Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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Mode I: The Oldowan Industry / Abbevillian / Chopper – chopping tools/ Homo
habilis:
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• Homo habilis was the hominin who used the tools for most of the Oldowan in Africa,
but at about 1.9-1.8 million years ago Homo erectus inherited them.
• The Industry flourished in southern and eastern Africa between 2.6 and 1.7 million
years ago, but was also spread out of Africa and into Eurasia by travelling bands of H.
erectus, who took it as far east as Java by 1.8 million years ago and Northern China by
1.6 million years ago.
Mode II: The Acheulean Industry
A typical Acheulean handaxe; this example is from the Douro valley, Zamora, Spain. The
small chips on the edge are from reworking.
• Eventually, more complex Mode 2 tools began to be developed through the Acheulean
Industry, named after the site of Saint-Acheul in France.
• The Acheulean was characterised not by the core, but by the biface, the most notable
form of which was the hand axe.
• The Acheulean first appears in the archaeological record as early as 1.7 million years
ago in the West Turkana area of Kenya and southern Africa.
• In contrast to an Oldowan tool, which could have been made by chance, an Acheulean
tool is a planned result of a manufacturing process. The manufacturer begins with a
larger stone knocked off a rock, to be used as a core. Standing a core on edge on an
anvil stone, he or she hits the exposed edge with centripetal blows of a hard hammer
to roughly shape the implement. Then the piece must be worked over again, or
retouched, with a soft hammer of wood or bone to produce a tool finely chipped all
over consisting of two convex surfaces intersecting in a sharp edge.
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• Some Mode 2 tools are disk-shaped, others ovoid, others leaf-shaped and pointed, and
others elongated and pointed at the distal end, with a blunt surface at the proximal end,
obviously used for drilling. Mode 2 tools are used for butchering; not being composite
(having no haft) they are not very appropriate killing instruments. The killing must
have been done some other way.
• Mode 2 tools are larger than Oldowan.
Clactonian:
• An industry of European flint tools, named after Clacton- on – Sea in the English
country of Essex.
• The technique involves striking thick irregular flakes from a core of flint, used as a
chopper, the flakes would have been used as crude knives or scrapers.
• Preceded by Acheulean, followed by Mousterian.
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A tool made by the Levallois technique. This example is from La Parrilla (Valladolid,
Spain).
• Eventually, the Acheulean in Europe was replaced by a lithic technology known as
the Mousterian Industry, which was named after the site of Le Moustier in France,
where examples were first uncovered in the 1860s.
• Evolving from the Acheulean, it adopted the Levallois technique to produce smaller
and sharper knife-like tools as well as scrapers. Also known as the "prepared core
technique," flakes are struck from worked cores and then subsequently retouched.
• The Mousterian Industry was developed and used primarily by the Neanderthals, a
native European and Middle Eastern hominin species, but a broadly similar industry is
contemporaneously widespread in Africa.
Mode IV: The Aurignacian Industry – Long blades
• The widespread use of long blades (rather than flakes) of the Upper Palaeolithic Mode
4 industries appeared during the Upper Palaeolithic between 50,000 and 10,000 years
ago, although blades were still produced in small quantities much earlier by
Neanderthals.
• The Aurignacian culture seems to have been the first to rely largely on blades.
• The use of blades exponentially increases the efficiency of core usage compared to the
Levallois flake technique, which had a similar advantage over Acheulean technology
which was worked from cores.
Mode V: The Microlithic / Magdalenian Industries
• Mode 5 stone tools involve the production of microliths, which were used in
composite tools, mainly fastened to a shaft.
• Examples include the Magdalenian culture(named after the type site of La
Madeleine, a rock shelter located in the Vézère valley
in France's Dordogne department).
• Such a technology makes much more efficient use of available materials like flint,
although required greater skill in manufacturing the small flakes.
• Mounting sharp flint edges in a wood or bone handle is the key innovation in
microliths, essentially because the handle gives the user protection against the flint
and also improves leverage of the device.
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Neolithic industries – Ground / Polished stone tools:
• In prehistoric Japan, ground stone tools appear during the Japanese Paleolithic period,
that lasted from around 40,000 BC to 14,000 BC.
• Ground stone tools became important during the Neolithic period beginning about
10,000 BC.
• These ground or polished implements are manufactured from larger-grained materials
such as basalt, jade and jadeite, greenstone and some forms of rhyolite which are not
suitable for flaking.
• The greenstone industry was important in the English Lake District, and is known as
the Langdale axe industry. Ground stone implements included adzes, celts, and axes,
which were manufactured using a labour-intensive, time-consuming method of
repeated grinding against an abrasive stone, often using water as a lubricant.
• Because of their coarse surfaces, some ground stone tools were used for grinding plant
foods and were polished not just by intentional shaping, but also by use.
• Manos are hand stones used in conjunction with metates for grinding corn or grain.
Polishing increased the intrinsic mechanical strength of the axe.
• Polished stone axes were important for the widespread clearance of woods and forest
during the Neolithic period, when crop and livestock farming developed on a large
scale. They are distributed very widely and were traded over great distances since the
best rock types were often very local.
• They also became venerated objects, and were frequently buried in long
barrows or round barrows with their former owners.
• During the Neolithic period, large axes were made from flint nodules by chipping a
rough shape, a so-called "rough-out". Such products were traded across a wide area.
The rough-outs were then polished to give the surface a fine finish to create the axe
head. Polishing not only increased the final strength of the product but also meant that
the head could penetrate wood more easily.
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INDIAN ANRCAHOLOGY
GATHERING DATA
First, archaeologists must gather data on the topic they wish to further research. Oral
history or written history provides clues about the suitable site for excavation.
Field surveys are another common method to determine where excavations should be
done. Surveying is done through the use of evidence, sampling, GPS, transects, and
other techniques, to determine where archaeological research should be done.
