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Doing Fandom
Lessons from Football in Gender,
Emotions, Space
Edited by Tamar Rapoport
Doing Fandom
Tamar Rapoport
Editor
Doing Fandom
Lessons from Football in Gender,
Emotions, Space
Editor
Tamar Rapoport
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Jerusalem, Israel
All chapters originally authored in Hebrew were translated into English and edited for the
present anthology by Hadas Rin, HadasRinTranslation@gmail.com.
ISBN 978-3-030-46869-9 ISBN 978-3-030-46870-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46870-5
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Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey
into Fandom
I had never been to a football match until one Friday afternoon in

October 2007 when I attended my first Hapoel Katamon Jerusalem
FC1 game. I went at the urging of a close friend who had told me
that something interesting had happened in Jerusalem during my year-
long absence for academic work outside Israel—the first fan-owned foot-
ball club in Israel had formed. “With your interest in feminism, social
movements and change, you need to have a look.” “I will think about
it,” I responded hesitantly, yet, being curious, I went to the first foot-
ball match of my life and was immediately captivated by the festive,
embracing atmosphere in the stands, the red flags and the club emblem
depicting “the Hammer and the Sickle”, the old socialist symbol that
represents the social, democratic, non-nationalistic values of the club.
The fans’ red banners and singing resonated deeply, aroused pleasant,
significant memories and conjured up my adolescence in the socialist
youth movement, the idealistic kibbutz of the 1960s where I had lived
for a few years and my experience of the Israeliness on which I had grown
1 See below for a description of the club.
v
vi Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom
up. I quickly discovered a community of fans holding a world view and

liberal-humanistic-democratic values akin to mine. Thus almost inadver-
tently I became a loyal fan of “Katamon”, as the club is known, the
club that I experienced as an island of hope and sanity in bewildered
Jerusalem, granting meaning to my life in Israel. Though I have not lived
there since the end of the research project, Katamon has remained my
refuge in Jerusalem. I follow games from afar, keep abreast of club news
and share the hope of all fans, recurring for the last several seasons, for
promotion to the national league. I have become a bona fide football fan.
The novel idea of establishing a fan-owned football club in Israel
that combined traditional football based on a participatory democratic
agenda with the pursuit of social-community activities surprised and
fascinated me. Soon I found myself, as my friend had predicted, plunging
into the investigation of a phenomenon I found intriguing to research, a
grass roots anti-racist, anti-capitalist movement in football. As a cultural
sociologist and feminist scholar, the intersection of gender and fandom in
the domain of football sparked my interest from the outset and became
the initial motivation and focus of my research.
Teaching the well-established conceptualization of “doing gender” at
that same time led me to coin the term “doing fandom”, emphasizing the
bodily practices used in fandom, a concept from which this anthology’s
themes evolved and broadened. It became apparent that doing gender
and doing fandom intersect and cannot but be performed together.
Observing the many fidgety children in the stands as they imitated the
bodily movements and mirrored the affect of their parents and the adult
fans, I wondered about how children become fans, about the genesis
of fandom and the emotional dynamics in the “fandom field”. I also
coined the term fandom field to refer to the space of the stadium and
spaces outside of it where fans pursue diverse social and political activ-
ities as fans.2 On encountering the club’s socio-educational community
outreach, I became curious about the ways that fans traverse the stadium’s
spatial boundaries into other spaces in the public sphere to perform
educational, social and political activities.
2 Seethe more complete definitions of concepts in Chapter 1, “An Analytical Framework for
Investigating Fandom”.
Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom vii
My undertaking research about fandom and my becoming a football

fan developed in tandem; I learned and cultivated them together. Within
a short time, my enthusiasm for the club’s agenda turned me into an avid
football researcher while the researcher simultaneously became a football
fan. These dual lenses informed my research throughout the journey. I
started to attend all Katamon games, enlisted excellent graduate research
assistants, all football fans, and football fandom came to play not only
an important role in my research but also became an integral part of my
week. In casual conversation, I would often introduce myself proudly as
a Katamon fan and “club owner”. I did not care that some people seemed
sceptical.
When I was questioned by colleagues and friends, whether in earnest
or with irony, about what prompted my study of football (“Couldn’t you
find a more interesting subject to study?” they would ask), my spon-
taneous response was that research concerning football and fandom,
to start with, deepens our knowledge in major political, societal,
cultural, personal and economical domains and, furthermore, enlightens
us, among other matters, about localism, nationalism and globaliza-
tion; liberalism, neoliberalism, capitalism and consumerism; politics and
voluntarism. Research of football fandom spans major issues touching on
body and emotions, space and time, authenticity and fakeness, loyalty
and betrayal, racism and tolerance, norms and boundaries, as well as
the meanings of social participation and belonging to a community.
Love of football is neither mere escapism nor entertainment, neither
consumption nor abstinence, and though it is an amalgam of all of these
elements—in essence it is, as Nick Hornby (1992)3 suggests, a different
version of the world. It is this different version that I have grown to
appreciate as both fan and researcher.
As in other countries, football scholarship in Israel was long accorded
low status by the academy. This situation has changed slowly over
the last twenty years as scholars of sport have gained increased atten-
tion and recognition. The extensive research on football fandom may
be divided into two types. On the one hand it is rooted in direct,
personal narratives and observations focusing mainly on individuals’
3 Hornby, N. (1992). Fever Pitch. Victor Gollancz Ltd. UK.

viii Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom
fandom careers, relationships and experiences in the fandom field, and

fandom behaviours. On the other hand, it produces scholarly studies,
some based on classification, while others abound in theories, concepts
and numbers. The recent flourishing of ethnographic research by scholars
and graduate students of different countries and of academic publica-
tions on football fandom has widely opened windows onto fandom prac-
tices, perceptions, experiences, relationships and activities, legitimizing
the integration of descriptions and theories in new innovative ways
and enabling comparisons of fans and fandom within and between
clubs and countries. Through this growing academic literature—present
anthology included—readers can not only visualize fans and fandom,
hear their voices and sense their emotion-laden behaviour but also
become acquainted with conceptualizations that shed light on the world
of fandom.
As to my subsequent work, my interest in football fandom persists,
occupying a central place in my current research that investigates the
practices and significance of holocaust victims’ commemoration by foot-
ball clubs and fans across Germany through their performance of various
commemorative activities.
About This Anthology

Writing chapters and editing an anthology based on academic research on
the topic of fandom was no simple matter for me, as academic language,
replete with abstract concepts, is at odds with the colourfulness, sounds,
spontaneity and passion of football fandom. Theory regarding football
is often remote from conceptualizing the bodies and the intense, fluctu-
ating emotions of fans and their many activities, while rigorous, disci-
plined discussion falls short when it comes to transmitting the dramas
and festivities transpiring in the fandom field. With this awareness, this
anthology aims to intermingle academic inquiry, passion, practice, body
and emotions as well as theory and the reality of what takes place in the
spaces of doing fandom.
Placing the practices of the fan engaged in doing fandom at the centre,
the anthology aims to offer a fresh perspective for scholarship concerning
Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom ix
fans, football fandom and fandom as a socio-cultural phenomenon more

generally. There is neither the pretence of resolving all facets of the
fandom puzzle nor of encompassing the growing diversity and range of
writing that contain fandom-related theories, queries and topics. What is
offered is a body of knowledge vital, in my view, to the research of foot-
ball fandom comprising insights, themes and constructs applicable to the
study of practice and habitus, gender and ethnicity, body and emotions,
space and sociopolitical activity.
∗ ∗ ∗
The ethnographic research project which gave rise to this anthology’s

conceptual framework initially focused on fandom practices in the
Katamon club within and outside of the stadium. It commenced
during the Katamon club’s first season in fall 2006 and proceeded over
several years through 2013 as the club went about its activities. The
Katamon club was established in Jerusalem by a group of fans who had
grown disenchanted with and subsequently abandoned their former club
(Hapoel Jerusalem FC) over claims of mismanagement, unacceptable
owner behaviour towards fans, and poor team performance. Disappoint-
ment and frustration led to the founding of an alternative club premised
on the idea that “football belongs to the fans”. As of the 2017–2019
seasons, the club plays in the second Israeli league (Liga Leumit) and
has approximately 4000 supporters. Fans of Katamon participate in the
daily life of the club through representatives elected by the members-
owners. In accordance with its liberal-democratic ethos, the club opposes
any expressions of racist, violent or sexist behaviour during matches. It
invites and encourages fans to participate in the club’s educational and
social activities within and outside of the stadium and applauds the
participation of women fans, who encounter a women-friendly atmo-
sphere. Like the men, many of them are attracted to the club’s socio-
cultural platform and the sense of social familiarity that they experience
in the stands. Katamon’s model has inspired the establishment of other
fan-owned clubs in Israel.
The research, funded by the Israel Scientific Foundation (ISF), was
titled, “Gender in the Fandom Field: The Case Study of Hapoel Katamon
x Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom
Jerusalem Football Fans” (Research Grant number 11/325, 2011–2014).

I conducted the project with my then graduate students and the research
gave rise to two Master’s degree dissertations and one Ph.D. dissertation:
Efrat Noy (2011). Gender in the Fandom Field: Being a Fan of Hapoel
Katamon Jerusalem FC, MA, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem; Daniel
Regev (2015), Hapoel Versus Israel: Nationalism and Locality among Fans
of Hapoel Tel Aviv FC, MA, Tel Aviv University and Tal Friedman (2016),
A Wall With No Hole: How Football Fans Learn and Maintain Team
Loyalty, Ph.D., The Hebrew University, Jerusalem. As editor and their
dissertation advisor, I congratulate my students on their achievements
and applaud their contributions to the scholarship on fandom. I also
extend my gratitude to them as my coauthors and former graduate
students–for teaching me much about football and fandom, for being
excellent students and wonderful, sensitive people.
In addition to bearing this academic fruit, the research yielded the
precursor to the present anthology, edited by Rapoport, published in
Hebrew under the title, Football belongs to the fans! An Investigative
Journey Following Hapoel Katamon Jerusalem (Resling 2016). The present
anthology transcends the realm of fan-owned clubs, broadens the focus
to additional cultures and countries and extends the insights gained in
the original study. The present anthology’s explication of themes and
comparative orientation across chapters aim to point to the concurrent
universality and locality of the phenomenon of fandom in its multiple
manifestations.
Half of the chapters were authored by Rapoport and/or her grad-
uate students, while the others were contributed by football and fandom
researchers I invited specifically for the purpose of expanding the concep-
tualization and scope and of diversifying the fandom topics and contexts
examined. For the present anthology, new content was added, and the
collection as a whole was edited in light of a focused, cohesive analytical
framework developed to target a broad, diverse international audience.
Fandom is examined through multiple disciplines by both novice and
veteran researchers, half being women fans-researchers; the authors repre-
sent a variety of academic careers in these disciplines. The anthology is
expected to be of theoretical and empirical value to scholars of the social
and cultural dimensions of sport and culture—particularly with regard
Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom xi
to football and football fandom—through the lenses of the sociology

or anthropology of sport and culture, sociology of body and emotions,
gender and masculinity and sociology of public space.
Synopsis
The anthology presents an analytical framework following “practice
theory”, which I have found fruitful for conceptualizing and inves-
tigating football fandom. This framework offers insights, themes and
constructs generally encapsulated in the conceptualization of “doing
fandom” within the stadium (anthology Parts I and II) and also outside
of it (Part III) and is applicable to the study of gender, space, emotions
and culture more generally. The assumption is that the performance
of fandom practices by women, men and children in the fandom field
regenerates fandom’s social and cultural meaning, the meaning of being
a fan, and the sense of fans’ belonging and loyalty to their club and to
the fan community.
The anthology’s distinctiveness lies in its examination of fandom
through the prism of three essential theoretical constructs which
shed light on current scholarship on fandom and which suggested
the anthology’s three-part organization: Bourdieu’s conceptualization
of “habitus” (1977) brings to light the early developmental roots of
performing fandom with their emotional practices (Part I, The Genesis of
Doing Fandom). It discusses how fandom is inculcated and learned early
in life by children’s bodies, with the attendant emotional manifestations
acquired in the course of participating in fandom. The concept “doing
gender” (Part II, The Gendering of Fandom), developed by West and
Zimmerman,4 is applied and expanded to the understanding of the prac-
tice of fandom in general and by women in particular, under the assump-
tion that doing gender and doing fandom are always performed simulta-
neously. Lastly, the idea of claiming the “right to a space” is extended in
Part III (Claiming a Foothold in Spaces beyond the Stadium) to the study
4 West, C. and Zimmerman, D.H. (1987). “Doing Gender”. Gender and Society 1(2), 125–151.
xii Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom
of the fandom field, in keeping with the theoretical discussion of space

