n.d.).
Scholars have explored the multifaceted nature of corruption, identifying its
occurrence across different levels of society. Johnston (2005) distinguishes between
"petty" and "grand" corruption, with the former involving small-scale transactions
typically encountered by ordinary citizens in their daily interactions with public
officials, and the latter encompassing high-level abuses by political elites that can
significantly alter the course of national policies and development. This
differentiation highlights the varying scales and impacts of corrupt practices,
suggesting a spectrum of corruption that penetrates all levels of societal structures.
The complexity of defining corruption lies in its intersection with legal, moral, and
cultural dimensions. Corruption is not merely a legal issue; it also encompasses
ethical violations that betray societal norms and values (Philp, 1997). Furthermore,
perceptions of what constitutes corrupt behavior can vary significantly across
different cultures and legal systems, underscoring the challenge of conceptualizing
corruption in a universally applicable manner (Heidenheimer & Johnston, 2002).
2.4.2. Forms of corruption
Corruption manifests in a myriad of forms, each undermining trust, efficiency, and
equity within public and private sectors. Various forms of corruption have their
impact on societies and governance structures. Understanding these forms is crucial
for developing targeted anti-corruption strategies and fostering a culture of
transparency and accountability.
2.4.2.1. Bribery
Bribery, perhaps the most recognized form of corruption, involves the exchange of
money, goods, or services for favorable decisions or treatment. This form of
corruption directly affects decision-making processes, leading to inefficiencies and
injustices in the allocation of resources (Rose-Ackerman, 1999). Bribery can be
both active, involving the offer or promise of such an exchange, and passive,
involving the request or acceptance of such offers (Transparency International,
n.d.).
2.4.2.2. Embezzlement and theft
Embezzlement refers to the misappropriation of funds or resources by individuals in
positions of trust, such as public officials or corporate executives. This form of
corruption directly drains resources from institutions, diminishing their ability to
serve the public or shareholders effectively (Svensson, 2005). Theft, while similar
to embezzlement, often involves outright stealing of resources and is not restricted
to individuals in positions of trust.
2.4.2.3. Fraud and money laundering
Fraud entails deception to gain financially or otherwise, which can manifest in
various ways, including falsifying records or information for personal gain. Money
laundering, a complex form of financial fraud, involves concealing the origins of
illegally obtained money, typically through a sequence of transfers and transactions
(Unger, 2007). Both practices not only result in financial losses but also erode trust
in financial systems and institutions.
2.4.2.4. Nepotism and cronyism
Nepotism and cronyism involve favoring relatives or friends, especially in job
appointments, without regard to their qualifications. These practices undermine
meritocracy and efficiency, leading to the erosion of institutional integrity and
public trust (Dal Bó, Rossi, & Dal Bó, 2006). Nepotism and cronyism can also
perpetuate inequality and hinder social mobility by reserving opportunities for a
select few.
2.4.2.5. Extortion and blackmail
Extortion occurs when an individual or group forces someone to give up property,
money, or services through threats or coercion. Blackmail is a form of extortion that
involves threats to reveal information unless demands are met. Both practices
exploit power imbalances and can have devastating effects on individuals and
businesses (Shleifer & Vishny, 1993).
The diverse forms of corruption outlined above share a common denominator: the
exploitation of power for personal gain. The pervasiveness of corruption, in its
various guises, poses significant challenges to global efforts aimed at promoting
equity, justice, and development.
2.4.3. Anti-corruption
2.4.3.1. Anti-corruption in the world
Globally, anti-corruption efforts have become a central focus for many governments
and international bodies. The establishment of the United Nations Convention
against Corruption (UNCAC) in 2003 represents a landmark in international efforts,
offering a comprehensive framework for combating corruption through preventive
measures, law enforcement, and international cooperation (United Nations Office
on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2003). Countries adopting the UNCAC commit to
implementing its broad range of measures, which include enhancing transparency,
strengthening judicial systems, and fostering international collaboration to prevent
and punish corruption.
Additionally, organizations like Transparency International play a crucial role in
monitoring and raising awareness about corruption levels through tools like the
Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). The CPI serves as a global barometer of
corruption, ranking countries based on perceived levels of public sector corruption
as seen by businesspeople and country experts (Transparency International, 2021).
This index, while not an exhaustive measure of a country's integrity, is instrumental
in highlighting trends and fostering a dialogue on anti-corruption strategies.
2.4.3.2. Anti-corruption in Vietnam
Vietnam has taken significant strides in its anti-corruption drive, integrating both
legal reforms and public awareness campaigns to address the issue. The Vietnamese
government's commitment to anti-corruption was notably amplified with the
adoption of the 2018 Anti-Corruption Law, which expanded the scope of anti-
corruption initiatives to include non-state sectors and introduced asset declaration
requirements for officials (National Assembly of Vietnam, 2018). This law
underscores Vietnam's efforts to align with international standards, including those
set forth by the UNCAC, to which Vietnam is a signatory.
Central to Vietnam's anti-corruption efforts is the role of the Communist Party of
Vietnam (CPV), which has placed an increasing emphasis on internal integrity and
discipline. The CPV's Commission for Internal Affairs has been instrumental in
enforcing party discipline and overseeing anti-corruption initiatives, demonstrating
the intertwining of political will with legal and institutional reforms (Vasavakul,
2009).
Moreover, Vietnam has witnessed high-profile anti-corruption campaigns targeting
officials at various levels, signaling a no-tolerance policy towards corruption. These
campaigns, while contributing to a narrative of accountability, have also sparked
debates on the balance between political expediency and genuine reform efforts
(Nguyen Khac Giang, 2023).
2.4.4. Corruption in Vietnamese media
The media's role in reporting on corruption is pivotal for fostering transparency and
accountability, particularly in societies grappling with the pervasive effects of
corruption. In Vietnam, the interplay between media reporting on corruption,
historical context, media freedom, and public trust presents a complex narrative.
The trend in reporting on corruption has seen fluctuations corresponding to the
political climate and the CPV’s stance on anti-corruption. Media outlets have
periodically been encouraged to report on corruption cases, especially those
involving lower-level officials, as a demonstration of the government's seriousness