Excavations are how material remains are found by archaeologists, and involve the
digging, exposure, and recovery of material data. This data could include artefacts
(objects from the past), Eco facts (biological information from the past), or landscape
alterations that can provide clues about past cultures.
When conducting excavations, stratigraphy is an important idea used by archaeologists.
Since it's known that the newest matter will lie closer to the top of the soil, stratigraphy
is the idea that knowing the location of different remains in soil can help us to
understand the different ages and contexts of these remains.
In ethnoarchaeology, living people are observed and joined by means of participant-
observation and conversation in order to learn how artifacts are made and disposed.
Discarded objects and the processes involved in the formation of archaeological sites, or
taphonomy, are also observed to learn how to interpret the archaeological record.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
Radiocarbon dating, often simply called carbon dating, is one of the most well-known
techniques of analysis in archaeology. Radiocarbon dating helps archaeologists
determine the age of different artefacts. If an artefact has organic material, and thus the
radioactive element of radiocarbon, then this method can be used. Since radiocarbon
decays over time, determining its structure in an artefact gives archaeologists clues about
the potential age of that object.
Another established method of dating is potassium-argon dating. While radiocarbon
dating is limited to more relatively recent remains, potassium-argon dating can be used
in objects over hundreds of thousands of years old. Similarly to radiocarbon dating,
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potassium-argon dating looks at radioactive decay to determine the age of material
remains.
• The Palaeolithic Age in India is divided into three phases in accordance with the type
of stone tools used by the people and also according to the nature of climatic change.
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(c) Upper Palaeolithic (between 40,000 and 10,000 BCE):
• The discovery of stone tools from Soan Valley was first made by Dr. D. N.
Wadia and thereafter by Dr. Helmut de Terra in 1928 and 1932 respectively.
But the credit of excavation goes to H. De Terra and T.T. Paterson who
undertook this important work in 1935. Later, V.D. Krishnaswami, D. Sen and
O. Menghin had studied the assemblages of tools.
• The river Soan is a tributary of the great river Indus that flows through the city
of Rawalpindi in Potwar region.
• Dates: 500000-125000
• Preceded by Acheulean , followed by Mousterian.
Climate: Being located near Himalayans, Soan valley witnessed Glaciation and
interglaciation.
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• The ‘Early Soan’ is primarily a pebble-tool industry (Oldest lithic industry of
early man) as most of the tools are made on rounded pebbles, mainly chopper-
chopping tools made by direct hammer technique.
• Other tool-types include scrapers, borers and other pebble flakes.
• The materials are mostly the fine-grained quartzite of different variety.
3. Terrace -II (T2) / ‘Late Soan Industry’ (During the third glacial phase):
• Height of this Terrace is about 120 feet from the present day riverbed.
• Late Soan is majorly flake dominated industry. The technique of detaching
flakes from a prepared core may be synonymous with the Levalloisian
technique.
• Chopper chopping and flake tools were found. Flakes increased in number and
they are lighter and neater.
4. Terrace-III (T3) During third inter-glacial period:
• This Terrace is situated at 80 feet above the present day riverbed.
• It is very interesting that no tools of man have come out from this Terrace.
5. Terrace-IV (T4)/ ‘Evolved Soan’ During the last glacial phase: (Dates to
middle palaeolithic)
• Upper Pleistocene.
• Height of the Terrace is 40 feet from the present day riverbed.
• The ‘Evolved Soan Industry’ has been reported from two sites, namely, Pindi
Gheb and Dhok Pathan.
• The tools are not much different from the Early and Late Soan, but
technologically they are much developed. The Levalloisian technique that
appeared in Late Soan had shown a further refinement in the Evolved Soan.
• As the flakes of this level are much thinner and slender they look like a blade. A
new type of tool, an awl has been discovered here.
Terrace-V (T5) during post-glacial period: This is the lowest Terrace. Height of this
Terrace is about 20 feet above the present stream.
Social life: The stone tools suggest that the Soan valley people were primarily hunter-
gatherers.
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ACHEULIAN CULTURE
Acheulian culture was named after the French site of St. Acheul, which was first
effective colonization of the Indian subcontinent and is almost synonymous with
the lower Palaeolithic settlements in India. Most of the sites in India including those in
peninsular India, Deccan, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, East and North East have
been categorized in Acheulian culture.
Father of Indian Pre-history Robert Bruce Foote had discovered hand axes near
Chennai and called it Madrasian culture. Presently the lower palaeolithic sites of
Peninsular India are collectively referred to as Madras culture.
• In South India there are abundant evidences of core culture. Core tool industry of
South India is known Madras Industry. Attirampakkam and Vadamadurai are
the two important sites in the Kortalayar valley of Madras.
Material culture:
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• A cleaver usually suggests a tropical woodland environment where it is used for
cutting and shaping of wood and for skinning and flaying of animal carcass.
• Early man in India also made lighter and smaller tools on flake. At first the
flakes were detached and worked by a simple technique Clactonian (Clactonian
= Striking thick irregular flakes from a core of flint, used as a chopper, the
flakes would have been used as crude knives or scrapers) and later on by a
more refined technique of core preparation, Levalloisian.
• As hand- axe became a characteristic core tool of peninsular India, chopper type
became an important element of northern Indian tool tradition. In Central India, a
fusion of technology (between two main traditions) has been observed.
• The characteristic flake tools are knife, point, scraper, awl, (LIKE POINT) etc.
• Quartzite has been used.
• However, the tools of Madras industry are also found in other places of India like
the valley of river Cauveri and Vaigai, in the West around Mumbai and
North of the Narmada, and further North-East as far as the upper reaches of
the Son.
• In Vadamadurai, findings have been categorized into three groups –on the basis
of patination as well as typology.