by Henri Lefebvre (1996).5
The relevance of the theoretical constructs to empirical research in situ
is explicated in thematic introductions to each of the anthology’s three
parts. Subsequent chapters in each part exemplify the employment of
these constructs in several case studies conducted among fans in different
societies. In thus surfacing the link from theory to research, the intro-
ductions and the chapters that follow provide invaluable lessons for
students and scholars researching the sociology and anthropology of
sport, fandom more broadly, as well as habituation, emotions, body and
space.
∗ ∗ ∗
With one exception (Dorsey,6 Part III), all chapters are based on ethno-
graphic research projects conducted in Germany, Israel, Turkey and
other Middle Eastern countries, each drawing mainly from the following
methods: (1) Up-close participant observations of fans’ bodily practices,
movement and behaviour as well as emotions and interactions (physical
and verbal) among fans before, during and after matches and fans’ partic-
ipation in events and activities in and out of the fandom field7 ; (2) Open
interviews conducted on an individual basis with fans of different clubs
and backgrounds (age, ethnicity, fandom career, etc.); and/or (3) Anal-
ysis of relevant printed and electronic media, including photos. The use
of these materials helps overcome the difficulty in verbally articulating
bodily experiences.
The choice of primary themes and focal points for the observations
(bodily practices, interactions, facial expressions, physical activities, etc.),
the open interviews (perceptions and attitudes, behaviours and feel-
ings during games, etc.) and the photos (context(s); bodily gestures
etc.) and written material (in blog, newspaper, etc.) conformed to the
5 Lefebvre,Henri (1996). The Right to the City in Kofman, Eleonore; Lebas, Elizabeth, Writings
on Cities, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Wiley-Blackwell.
6 For many years, James Dorsey was a journalist in northern Middle Eastern countries, where
he gathered the information on which his chapter is based.
7Tamir Sorek’s chapter expands ethnographic research presented in his book Sorek, T. (2007).
Arab Soccer in a Jewish State—The Integrative Enclave. Cambridge University Press.
Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom xiii
primary research subject and the questions the various chapters aimed to
answer. Field notes were written during observations and interviews were
recorded and transcribed. The analysis of the interview data captured the
individual and collective verbal expressions of fandom and of being a fan.
The presentation of interview excerpts in the chapters focused mainly on
a number of “dominant voices” among the interviewees. The expressions
captured in interview citations amalgamate the words of multiple inter-
viewees, whose names were changed throughout the anthology to protect
privacy.
Lastly, the writing in this anthology interweaves empirical insights and
academic analysis of the practices, passions and emotions expressed by
the bodies and hearts of fans. This genre of writing, along with the
citations of personal narratives, aim to preserve the unique nature of
being a fan and “doing fandom”, rendering the book accessible to sport,
culture and social researchers from various disciplines, to fans curious
about fandom beyond their personal experiences as well as to any foot-
ball enthusiast who seeks to fathom the fascination it holds for millions
of people the world over.
Acknowledgements
First and foremost I wish to thank my dearest friend, Hadas Rin, who
labored for an extended period over the professional translation and
editing of chapters from the anthology originally published in Hebrew
and of content subsequently composed. Moreover, I am grateful for her
unconditioned support and efficiency and her enormous contribution in
preparing the book for publication. The English publication would not
have come to fruition without her efforts. I am sincerely grateful to
the Israel Science Foundation for the grant and for supporting feminist
research on the subject of football fandom, a matter that could not be
taken for granted until lately. This book was published with the support
of the Israeli Science Foundation. I am thankful to the Foundation or
the generous grant it extended for the English translation and editing.
I am obliged to my friend Jakob Horstmann (of JH Consulting
Services in Academic Publishing, London) for his infinite advice and
xiv Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom
support. Jakob, a football fan himself, encouraged me to publish this

book and helped me understand the complex arena of publishing
houses. Thanks are extended to Sharla Plant and Poppy Hull of Palgrave
Macmillan for their efforts in bringing about this publication and for
making our work together easy and pleasant. Deep thanks to Nuhrat
Yağmur for the two articles regarding fandom in Turkey that she
contributed to the anthology and for being a wonderful colleague as well
as to Roy Siny, Tamir Sorek and James M. Dorsey, who enriched this
anthology’s vision and offered comparative perspective; it was a pleasure
to work with each of you.
Jerusalem, Israel Tamar Rapoport

Contents
Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom v
An Analytical Framework for Investigating Fandom 1

Tamar Rapoport
I: The Genesis of Doing Fandom

Thematic Introduction - I
How Children Become Fans: Learning Fandom via the Body 35

Tali Friedman and Tamar Rapoport
A Fan’s Emotional Pendulum 59

Tali Friedman
Contesting Love Through Commodification: Soccer Fans,

Affect, and Social Class in Turkey 81
Yağmur Nuhrat
xv
xvi Contents
II: The Gendering of Fandom

Thematic Introduction - II
Each Woman Fan Has Her Own Story: Three Fandom

Autoethnographies 117
Tamar Rapoport and Efrat Noy
Women Do Fandom Their Way 135

Tamar Rapoport and Daniel Regev
Fair to Swear? Gendered Formulations of Fairness

in Football in Turkey 161
Yağmur Nuhrat
Threatened Masculinities Marginalise Women in Israeli

Football 191
Tamir Sorek
III: Claiming a Foothold in Spaces Beyond the

Stadium
Thematic Introduction - III
“Representing Hapoel, Not Israel”: Hapoel Tel Aviv Fans

Alternate Between Local and National Identification 219
Daniel Regev
Saving Red Flora: The Political Mobilisation of

Sankt Pauli Fans 243
Roy Siny
Football Arenas in the Middle East and North Africa:

Battlegrounds for Political Control 267
James M. Dorsey
Index 283
Contributors
James M. Dorsey Nanyang Technological University of Singapore,

Singapore, Singapore;
National University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore
Tali Friedman The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel
Efrat Noy The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel
Yağmur Nuhrat Istanbul Bilgi University, Istanbul, Turkey
Tamar Rapoport The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel
Daniel Regev Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Tel Aviv
University, Tel Aviv-Yafo, Israel
Roy Siny Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, Munich, Germany
Tamir Sorek Pennsylvania State University, State College, PA, USA
xvii
List of Figures
How Children Become Fans: Learning Fandom via the Body

Fig. 1 A young fan of Feyenoord Rotterdam performing a vulgar
gesture of fandom (Source ANP Photo, with permission) 36
Fig. 2 Guiding a Bodily Gesture (Source Tali Friedman, chapter
author) 44
A Fan’s Emotional Pendulum

Fig. 1 Hapoel fan, Sivan, Moment 1 68
Fig. 2 Hapoel fan, Sivan, Moment 2 69
Fig. 3 Hapoel fan, Sivan, Moment 3 (Source Three stills from the
documentary film, “Sivan”, courtesy of the film director Zohar
Elefant, Owner and Creative Director of Elefant Studios) 69
xix
xx List of Figures
Contesting Love Through Commodification: Soccer Fans,

Affect, and Social Class in Turkey
Fig. 1 Two fans wearing customized jerseys at a soccer game in
Istanbul. Notes The red one reads “Our love is true and deep.”
The white one reads “Yo! I am in love with you.” Above the
inscriptions is the logo of the team’s corporate sponsor, Ülker,
a food manufacturer (September 27, 2015) 82
Fig. 2 Soccer fans at Istanbul Atatürk Airport gather to welcome new
recruits to the Beşiktaş soccer team. Notes As they cheer, some
of them light flares (lower right-hand corner ). One interlocutor
here told the author how “crazy” they were to wait outside the
airport gates for hours. He later accounted for this “craziness”
by noting how “in love” he was with the team (January 2,
2011) 92
Fig. 3 Fans of the Beşiktaş soccer team celebrate a goal with lit flares
(Turkish Cup Final, Kadir Has Stadium, in the city of Kayseri,
May 11, 2011) 99
Threatened Masculinities Marginalise Women in Israeli

Football
Fig. 1 Arab Footballer Sami Daniel on Anashim Magazine Cover 192
Fig. 2 Illustration mocking Hapoel Tel Aviv FC 206
“Representing Hapoel, Not Israel”: Hapoel Tel Aviv Fans

Alternate Between Local and National Identification
Fig. 1 “Representing Hapoel, Not Israel” 220
Fig. 2 A counter-statement: Representing Hapoel under the flag of
Israel (Source Kobiko) 230
Fig. 3 Dual flags: Representing Hapoel as well as Israel (Source Daniel
Regev, chapter author) 234
An Analytical Framework for Investigating
Fandom
Tamar Rapoport
Understanding Fandom as a Social Practice

If we were to rob football fandom of the perspiring bodies moving
in unison in exuberant song, the gazes following the ball, the jumps
and shouts for joy over a goal, the tears shed over a loss, the head
grabbed over a miss, the face painted the club colours, tattoos and other
bodily performance—we would extract fandom’s very heart. If fans were
to cease performing their bodily practices or were these practices to
change drastically, the category of “fan” would lose its deep meaning and
supporters’ identity and identification with their club would vanish alto-
gether. Without studying these corporal practices on the part of fans,
then, we could not know the game of football.
Fans’ practices of fandom are to be studied in what this anthology
calls the fandom field —a sociocultural physical space organised around
a unique set of behavioural rules and knowledge, where actors (fans)
T. Rapoport (B)
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel
e-mail: tamar.rapoport@mail.huji.ac.il
© The Author(s) 2020 1