about tackling corruption (Thayer, 2014). However, reporting on high-profile cases
or those involving senior party members is often met with resistance, highlighting
the challenges journalists face in navigating the delicate balance between reporting
truthfully and adhering to political sensitivities.
The challenges are further compounded by the risks of reprisal, including
harassment, censorship, or legal action against journalists and media outlets that
overstep the unwritten boundaries of permissible reporting (Reporters without
Borders, 2021). This environment creates a precarious situation for journalists, who
must often self-censor or find creative ways to address corruption without inviting
censorship or punishment.
Media freedom in Vietnam is severely restricted, with the country ranking low on
global press freedom indexes (Freedom House, 2020). The CPV maintains strict
control over the media, with all newspapers and television channels state-owned or
under party oversight. This control extends to online media, where bloggers and
independent journalists face significant risks for reporting on sensitive topics,
including corruption (Human Rights Watch, 2019). The prevalence of censorship
and the threat of legal repercussions create an environment where critical,
investigative reporting on corruption is fraught with challenges.
Public trust in media reporting on corruption is mixed. On one hand, there is
appreciation for the media's role in exposing corruption, especially in cases that lead
to the prosecution of corrupt officials. On the other hand, skepticism exists
regarding the depth and impartiality of corruption coverage, given the media's role
as an arm of the state and the selective nature of reported cases (Willnat & Aw,
2014). The perception that only politically expedient corruption cases are reported
on can undermine public trust in the media’s commitment to unbiased reporting.
2.4.5. Metaphors in Vietnamese cultural context
In Vietnam, metaphors are more than linguistic devices; they are integral to cultural
expression and understanding. They provide insights into the collective psyche,
embodying the values, traditions, and experiences of the Vietnamese people. By
examining the cultural symbols, language, and impact of metaphors in Vietnam, it
becomes evident that metaphorical thinking is a fundamental aspect of human
cognition, reflecting both the universality and specificity of cultural experiences..
Vietnamese culture is replete with symbols and metaphors that carry significant
meanings, deeply rooted in the nation's history, mythology, and daily life. The lotus
flower, for instance, is a powerful symbol of purity, resilience, and rebirth, often
used metaphorically to describe the ability of the Vietnamese people to rise above
challenges (Jamieson, 1995). Similarly, the bamboo plant is frequently invoked as a
metaphor for strength, flexibility, and the upright character of the Vietnamese
people, illustrating how cultural symbols are imbued with complex metaphorical
meanings.
The Vietnamese language is rich in metaphorical expressions that reflect the
nation's agricultural past, communal values, and philosophical beliefs. Phrases such
as "nước đến chân mới nhảy" (literally "when the water reaches your feet, you
jump") encapsulate the pragmatic and resilient spirit of the Vietnamese people,
emphasizing adaptability and action in the face of adversity. These metaphorical
expressions are not mere idioms; they are cultural artifacts that encapsulate
collective wisdom and experiences, passed down through generations.
Comparing Vietnamese metaphors with those of other cultures reveals both
universality and uniqueness in metaphorical thinking. While some metaphors, such
as the use of water to represent life and flow, are nearly universal, reflecting shared
human experiences with nature (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), others are distinctly
Vietnamese, rooted in the specific geographical, historical, and social context of the
country. For example, the metaphorical use of rice fields to represent fertility,
sustenance, and communal labor is particularly resonant in Vietnamese culture,
reflecting the agrarian society's deep connection to the land (Kövecses, 2005).
Metaphors significantly impact perception and communication in Vietnamese
culture, shaping how individuals interpret their experiences and interact with the
world. They not only facilitate communication by providing a shared set of
references and understandings but also shape thought processes and worldviews
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). The use of metaphors in political discourse, literature,
and daily communication reveals their power to frame experiences, influence
emotions, and guide actions, underscoring the role of metaphorical thinking in
societal cohesion and identity.
2.5. Previous studies
The employment of metaphors, particularly the war metaphor, in addressing social
issues and corruption, offers a rich field of study that sheds light on the cognitive
and cultural underpinnings of societal challenges.
The foundational work by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) in "Metaphors We Live By"
has been instrumental in elucidating the pervasive influence of conceptual
metaphors, including the war metaphor, in shaping language, cognition, and social
discourse. This seminal study laid the groundwork for subsequent research on how
metaphors shape public perception and policy discourse, providing a theoretical
framework for analyzing the role of metaphorical framing in addressing societal
challenges.
Building upon this theoretical foundation, scholars like Scheffler (1985) have
critically examined the deployment of war metaphors in campaigns such as the War
on Drugs. Scheffler's analysis highlights how the war metaphor has been utilized to
justify aggressive policy responses and militarized approaches to drug control,
emphasizing the potential consequences of such framing on civil liberties and social
justice.
Similarly, Maguire (1997) has explored the ramifications of employing the war
metaphor in crime-related discourse. His study underscores the impact of
metaphorical framing on law enforcement strategies and public perceptions of
crime, arguing that the war metaphor can contribute to the normalization of
aggressive policing tactics and the erosion of due process rights.
Expanding the scope of inquiry, Mitchell (2008) conducted a cross-cultural analysis
of war metaphors, examining their usage in various languages and cultural contexts.
His study revealed how war metaphors are employed globally to convey concepts of
conflict, struggle, and resolution, highlighting their universality and adaptability
across diverse societies.
Further insights into the global application of war metaphors in anti-corruption
efforts are provided by Charteris-Black (2004). In his analysis of political discourse,
Charteris-Black examines how corruption is metaphorically constructed and
communicated, emphasizing the persuasive power of metaphors in shaping public
attitudes and policy agendas. This study sheds light on the symbolic significance of
war metaphors in framing corruption as a moral battleground, influencing
governmental responses and public perceptions of anti-corruption measures.
Diving deeper into the literature, studies by Smith (2015) and Wang (2019) explore
the use of war metaphors in environmental campaigns and healthcare policies,
respectively. Smith's research investigates how war metaphors frame environmental