Ø The first group is the earliest group where the tools are heavily rolled and
show the signs of intensive patination. The core tools include hand-axe,
cleaver etc. while the flake tools comprise of scrapers, awl etc. These tools
resemble the Abbevillian-Acheulean tool types.
Ø The second group Most of the tools of this group are pear-shaped and ovate
hand-axes. An advancement of typology is indicated with the adoption of
Levalloisian technique.
Ø The third group includes neatly worked hand-axes and cleavers. These
tools show little patination (Brown colored layer on rock with time due to
oxidation). The technology went towards more perfection. True
Levalloisian flakes and cores characterize this group.
• The Gudiyam site (in Thiruvallur district, 60km from Chennai), first identified
by Robert Bruce Foote also reveals early Paleolithic tools of Acheulean
tradition. In a similar way, the industry is divided into three phases—Phase-I,
Phase-II and Phase-III. Similar improvement of typology and technology has
been recorded from phase to phase. Basic tools are hand-axe, cleaver, point and
awl. In 2011, a team from Madras university claimed to have found 1.5 million
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years old microliths from Gudiyam caves. If the dates are confirmed they will be
the oldest microliths in the world.
• Discovered by V.S. Wakankar (1957). It has more than 500 painted rock shelters.
• One of the largest Rock-shelters, III F-23 at Bhimbetka in Madhya Pradesh was
excavated by V.N. Misra between 1973 - 1976.
• It preserved 4 m thick cultural deposit containing Acheulian, Middle and
Upper Palaeolithic, and Mesolithic levels.
• The 2.5 m thick Acheulian level consisted of lower palaeolithic.
• This shelter yielded 8 layers of cultural deposits, out of which the bottom three
represent lower palaeolithic period.
Didwana (Rajasthan): It was excavated by V.N.Misra. Mostly choppers and hand axes
were found.
Climate: This culture developed during the Upper Pleistocene geological period which
was characterised by intense cold and glaciations in the northern latitudes and the areas
bordering glaciated regions experienced strong aridity, which might have affected the
Middle Palaeolithic population.
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Material culture: Parth Chauhan (2006) suggests four features that distinguish Middle
Palaeolithic assemblages from the Lower Palaeolithic types:
Some of the new types within Middle Palaeolithic toolkits are cores, discoids, flakes,
flake-scrapers, borers, awls, blades, and points.
The Middle Palaeolithic tools are primarily made on flakes and blades and comprised
side scrapers of various types, end scrapers, denticulates, notches, points and borers.
Significant changes in the choice of raw material for making tools also occurred in this
period as the Middle Palaeolithic population started using fine-grained siliceous rocks
like chert and jasper, besides continuing with quartzite, quartz and basalt.
Social life: Hunting gathering economy, Burials found with implements at some sites
indicate belief in life after death and some sort of rituals.
Material culture:
• Nevasa has yielded several Levallois-bases flake tools prepared on Jasper. Leaf
shaped points and borers were found.
• The tools were made by direct hammer technique and retouching by pressure
flaking.
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• The stones tools found were comparable to Mousterian tools of European middle
palaeolithic.
• The stone tools found in Nevasa were typo-morphologically and technologically
distinct. This uniqueness compelled the earlier workers to attribute a formal name
to some distinct assemblages from the type-site of Nevasa, Maharashtra as the
‘Nevasian’ industry.
• However, later on, Sheila Mishra (1995) found the ‘Nevasian’ industry to be a
part of the Late Acheulian assemblages.
Around Didwana, and at Budha Pushkar, all in western Rajasthan; at numerous sites in
the valleys of the Belan; at Son and Narmada and their tributaries in central India, in the
Chota Nagpur plateau, the Deccan plateau and the Eastern Ghats.
Material culture:
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• Upper Palaeolithic tool assemblages are essentially characterized by blade and burin
tools and show a marked regional diversity with respect to the refinement of
techniques and standardization of finished tool forms.
• The principal artefact forms are scrapers, flake-blades, blades and cores; backed
blade, burins, unifacial, bifacial and tanged points and choppers.
• The tools can be categorized as Aurignasian tools.
• The various types of scrapers were probably used for wood and bamboo work.
Simple blades and backed blades could have been used as inserts for spear points,
arrow points, barbed fishhooks, slicer knives and daggers.
• Social life: Tools suggest Hunting gathering economy. First evidences of cave art
were that of upper palaeolithic culture. The cave paintings suggest some sort of
social organization. The shorter span of this phase suggests quicker advancement to
the next stage.
Belan valley (Uttar Pradesh): It was surveyed by G. R. Sharma. Along with stone
tools, an artificial stone structure called Shrine and a female figurine on bone were
found.
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• Bored stones, similar to the Upper Palaeolithic ones, are being used by the
Yanadi (Andhra Pradesh) fishermen as net sinkers in riverine fishing and
the heavier ones are used by the Vada Balija (Andhra Pradesh) and other
groups for marine fishing. (Ethnoarchaeology, parallel)
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Till recently the very existence of the Mesolithic culture in India was in doubt because
of the paucity of stratified evidence. But the discoveries in Belan valley, Chittor
district, Shorapur doab in Karnataka, Rajasthan and Gujarat has provided enough
gleanings to reconstruct Mesolithic evidence in India.
Depending on the evidence from different sites, Mesolithic culture can be divided into
four distinct phases.
The above division is based on the sequence observed primarily at Chopani Mando and
attested at other places.
THE TOOLS:
The stone tools prepared in Mesolithic period are very small and hence known as
‘microliths’ meaning ‘tiny stones’. Some of the forms which could be identified
amongst these tools are the blades, points, lunates, trapezes, scrapers, arrowheads,
geometric and non-geometric tools. For the production of these tools fine-grained
material like chert chalcedony, agate, jasper, etc was utilized. Often these microliths
were used as combination tools by fixing several of them in curved wood or bone or to
produce a barbed arrowhead.