T. Rapoport (ed.), Doing Fandom,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46870-5_1
2 T. Rapoport
share common assumptions, activities and bodily practices (fandom) and

where they are allowed to deviate temporarily from behavioural norms
that apply outside this space (see the definition of permission zone below).
This relatively autonomous field is connected to other fields, particu-
larly, political, social and economic, so that actors (fans) sometimes cross
its borders to perform activities in these fields. On the physical level,
the fandom field includes the stadium and often its neighbourhood and
spaces beyond.
Most of the scholarly literature on fandom practices describes and
assesses it (for instance, as to whether it is normative or deviant), ignoring
the manner in which fandom is performed by the body, the routinised
bodily behaviour and emotions, that is, of fans in the stadium and
outside of it. While much research covers players’ bodily performance,
endlessly, almost obsessively measuring and evaluating their movements
(mostly through advanced quantitative technologies), insufficient atten-
tion is paid to investigating what men and women fans do bodily in
supporting their team. We propose that this analytical gap be addressed
by enlisting the theory of practice and the conceptualisation introduced
below of doing fandom. What is the essence of this theory?
In colloquial understanding, the term “practice” has several deno-
tations, including doing and performing, tradition and history,
experimentation, training and repetition, habit and routine as well
as technique and skill. In the practice paradigm, the term denotes the
routine ways in which the human body functions (Reckwitz 2002:
249); practice is a template, a behavioural and emotional toolkit of
activities that the agent employs. In this context, I conceive of fandom
as a repertoire of learned and performed bodily practices deriving from
history and tradition, habit and routine that is performed regularly in
context. When football fans carry out fandom practices (such as jumping
or singing), they are not only responding to what is happening on the
pitch and around them, but by so doing, in effect, they are reproducing
and creating fandom itself anew with each act while also reproducing
themselves as fans as well as their loyalty and commitment to their club.
Practice theory spans a range of social science disciplines (philos-
ophy, sociology, anthropology, education) that have developed rapidly
since the 1980s. The theory is multi-faceted; it is, in fact, a family
of theories which, together constitute a subtype of culture theories,

propose a conceptual alternative to other prevalent cultural theories (see,
Rouse 2007a; Schatzki et al. 2001, for example). Specifically, the shift in
academic thinking and research that is reflected in the spread of prac-
tice theory is generally linked to the increasing interest in investigating
everyday behaviour and to the growing place assigned to human agency
in acting in and on the environment to affect (social, political, cultural
and economic) reality.
Indeed, in his article, “Toward a Theory of Social Practices: A Devel-
opment in Culturalist Theorizing”, Reckwitz (2002) portrays the main
dimension of practice theory through a comparison with other major
cultural theories. The turn to practices, according to him, seems to
be tied to “scholars’ interest in the ‘everyday’ … ‘world of life’. [Prac-
tice theory’s] basic vocabulary amounts to a novel picture of social and
human agency … aiming to grasp both action and social order” (Reck-
witz 2002: 243–246). The theory, he explains, as distinct from other
cultural theories, locates the social order in action (not in mental qual-
ities, norms, social interaction, discourse or symbolic structures), or,
in my nomenclature, in doing, and hence in the case of fandom, we
investigate doing fandom (see the section which follows). In his article
“Practice Theory”, Rouse (2007b) suggests paying attention to perfor-
mance accessible in the public sphere, as practice attends primarily to
outward, publicly accessible human performances and activities that are
meaningful in themselves; the meaning is not imposed on the performer
from the outside (social norms, rules) nor animated from within (beliefs,
desires, intentions).
The various theorisations of practice theory challenge binarism’s expla-
nation of the nature of social order by means of a problematic, dualistic
distinction between the individual and the social system. Generally
speaking, social and cultural theories endeavour to understand social
order either by focusing on the personal or on the societal, that is, the
institutions acting on the individual. The first analytical approach places
individual (agency) at the centre, a person’s interests, desires and motiva-
tion, while the second centres on social institutions, their overall power
over the individual and their disciplinary and supervisory mechanisms
and functions. Practice theory aims to resolve this duality by reconciling
4 T. Rapoport
social structure or culture with individual agency or, in other words,

by mediating “the relative priority of individual agency and social or
cultural structures” (Rouse 2007a: 504). These structures are reproduced
by performing shared practices, yet “the degree of stability that practices
can sustain” differs extensively (Rouse 2007a: 506). Invoking a similar
idea, in her discussion of practice, Ortner (2001, 2006) suggests that the
cornerstone for understanding social order lies at the intersection of and
dialectic between the dynamic social structure and human agency.
Socialisation into shared cultural practices is a matter of imitation,
training and sanctions that transmit and enforce the continuity of prac-
tice. An example commonly used to illustrate the theory of practice is
masculinity—a set of practices performed by men that constructs, shapes
and reproduces the category, “men”, the privileged gendered category,
or, in other words, the bodily practices employed by men in recreating
the masculine. Similarly, the practices employed by fans are histori-
cally the face and heart of football fandom. Connell (2009), the gender
scholar who is largely responsible for developing the analytical notion of
masculinity, discusses it in terms suggested by practice theory. By this
logic, since the model of performing fandom is fundamentally mascu-
line, when fans do fandom, they simultaneously affirm and reconstruct
the category of “men”, the privileges attached to it and themselves as fans.
Doing Fandom
The origin of fandom practices lies not in the individual fan but in
the culture that creates them and assigns them meaning and signifi-
cance for particular contexts. Thus the practices of doing fandom are
neither a natural or instinctive quality nor an inherent characteristic of
an individual, but rather, a collective attribute of fans. Doing fandom
creates a strong bond among fans, all of whom assume and share the
same practices. It follows, then, that a fan’s behavioural pattern stems
not only from the meaning that he or she grants the practices (I
perform the desired practices and therefore I am a fan), but also from
their repeated use with other fans. The performance of the practices
is subject to social conventions and constraints that are internalised in
fans’ bodily behaviour; nonetheless, fans enjoy leeway in interpreting the

practices in different ways, maneuver them, improvise or diverge from
them: Indeed, humans skilled in inventiveness, manipulation and nego-
tiation can subvert and resist constraints, which, too, are dynamic, to
the point of bringing about change and even a revolution. A case in
point here is the alternative fan-owned football club, Hapoel Katamon
Jerusalem, FC (known as Katamon, see http://www.katamon.co.il/ and
the Preface to this anthology), which splintered off from their long-
standing club, Hapoel Jerusalem, FC, and established a new agenda
based on a socio-cultural, liberal-democratic orientation that embraces
democratic anti-capitalist ideals. This alternative socio-political agenda is
also manifested in part through fans’ barring racist or sexist behaviour,
distinguishing Katamon fans from fans of other clubs. In their support of
their club, however, though adopting an alternative agenda of their own,
Katamon fans continue to perform their historical bodily fandom prac-
tices (Rapoport 2016), which many of them imbibed starting in early
childhood (as detailed, in the section, Fandom as Habitus, below, and in
Friedman and Rapoport, part “The Genesis of Doing Fandom”).
Fandom’s bodily practices are for the most part expressive, public,
overt and visible. They articulate and exhibit the meaning of being a
fan and comprise the repetitious, routine nature of fandom. The prac-
tices are performed in spaces inside as well as outside the stadium, within
which they are responsible for the atmosphere as well as the dynamics,
relationships, hierarchies and boundaries among fans of different clubs.
For fellow fans of the same club, the practices are recreated via doing
fandom (Katz 2016) and it is these common bodily practices that give
voice and visibility to fans’ ideas, beliefs, aspirations and loyalty to their
club’s agenda.
To proceed with the discussion of practice, the subject of the body
in practice theory is now elaborated, specifically by developing the idea
of fandom as habitus so as to elucidate our notion that fandom is
essentially a performance of bodily practices, the body being the main
player in doing fandom. Indeed, fandom is a story of the body, its
lived expression; it is this story that we have endeavoured to decipher
and reveal in this anthology by looking at the ways in which the fan’s
body—individually and collectively—learns, organises, shapes, conducts
6 T. Rapoport
and experiences fandom, improvises, reproduces and changes it in the

stadium and beyond.
Fandom as Habitus
The following excerpt conveys both the centrality of the body in practice
theory and the relationship between the body and society as the theory’s
bedrock. It reiterates how human bodies and bodily comportment play a
central role in practice theory. Reckwitz (2002) emphasises the idea that
At the core of practice theory lies a different way of seeing the body.
Practices, as emphasised, are bodily routinised activities … movements
of the body. A social practice is the product of training the body in a
certain way: When we learn a practice we learn to be bodies in a certain
way … [The] routinised actions are themselves bodily performances that
also include routinised mental and emotional activities … (ibid., 2002:
251)
Practice theory, beyond its different disciplinary and theoretical vari-

ations, assumes that the body is essential for understanding social life;
its activities and attributes are embodied in the social order. Being both
subject and object of social and cultural meaning, the human body func-
tions as a “social actor” in creating the social order. Practice theorists
suggest different ways to reconcile the understanding that “human bodies
are as both the locus of agency, affective response and cultural expression,
and the target of power and normalization” (Rouse 2007a: 511–515;
2001: 189–199). According to Rouse, the body, is the locus of practical
knowledge, “which is neither merely causal conditioning nor consciously
articulable rational action” (ibid., 2007a: 512–513). Bodily patterns are
used habitually; the patterns contain and execute all routine social activ-
ities of society, among which are language and emotions. The system of
routinised bodily activities and qualities is inculcated and learned by the
body, contained in it and performed by it; these qualities and activities
are created by the routine functions of the body, while the body, for its
part, imparts to the human world its visible order.
Following these lines of thought, the routinised bodily identifiers of

fandom form a social-cultural text that is open to the investigation of
fandom. The bodily practices themselves prescribe how, when and where
they are to be performed, what human relationships are entailed and
what emotions, language and social norms are embedded in them, all
of which is learned through a socialisation process. The body, as the
agent of fandom, actualises, executes, shapes, reconstructs but may also
change fandom. In their bodies, fans safeguard individual and collective
memories of fandom engraved in them across time and space as well as
the experiences, sounds, sights, smells, tastes and relationships of their
stadium and the strong emotions that fandom entails—expressed, for
example, in bodily pain when the club drops a league or an adrenaline
rush following a decisive victory.
Assuming that fandom is an acquired, internalised routinised habit-
uation leads the discussion directly to Pierre Bourdieu’s extensive,
influential conceptualisation of habitus (1977, 1992). Per Bourdieu,
habitus is the manner in which the body conducts itself physically in the
world, encompassing habits, skills and dispositions that are ingrained in
the body and performed by it. Habitus refers to the ways in which the
social order is lived in and expressed by the body of the individual(s),
forming her or his perception, tastes, preferences and choices as mani-
fested in the individual’s behaviour, emotions, position, movement,
posture, gaze and relationships. The significance of the concept of
habitus is its transcendence of traditional distinctions drawn between
the subjective (the individual) and the objective (the social system) and
between individual agency and social constraints.
Fandom, then, is the story of the body, its lived expression; it is
this story that research should decipher by observing how the bodies of
women and men-fans perform practices, express, manifest, shape and
conduct fandom in the fandom field. Yet, academic investigation of
fandom has seldom used the body and the conceptualisation of habitus
in explaining this fascinating phenomenon (but see Dixon 2013). Those
few investigations that utilise the theory of practice do not employ obser-
vations, in and out of the stadium, of the routinised manner in which a
fan’s habitus is inculcated and acquired.
8 T. Rapoport
According to practice theory as particularly discussed by Bourdieu,

habitus is acquired through a socialisation process which directs the indi-
vidual’s actions and ways of being in the world. Behavioural patterns and
orientations are inculcated in the body automatically in early childhood,
when the process of acquisition and assimilation is virtually unconscious;
thus, the practices that constitute a habitus are often transparent to those
performing them so that fans’ bodily vocabularies of doing fandom seem
perfectly natural to them.
The matter-of-factness of the fandom habitus was captured vividly by
Friedman, while observing a game in Tel Aviv. She witnessed the very
opposite—a clumsy attempt at faking fandom by a woman attending
a radius game, which is a form of penalty that is imposed by football
administrators on an unruly club for its fans’ offensive behaviour. Specif-
ically, men are barred from attending the first home game that follows
one in which supporters used foul language or were violent.
In the row behind me there were three mothers with their children. It was
impossible not to notice the clumsiness of the women’s behaviour and
their disorientation in the stadium. It was clear that one of them wished
to participate actively in what was happening, but observed from the
outside, her participation seemed mostly embarrassing. There was some-
thing ‘wrong’ with the uncoordinated way that she raised and lowered
her red scarf, her elegant but out-of-place long woolen coat, her minute
rhythm-less hops in place, her straining to discern the lyrics and join in
cheering the team on… her cheering was off key and never quite timed
correctly.
(Hapoel Tel Aviv FC, Bloomfield Stadium, Field Notes 18.3.2012)
The mother’s bodily awkwardness and her seeming not to belong

can be accounted for by her never having acquired the habitus of a
fan (Friedman and Rapoport, part “The Genesis of Doing Fandom”).
The mother’s disorientation and unsuccessful attempts to imitate fandom
barred her from passing the test of a genuine fan: When assessing fans’
true affinity for their club, it is their visible body that is put to the
authenticity test (Richardson 2004; Holt 1995; Giulianotti 1999; Craw-
ford 2004; Rapoport 2016). The question, then, is when and where is
the correct performance of the practices, the habitus, acquired?
According to Bourdieu, the process of inculcating the habitus tran-