issues as battles for conservation and sustainability, while Wang examines their role
in shaping public perceptions of disease control and healthcare reform. These
studies underscore the versatility of war metaphors in addressing a wide range of
societal challenges and policy initiatives.
In Vietnam, the war metaphor has been particularly prominent in the discourse
surrounding anti-corruption campaigns. Nguyen Khac Giang (2023), in his analysis
of political rhetoric in Vietnam, discusses how the Vietnamese government employs
the war metaphor to frame its fight against corruption as a moral crusade, aiming to
mobilize public support and legitimize its efforts. This usage is reflective of a
broader strategy to equate the anti-corruption campaign with a battle for national
integrity and moral righteousness.
Nguyen. Thi Truong Giang (2022) provides a critical assessment of the media's role
in propagating war metaphors in Vietnam, particularly in relation to the
government's anti-corruption initiatives. Giang highlights the dual-edged nature of
employing such metaphors in media discourse, noting that while they can
effectively dramatize the anti-corruption narrative and engage the public, they also
risk simplifying complex issues and potentially marginalizing alternative
perspectives.
Further, Nguyen Thi Minh Nguyet (2023) explores the cultural resonance of war
metaphors in Vietnam, a country with a profound history of conflict. Nguyet’s study
underscores how the historical context of war in Vietnam enriches the metaphorical
use of war in contemporary political and social campaigns, imbuing them with a
deeper layer of cultural significance and emotional appeal.
The Vietnam War stands as a pivotal moment not only in the history of Vietnam but
also in global consciousness, leaving an indelible mark on literature, music, and
societal discourse. Keith Beattie’s seminal work, “The healed wound’: etaphor and
the impact of the Vietnam War,” serves as a cornerstone in understanding the
profound influence of war metaphors in Vietnamese literature. Beattie delves into
how the Vietnam War gave birth to its own unique figurative language, rendering
the rhetoric of previous wars seemingly innocent in comparison (Beattie, 1990.).
Moreover, he elaborates on how metaphors are extensively used to interpret the
war’s impact on American society, underscoring the lasting legacy of the conflict.
In their contrastive analysis on cognitive metaphors denoting the concept of “War
and Peace” in anti-war songs in English versus Vietnamese, Nguyen Thi Hong Men
and Dinh Thi Minh Hien explore the similarities and differences in cognitive
metaphors (CMs) of War and Peace between English and Vietnamese anti-war
songs (Men & Hien, 2015.). Grounded in the theoretical frameworks of prominent
linguists such as Lakoff and Johnson, their research sheds light on the linguistic and
cultural nuances inherent in war metaphors across different languages.
Another intriguing study, titled “Conceptual metaphor sport as war in Vietnamese
football news,” investigates the emergence of metaphors related to the source
domain of war in Vietnamese sports news (Hanh, Huong & Hien, 2022). This study
elucidates the relationship between “sport” and “war” in Vietnamese mind maps,
highlighting the pervasive nature of war metaphors in diverse spheres of
Vietnamese society.
Nguyen Thi Ngoc Trang’s research on “The conceptual metaphor of the Vietnam
War” offers another significant contribution to the field (Trang, 2023.). Trang
explores how American war correspondents conceptualized the war and how their
viewpoints changed after they were directly involved in the conflict. Utilizing the
conceptual metaphor in cognitive linguistics as the general approach, Trang delves
into the American journalists’ war ideologies embedded in the conceptual
metaphors in their articles published during the wartime.
2.6. Research gaps
The investigation of war metaphors holds significant importance both globally and
within the Vietnamese context, offering insights into how language shapes
perceptions of conflict and societal challenges. Despite considerable research in this
area, there exist notable research gaps in both world and Vietnamese studies,
presenting opportunities for further inquiry and analysis.
On a global scale, one prominent research gap lies in the limited exploration of
metaphors related to corruption and the "War on Corruption" across different
cultural and linguistic contexts. While corruption is a pervasive issue worldwide,
there is a lack of comparative studies that examine how metaphors of corruption are
constructed and interpreted in diverse cultural settings. By investigating cross-
cultural variations in the framing of corruption and anti-corruption efforts,
researchers can gain insights into the universal or culturally specific aspects of these
metaphors, shedding light on their role in shaping societal perceptions and policy
responses.
Furthermore, there is a dearth of interdisciplinary research that integrates linguistic
analysis with sociological, political, and psychological perspectives in the study of
metaphors of corruption and the "War on Corruption." While linguistic approaches
have provided valuable insights into the structure and function of metaphors, there
is a need to examine how these metaphors intersect with broader social, political,
and psychological phenomena. Exploring the socio-political implications of
corruption metaphors can offer a more nuanced understanding of their impact on
public attitudes, institutional responses, and governance structures globally.
In the Vietnamese context, similar research gaps exist in the study of metaphors of
corruption and the "War on Corruption." Despite Vietnam's ongoing efforts to
combat corruption, there is limited scholarly attention devoted to the linguistic and
discursive strategies employed in framing corruption-related issues in Vietnamese
society. Additionally, there is a lack of research exploring how metaphors of
corruption are constructed and interpreted within the unique cultural and political
context of Vietnam, presenting an opportunity for further investigation.
Moreover, there is a notable gap in the examination of the historical and cultural
roots of metaphors of corruption and the "War on Corruption" in Vietnam. Given
Vietnam's complex history of governance and socio-political development, there is
a need to explore how historical narratives and cultural symbols shape the discourse
surrounding corruption and anti-corruption efforts. Investigating the historical
evolution of corruption metaphors can provide valuable insights into their cultural
resonance and enduring significance, informing contemporary discussions and
policy responses.
In short, while existing research has made significant contributions to our
understanding of corruption and the "War on Corruption" both globally and within
the Vietnamese context, there remain substantial research gaps that present
opportunities for further exploration. By addressing these gaps, researchers can
deepen our understanding of the complexities surrounding metaphors of corruption
and anti-corruption discourse, enriching scholarly understanding and informing
policy and practice. This sets the stage for the current study on the conceptual
metaphor "War on Corruption" to contribute to filling these important gaps in
knowledge.
III. METHODOLOGY
3.1. Research design
The present study is located in the Embedded Design (Creswell & Clark, 2007, pp. 67-71).
Because of some reasons:

The premises of this design are that a single data set is not sufficient, that
different questions need to be answered, and that each type of question
requires different types of data.
The Embedded Design ncludes the collection of both quantitative and
qualitative data, but one of he data types plays a supplemental role within the
overall design.
The priority of this model is established by the quantitative, experi- mental

methodology, and the qualitative dataset is subservient within that
methodology.
These sequential approaches are useful when a researcher needs qualitative

information before the intervention, to shape the intervention, to develop an
instrument, or to select participants, or after the intervention, to explain the
results of the intervention or to follow up on the experiences of participants
with certain types of outcomes.
In this thesis, it basically and crucially uses the qualitative method in almost all steps in the
research procedures. Meanwhile, the quantitative method was used in an embedded
manner as part of a larger qualitative study to identify the most dominant metaphors for the
follow-on qualitative analysis.
Figure 2: Embedded Design: QUAN premeasure Embedded

Correlational Model
Quantitative methods
Statistical analysis was used to calculate resonance indications (Charteris-Black, 2004, p.
89) to decide on dominant metaphors for the Vietnam War.
3.1.3. Research methods

Quantitative methods
Statistical analysis was used to calculate resonance indications (Charteris-Black, 2004, p.
89) to decide on dominant metaphors for the Vietnam War.
3.2 Data collection procedure
Step 1:
The data source includes 44,217 articles on Vietnam news agency published by the New
York Times during the 2016 – 2024 period. The New York Times was chosen because as a
liberal newspaper it expressed anti-war attitude during the most active American
involvement in Vietnam (1964-1975) (Elias, 1978) which is in line with the war ideologies
the study wants to investigate. Moreover, this news outlet has a huge and easily accessible
digitized archive of thousands of historical articles about the Vietnam war
(https://archive.nytimes.com) from which the articles in this data source can be
downloaded
Step 2: Selecting dataset
To ensure the articles have conceptual metaphors for the Vietnam War and the number of
chosen articles can be manually analyzed, the following criteria were set out:
- Articles are in the data source
- Articles contain viewpoints of the Vietnam war instead of mentioning the war as an event
or presenting
statistics like number of recruits or casualties, etc.
- Each article must have at least three semantic tensions related to the Vietnam War
After skimming all articles in the data source, sixty-four qualified items were selected.
3.3. Integrated analytical framework of CMA-MLV
This proposed analytical framework combines CMA, MLV and other linguistic metaphor
identification procedures (MIP, MIPVU) in order to demonstrate the process of
metaphorical conceptualization via four levels (MLV) and ascertain ideologies underlying
metaphor construction (CMA).
(1) First stage: Metaphor identification
This study will draw insights from the metaphor identification procedure (MIP) developed by the
Pragglejaz Group to enable us determine which words or expressions can be considered
metaphorical in context. Gibbs Jr, (2017, pp. 69-70) states the four main steps to be followed in
determing whether been metaphorically used in context are as follows:
I. Read the entire text (i.e. written text or spoken transcript) to establish a general
understanding of the discourse.
II. Determine the lexical units in the text.
III. For each lexical unit in the text, check metaphorical use: establish the meaning of the
lexical unit in context (how it applies to an entity), and the relation in the situation
evoked by the text (contextual meaning). You should take into account what words are
before and after the lexical unit. Determine if the lexical unit has a more basic
current/contemporary meaning than the one in the given context. For our purposes,
basic meanings tend to be: more concrete; what they evoke is easier to imagine, see,
hear, feel, smell and taste; related to bodily action; more precise (as opposed to vague);
and historically older. Basic meanings are not necessarily the most frequent meaning of
the lexical unit.
IV. If the lexical unit has a more basic current/contemporary meaning in other contexts
than the given context, decide whether the contextual meaning can be understood by
comparison or contrast with the basic meaning. If yes, mark the lexical unit as
metaphorical.
(2) Second stage: Metaphor interpretation
- determine the foci of the aspects of both source domain and target
domain, and then define the correspondences activated in the cognitive
frame;
- create the mapping process and explain the mechanism of the mapping
of the aspects of the “source” and “target” domains via the
metaphorical expressions;
and finally, define the rule of mapping and learn about the writer’s
typical way of thinking and cognition.
- Use the principle of context-based metaphor formulation and the closest background to
identify the most appropriate source domain associated with the basic meaning of each
keyword in different situations. (see Adaptions for Stage 2 in section 3.3.1)
- For each source domain, formulate relevant conceptual metaphor at four conceptual
levels (mental space, frame, domain, image schema), based on the procedure of four steps.
(see Adaptions for Stage 2 in section 3.3.1)
- Interpret social representations and evaluations as part of ideology embedded in image
schema, domain and frame level of the conceptual metaphor (via mappings and
highlighting/ hiding at the three levels).
(3) Third stage: Metaphor explanation
- At mental space level of conceptual metaphor in discourse context, identify the social
agency involved in the production of metaphor and their social role in persuasion. Based
on these types of information and other contextual factors (e.g., social, cultural, historical,
etc.), the social representations and evaluations as part of ideology from conceptual
metaphor at image schema, domain and frame level, the researcher infers ideological and
rhetorical motivation (i.e., persuasion of particular ideologies/ speaker intentions) which
generate metaphor choice.
- Look for evidence for ideological and rhetorical motivation in the dataset, rather than
from the researcher’s intuition.
- Evaluate the effectiveness of the choice of metaphor to achieve speaker intentions.
Relevant conceptual metaphors and typical evaluations of metaphor contribute to
explaining why metaphor is persuasive.
3.4. Data analysis