• Hunting and gathering vegetable foods are the two main occupations of the
Mesolithic people.
• More and more dependence on the vegetal food was probably one of the reasons
behind forcing the human communities to have fixed settlements from Mesolithic
period onwards.
• In this connection the example of Mahadaha in the Ganga valley is worth
mentioning. Here it was noticed that very large number of quern, muller, anvil,
hammer, etc. have been found which indicate that the people exploited fully the
vegetal products.
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• The microlithic tools like blades and scrapers are well suited for processing
vegetables.
• The presence of hearths in the habitations point to consumption of roasted food.
The evidence points out that man depended more on vegetal food rather than on
animal meat.
Hunting methods:
• The use of composite tools revolutionized hunting, fishing and food gathering.
The Mesolithic paintings at Bhimbetka throw interesting light on the contemporary
hunting practices and the kinds of weapons used in hunting.
• The bow and arrow, barbed spears and sticks were used in hunting.
• Ring stones were used as stone clubs.
• Masks in the form of animal heads such as of rhinoceros, bull, deer and monkey
were used as disguises to deceive the game.
• In one of the scenes animals are shown falling down a cliff. Probably animals were
driven down a cliff and done to death.
• The paintings show men carrying dead animals suspended on a wooden bar.
Domestication of animals: Bones of domesticated animals like cattle, sheep and goat
have been reported from almost all the excavated sites of the Mesolithic settlements.
Indicating pastoralism.
Structural activity:
• Evidence of structural activity in the form of huts, paved floor or wind screens
come from a number of Mesolithic sites.
• The houses were roughly circular or oval on plan with postholes around them.
Some hutments had stone paved floors. Paved floors and wattle have been noticed
at Bagor.
• The Mesolithic folk at Bhimbetka too made floors with flat stone slabs.
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Pottery:
• Pottery has been reported from a number of excavated sites like Langhnaj,
Bagor, Nagarjunakonda, Chopani Mando, etc.
• Pottery came to be associated with the Mesolithic culture after the introduction of
geometric tools.
• Pottery was wholly hand-made and usually coarse grained with incised and
impressed designs rarely.
Clothing and ornaments: The human figures in the rock shelter paintings are shown
wearing a loin cloth. Some of the figures are elaborately decorated with ornaments,
headgear, feathers and waistbands, shell, ivory and bone beads also are evident
from sites.
Burials and spiritual practices: The spiritual side of the Mesolithic man is very well
represented by a rock-painting of a family mourning the death of a child at Bhimbetka.
Aesthetic activities: The Mesolithic folk had left behind good evidence of their artistic
pursuits in the form of painted rock-shelters. Such rock paintings were noticed in the
Mirzapur district UP. And at Bhimbetka near Hoshangabad in MP. The paintings
deal primarily with animals which are shown standing, moving, running, grazing, etc.
The paintings are generally executed in red ochre but sometimes bluish green,
yellow or white color also have been used.
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• Tools include geometric
microliths like lunates, Trapezes
and some other types of blades.
Mohrana Mirzapur, Provides the earliest evidence of
Pahara Uttar Pradesh burial.
Teri Tamil Nadu It is a group of 11 sites of microlithic
clusters, especially in the tradition of
bifacially pressure flaked points.
Sarai Uttar Pradesh • Dated around 8000 BCE. Oldest
Nahar Rai Mesolithic site.
Important findings:
• Living floor with hearths
• Human burials in specific posture
with one skeleton having
microliths pierced in a bone
suggesting war between groups.
• Domesticated animal bones were
found.
13. Elucidate Mesolithic culture and associated rock art with examples from India
(15M, 2019)
14. Examine the regional variations of Mesolithic cultures of India. (20M, 2018)
15. Discuss salient features of Mesolithic culture in India with special reference to
western India. (10M,2013)
16. What stage is known as incipient stage of food production? Point out major
cultural features of this cultural stage. Illustrate your answer with suitable examples
from specific area in the world.
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23. Which stage of prehistoric culture is known as the cultural revolution? Why?
(2010)
24. Discuss the characteristic features of “Neolithic culture” in India (2020,15M)
The term Neolithic refers to the last stage of the Stone Age. The period is significant for
its megalithic architecture, spread of agricultural practices, and use of polished stone
tools. Agricultural economies developed while hunting and gathering activities were
reduced.
A Revolution?
In order to reflect the deep impact that agriculture had over the human population, an
Gordon Childe popularized the term “Neolithic Revolution” in the 1940s CE.
However, today, it is believed that the impact of agricultural innovation was exaggerated
in the past: the development of Neolithic culture appears to have been a gradual rather
than a sudden change. Moreover, before agriculture was established, archaeological
evidence has shown that there is usually a period of semi-nomadic life, Agriculture and
foraging are not totally incompatible ways of life. This means that a group could
perform hunter-gatherer activities for part of the year and some farming during the rest,
perhaps on a small scale. Rather than a revolution, the archaeological record suggests
that the adoption of agriculture is the result of small and gradual changes.
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Origin of Neolithic Age
The Neolithic Age started in 9,000 B.C. in world context but in Indian context it was
varying from 7,000 B.C. to 1,000 B.C. In South India, the Neolithic settlements are
generally considered to be around 2,500 B.C. old while the Neolithic sites discovered on
the northern spurs of the Vindhyas are not older than 5,000 B.C. Some Neolithic sites
found in parts of Eastern India and South India are only 1,000 B.C. old.
Characteristics of Neolithic Age
The Neolithic Age saw the man turning into food producer from food gatherer. It also
witnessed the use of pottery for the first time. People used microlithic blades in addition
to tools made of polished stone. The use of metal was unknown.