spires almost invisibly with young children, even toddlers, primarily
through observing, imitating and identifying with parents. By exper-
imentation and training, the young recruits, mainly boys, internalise
the fandom habitus. This “invisible pedagogy”, as Bourdieu defines
it (1977), first transpires in the home—in the context of the family;
later the exposure to fandom takes place mainly in the stadium along
with peers. In the stadium, among the community of adult fans—who
smilingly, tolerantly encourage and praise the children’s trial and error
fandom behaviour—the novices learn how to do fandom properly. This
includes wearing the right clothing and matching accessories, calling out
the players’ names, joining in the derisive shouts at the rival team as it
enters the pitch, tracking the ball and the players, jumping and hugging
plus an extensive list of additional bodily practices. Along with the prac-
tices of body and language, the manifestation of emotions is acquired
as well, for the body serves as a carrier of emotions and is their means
of expression. Love-hate and other embedded emotional practices are an
integral part of the habitus of fandom (see, Friedman, part “The Genesis
of Doing Fandom”). With time, children’s command of the emotional
repertoire improves and the timing of their reaction to a certain move
on the pitch becomes accurate. In due course, young boys also learn the
covert meanings of the practices, for example, the source of hatred for
the yellow colour of a rival club to the point of never wearing anything
yellow, or the source of passion for the colour red. Likewise, they learn
why a particular player is regarded as the very symbol of the club while
another is considered a foe (because he is Muslim) or a traitor (a good
player who switched sides to play with the rival club).
Acquired fandom knowledge becomes “natural” and endures over time
(Nash 1999; Swartz 2012). This does not refer to the acquisition of tech-
nical skills per se, but to the “practical sense” that adjusts behaviour
in different social contexts. To follow Bourdieu’s line of thought, the
younger one is on entry into the fandom field, the more natural and
enduring the fan’s conduct will be (Bourdieu 1992). In the context of
fandom, another claim of Bourdieu’s is relevant here, namely, that the
habitus can serve as a reservoir of memories, thoughts and feelings that
can be reactivated at any time, even over a distance of time and space;
10 T. Rapoport
when the body assumes its place in a familiar environment, it over-

flows with these feelings and recreates them (Bourdieu 1977). Bourdieu’s
observation is substantiated in the case of adults who return to their
childhood pitches to find themselves behaving and feeling just as in years
past. The familiar sounds and scents of the stadium and the spectators’
benches awaken the habitus engraved in their body in childhood and
carried into adulthood far from the stadium, attesting to the sense of
“hominess” created in fandom (Rapoport 2016).
In an article defiantly titled, “So how did Bourdieu learn to play
tennis?” Nobel and Watkins (2003) critique the deterministic dimen-
sion of Bourdieu’s approach, suggesting that habitus can be acquired as
an adult in a self-aware manner of habituation. The topic of acquiring
habitus in adulthood arose in the research on Katamon when a group
of mature women (which included three researchers on the investiga-
tion team) joined the fans soon after the club’s founding (see Rapoport
and Noy, part “The Gendering of Fandom”). In the absence of social-
isation into football and fandom and with the lack of a model for
women’s fandom, these women, like the mother described above, needed
to learn the fandom practices almost from scratch in order to pass
as real fans, much like children. The fandom habitus which children
acquire by imitation and experimentation, however, would remain a
second language for them, in most cases, laden with dissonance, off-key
expressions and a prominent accent (see Rapoport and Regev, part “The
Gendering of Fandom”). The auto-ethnographies of the three researchers
who joined Katamon as adult women, illustrate the significance and
consequences of mastering the bodily practices of fandom at a young
age. Despite their social-political commitment and identification with
the agenda of their beloved club, and despite their ongoing presence at
club games, they were perceived as guests in the fandom field. Thus the
habitus of doing fandom, the sense and experience of being a fan are
gendered.
Placing power relations at the centre of his theory, Bourdieu main-
tains that the individual’s body assimilates, curates and reflects society’s
power relations. In this context, his case in point is the body posi-
tion and posture of those ruled versus the rulers. Physical lowness is
embodied in the body bending down by those who are ruled while the
rulers’ posture is erect, a notion on which he expounds at length in his

discussion of gender-power relations. Thus in his book Masculine Domi-
nation (2007), Bourdieu discusses how gendered bodily practices related
to obedience are instilled in girls during their socialisation process—
“lowering the gaze, behaving modestly, crossing legs, making one’s self
small” (Bourdieu 2007: 15).
Gendered Fandom
Gender is the product of a knowledge regime and of a social-cultural
order based on power relations embodied in the categories of men (male)
and women (female). As a signifier and a classificatory term, gender
serves to define membership boundaries, inclusion or exclusion from
a category. The gendered cultural regime governs almost every sphere
of life, including sport, football and fandom. It creates and reproduces
hierarchical power relations, shapes institutions, social processes and
organising and determines modes of supervising social behaviour, place-
ment and status as well as the social order of the fandom field and fans’
practices of doing fandom.
Historical documents show that football was invented by men for
men and that all along it has served as a place for nurturing and main-
taining masculinity and as an instrument for creating and preserving
gender distinction (Williams 2007; King 1997). Since football began,
fandom has been perceived as an innate disposition of men, as a natural,
desirable expression of manhood and masculinity. Men perceive them-
selves and are perceived to be the owners of the stadium, entitled to
shape, command and control it. Since its very establishment in the nine-
teenth century, football, moreover, was part of the differentiation process
characterising the development of modernity, which dichotomises and
creates hierarchies in the domestic and public spheres and the femi-
nine and masculine behavioural arenas. The historical processes that
shaped modern maleness—imperialism, nationalism, enlightenment—
are the very same processes that institutionalised football as a legitimate,
popular male sport. Sport has been identified as an arena characterised by
rivalry, decisiveness, competition and self-discipline, all viewed as values
12 T. Rapoport
associated with intact maleness. In this context, women are perceived as

hesitant, impulsive, non-competitive, sensitive and non-violent, so that
sports activities and football fandom do not suit them. According to
Rubin (2009: 26), the close tie between characteristics of the game and
those of fandom distances women from stadiums, though women have
been entering the stadium in greater numbers to practice fandom.
The stadium is a privileged and mostly exclusive sphere of manhood;
it preserves the gender hierarchy by erecting and defending structural,
cultural, normative, linguistic and bodily barriers (see, Sorek, part “The
Gendering of Fandom”). The exclusivity is manifested, for example, in
the absence of suitable financial structures (Gosling 2007) for women
players, common sexist aspects of the stadium, the media’s gendered
representations and socialisation with respect to sport (Messner 2007).
Male hegemony, a concept introduced by the feminist sociologist
Connell (1987, 2005, 2009) (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005),
denotes men’s superiority in a given time and social context. Male
hegemony operates through its claim to authority and the right to
exclude another group or marginalise it (not necessarily physically). Per
Connell, the gendered practices a priori contain the cultural significance
and historical logic which lie at the foundation of people’s day-to-day
gendered behaviour. Thus, even men who do not adhere to the male
fandom model enjoy the privileges granted to them by the social cate-
gory of a man-fan. Women have to adapt to the hegemonic male model
of performing fandom; they have little choice but to perform and expe-
rience their fandom in light of this model. Yet, the lack of a model for
women fans and women’s status as not genuinely belonging enable them
to perceive male fandom performance from the inside and outside at the
same time and to regard it with irony, sometimes describing the ways in
which male supporters do fandom as fanatic, poisoned or obsessed.
The conceptualisation of doing gender was introduced by West and
Zimmerman (1987). Their main assumption is that gender is what a
person does within the framework of a reciprocal relationship and it is
not intrinsic to the definition of a man or a woman. Furthermore, doing
gender is subject to continuous social evaluation and self-examination
for its appropriateness according to the dichotomous gendered orders;
the subject doing gender internalises cultural values, norms and expecta-
tions directed at her or his gender, and self-presents to others accordingly,
seeking to receive affirmation of this behaviour. It follows, then, that
the socially expected performance of gender replicates and legitimises
existing social norms and conventions that also express and preserve the
gendered structure of fandom while strengthening and replicating power
relations (Pfister et al. 2013). Practice theory has seeped into the body
of research on fandom, though not into efforts to uncover the ways in
which women fans do fandom (Lenneis 2013; Pope 2010). Both the
practice approach and the concept of doing gender place doing at the
centre, yet whereas the first approach assigns the body a central place as
the initiator of matters social, the second assigns a central place to inter-
action and mechanisms of social supervision. Both approaches assume
power relations between the genders, but the practice approach more
explicitly assigns the individual the power to act on the social order. As
doing fandom and doing gender are co-constructed and co-performed,
the understanding of doing fandom is enriched by conjoining the two
approaches.
There is a central paradox inherent in women’s fandom: By doing
fandom like men and cooperating with their expectations of women fans,
women duplicate both men’s images regarding women and the power
relations in the fandom field. If a woman fan1 demonstrates true exper-
tise in the game’s secrets, however, she risks harming her definition as a
normative woman and being perceived as a masculine woman, as chal-
lenging or even violating the order of things. It follows then that women’s
fandom demands a great deal of their attention as well as manoeu-
vring skills: They must obey the binary hierarchical gender order and
do fandom in a manner that harms neither their self-concept nor others’
conception of them as women. Yet, if they perform like authentic fans,
they can be regarded as non-feminine (see Nuhrat, this anthology); if
they perform practices which are culturally defined as feminine, they
1 We choose to use “woman fan” rather than “female fan” because of the socio-cultural conno-
tations of “woman”. In this usage, we include adolescents and younger girls who are fans. We
will use “man fan” as it is necessitated by symmetry. We note that although “woman” is a noun
and not an adjective, it can nonetheless be paired with another noun to function as a modifier
(compare the terms “culture shock” or “peer pressure”, for example).
14 T. Rapoport
announce their non-belonging, while behaviours identified as hyper-

masculine are off limits as well. The composite dualistic category, woman
fan, then, is subject to fundamentally contradictory requirements and
hence inner and outer tension. This paradox cannot be resolved unless
the traditional model of fandom is disconnected from its historical,
gendered cultural foundations and the practices it contains undergo revi-
sion. Such a change would bear significant consequences: A new fandom
model would risk being viewed as feminine, so that football fandom
would lose its uniqueness and appeal to men and existing fandom prac-
tices their spontaneity and intensity. It could, indeed, empty fandom
practices of their traditional “fandom-ness” and empty the stadium.
Moreover, a new model cannot be achieved without men’s readiness to
loosen their sense of ownership and protective defence of the bastion.
According to Rubin (2009), a substantial change is far out of reach,
as football is the last bastion of what is considered genuine masculinity
(except the army). She contends that the link between masculinity and
football is so tight that any challenge to it is almost pointless, so long
as men deploy different strategies to protect their hegemonic position
in their male preserve. Anna, an ardent Katamon fan, challenged male
hegemony in an interview: “We women don’t come to the game to be
like men… We want to come as women, to be a woman at a game, and
not a ‘man-woman’” [Anna, interview 2.10.2010]). This seems rather
impossible as long as girls are not encouraged to become fans and fandom
and the stadium are gendered; indeed, girls are usually acculturated to
playing games that orient them to different types of behaviour, yet by
contrast, boys carry themselves from a young age naturally and expertly
in the male fandom field.
In some societies, one of the justifications for the fandom field’s
unsuitability for women is that their presence in the stands and their
performance of bodily practices might seduce men, detract from women’s
modesty or mar their character (see Nuhrat, part “The Gendering of
Fandom”). Punishment for women who break the rule is often based on
religious, conservative grounds that invoke the violation of a moral edict.
A clear, extreme example in some Muslim countries—Iran (in certain
periods), Saudi Arabia and Qatar—is the prohibition forbidding women
to play or even attend football matches, barring them entrance altogether
or allocating them a women-only place in the stadium. When women