3.4.1. Data collection and Quantitative Analysis
This analysis process provides the answer for the first research question
1. What dominant conceptual metaphors conceptualize the Vietnam War in the New York
Time’s articles during the wartime?
- Data collection: The researchers collected a dataset of 300 news article on coruption
events from the years of 2016-2024, source from the internet achive of
Vietnamnews.vn.
- Lemmar checklist
The researchers prepared a checklist of key lexical itmes from the source domain of
“the target Corruption”
list the metaphorically-expressed words chosen in each characteristic of the source
domain; The checklist will be used to identify the occunrence of these terms and their
associated lexemes in the article corpus.
- Quantitative analysis:
a freeware concordance software package (Concordancing with AntConc) the researcher will
systemetically indentify all occurencees of the key leammas and their lexemes within
300 articles.
This quantitative analysis will provide a comprehensive understading of the
linguistic patters and frequencies related to the source domain in political discourse.
The number of relevant tokens found in the corpora will be presented both in raw
frequency numbers (r) First, the overall frequency results for the three metaphor areas in
each corpus are presented. he occurrences of metaphors containing DISEASE IS A
NATURAL FORCE
In order to locate metaphors in the corpora, a list of words relevant to the chosen metaphor
areas was compiled and later searched as lemmas in the corpora. The relevant words were
chosen by looking at words previously identified for these metaphor areas in earlier studies
 Metaphor grouping in Action:
- Specific metaphors: battle, struggle, war, hit, fight..
- Overoaching conceptualization : These metaphors when analyzed together, reiforce the
conceptualization of corruption prevention as a physical battlefield, where participants
engage in a constant struggle for power and dominance.
- Grouping: “Corruptiong prevention is physical battlefield”.
The conceptual metaphor Key allows researchers to catagorize these specific metaphors under the
overarching conceptual metaphor of “Corruption prevention is physical battlefield” , providing a
deeper understanding of how language shapes perceptions of political disoucrse.
7. Data presentation and analysis

Target domain
Corruption Corruption Corruption Corruption Corruption Corruption
Examples of key metaphor words
pandemic, scourge, cankerworm challenge, obstacle, burden, weight centre, every facet,
widespread, pervade monster, dangers, tame
destroy, kill, enemy
fight, battle, brawn, crusade
3.1.1. Overview of study approach