1. Agriculture: The people of Neolithic Age cultivated ragi, horse gram, cotton, rice,
wheat, and barley and hence were termed as food producers. They domesticated cattle,
sheep, and goats.
2. Tools: The people used microlithic blades in addition to tools made of polished
stones. They used stone hoes and digging sticks for digging the ground. The ring stones
of 1-1/2 kg of weight were fixed at the ends of these digging sticks. They also used tools
and weapons made of bone; found in Burzahom (Kashmir) and Chirand (Bihar).
3. Weapons: The people primarily used axes as weapons. The North-western part of
Neolithic settlement used rectangular axes having curved cutting edge. The Southern
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part used axes with oval sides and pointed butt while polished stone axes with
rectangular butt and shouldered hoes were use in the north-eastern part.
4. Housing: The people of Neolithic Age lived in rectangular or circular houses which
were made of mud and reed. The people of Mehrgarh lived in mud-brick houses while
pit-dwelling is reported from Burzahom, the Neolithic site found in Kashmir.
5. Pottery: With the advent of Agriculture, people were required to store their food
grains as well as to do cooking, arrange for drinking water, and eating the finished
product. That’s why pottery first appeared in the Neolithic Age. The pottery of the
period was classified under grey ware, black-burnished ware, and mat-impressed ware.
7. Technology: In the initial stage of the Neolithic Age, hand-made pottery was made
but later on the foot-wheels were used to make pots.
8. Community Life: Neolithic people had common right over property. They led a
settled life.
Towards the end of the Neolithic era, copper metallurgy is introduced, which marks a
transition period to the Bronze Age, sometimes referred to as the Chalcolithic or
Eneolithic Era. Bronze is a mixture of copper and tin, which has a greater hardness
than copper, better casting properties, and a lower melting point. Bronze could be used
for making weapons, something that was not possible with copper, which is not hard
enough to endure combat conditions. In time, bronze became the primary material for
tools and weapons, and a good part of the stone technology became obsolete, signalling
the end of the Neolithic and thus, of the Stone Age.
IV. CHALCOLITHIC OR
COPPER AGE CULTURE
25. Delineate the salient features of Chalcoloithic cultures (20M, 2016)
The term Chalcolithic is a combination of two words- Chalco+Lithic was derived from
the Greek words "khalkos" + "líthos" which means "copper" and "stone" or Copper Age.
It is also known as the Eneolithic or Aeneolithic (from Latin aeneus "of copper") is an
archaeological period that is usually considered to be part of the broader Neolithic
(although it was originally defined as a transition between the Neolithic and the Bronze
Age). It spans around 4500 to 1000 BCE in the Indian context.
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Chalcolithic Culture Sites of Chalcolithic Culture
1. Ahara - Banas Culture • Aahar (Rajasthan), balathal, Gilund etc.
• Settlements of Ahar culture were larger than the
settlements of kayatha culture.
• The distinctive feature is black and red ware. Pottery
is characterized by black and redware, painted in
white on exterior.
2. Kayatha Culture • Located in Rajasthan near Chambal and its
tributaries.
• The sturdy red slipped ware with chocolate coloured
designs is main feature.
• Red painted buff ware, and a combed ware bearing
incised patterns were found.
3. Malwa Culture • Sites are located near Narmada & its tributaries in
Gujarat. One of the largest Chalcolithic settlements.
Characterized by orange slipped pottery painted black
or dark brown.
• The three best known settlements of Malwa culture
are at Navdatoli, Eran, and Nagada.
• Navdatoli was one of the largest Chalcolithic
settlements in the country. It was spread in almost 10
hectares. Some of these sites were fortified.
• Eran had a fortification wall with a moat.
• Nagada had a bastion of mud-bricks.
4. Svalda Culture • Dhulia district of Maharashtra.
5. Jorwe culture • More than 200 settlements of Jorwe culture are
known. Greater number of these settlements are
found in Maharashtra.
• The best known settlements of Jorwe culture
are Prakash, Daimabad, and Inamgaon.
Daimabad was the largest one that measured almost
20 hectares.
• The pottery is called Lustrous Red Ware because of
their glossy surface.
5. Prabhas & Rangpur • Very few not more than half dozen settlements
Culture of Prabhas culture are known.
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• The settlements of Rangpur culture are located
mostly on Ghelo and Kalubhar rivers in Gujarat.
• Both of them are derived from the Harappa culture.
The polished red ware is the hall mark of this culture.
The pottery is called Lustrous Red Ware because of
their glossy surface.
3. Houses
• Use of bricks was extensive during the Chalcolithic people of Harappa but there
are no traces of burnt (baked) bricks.
• The planning of the houses was simple which was either rectangular or circular.
• The walls of houses were made from mud and plastered with cow dung and lime.
• The houses mostly had only one room, but sometimes multi-roomed houses were
also seen.
• For influential people, large mud houses with 5 rooms, 4 rectangular and 1
circular in centre of the settlement are found.
• In Inamgaon, ovens and circular pit houses are found.
4. Pottery
Different types of potteries were used by the people of the Chalcolithic phase. The
Black-and-Red pottery among them was quite common. The Ochre-Coloured Pottery
(Made of clay, porcelain etc, gave ochre colour on hands of archaeologists) was also
in use.
5. Burials
• People buried the dead in the floors of their houses in the North-South direction
along with pots and copper objects.
• In Nevasa, children were buried with necklaces around their necks or with pottery
of copper. These children were mainly from affluent families.
• In Kayatha region; bodies were found with 29 bangles and 2 unique axes.
34
• Designs of flowers, vegetation, animals, and birds were used.
• The Black-and-Red pottery came into existence for the first time.
• People from Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Bihar produced channel-spouted
pots, dish-on-stands, and bowls-on-stand.
• The people of Chalcolithic Age were expert coppersmiths, ivory carvers, lime
makers, and terracotta artisans.