are invited to attend matches, their presence is intended as a mere token.
Tokenism is clearly illustrated in the no-men-allowed policy of the radius
game, which punishes a club for its fans’ unruly behaviour. Generally the
aim of this policy is to eradicate cursing and other verbal and non-verbal
violent behaviour on the part of men-fans. Nuhrat (see above) exposes
the underlying gender bias of this “spectator-less” [sic ] match procedure
in Turkey, which assumes, for example, that unlike men, women have a
natural, biological inclination not to curse.
Moreover, women fans are expected to take on the responsibility
of civilising the stadium and the behaviours of male fans, purifying
men’s language and restraining their natural tendency to violence. The
radius punishment reconstructs moralistic conventions and modes of
behaviour established in the family along gender lines. It lays bare and
even deepens the rift between the genders, preserving it among other
ways, by continuously classifying and assessing fans’ visible behaviour.
The human eye focuses on visible behaviour—the actual appearance
of fandom—on the body’s exterior and not on fans’ interior. Accord-
ingly, doing fandom should be understood in terms of external, explicit,
surface bodily manifestations and not as a psychological depth-structure
(Ahmed and Stacey 2001). The marked body of a woman divulges her
otherness and triggers awareness of her appearance in the fandom field,
which, historically speaking, celebrates male physicality. The male body,
however, is unmarked, is perceived as neutral, universal and seemingly
genderless (Hirsh 2010: xi). Hence the research on women’s fandom
examines sexism in the fandom field and the ways in which women
cope with it (Lenneis 2013; Jones 2008). This research points to strate-
gies women employ: They trivialise sexism by intentionally ignoring
it; resist it by violating the norms or adopt and even externalise and
internalise sexual stereotypes. The electronic eye and social media join
and sometimes even strengthen the supervising human gaze. Electronic
and printed media devoted to the sexist representations of women in
stadiums, especially when they attend the World and European cham-
pionships, traditionally took no interest in ordinary women fans, but
would linger over those whose body is regarded as attractive, arousing
or defiant; yet, it needs to be mentioned that this type of representation
16 T. Rapoport
has decreased lately. Still, sexist photographs are displayed on electronic

sites (Instagram, for instance), objectifying the female body while male
football players posing as sexist models are favourably perceived.
Along with the eye, the ear serves as another social supervisory mech-
anism within the fandom field, yet sound has attracted relatively little
research (but, see, Kytö 2011; Back 2003). What interests us here are
the voices or silence of the gendered inter-personal interactions taking
place during and around a match—speech, conversation and comments.
Common experience is corroborated by Orit, a Katamon woman fan.
(“Women,” she said in the interview, “respond and shout less during
a game due to the fear of saying something out of place and eliciting
disparaging comments from men. When a woman does say something
correct, men smile at her in a patronizing way, arrogantly, as if to say,
‘just look at this girl’” (11.5.2011). Men-fans often support the presence
of women in the stadium, but expect them to keep quiet when the game
is discussed; the voice of women is often silenced more or less politely
during men–women conversations. “They don’t take me seriously as a
fan when I comment about the game”, said Mira, another fan. Dalia
spoke angrily in the interview of how she loses her voice in the stadium
when she stands next to the two men who are the most important people
in her life—her husband and her father. According to her, though she
has been well versed in the game’s secrets since she was young and would
converse about it at length with her father before she got married, since
her marriage she has been excluded from their conversation:
They [men] have a common football language… it is a different conver-

sation … I swear to you. I say the same things, like ‘I think the kick was
weak’, but there is something between them that connects very much
better [and excludes me], because they are men, there is something at
unheard frequencies that transmits differently.
Women fans are often deterred by a possible ironic, dismissive bodily

response; some give up in advance as they believe they have nothing
valuable to say; others point out that they allow themselves to ask ques-
tions because they are expected to do so or because they do not support
patriarchy and are not willing to relinquish their feminist voice.
Supervision is also imposed from above by institutional entities such as

the sports federation—whether global, European or national. According
to Brick (2000), the discourse and legislation on violations in the fandom
field are moralistic. The legalisation and regulation of fandom aims to
establish what is believed to be a civilised fandom culture, which, as
exemplified by the radius practice (see above), is often based on a norma-
tive, moralistic image of the family and assumes that particular modes of
behaviour are natural to women. The attempts to civilise fandom chal-
lenges its historical mode—the language of fandom, the practices and the
patterns of inter-personal interaction. Success in civilising fandom could
bring more women into the fandom field and yet harm the “fandomness”
of traditional fandom, detract from it or even render it pointless.
Intentions and efforts by football authorities and individual clubs
to attract women to the field and bring about gender equality have
increased over the last two decades, with the aim, among other things,
of appearing liberal and profiting financially (tokenism). The recogni-
tion that women represent marketing potential with untapped human
and economic capital was granted as a matter of course at the Football
World Cup in July 2019. But despite the campaigns, women remain a
minority, though at times significant: In many fandom fields, surveys
and research in different countries show that changes in the number of
women fans, especially avid, committed ones, are slow (Pope 2010). The
illusory impression given by popular media and discourse that there are
many women in the stadium might be due to their greater visibility in
the stadium because they still draw attention. At the same time, today
there is a gradual increase in women club owners, football players, broad-
casters, reporters, commentators, managers and referees, a development
that challenges, among other things, the commonplace assertion that
women do not understand or are not interested in football.
Research often identifies women’s increasing entry into the fandom
field with the “new football”, which sees it as threatening traditional
fandom. Some researchers validate the claim of the feminisation of
supporters by using measures that indicate a change in the socio-
economic make-up and lifestyle of fans (Pope 2010). Such measures are
also used in other areas of life as a means of assessing the entry of women
into traditional masculine bastions—including the labour market (Stier
18 T. Rapoport
2005), politics (Herzog 2006) and the military (Sasson-Levi 2006)—

and demonstrating the feminisation of the professions. It follows that
the investigation of women’s entry into and presence in the fandom field
and the fandom practices they employ may serve as a measure of change
not only in the fandom field but also in society.
Spaces of Doing Fandom

A space to play football can be created spontaneously anywhere—in the
favelas of Rio de Janeiro, distressed neighbourhoods in Africa, remote
villages in Mongolia and Siberia or in New York City fenced parks. Very
little is required to announce that a game is in progress: Two raggedy
backpacks, shirts or stones on the ground can signify the football gate,
some rag, a Coca Cola can, any ball or a real football can serve as a ball,
two or more players, and at times even just one boy playing alone against
himself, but only in a stadium is the game considered genuine.
Academic literature refers to football stadiums, particularly the large
ones, as temples or other places of worship, public spaces that create and
express power (Morris 1981) and sites where ritual (Bromberger 2012) or
festival-like public events take place. A different view of stadiums empha-
sises the importance of the affinity between their physical structure and
fans’ unmediated bodily sensory experiences. This approach assumes that
fans seek a sense of authenticity, connection and belonging in their quest
for an emotional home—a kind of ¨promised land¨ where belonging,
called ¨Heimat¨2 by the football researcher Sandvoss (Sandvoss 2005), is
possible.
Over a long period of time, the community-based stadium fulfilled
this function, as “local knowledge” (see below) and identification with
a football club were shaped by the club’s geographic location and the
local inhabitants; the stadium was part of the adjacent neighbourhood
and located near the pub. In the past, social status and place of residence
were based on family-clan relationships, so that a particular club’s fans
2 Heimat, a German term denoting nostalgic longing for a safe, protected warm place.
were identified and identified themselves with their family and neigh-
bourhood (see Guy 2016) with which they shared common knowledge of
their lives, locality and club as well as similar experiences. The situation
is clearly quite different today. As part of the globalisation of football,
contemporary fandom crosses local and national boundaries, support of
one’s club can coexist with support of other clubs in different cities,
countries and continents and a fan may develop affinity towards several
clubs. Though football is defined as a global game, many academic
studies claim that globalisation and consumerism have not diminished
the centrality of fandom and football fans’ affinity for their local club.
Since fans continue to regard themselves as part of their locale (see
Guschwan 2011, 2013; and part “Claiming a Foothold in Spaces Beyond
the Stadium”), both the club and fan culture take on local meaning,
which they convey and cultivate (e.g., Spaaij 2006; Pope 2010). There
is no better evidence of the strong affinity binding a locality, a club and
fandom than the convergence of the club’s name with its locality, as in the
examples of Hapoel Katamon Jerusalem FC, FC Barcelona, SV Werder
Bremen or United of Manchester FC. Local affinity is also manifested in
the stadium décor, the choreography of fandom practices in the stadium
and the love songs that fans across the globe sing to their club and its
locality.
The affinity to locality was discussed by the famed anthropologist
Geertz (1985; 57), who developed the concept of local knowledge,
suggesting that it derives from the immediacy of experience and from
shared geographic and identity characteristics that are embedded in the
culture, language, norms and areas of common interest. Relating in his
research specifically to fans of the British fan club Millwall, Robson
(2000) suggests that local knowledge and fans’ knowledge (reserved
exclusively for men) are tightly linked. Shared local knowledge, according
to Castells (1983) and Harvey (2003), can develop into a platform
for organising a group or social movement that aims to influence
reality (whether it is political, cultural, social or economic) in a certain
geographical space. The space of the stadium was the focus of interest
for sports geographer John Bale (2000), who defines the stadium as
attracting topophilia—a love of place or site, a locus of fans’ local pride
that embodies memories, history and a psychological home for them. In
20 T. Rapoport
his view, a stadium is not merely a functional structure but also a home.
Research bears out that commitment to the club forms fans’ civic iden-
tity (Guschwan 2011: 1990), which is often rooted in their social status,
cultural capital and experience of locality (see, for example, Giulianotti
and Robertson 2007; Robson 2000; Van Houtum and Van Dam 2002).
Like other spaces, the stadium is an emotional and relational phys-
ical space of human activity shaped by the people populating it. Its
design creates a dialogue, direct and indirect, between fans and players
and among the community of fans in the sense that everyone can see
everyone else; together, fans direct their attention towards the centre,
towards what is happening on the pitch. Their eyes follow and their
bodies sway from side to side as they track the course of the game. The
stadium encompasses different fan groups dispersed in different places
in a regular though not rigid order. At the same time, individuals and
groups of fans whose worldview and behaviour deviate exceedingly from
the club’s primary socio-cultural-political agenda are driven out of the
stadium, whether formally (e.g., St. Pauli and Werder Bremen trying
hard to drive out neo-Nazis), or informally.
Quickly and for a relatively brief interval before, during and after a
match, the crowd of fans turns the space of the stadium into a noisy,
colourful arena in which their alert bodies coalesce into a collective body
that is symbolically and physically disconnected temporarily from the
outside world. In this space-time capsule, fans co-create an emotional
community that shares a common goal. Together they take part in an
experiential event whereby every match separates them momentarily
from their everyday life routines; they often stage a festive audiovisual
performance for their own pleasure and for the benefit of the players,
the public and news media. Fandom practice at a match is an experience
reminiscent of a carnival arena due to its strong, personal, collective-
emotional tone and the spontaneous physical relationships arising among
fans. The pleasurable, at times stormy and even ecstatic celebration (at
derby games, for example) encompasses disappointments, frustrations,
heartbreak and uplifted hearts, feelings that are manifested in shared
bodily practices that jointly create a choreography of muscles.
The structure of the stadium isolates it physically from day-to-day
spaces such as the home, workplace and institutions of entertainment,
creating its own unique, physical and autonomous socio-cultural arena.