The mixed-methods approach is predicated on the premise that combining
qualitative and quantitative methodologies yields a more robust and comprehensive
analysis than either method could achieve independently (Creswell & Creswell,
2017). This integration is particularly pertinent for examining war metaphors in
anti-corruption discourse, where the depth of metaphorical meaning (a qualitative
aspect) and the extent of its usage (a quantitative aspect) are both crucial for
understanding its impact on public perception and policy formulation.
Qualitative content analysis serves as the foundation for interpreting the symbolic
and thematic elements of war metaphors within the selected corpus of news articles.
This method allows for the identification of nuanced expressions and the contextual
meanings ascribed to war-related imagery, shedding light on how such metaphors
frame corruption and anti-corruption narratives. By meticulously coding and
categorizing the metaphorical expressions, researchers can uncover underlying
themes and attitudes towards corruption, revealing the metaphors' roles in
mobilizing public sentiment, legitimizing policy actions, and shaping the collective
consciousness regarding anti-corruption efforts (Schreier, 2012). The qualitative
component is thus instrumental in unpacking the complexities of metaphorical
framing, enabling a deeper understanding of its cognitive and emotive dimensions.
Complementing the qualitative analysis, quantitative frequency analysis quantifies
the occurrence of war metaphors across the dataset, offering insights into the
pervasiveness of military language in anti-corruption discourse. This method
involves systematically counting metaphorical expressions related to war, such as
references to "battle," "frontline," or "enemy," among others. By analyzing the
frequency of these metaphors, researchers can ascertain their prominence in media
reporting on corruption, thereby gauging their potential influence on public
discourse (Riffe, Lacy, & Fico, 2014). The quantitative analysis also facilitates
comparisons between different media outlets, time periods, or types of corruption
cases, providing a broader perspective on the strategic use of war metaphors in
shaping narratives.
The integration of qualitative and quantitative findings offers a holistic view of the
role of war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse. This synthesis not only
highlights the metaphor's prevalence but also its significance in the socio-political
context, bridging the gap between mere usage and its rhetorical and cognitive
implications. Through this comprehensive analysis, researchers can contribute
valuable insights into the strategic deployment of metaphorical language in political
communication, enhancing our understanding of its power in framing societal
challenges and influencing public policy (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2010).
3.1.2. Research questions and objectives
The study of war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse is guided by a set of
purposefully crafted research questions and objectives. These questions and
objectives not only define the scope of the investigation but also clarify the intended
contributions of the research to the broader academic and practical understanding of
metaphorical framing in political communication.
Research Question 1: What are the prevalent conceptual metaphors of war on
corruption in online news articles?
The first research question aims to identify and catalog the conceptual metaphors of
war utilized in online news discourse surrounding anti-corruption. This question is
foundational, setting the stage for a comprehensive analysis of how the metaphor of
war is invoked in the media's portrayal of corruption and the fight against it. By
examining a broad spectrum of online news articles, this inquiry seeks to quantify
and describe the war metaphors that pervade journalistic narratives, offering
insights into the metaphorical landscape that frames public understanding of
corruption.
Research Question 2: How are these conceptual metaphors construed via a
multi-level view framework?
Building on the identification of prevalent war metaphors, the second research
question delves into the mechanics of metaphor construction, employing a multi-
level view framework. This approach facilitates a nuanced analysis of how war
metaphors are crafted and understood at various levels of abstraction, from basic
image schemas to more complex narrative structures. By dissecting the construction
of these metaphors, the study aims to reveal the cognitive processes and linguistic
choices that shape the conceptualization of anti-corruption efforts as warfare,
illuminating the intricate layers of meaning embedded within the metaphorical
discourse.
Research Question 3: What ideologies motivate these conceptual metaphors?
The final research question addresses the ideological motivations that underlie the
use of war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse. This inquiry ventures beyond the
linguistic surface to explore the socio-political agendas and belief systems that
inform the deployment of war metaphors by the media. Understanding the
ideological motivations behind these metaphors is crucial for comprehending their
persuasive power and potential impact on public opinion and policy discourse. By
uncovering the values, attitudes, and norms that animate the metaphorical war on
corruption, the study seeks to contribute to a critical discourse analysis that situates
metaphor use within a broader context of media influence and societal change.
3.2. Research setting
The examination of war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse is deeply enriched
by a thorough understanding of the research setting, particularly within the
distinctive socio-political and media context of Vietnam. This setting provides a
crucial backdrop for the study, offering insights into the nuances of how anti-
corruption efforts are framed and communicated.
3.2.1. Contextual background
Vietnam, a country with a complex history and dynamic socio-political landscape,
presents a unique context for the study of anti-corruption discourse. Following the
Đổi Mới economic reforms initiated in 1986, Vietnam experienced rapid economic
growth and integration into the global economy. However, this transition also saw
the rise of corruption as a significant social issue, permeating various levels of
government and impacting the efficacy of public institutions (Nguyen Khac Giang,
2023). In response, the Vietnamese government, led by the CPV, has placed a
strong emphasis on anti-corruption efforts, recognizing the threat corruption poses
to social stability and economic development.
The significance of anti-corruption discourse in Vietnam is underscored by the
CPV's active role in promoting integrity and transparency within the party and the
government. High-profile anti-corruption campaigns and legal reforms, such as the
2018 Law on Prevention and Combat of Corruption, reflect the government's
commitment to tackling this issue. These efforts are not merely administrative but
are deeply ingrained in the political narrative, aiming to bolster public trust and
ensure the legitimacy of the ruling party (Gillespie & Nicholson, 2012).
3.2.2. Media landscape
The media environment in Vietnam is characterized by a dual structure comprising
state-controlled and independent news outlets. The state-controlled media, operating
under the auspices of the CPV, plays a crucial role in shaping public discourse,
including the narrative surrounding anti-corruption. These outlets often reflect the
government's viewpoints, emphasizing the successes of anti-corruption campaigns
and showcasing the government's resolve to uphold integrity and accountability
(London, 2009).
Conversely, the emergence of independent and online media platforms has
introduced new dynamics into the media landscape. Despite operating within a