• Ornaments were made from semiprecious stones and beads such as agate, jasper,
chalcedony, and carnelian were used.
• People had knowledge of spinning and weaving. Flax, cotton, and silk thread is
found from sites in Maharashtra
3. Brahmaputra Region
4. Mahanadi Region
36
Montgomer • Sandstone statues of
y District of Human anatomy
Daya Ram
1921 Harappa Punjab in • Bullock carts
Sahini
the banks of • Granaries
Ravi
• Coffin burials
• Great bath
Larkana • Granary
District Of • Bronze dancing girl
Mohenjo- • Seal of Pasupathi
1922 Sind on the R. D Banerjee
Daro Mahadeva
bank of
Indus • Steatite statue of beard
man
• Bronze buffalo
Baluchistan
1929 Sutkagendor on Dast Stein • Trade point between
river Harappa and Babylon
Rajasthan
on the bank • Fire alter
1953 Kalibangan Ghose • Camel bones
of Ghaggar
river • Furrowed land
37
Hissar • Bones of horses
1974 Banawali district of R S Bisht • Beads
Haryana • Barley
Gujarat in
1985 Dholavira Rann of R S Bisht • Exclusive water
Kutchchh management
HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION:
• "the earliest evidence of cattle herding in south Asia comes from the Indus River
Valley site of Mehrgarh and is dated to 7,000 YBP."
• while there is a strong continuity between the neolithic and chalcolithic (Copper
Age) cultures of Mehrgarh, dental evidence shows that the chalcolithic
population did not descend from the neolithic population of Mehrgarh.
Early Harappan
• The Early Harappan Ravi Phase, named after the nearby Ravi River, lasted from
c. 3300 BCE until 2800 BCE.
• The beginning of Indus valley Civilization (3300-1700 B.C) or Harappan
Culture coincided with the Bronze Age around 3300 B.C. The Bronze Age
literally referred to the times when most advanced metal working used Bronze (an
alloy of tin and copper).
• By this time, villagers had domesticated numerous crops, including peas, sesame
seeds, dates, and cotton, as well as animals, including the water buffalo.
• Early Harappan communities turned to large urban centres by 2600 BCE, from where
the mature Harappan phase started. The latest research shows that Indus Valley
people migrated from villages to cities.
• Brooke further notes that the development of advanced cities coincides with a
reduction in rainfall, which may have triggered a reorganisation into larger urban
centers.
• urban centres include Harappa, Ganeriwala, Mohenjo-daro in modern-day
Pakistan, and Dholavira, Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Rupar, and Lothal in
modern-day India.
• In total, more than 1,052 cities and settlements have been found, mainly in the
general region of the Indus Rivers and their tributaries.
• The quality of municipal town planning suggests the knowledge of urban planning
and efficient municipal governments which placed a high priority on hygiene.
• This urban plan included the world's first known urban sanitation systems
• Within the city, individual homes or groups of homes obtained water from wells.
From a room that appears to have been set aside for bathing, waste water was
directed to underground covered drains with manholes.
• The advanced architecture of the Harappans is shown by their impressive dockyards,
granaries, warehouses, brick platforms, and protective walls. The massive walls of
39
Indus cities most likely protected the Harappans from floods and may have dissuaded
military conflicts.
• In sharp contrast to this civilisation's contemporaries, Mesopotamia and ancient
Egypt, no large monumental structures were built. There is no conclusive evidence of
palaces or temples—or of kings, armies, or priests.
• Most city dwellers appear to have been traders or artisans
• Materials from distant regions were used in the cities for constructing seals, beads
and other objects.
• Among the artefacts discovered were beautiful glazed beads.
• Seals have images of animals, people (perhaps gods), and other types of inscriptions,
including the yet un-deciphered writing system of the Indus Valley Civilisation.
• Some of the seals were used to stamp clay on trade goods and most probably had
other uses as well.
• At the western end of the site is an area known as the Citadel. This area of the city
was built on top of a mound of bricks almost 12 metres high. A large staircase ran up
the side of this mound.
• Several large public buildings and structures like Great bath (Enormous, well-built
bath), Granary and assembly halls on the Citadel mound suggest that this area may
have been used for public gatherings, religious activities or
important administrative activities. Small buildings which were probably homes do
exist on the Citadel mound, however, they are not common.
40
• Most of the houses were located in the lower town. Arrangement of the houses
followed a grid system.
• Lamp posts at regular intervals indicate street lighting.
• houses were 1 to 2 storied, made of burnt bricks, size of brick was in ratio 1:2:4
• Although some houses were larger than others, Indus Civilisation cities were
remarkable for their apparent egalitarianism.
• All the houses had access to water and drainage facilities. This gives the
impression of a society with relatively low wealth concentration.
• Toilets that used water were used in the Indus Valley Civilisation.
• The cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro had a bathroom and flush toilet in almost
every house, attached to a sophisticated sewage system.
• Main roads were in North-south Direction while the alleys were in the East-west
direction.
• Doors opened in alleys and not on the mainroads.
• The town planning in IVC was much ahead of its times.
• Given the similarity in artefacts, the evidence for planned settlements, the
standardised ratio of brick size, and the establishment of settlements near sources of
raw material suggests effective governance.
• There was no single ruler but several cities like Mohenjo-daro had a separate ruler.
• Harappan society had no stern rulers, and everybody enjoyed equal status.
Technology
• The people of the Indus Civilisation achieved great accuracy in measuring length,
mass, and time. They were among the first to develop a system of uniform weights
and measures.
41
• A comparison of available objects indicates large scale variation across the Indus
territories. Their smallest division, which is marked on an ivory scale found in
Lothal in Gujarat, was approximately 1.704 mm, the smallest division ever
recorded on a scale of the Bronze Age.