The sociologist Ben Porat (2007) coined the term permission zone (or
authorisation zone) to characterise the stadium as a space that legitimises
violations of behavioural norms that are not accepted outside this zone.
In this space, the body is permitted to use practices that would draw criti-
cism, negative reactions, sanctions or even harsher consequences in other
arenas such as the home, workplace, school or elsewhere in the public
sphere. Thus for a brief period, every week and sometimes every day, the
stadium becomes a place that approves public expression by fans, partic-
ularly men, of unrestrained emotions and gestures that are not generally
accepted in other masculine arenas—from weeping to panic to inti-
macy between total strangers. Littering freely, exhibiting vulgar gestures,
removing clothing, engaging in outbursts, yelling and cursing (Nuhrat,
parts “The Genesis of Doing Fandom” and “The Gendering of Fandom”)
and jumping wildly for joy are all part of what is regarded as norma-
tive fandom behaviour in the stadium. Attempts to ban such behaviour
often raise fans’ objections and sometimes even the club’s. The extent and
intensity of such bodily practices vary not only across gender but also
across clubs, leagues and countries, stages of life, types of stadiums and
local culture. Yet stadiums function almost always as permission zones
in which what is defined as extreme behaviour is allowed, unless it hurts
another body or is meant to insult certain groups of fans (for instance,
anti-Semitic songs and slogans in most German stadiums). When the
fragile boundary between what is legitimate or illegitimate behaviour is
blurred and breached and violent behaviour spills over from the stadium
into the public space, fans might be censured even more harshly. When
the fandom field becomes a brawl zone, the official supervising bodies
try to restrain fans’ behaviour by imposing new rules.
Research on the supervision of fans’ behaviour often invokes Foucault’s
concept of the panopticon—an observational device that enables simul-
taneous viewing of what is occurring over sections of a huge space
(Foucault 1977). Foucault uses the watchtowers metaphor to convey
how the organisation of a space in closed institutions (such as prisons
and schools) employs all-seeing supervisory mechanisms that exert power
and discipline the body. According to him, the supervisees internalise the
gaze from above so that it governs them even when not watched. Recent
22 T. Rapoport
research of football deals with the ways in which the televising of games,
which pours huge sums of money into the pockets of television stations
and owners, dictates the times of games and curbs the spontaneity of
doing fandom as it becomes more and more visible. Alongside televi-
sion, surveillance cameras in the stadium document fans’ behaviour and
anyone straying from the behaviour that is broadly allowed may be iden-
tified and possibly sent into custody. (This assertion is far less applicable
to the lower leagues, where traditional fandom culture is preserved and
television provides no coverage.)
As extensively discussed in the sports literature, the restraining of fans’
behaviour was prompted by the report of the British Taylor Commis-
sion (1990) that was formed following the tragedy at the Hillsboro
stadium, where 96 people were crushed to death. Following this report,
football stadiums were converted into bigger, more elegant and comfort-
able spaces. The report’s recommendations redefined the nature of
fandom, the make-up of the audience and even the fandom practices
and behaviour to be performed in the stands. Thus, for example, fandom
practices performed while standing—which the report viewed as raucous
and dangerous—were prohibited and replaced by seated practices at
assigned seats in the stands. Consumption of alcoholic beverages during
games was likewise prohibited. These measures aiming to civilise fans’
behaviour, together with the fandom field’s fast-growing capitalism and
consumerism, brought about a significant rise in ticket prices, which, in
turn, caused a demographic change in the fan population: The number
of working-class fans diminished while the number of middle-class fans
increased. This change is the direct result of the dynamic dialogue
between the fandom practices, the demographic and the spatial dimen-
sions of the stadium: Unrestrained supporters brought about a change in
the stadium and the growing control of space brought about a change in
supporters’ demographics and behaviour.
More and more often, the stadium functions as the ground or spring-
board from which fans initiate, promote, facilitate or join socio-political
and educational activities that expand into the public sphere; fans “claim
the right to space” and symbolically and practically cross and extend the
stadium’s boundaries beyond its walls. It was Henri Lefebvre (1995) who
theorised the notion of the right to the city that can be claimed by social
groups that inhabit it. Inspired by Lefebvre’s understanding of space, we

discuss fans’ symbolic and concrete claims to a significant and even equal
political footing in spaces beyond the stadium. By crossing and widening
the traditional boundaries of the stadium to pursue social and political
goals, fans extend the practices of doing fandom from inside to outside
the designated space of the stadium, thereby challenging the narrow,
traditional definition and meanings of fandom and of being a fan. Fans’
identity and the meaning of fandom are shaped by and shape, then, not
only what happens inside their club but also outside of it. Their action
and ideology often reverberate far beyond the stadium, eliciting diverse
positive and negative public response within their club and elsewhere.
For example, fans cross the stadium’s bounds as a group to visit
concentration camps as part of the commemoration agenda of many
German clubs (Herta Berlin; Eintracht Frankfurt; Dortmund and
others); they help children at risk do homework and learn to play
football (e.g., the neighbourhood league in Jerusalem), they distribute
food and organise football activities for refugees (the Olympiacos club
in Athens, Greece), and Sankt Pauli (Hamburg, Germany) launched
a political war against capitalism. By hanging the banner, “Refugees
Welcome” in almost all German stadiums, fans also engaged in the
boiling national discourse concerning the reception of the new waves
of refugees in Germany and Europe (2013) (see Siny, part “Claiming a
Foothold in Spaces Beyond the Stadium”). Lastly, in Turkey, Egypt and
other Middle Eastern countries, clubs have both joined and organised
anti-government demonstrations over the last ten years and earlier (see
Dorsey. part “Claiming a Foothold in Spaces Beyond the Stadium”).
Fans are expected neither to form social movements nor to engage as
fans outside the stadium in the public sphere in activities not related
directly to the club’s professional interests and achievements. Yet, socially
and politically, clubs like St. Pauli of Hamburg view involvement in
local and national politics as their primary objective (see Siny, part
“Claiming a Foothold in Spaces Beyond the Stadium”). Fan’s diverse
activities outside the stadium indicate that their historical and cultural
identity remains an enormous force in the local and global space of foot-
ball and corroborates their agentive capacity to resist and, in some cases,
even catalyse change.
24 T. Rapoport
Currently, football clubs in Germany’s Bundesliga, for example, are

initiating and promoting activities that further integration and diversity.
In Germany, where political, socio-pedagogical and cultural activities
with and by fans are historically pronounced, policy-makers perceive and
support these clubs as schools of democracy (Braun 2015: 156). Yet,
while such activities serve seemingly clear functions for society, the voices
of those engaged in activities that are not necessarily intrinsic to the game
of football—fans, social workers, etc.—have not been studied enough.
Nowadays, modernisation, technology and globalisation shrink spatial
and informational distances, enabling fandom to traverse countries and
continents, whether physically or virtually, far more quickly, easily and
cheaply. This change has at least two effects on fandom: On the one
hand, it facilitates the performance of fandom far from the home
stadium, especially by watching games remotely on electronic media.
Indeed, matches, particularly on the international level, are watched by
millions of viewers everywhere across the globe, and match times are
adapted to the time zones of worldwide spectators. On the other hand,
different fan clubs are established across the globe, and increasingly more
people travel far from their places of residence to attend games at interna-
tional and national stadiums, creating a new type of phenomenon, which
the post-fandom literature (Redhead 1997) calls “football tourism”.
Tourist fans might perform the standard fandom practices, but they do
not necessarily feel allegiance or commitment to any of the teams they
watch; often they are “touch and go” fans. Their journeys raise new
questions about the future of fandom and its meaning. Research on foot-
ball and fandom links post-fandom to liquid modernity (Davis 2015),
claiming that in the post-modern era, new modes of fandom fertilise,
enable and bring about the loss of authenticity (Redhead and Giulian-
otti 2002). The nostalgic underlying assumption is that there was a single
accepted model of fandom in the past which is now dissolving. This
view would argue, moreover, that socio-cultural-economic change creates
new, diverse fandom patterns, making it difficult to determine who the
authentic fan is. I suggest that this type of fandom can be seen as yet
another pattern of doing fandom, not necessarily replacing traditional,
authentic fandom. Tourists, who come and go, do not participate in
the local fan culture and activities, for their bodily fandom habitus was
acquired elsewhere; they are not considered part of the local club though
they fill its pockets.
*****
The source of pleasure in fandom was and is bodily; pleasure derives
from participation in doing fandom with other bodies and not from acts
of consumerism per se; fandom is the search for passion, per Heimat,
and the appeal of belonging to a group and a community is what draws
most fans to the stadium.
“Without fans, football is nothing!” This canonical statement is
attributed to the late Jock Stein, the Scottish former player and
manager. Fan power is no less potent today—in our global, neo-liberal,
commercialised world—than it has been since football’s birth as a
community-based phenomenon with no global reach. Fandom practices
remain the core of the football club, its face and voice. The collective
public dimension, actualisation of identity, identification with a club,
loyalty to the team, performance of the practices and other embodied
characteristics of doing fandom continue to renew the fandom field.
The idea that their club depends on them energises and empowers
fans; it has always been the primary driver for owners, managers, players
and particularly fans, inspiring them to assert, fight for and protect their
rights in the beautiful game and claim the right to space. This conti-
nuity, together with the stubborn conservation of the gendered structure
and practices, provide men-fans in particular a sense of history, tradition,
stability and authenticity.
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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Nova Scotia 1.00
“Christian Herald,” New York 55,000.00
Total $1,034,073.74
HOW NEW YORK RAISED FUNDS
FOR ITALY
The experience of the New York State Branch in raising relief funds
for a considerable number of disasters shows that several simple but
indispensable things must be done in order to ensure adequate
contributions—adequate, that is to say, to the emergency needs,
and, as it will no doubt interest many Red Cross members to know
what these things are and how they have been done, a brief
description of the last appeal is offered.
When on the morning of December 29th last word came to the
State Headquarters in New York City from Mr. Magee, the national
secretary, authorizing and directing an appeal to the public for funds
wherewith to meet the needs of stricken Sicily and Calabria, the
secretary of the State Branch, Mrs. William K. Draper, and the state
field agent were with the office secretary. For such an emergency
there is a recognized program of work. The first thing to be done, of
course, was to publish the appeal. At once, within an hour, notices
were sent to all of the local newspapers. This notice stated that the
American Red Cross had appealed to the people of the United
States in behalf of the earthquake sufferers; that all funds sent to the
State Treasurer, Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, at the State Headquarters
would be forwarded with the utmost expedition through the federal
state department to the Italian Red Cross, and that all persons
sending their contributions in this way would have the fullest
assurance that the money would reach the desired destination, and
would learn later from official Red Cross reports how it was spent.
Subsequently three ladies, members of the State Branch, visited all
of the newspaper offices in the city and enlisted the co-operation of
the editors in keeping before the public the function and record of the
Red Cross, and the name and address of its local treasurer. It was
realized that in order to get the best results the name and address
ought to be printed every day by the papers in a conspicuous
position. Unless this were done day after day, many persons inclined
to give would forget this detail and let the occasion pass.
The chairman of the state executive committee, Mr. Cleveland H.
Dodge, had meantime been notified. He satisfied himself by personal
inquiry that all necessary measures were being taken to give
publicity to the appeal and handle the contributions when received.
The State Branch has twenty subdivisions, and these in case of
similar disasters have been informed by letter, the small saving of
time generally not justifying the expense of telegraphing. In this
important instance, however, the chairman directed that the
subdivisions should be notified by telegraph. Within an hour or two,
therefore, every subdivision secretary in the state was advised of the
appeal, and the morning papers in each locality published it, together
with the name and address of the local treasurer, and a statement
that the Red Cross, as the official emergency relief organization, was
the proper channel for the transmission of funds to Italy. These
telegraphic messages were followed by letters of formal direction.
The Branch’s responsibilities were not discharged by these efforts.
We all know that a large portion of the public does not realize the
significance of the Red Cross, even in time of the most important
functions. Confused by the many claims on its attention, this portion
of the people hesitates as to the advisable course to take and ends
by waiting for fuller information. It was, therefore, of the greatest
assistance to the cause of practical relief that the President of the
United States, in his proclamation of the disaster, should point out
the Red Cross as the proper depository for popular contributions.
When Governors and Mayors do the same the representation is
impressive and convincing. One of the earliest acts of the Secretary
of the State Branch, therefore, was to write to Governor Hughes to
request him to follow the example of the President and direct the
public to the Red Cross, though naming the Treasurer of the State
Red Cross. Communication with the Governor’s secretary by long-
distance wire followed. The Governor readily appreciated the
wisdom of the proposal and issued the following proclamation:
“To the People of the State of New York:
“The calamity which has visited Southern Italy and Sicily
must not only excite our deep sympathy with those so
suddenly stricken, but our desire to aid in the relief of their
pressing necessities. To this we are prompted by humane
impulse and by our friendly interest in the people so largely
represented among our citizens.
“I recommend that contributions be made through the New
York State Branch of the American National Red Cross, which
is in communication with the Italian Red Cross and has
undertaken to receive and forward funds offered for relief.
“It may be hoped that the generosity of our people, which
has had such beneficent illustration in the past, may again
have abundant expression.
“Given under my hand and the Privy Seal of the State at the
Capitol in the city of Albany this thirtieth day of December, in
the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eight.
“(Signed) CHARLES E. HUGHES.
“By the Governor:
“ROBERT H. FULLER,
“Secretary to the Governor.”
“The New York State Branch of the American National Red
Cross has offices at 500 Fifth avenue, New York City, and
contributions may be made to its Treasurer, Mr. Jacob H.
Schiff, there or at the address of Kuhn, Loeb & Company, 52
William street, New York City.”
Mayor McClellan, of New York City, when similarly approached