restrictive regulatory environment, these outlets have provided alternative
perspectives on anti-corruption efforts, sometimes highlighting cases and issues not
covered by state-controlled media. The growth of social media and online news
portals has further diversified the sources of information available to the public,
enabling more robust discussions and debates on corruption and governance issues.
The interplay between state-controlled and independent media outlets in Vietnam
creates a multifaceted media environment through which anti-corruption discourse
is articulated and disseminated. Understanding this landscape is essential for
analyzing how war metaphors are employed in framing anti-corruption efforts, as
the media not only reports on but also shapes the narrative and influences public
perception.
3.3. Sample population
In the intricate landscape of Vietnam’s anti-corruption narrative, the employment of
war metaphors by the media plays a pivotal role in shaping public perceptions and
discourse. This research meticulously explores this phenomenon by focusing on a
carefully selected study population, comprising news articles from prominent
Vietnamese media outlets, to dissect the use and implications of war metaphors in
anti-corruption efforts.
The target population for this investigation is defined by a selection of articles from
three key Vietnamese news sources, each representing a unique facet of Vietnam's
media landscape:
Nhan Dan Online, as the official publication of the Communist Party of Vietnam,
represents the state's perspective on anti-corruption endeavors. Founded in 1951,
Nhan Dan Online serves as a platform for disseminating the party's ideologies,
policies, and viewpoints to the public. As such, it offers a foundational perspective
on anti-corruption efforts, reflecting the government's official stance and priorities
in combating corruption. Through its extensive coverage of political news, policy
announcements, and official statements, Nhan Dan Online provides valuable
insights into the state's strategies, challenges, and achievements in the fight against
corruption.
Vietnam News, a state-owned English-language newspaper, plays a crucial role in
communicating Vietnam's policies and developments to both domestic and
international audiences. Established in 1991, Vietnam News serves as a bridge
between Vietnam and the global community, offering comprehensive coverage of
politics, economy, society, and culture. In the realm of anti-corruption discourse,
Vietnam News provides a broader perspective, encompassing international
perspectives, comparative analyses, and insights into Vietnam's anti-corruption
efforts within the context of globalization. Its credibility, professionalism, and
accessibility make it a valuable source for understanding how Vietnam's anti-
corruption narrative is perceived and interpreted on the global stage.
The Communist Review Journal, affiliated with the Communist Party of Vietnam,
offers a scholarly and theoretical perspective on anti-corruption discourse. Founded
in 1929, the Communist Review Journal serves as a platform for academic research,
theoretical debates, and policy discussions within the party and broader academic
circles. With its focus on Marxist-Leninist ideology, socialist theories, and political
analyses, the journal provides deep insights into the ideological underpinnings of
anti-corruption efforts in Vietnam. Through its articles, essays, and commentaries,
the Communist Review Journal contributes to a nuanced understanding of the
theoretical frameworks, policy implications, and societal impacts of anti-corruption
initiatives in Vietnam.
3.4. Data collection
The selection of news sources is a critical aspect of any research endeavor,
particularly in the exploration of war metaphors within the context of anti-
corruption discourse in Vietnam. Hereunder are the criteria employed in choosing
news sources for the study, emphasizing the importance of diversity, credibility, and
influence in ensuring a comprehensive and insightful analysis.
3.4.1. Criteria for collection
Given the extensive nature of media coverage on anti-corruption, the study employs
precise criteria and a structured sampling procedure to ensure comprehensive and
relevant data collection:
The first criterion for data selection is the relevance of the articles to anti-corruption
efforts or corruption cases. Given the focus of the study on war metaphors in the
context of anti-corruption discourse, it is imperative that the selected articles
directly address or discuss these themes. Articles that provide insights into anti-
corruption campaigns, policies, initiatives, or cases are deemed relevant for
analysis. Conversely, articles that do not touch upon anti-corruption issues or are
tangentially related are excluded from the dataset to maintain the coherence and
focus of the study.
Another crucial criterion for data selection is the specified date range of publication
for the collected articles. In the current study, to select articles for analysis, an
essential criterion is establishing a specific date range based on the initiation of the
"Đốt lò" campaign. This anti-corruption campaign, launched by the Communist
Party of Vietnam in 2017, aimed to combat corruption within the government and
public sector. The study sets this campaign's commencement as the starting point
for the specified time frame. This ensures that articles included in the analysis are
current and relevant, capturing the most recent developments and discussions in
Vietnam's anti-corruption discourse.
The application of these criteria involves a systematic process of reviewing and
evaluating potential articles for inclusion in the dataset. Researchers carefully
examine each article to assess its relevance to anti-corruption and its publication
date. Articles that meet both criteria are retained for further analysis, while those
that fail to meet either criterion are excluded from the dataset.
3.4.2. Collection procedure
The data collection process is meticulously designed to ensure the acquisition of a
robust dataset that accurately reflects the breadth and depth of Vietnam's anti-
corruption discourse. It involves several key steps, including accessing,
downloading, organizing articles, creating a digital archive, and collecting metadata
for each article.
To initiate the data collection process, a digital archive is created of the selected
news articles. This involves systematically accessing and downloading articles from
the designated sources, namely Nhan Dan Online, Vietnam News, and the
Communist Review Journal. The aim is to securely store and manage the collected
articles, facilitating easy access and retrieval for subsequent analysis.
In parallel with digital archiving, metadata for each article is collected to provide
contextual information essential for analysis. Metadata includes details such as
publication date, authorship, source, and any other relevant information that aids in
understanding the background and context of the articles. This metadata collection
process ensures the integrity and comprehensiveness of the dataset, enabling
researchers to accurately contextualize and interpret the findings.
The research adopts a systematic approach to article selection, aiming to curate a
representative sample of 500 articles across the three specified outlets:
Preliminary screening: An initial review of the archives of Nhan Dan Online,
Vietnam News, and the Communist Review Journal to identify articles published
over the last five years that meet the topical relevance criterion.
Random sampling: Employing a stratified random sampling method, articles are
randomly chosen from the pool identified in the preliminary screening, ensuring an
equal distribution across the three outlets.
Final sample selection: The process results in a curated set of 500 articles,
proportionately distributed to reflect the diversity and breadth of anti-corruption
discourse across different media platforms in Vietnam.
3.5. Data Analysis