• Harappan engineers followed the decimal division of measurement for all
practical purposes, including the measurement of mass as revealed by their
hexahedron weights.
• Harappans evolved some new techniques in metallurgy and produced copper,
bronze, lead, and tin.
• The engineering skill of the Harappans was remarkable, especially in building docks.
• In 2001, archaeologists studying the remains of two men from Mehrgarh,
Pakistan, discovered that the people of the Indus Valley Civilisation, from the early
Harappan periods, had knowledge of proto-dentistry. Later, in April 2006, it was
announced in the scientific journal Nature that the oldest (and first early Neolithic)
evidence for the drilling of human teeth in vivo (i.e., in a living person) was
found in Mehrgarh.
• Eleven drilled molar crowns from nine adults were discovered in a Neolithic
graveyard in Mehrgarh that dates from 7,500–9,000 years ago. According to the
authors, their discoveries point to a tradition of proto-dentistry in the early farming
cultures of that region.
• A touchstone bearing gold streaks was found in Banawali, which was probably used
for testing the purity of gold (such a technique is still used in some parts of India).
• Various sculptures, seals, bronze vessels pottery, gold jewelry, and anatomically
detailed figurines in terracotta, bronze, and steatite have been found at
excavation sites.
• A number of gold, terracotta and stone figurines of girls in dancing poses reveal
the presence of some dance form.
• The terracotta figurines: Made by fire baked clay included cows, bears, monkeys,
and dogs. The animal depicted on a majority of seals at sites of the mature period has
not been clearly identified. Mother goddess figurines have been recorded from
various sites. Terracotta female figurines were found (ca. 2800–2600 BCE) which
had red colour applied to the "manga" (line of partition of the hair).
42
• Unicorn seal: Part bull, part zebra, with a majestic horn, it has been a source of
speculation. The prevalence of the image raises the question of whether or not the
animal in image is a religious symbol.
• Dancing girl in Mohenjo-Daro: Sir John Marshall reacted with surprise when he
saw the famous Indus bronze statuette of a slender-limbed dancing girl in
Mohenjo-Daro, "When I first saw them I found it difficult to believe that they were
prehistoric”. In the statuette, the girl is wearing several bangles and necklace and is in
tribangha posture.
•
43
• Pottery: Very fine, wheel made pottery were found. Plain pots made of red clay and
painted black and redware were the two notable types.
• Stone statuettes: Priest king Statuette made of steatite depicting a bearded man
with half closed eyes, draped in a shawl coming under the right arm and covering the
left shoulder, and a male torso made of red stone.
• Many crafts including, "shell working, ceramics, and agate and glazed steatite bead
making" were practiced and the pieces were used in the making of necklaces,
bangles, and other ornaments from all phases of Harappan culture.
• Some of these crafts are still practiced in the subcontinent today. Some make-up and
toiletry items, a special kind of combs (kakai), the use of collyrium ( Eye shadow)
and a special three-in-one toiletry gadget that were found in Harappan contexts
still have similar counterparts in modern India.
• Seals have been found at Mohenjo-daro depicting a figure standing on its head,
and another sitting cross-legged in what some call a yoga-like pose
• This figure, sometimes known as a Pashupati, has been variously identified.
• Sir John Marshall identified a resemblance to the Hindu god, Shiva. If this can
be validated, it would be evidence that some aspects of Hinduism predate the
earliest texts, the Veda.
• A harp-like instrument depicted on an Indus seal and two shell objects found at
Lothal indicate the use of stringed musical instruments.
• The Harappans also made various toys and games, among them cubical dice
(with one to six holes on the faces), which were found in sites like Mohenjo-Daro.
44
Trade and transportation
• The IVC may have been the first civilisation to use wheeled transport.
• These advances may have included bullock carts that are identical to those seen
throughout South Asia today, as well as boats.
• Most of these boats were probably small, flat-bottomed craft, perhaps driven by sail,
similar to those one can see on the Indus River today; however, there is secondary
evidence of sea-going craft.
• Archaeologists have discovered a massive, dredged (clearing by scooping out mud
and weeds) canal and what they regard as a docking facility at the coastal city of
Lothal in western India (Gujarat state).
• An extensive canal network, used for irrigation, has however also been discovered by
H.-P. Francfort.
• During 4300–3200 BCE of the chalcolithic period (copper age), the Indus Valley
Civilisation area shows ceramic similarities with southern Turkmenistan and northern
Iran which suggest considerable mobility and trade.
• During the Early Harappan period (about 3200–2600 BCE), similarities in pottery,
seals, figurines, ornaments, etc. document intensive caravan trade with Central Asia
and the Iranian plateau.
• There is some evidence that trade contacts extended to Crete and possibly to Egypt.
• There was an extensive maritime trade network operating between the Harappan and
Mesopotamian civilisations as early as the middle Harappan Phase. Such long-
distance sea trade became feasible with the development of plank-built watercraft,
equipped with a single central mast supporting a sail of woven rushes or cloth.
• Several coastal settlements like Sotkagen-dor (astride Dasht River, north of Jiwani),
Sokhta Koh (astride Shadi River, north of Pasni), and Balakot (near Sonmiani) in
Pakistan along with Lothal in western India, testify to their role as Harappan trading
outposts.
• Shallow harbours located at the estuaries of rivers opening into the sea allowed brisk
maritime trade with Mesopotamian cities.
• In the 1980s, important archaeological discoveries have been made at Ras al-Jinz
(Oman), demonstrating maritime Indus Valley connections with the Arabian
Peninsula.
• Tin and precious stones: imported from Iran and Afganistan
• Gold imported from Karnataka
• Copper from Rajasthan and Oman
45
Language
• It has often been suggested that the bearers of the IVC corresponded to proto-
Dravidians linguistically, the break-up of proto-Dravidian corresponding to the
break-up of the Late Harappan culture.