issued an announcement, stating that the City Hall Fund then being
raised would be turned over to the Red Cross for record and
transmission and this was done.
Desirable as it is that all relief funds, however raised, should at
least be passed through the Red Cross in order to receive public and
uniform accounting and speedy transmission, the fact, nevertheless,
is that not a few associations and individuals desire to raise funds
and themselves forward them. On this account the Italians of New
York City naturally enough organized their own relief committee, with
the Italian Consul-General, Raybaudi Massiglia, and the American
delegate of the Italian Red Cross, Mr. Lionello Perera, represented
on it. The New York State Branch of the American Red Cross at
once placed itself in communication with this committee. Colonel
Sanger, the President of the New York State Branch, also at a later
day paid a personal call. The funds collected by this organization,
however, were sent directly to Italy to the Italian Red Cross, and not
through the American Red Cross. Another committee, called the
American-Italian relief committee, was organized and is still engaged
in raising funds by the sale of memorial cards. It forwards the funds
direct to the Italian Red Cross.
Many benefit performances were given in opera houses, theatres
and public halls. To the managers of these performances and to the
promoters of every relief fund being raised in the city, as fast as
announcement of it was made the secretary wrote, asking that the
funds collected be sent through the Red Cross as the recognized
channel for relief. In some cases personal interviews were had with
managers by the Red Cross held agent. The desire in doing this was
not, of course, to limit the generosity or to discourage the
independent collection of funds, but, as stated, to procure a public,
uniform and central accounting. Many societies acceded to the
suggestion of the Red Cross and funds collected by churches,
Sunday schools, associations, women’s clubs, schools, etc., were
sent to Italy via American Red Cross. Several bankers, who cabled
contributions direct through their own Italian correspondents, were
subsequently impressed with the wisdom of the Red Cross
arrangements, and may be depended upon to make future
remittances through it.
The first relief contributions began to come within twelve hours
after the issue of the appeal, and provision had to be made for the
large amount expected. The Christmas stamp campaign was just
ended; only the accounting remained to be done, and four salaried
helpers were engaged upon this when the Italian relief contributions
began to pour in. Two of these helpers were retained to assist in
handling the heavy mail. In addition two accounting clerks were
furnished for a few days by members of the executive committee,
and greatly assisted in putting the accounts in order. All contributions
were receipted for as fast as received and were also recorded in
special books. A list of all the contributions was sent daily to all of the
newspapers for publication. The papers were also supplied daily with
interesting details of donations as reported by visitors or in letters
received.
Frequent demands were made to have the Red Cross take even a
more active part in raising funds than it had assumed. Several
proposals to issue relief stamps in imitation of the Christmas stamps
were not adopted for the reason that public interest in the Italian
disaster was felt to be already so high that no devices to stimulate it
further were deemed practicable or necessary. Contributions were
being received many times the amount which any stamp issues
could possibly produce. Several offers were made to turn over
theatres and public halls for the purpose of arranging benefit
performances. But these, too, had to be refused since, of course,
such work is outside of the function of the Red Cross.
The public was so profoundly moved by the press’ circumstantial
accounts of the disaster and the appeal for immediate relief that it
responded almost instantaneously. Within twelve hours of the
publication of the first appeal the mail brought the first contributions.
The first day yielded $1,115, the second day $63,917.50. The total to
date is $317,378.94.
In this amount were the contributions received by the different
subdivisions of the State. The amounts began to fall off after the first
week, but continued in considerable sums for a long time and are
still coming in. The appeal was withdrawn on February 4.
AMOUNTS COLLECTED BY SUBDIVISIONS.
Albany County Subdivision $ 4,500.00

Broome County 204.27
Chautauqua 301.36
Dutchess County 616.55
Glen Cove 165.25
New York County 255,701.04
Rensselaer Co. 2,952.19
Schenectady Co. 1,794.62
Ulster County 963.97
Brooklyn 9,278.70
Buffalo 1,947.74
Columbia County 311.00
Far Rockaway 10.00
Islip Township 140.00
Oneida County 1,323.30
Rochester 8,434.49
Syracuse 1,482.32
Westchester County 257.68
ORIGIN OF THE CHRISTMAS STAMP
Reproduction From an Original Envelope Bearing One of the Stamps

Referred to in This Article.
“What was the origin of the Christmas Stamp?” was a question

asked of Red Cross officials scores—doubtless hundreds—of times
during the holiday season. This much we knew: On a letter received
two years ago from Denmark Mr. Jacob Riis discovered a new and
unknown stamp which aroused his curiosity. Inquiries brought its
story, which he told a few months later in “The Outlook.” Miss Emily
P. Bissell, the able and energetic secretary of the Delaware Red
Cross Branch, read the story, and to the Annual Meeting of the Red
Cross in 1907 brought a design for our first Christmas Stamp for the
benefit of the anti-tuberculosis work, asking permission that the
Delaware Branch might experiment with it, and so it had its birth in
America. So successful proved the little stamp this past year, it
became a national stamp. The story of its sale and success is told
elsewhere. But what about its origin? Was it first thought of in
Denmark? No one seemed to know. Then came the Tuberculosis
Congress, and with it a report on Swedish tuberculosis work. What a
surprise it was to find in this interesting pamphlet the origin of the
“Charity Stamp,” as it is called, and still more of a surprise—a
welcome surprise—to discover that its invention is due to our own
“Sanitary Commission”—that precursor of the Red Cross. The
Swedish report says: “The honor of having invented the Charity
Stamp must be given to America—that land of inventions.” In the
year 1862 the first Charity Stamps were sold at a great charity
festival in Boston. These stamps, which were called “Sanitary Fair
Stamps,” were sold to benefit the wounded in the war then
proceeding between the Northern and Southern States. The idea
was not adopted in Europe until thirty years later, when in 1892
Portugal produced the first Charity Stamps (private stamps for the
Red Cross Society). Since then almost every country in Europe has
used them and several hundred different types have been called into
existence. Some of those used in Sweden are reproduced in this
article. Learning this much from the Swedish report, Red Cross
Headquarters began an investigation of its own, and through the
librarian of the Boston Public Library was put into communication
with Mr. A. W. Batchelder, and through his courtesy received three of
the original stamps and a copy of the “American Journal of Philately”
January, 1889, which contains an interesting article on “Stamps of
the United States Sanitary Fairs,” by J. W. Scott. This article, much
of which we quote, is illustrated by a number of these Sanitary Fair
Stamps. Thanks to the kindness of Mr. Joseph S. Rich, of New York,
who loaned to the Red Cross his collection of these stamps, and to
the Surgeon-General’s office, of the United States Army, which
photographed them, we were able to reproduce illustrations of many
of these stamps.
The following is taken from the American Journal of Philately,
January, 1889:
“In conversing with non-philatelic friends we are frequently taunted
with the assertion that stamp collecting teaches nothing,
commemorates no important events, and, in fact, has none of those
claims to recognition which are conceded to the older science of
numismatics.
“I wish to call your attention to a neglected
series of United States stamps, a collection
which will fully vindicate the assertion that
stamps do commemorate national events,
and in that respect are not one whit behind
their venerable competitors, coins. The
stamp before us has for its principal design
the American Eagle, the bird of all others
selected by our forefathers to represent the
country. It is a little unfortunate that their
knowledge of ornithology did not equal their
love of freedom. However, he is now firmly established as the
national emblem, and we must take him with all his faults and invest
him with sufficient virtues for his honorable position. The bird as
represented clasps three arrows in his right and an olive branch in
his left claw; above is inscribed ‘Brooklyn Sanitary’ and below ‘Fair
Postage.’ Unfortunately, the value is not given, but, perhaps, this
was intentional. The stamp is produced by lithography, and printed in
green on white paper.
“The stamp itself speaks volumes, and cannot fail to recall the time
when our country was torn by internecine strife. Three years of war
had filled our homes with mourning, our hospitals with maimed and
crippled soldiers, and exhausted the resources of the national
Government to relieve their sufferings. It was then that the ladies of
the North organized fairs in the different cities to raise money to
supply the wounded with comfort and delicacies; to send the
convalescent to their homes, and to care for the widows and orphans
of the slain.
“The stamp was used in the fair held in the Academy of Music, in
Montague Street, Brooklyn, in 1864. But the spacious building was
not large enough to contain all the offerings of the people or the
attractions provided to tempt the dollars from the pockets of the
thousands who filled the various rooms, so a light wooden bridge
was erected across the street to a building on the opposite side. One
of the most interesting features of the fair was the model post-office,
equipped with all the paraphernalia which appertains to that useful
institution. Here you could post a letter to any part of the world,
provided you placed the necessary number of Uncle Sam’s stamps
on it, and one of the fair’s labels to take it to the general post-office.
This was not all. If you inquired of the innocent young lady at the
window if there was a letter for you, you would certainly get one, for
one of the clever lady assistants would write a little note while you
waited, rather than have you disappointed, and even if there should
be considerable postage due on it, for you certainly would not refuse
it on that account, for it might be from your ‘Long Lost Brother,’ or
some fair one who had promised to be a sister to you.’ The Brooklyn
Fair netted over $400,000.00 for the benefit of the cause. Thus we
find the Sanitary Fair Stamps were a source of innocent amusement
to the young people, while they turned in considerable cash for the
benefit of our wounded heroes, and left behind fragments of history
to be gathered up by the Bancrofts of the future, to say nothing of the
pleasure they have afforded to a generation of stamp collectors.
“Of the second Brooklyn Fair I have been
unable to obtain any particulars other than
that afforded by the stamp. The design
consists of a foundry cut of an eagle, with
‘Post’ above and ‘Office’ below, which is
enclosed in a rectangular frame inscribed,
‘Young Ladies of Brooklyn Bazaar’: a figure
five being in each corner. The stamp is
typographed in black on buff paper.
“Our next stamp is from New York, and is
beautiful in design and elaborate in detail. In
the center we have the American Eagle with outstretched neck and
upraised wings; he is standing on the United States shield, with flags
and stars in the background and national motto above; the
inscription is artistically entwined around and reads: ‘Great Central
Fair Postage Stamp, U. S. Sanitary Commission,’ with value above
and below. The stamps are perforated and of three denominations—
10 cents, blue; 20 cents, green; 30 cents, black. They were
engraved on steel by the American Bank Note Co. This fair was held
in Union Square, New York City, where buildings were erected for
the purpose. It was opened from the latter part of April to the end of
June, and was presided over by the leaders in society, wealth and
beauty of the metropolis. It netted the enormous sum of $1,200,000.
“The next fair I call
your attention to was
held in the city of
Albany. Unfortunately,
I have no particulars
concerning it except
such as relate to the
stamps. The first, of
elegant design and
workmanship, was
prepared by Gavit, the well-known engraver
of that city, but as the time drew near it was found impossible to have
a supply printed in time; the plate was accordingly laid aside and
never used. The design is copied from the one-cent blue carriers’
stamp, the well-known eagle on a branch to the left, with ‘Bazaar
Post Office’ above, ‘Ten Cents’ below, the whole enclosed in a neat
frame. I have seen impressions in scarlet, blue and black on yellow
surface paper. The stamp actually used was much smaller, and
produced by lithography by the same firm. The design is an eagle on
a rock, with ‘Bazaar Post Office’ above and ‘Ten Cents’ below,
enclosed in frame of single lines. It was printed in both red and
black, and used during the fair. I may add, that, as far as I know, this
is the only stamp of the series that has been counterfeited; the false
stamp can easily be recognized by the absence of shading around
the eagle.
“Our next stamp takes us to Boston, where the most successful
fair in the Eastern States was held. It is interesting to note that, while
all the stamps issued in New York State took an eagle for the device,
those used in New England States were adorned with figures of
soldiers or sailors. The stamp before us represents a sailor with a
wooden leg, holding the American flag in his right hand; the vignette
is crossed by the legend, ‘National Sailors’ Fair,’ on label above ‘Ten’
below ‘Cents.’ They are produced by lithography, printed in light
green and cut out by
an oval punch with
scalloped edges. The
fair was held in
January, 1864, and
realized $147,000 for
the cause.
“The next stamp on
our list comes from
Springfield, Mass.,
and I have no
information other than that supplied by the label itself. The design
represents an officer bowing to two ladies, probably welcoming them
to the fair, the figure 10, in rather large figures, being between them;
in the center above is the inscription, ‘Soldiers’ Fair,’ below,
‘Springfield, Mass.’; figure 10 in the left upper corner, ‘Chubbuck’ in
small letters in the lower right corner. It is evidently printed from a
wood block in brownish mauve ink in various shades. Not the least
interesting part of this stamp is the engraver’s name in the corner,
‘Chubbuck,’ the celebrated engraver of the Brattleboro stamp.
“The last of the
series is a
remembrance of
Stamford, Conn. It
represents a soldier
on guard, with the
name of the town,
‘Stamford,’ in straight
line at top; on arched
ribbon, ‘Soldiers’
Fair’; below, in straight line, ‘Fifteen Cents.’ It
is printed from a wood block in brown ink on white paper. There were
many other fairs held throughout the length and breadth of the loyal
States, but although I gave special attention to the subject at the
time, the above described are all that I have been able to discover.
The success of the post-offices at the soldiers’ fairs induced other
charitable institutions to adopt like means of raising money, among
which may be named the Children’s Aid Society, the Orthodox
Jewish Fair, etc., etc., but as they lack the national element, I do not
think them worthy of collection; but the series I have described,
which is composed of thirteen stamps, all told, and considering the
small number, the interest attached to them and the great events
they commemorate is well worthy an honored place in the collections
of American philatelists.”
So from their origin the Red Cross seems to have a special right to
these stamps. Their success will be apt to cause various
organizations to desire to copy this idea. This will lead to an
unfortunate result. Such repetitions will tire the public and the
multiplicity of the stamps will create a lack of interest and destroy
their usefulness not only for these other charities, but for the purpose
for which they were revived in this country—the anti-tuberculosis
work of the American Red Cross. It is to be hoped that our
unfortunate American habit of “running a good thing into the ground”
will not lead in this case to the destruction of the usefulness of the
Red Cross Christmas Stamp by the overproduction of these charity
stamps.
Some Charity Stamps of Sweden.
IF YOU ARE NOT A MEMBER,