3.5.1. Analytical Framework: Outline of the conceptual framework for analyzing
war metaphors in anti-corruption discourse.
3.5.1.1. Identifying Metaphors: Techniques for identifying and extracting
metaphorical expressions related to war from the text.
3.5.1.2. Coding and Categorization: System for coding metaphorical expressions
and categorizing them according to predefined attributes.
3.5.1.3. Interpretation of Findings: Methods for interpreting the coded data, linking
metaphor usage to broader thematic concerns in anti-corruption discourse.
3.5.2. Validity and Reliability:
3.5.2.1. Measures for Ensuring Validity: Strategies to validate the interpretive
analysis, such as cross-referencing with existing literature and expert consultation.
3.5.2.2. Reliability Checks: Implementation of inter-coder reliability tests to ensure
consistency in coding and categorization among researchers.
3.5.2.3. Triangulation of Data: Use of multiple data sources and analytical methods
to corroborate findings.
3.5.2.4. Peer Review and Feedback: Process for obtaining feedback from peers and
subject matter experts to refine analysis and interpretations.
Grouping conceptual metaphors through a domain matrix involves organizing

metaphors based on their source and target domains. Here's how you can create
and utilize a domain matrix for grouping conceptual metaphors:
1. Identify Source and Target Domains: For each conceptual metaphor,

identify the source domain (the domain from which the metaphor is drawn)
and the target domain (the domain to which the metaphor is applied). This
can often be done by analyzing the linguistic expressions used in the
metaphor.
2. Create a Matrix: Construct a matrix with the source domains listed along
one axis (e.g., rows) and the target domains listed along the other axis (e.g.,
columns). This matrix will serve as a framework for organizing conceptual
metaphors according to their domain mappings.
3. Place Metaphors in Cells: Place each conceptual metaphor in the cell of
the matrix that corresponds to its source and target domains. If a metaphor
involves multiple source or target domains, consider placing it in multiple
cells or creating additional categories as needed.
4. Group Similar Metaphors: Look for patterns or clusters of conceptual
metaphors within the matrix. Group together metaphors that share similar
source or target domains, as well as those that exhibit related domain
mappings or conceptual mappings.
5. Analyze Relationships: Examine the relationships between source and
target domains within the matrix. Pay attention to recurring patterns,
commonalities, contrasts, and variations in how different domains are
metaphorically linked.
6. Identify Conceptual Themes: Identify conceptual themes or metaphorical
systems that emerge from the matrix. These themes may represent
overarching conceptual frameworks or metaphorical domains that organize
and structure metaphorical thinking.
7. Refine and Adjust: Continuously refine and adjust the domain matrix based
on further analysis, feedback, or insights. Be open to revising the placement
of metaphors within the matrix to better capture the relationships between
source and target domains.
8. Interpret and Discuss Findings: Interpret the findings of the domain matrix
in relation to the conceptual metaphors and their domain mappings.
Discuss the implications of the grouped metaphors for understanding
cognitive processes, linguistic expressions, and cultural meanings.
By organizing conceptual metaphors through a domain matrix, you can

systematically analyze the relationships between source and target domains and
gain insights into the conceptual structures underlying metaphorical thought and
language.
Domain Matrix:
Source Domain Emotions Society

Nature Calm as a lake Society is an ecosystem
War Battleground of emotions War on poverty
Explanation:
1. Nature - Emotions: In this cell, we have the conceptual metaphor "Calm as

a lake," which maps the source domain of Nature (specifically, a lake) to the
target domain of Emotions. This metaphor implies that one's emotional
state can be likened to the calmness of a lake, suggesting tranquility and
serenity.
2. Nature - Society: Here, the metaphor "Society is an ecosystem" is placed,
linking the source domain of Nature (ecosystem) to the target domain of
Society. This metaphor conceptualizes society as a complex system with
interconnected components, much like an ecosystem where various
elements interact and influence each other.
3. War - Emotions: The metaphor "Battleground of emotions" is placed in this
cell, mapping the source domain of War (battleground) to the target
domain of Emotions. This metaphor portrays emotions as intense conflicts
or struggles, highlighting the tumultuous and combative nature of
emotional experiences.
4. War - Society: In this cell, we have the metaphor "War on poverty," which
links the source domain of War to the target domain of Society. This
metaphor conceptualizes poverty as an enemy to be fought against,
suggesting a concerted effort or campaign to address social and economic
inequalities.
IV. EXPECTED FINDINGS

4.1. Usage of war metaphor in corruption discourse
4.1.1. Frequency and Vontexts
4.1.2. Types of Metaphors Used
Source Domains and Target Domains
Comparison with Non-Metaphorical Language
B. Implications of War Metaphor
Public Perception and Awareness
Influence on Policy Framing
Emotional and Psychological Effects
Social and Cultural Impacts
C. Media Outlets and Variation
State-Controlled vs. Independent Media
Editorial Policies and Practices
Audience Reception and Interpretation
Regional Differences in Usage
D. Theoretical and Practical Contributions
Contributions to Metaphor Theory
Implications for Journalism and Media Studies
Policy Recommendations
Directions for Future Research
V. Conclusion and Recommendations
A. Summary of Findings
Key Insights on War Metaphor Usage
Public and Policy Implications
Contributions to Theory and Practice
Study Limitations
B. Recommendations for Journalists
Ethical Considerations in Metaphor Usage
Enhancing Public Understanding
Promoting Constructive Discourse
Training and Awareness
C. Policy Implications
Addressing Corruption Effectively
Communication Strategies
Engaging the Public in Solutions
International Cooperation
D. Future Research Directions
Comparative Studies with Other Cultures
Longitudinal Analysis of Metaphor Use
Expanding Theoretical Frameworks
Integrating Multi-Disciplinary Perspectives

28.12.8 Đề Cương Corruption

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28.12.8 Đề Cương Corruption

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THE CONCEPTUAL METAPHOR WAR ON CORRUPTION IN

VIETNAMESE NEWS DISCOURSE

2.1. Conceptual metaphor theory

Because of some reasons:

The priority of this model is established by the quantitative, experi- mental

These sequential approaches are useful when a researcher needs qualitative

Figure 2: Embedded Design: QUAN premeasure Embedded

3.1.3. Research methods

3.4. Data analysis

7. Data presentation and analysis

3.1.1. Overview of study approach

3.5. Data Analysis

Grouping conceptual metaphors through a domain matrix involves organizing

1. Identify Source and Target Domains: For each conceptual metaphor,

By organizing conceptual metaphors through a domain matrix, you can

Source Domain Emotions Society

1. Nature - Emotions: In this cell, we have the conceptual metaphor "Calm as

IV. EXPECTED FINDINGS

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