WOULD YOU NOT LIKE
TO JOIN?
THE CHALLENGE
A Cartoon Appearing in the Philadelphia “Ledger,” Last November.

FUNDS RAISED THROUGH SALE OF
RED CROSS CHRISTMAS STAMPS,
1908
AND OBJECTS TO WHICH THEY WILL
BE APPLIED
The following is a brief statement of the results of last year’s stamp
sale, showing in general terms the manner in which the money
raised will be applied. The total fund secured so far as reports at
hand show was $138,244.51.
California—
California Red Cross Branch and its Subdivisions $4,530.49
To be applied to Sanatoria, educational work,
Day Camps, District Visiting Nurses, etc.
Colorado—
Associated Charities of Colorado Springs $684.62
To be applied to establishing free sanatorium
for Tuberculosis patients.
Connecticut—
Connecticut Red Cross Branch $5,677.18
To be applied to the establishment of Day
Camps and for individual cases of tuberculosis
among the poor.
Delaware—
Delaware Red Cross Branch $1,152.17
To be applied to purchasing site for
dispensary and salaries of two nurses.
District of Columbia—
District of Columbia Branch $2,906.06
To be applied to maintenance of Day Camp.
Florida—
General Federation of Women’s Clubs,
Jacksonville $1,397.23
To be applied to an anti-tuberculosis
campaign.
Georgia—
Atlanta Committee on Tuberculosis $1,500.00
To be applied to salary of local efficient
secretary and educational work of anti-
tuberculosis society.
Augusta Committee on Tuberculosis $90.76
To be applied to day camp for Richmond
County.
Illinois—
Chicago Tuberculosis Institute $7,417.51
To be applied towards support of dispensary
department consisting of seven tuberculosis
clinics and small appropriations towards
sanatorium patients’ milk and egg fund, etc.
Indiana—
Indiana Red Cross Branch $3,831.58
To be applied to the aid of two specific cases
of tuberculosis and balance will probably be
expended in aiding existing anti-tuberculosis
organizations.
Iowa—
Burlington Red Cross Division $237.00
To be applied to Iowa tuberculosis fund.
Kansas—
Kansas Red Cross Branch $154.46
To be applied to educational work.
Kentucky—
Kentucky Anti-Tuberculosis Organization,
Louisville $2,300.00
To be applied to educational work in
Louisville and general promotion and
organization throughout the State.
Maine—
Maine Red Cross Branch $2,500.00
To be applied to Day Camps, tuberculosis
classes, educational work, State Sanitarium.
Maryland—
Maryland Association for the Prevention and
Relief of Tuberculosis $5,201.24
To be applied in educational work and in the
support of four special tuberculosis nurses and
the special tuberculosis dispensary maintained by
the Association.
Massachusetts—
Massachusetts Red Cross Branch $13,000.00
To be applied to Day Sanatoria, visiting
nurses, etc.
Michigan—
Michigan Red Cross Branch $3,344.17
To be applied to the erection of a Day Camp
for tubercular children on property owned by city.
Civic League, Bay City $394.15
To be used in supplying nurses to
tuberculosis patients.
Minnesota—
State Board of Health (St. Paul) $1,506.86
To be applied to educational work of State
Anti-Tuberculosis Association.
Missouri—
Missouri Red Cross Branch $475.00
General work of organization, education and
relief.
Nebraska—
Nebraska Association for the Study and
Prevention of Tuberculosis (Omaha) $237.08
To be applied in educational work.
Eaton Laboratory (Lincoln) $33.70
To be applied in educational work.
New Hampshire—
New Hampshire Red Cross Branch $1,300.00
To be applied to educational work and
expenses of traveling nurse.
New Jersey—
New Jersey Red Cross Branch $464.53
To be applied to the support of a Red Cross
tent, should the State have a camp for
tuberculosis patients; otherwise the proceeds will
probably be given to the New Jersey State
Tuberculosis Society.
L. S. Plaut & Co., Newark $235.00
Proceeds given to local Anti-Tuberculosis
Society.
Mrs. S. C. Comstock, Montclair, by authority of
New Jersey Branch $927.25
To be applied to support of Summer Day
Camp or to support of patients in other camps.
Anti-Tuberculosis Committee of the Oranges $2,200.55
To be applied in Educational work.
Plainfield Society for the Relief of Tuberculosis $37.35
To be applied to general fund being raised
for establishment of a camp.
New York—
New York Red Cross Branch $21,174.67
To be applied generally to maintenance of
Day Camps.
North Carolina—
Wilmington Red Cross Subdivision $415.00
To be applied to educational work.
Ohio—
Cincinnati Subdivision $1,203.02
To be applied to educational work through

Doing Fandom Lessons From Football in Gender Emotions Space 1St Ed Edition Tamar Rapoport Full Chapter

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Doing Fandom: Lessons from Football

in Gender, Emotions, Space 1st ed.

ISBN 978-3-030-46869-9 ISBN 978-3-030-46870-5 (eBook)

Cover image © kolvenbach/Alamy Stock Photo

I had never been to a football match until one Friday afternoon in

1 See below for a description of the club.

up. I quickly discovered a community of fans holding a world view and

My undertaking research about fandom and my becoming a football

3 Hornby, N. (1992). Fever Pitch. Victor Gollancz Ltd. UK.

fandom careers, relationships and experiences in the fandom field, and

About This Anthology

fans, football fandom and fandom as a socio-cultural phenomenon more

The ethnographic research project which gave rise to this anthology’s

Jerusalem Football Fans” (Research Grant number 11/325, 2011–2014).

to football and football fandom—through the lenses of the sociology

of the fandom field, in keeping with the theoretical discussion of space

support. Jakob, a football fan himself, encouraged me to publish this

Jerusalem, Israel Tamar Rapoport

Preface: A Woman Researcher’s Journey into Fandom v

An Analytical Framework for Investigating Fandom 1

I: The Genesis of Doing Fandom

How Children Become Fans: Learning Fandom via the Body 35

A Fan’s Emotional Pendulum 59

Contesting Love Through Commodification: Soccer Fans,

II: The Gendering of Fandom

Each Woman Fan Has Her Own Story: Three Fandom

Women Do Fandom Their Way 135

Fair to Swear? Gendered Formulations of Fairness

Threatened Masculinities Marginalise Women in Israeli

III: Claiming a Foothold in Spaces Beyond the

“Representing Hapoel, Not Israel”: Hapoel Tel Aviv Fans

Saving Red Flora: The Political Mobilisation of

Football Arenas in the Middle East and North Africa:

James M. Dorsey Nanyang Technological University of Singapore,

How Children Become Fans: Learning Fandom via the Body

A Fan’s Emotional Pendulum

Contesting Love Through Commodification: Soccer Fans,

Threatened Masculinities Marginalise Women in Israeli

“Representing Hapoel, Not Israel”: Hapoel Tel Aviv Fans

Understanding Fandom as a Social Practice

© The Author(s) 2020 1

share common assumptions, activities and bodily practices (fandom) and

of theories which, together constitute a subtype of culture theories,

social structure or culture with individual agency or, in other words,

fans’ bodily behaviour; nonetheless, fans enjoy leeway in interpreting the

and experiences fandom, improvises, reproduces and changes it in the

Practice theory, beyond its different disciplinary and theoretical vari-

Following these lines of thought, the routinised bodily identifiers of

According to practice theory as particularly discussed by Bourdieu,

The mother’s bodily awkwardness and her seeming not to belong

According to Bourdieu, the process of inculcating the habitus tran-

when the body assumes its place in a familiar environment, it over-

rulers’ posture is erect, a notion on which he expounds at length in his

associated with intact maleness. In this context, women are perceived as

announce their non-belonging, while behaviours identified as hyper-

or allocating them a women-only place in the stadium. When women

has decreased lately. Still, sexist photographs are displayed on electronic

They [men] have a common football language… it is a different conver-

Women fans are often deterred by a possible ironic, dismissive bodily

Supervision is also imposed from above by institutional entities such as

2005), politics (Herzog 2006) and the military (Sasson-Levi 2006)—

Spaces of Doing Fandom

creating its own unique, physical and autonomous socio-cultural arena.