• Finnish Indologist Asko Parpola concludes that the uniformity of the Indus
inscriptions precludes any possibility of widely different languages being used, and
that an early form of Dravidian language must have been the language of the Indus
people.
• Today, the Dravidian language family is concentrated mostly in southern India and
northern and eastern Sri Lanka, but pockets of it still remain throughout the rest of
India and Pakistan (the Brahui language), which lends credence to the theory.
• According to Heggarty and Renfrew, Dravidian languages may have spread into the
Indian subcontinent with the spread of farming. According to David McAlpin, the
Dravidian languages were brought to India by immigration into India from
Elam (In Iran).
• Heggarty and Renfrew note that "McAlpin's analysis of the language data, and thus
his claims, remain far from orthodoxy." Heggarty and Renfrew conclude that several
scenarios are compatible with the data.
• Between 400 and as many as 600 distinct Indus symbols have been found on seals,
small tablets, ceramic pots and more than a dozen other materials, including a
"signboard" that apparently once hung over the gate of the inner citadel of the
Indus city of Dholavira.
• Typical Indus inscriptions are no more than four or five characters in length, most of
which (aside from the Dholavira "signboard") are tiny; the longest on a single
surface, which is less than 1 inch (2.54 cm) square, is 17 signs long; the longest on
any object (found on three different faces of a mass-produced object) has a length of
26 symbols.
• While the Indus Valley Civilisation is generally characterised as a literate society on
the evidence of these inscriptions, this description has been challenged by Farmer,
Sproat, and Witzel (2004) who argue that the Indus system did not encode language,
but was instead similar to a variety of non-linguistic sign systems used extensively
46
in the Near East and other societies, to symbolise families, clans, gods, and religious
concepts.
• Others have claimed on occasion that the symbols were exclusively used for
economic transactions, but this claim leaves unexplained the appearance of Indus
symbols on many ritual objects, many of which were mass-produced in moulds.
No parallels to these mass-produced inscriptions are known in any other early
ancient civilisations.
• In a 2009 study by P. N. Rao et al. published in Science, computer scientists,
comparing the pattern of symbols to various linguistic scripts and non-linguistic
systems, including DNA and a computer programming language, found that the Indus
script's pattern is closer to that of spoken words, supporting the hypothesis that it
codes for an as-yet-unknown language.
• Farmer, Sproat, and Witzel have disputed this finding, They conclude that the
method used by Rao et al. cannot distinguish linguistic systems from non-linguistic
ones.
• Photos of many of the thousands of extant inscriptions are published in the Corpus of
Indus Seals and Inscriptions (1987, 1991, 2010), edited by Asko Parpola and his
colleagues.
• Edakkal caves in Wayanad district of Kerala contain drawings that range over periods
from as early as 5000 BCE to 1000 BCE. The youngest group of paintings have been
in the news for a possible connection to the Indus Valley Civilisation.
Religion:
• An early and influential work in the area that set the trend for Hindu interpretations
of archaeological evidence from the Harappan sites was that of John Marshall, who
in 1931 identified the following as prominent features of the Indus religion
• A Great Male God and a Mother Goddess; deification or veneration (Person treated
as god) of animals and plants; symbolic representation of the phallus (linga) and
vulva (yoni); and, use of baths and water in religious practice. Marshall's
interpretations have been much debated, and sometimes disputed over the following
decades.
• One Indus Valley seal (Shiva / Pashupati seal) shows a seated figure with a horned
headdress, possibly tricephalic and possibly ithyphallic, surrounded by animals.
47
• Marshall identified the figure as an early form of the Hindu god Shiva (or
Rudra), who is associated with asceticism, yoga, and linga; regarded as a lord of
animals; and often depicted as having three eyes.
• The seal has hence come to be known as the Pashupati Seal, after Pashupati
(lord of all animals), an epithet of Shiva.
• While Marshall's work has earned some support, many critics and even supporters
have raised several objections.
• Doris Srinivasan has argued that the figure does not have three faces, or yogic
posture, and that in Vedic literature Rudra was not a protector of wild animals.
• Herbert Sullivan and Alf Hiltebeitel also rejected Marshall's conclusions, with
the former claiming that the figure was female, while the latter associated the figure
with Mahisha, the Buffalo God and the surrounding animals with vahanas (vehicles)
of deities for the four cardinal directions.
• Writing in 2002, Gregory L. Possehl concluded that while it would be appropriate to
recognise the figure as a deity, its association with the water buffalo, and its posture
as one of ritual discipline, regarding it as a proto-Shiva would be going too far.
Despite the criticisms of Marshall's association of the seal with a proto-Shiva icon, it
has been interpreted as the Tirthankara Rishabhanatha by Jains and Vilas
Sangave or an early Buddha by Buddhists.
• Historians such as Heinrich Zimmer and Thomas McEvilley believe that there is
a connection between first Jain Tirthankara Rishabhanatha and the Indus
Valley civilisation.
48
• Marshall hypothesised the existence of a cult of Mother Goddess worship based
upon excavation of several female figurines and thought that this was a
precursor of the Hindu sect of Shaktism.
• In contrast to contemporary Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilisations, Indus Valley
lacks any monumental palaces, even though excavated cities indicate that the society
possessed the requisite engineering knowledge. This may suggest that religious
ceremonies, if any, may have been largely confined to individual homes, small
temples, or the open air. Several sites have been proposed by Marshall and later
scholars as possibly devoted to religious purpose, but at present only the Great Bath
at Mohenjo-daro is widely thought to have been so used, as a place for ritual
purification.
• The funerary practices of the Harappan civilisation are marked by their diversity,
with evidence of supine burial (Corpse lying on its back) fractional burial (in which
the body is reduced to skeletal remains by exposure to the elements before final
interment), and even cremation.
Late Harappan
Around 1800 BCE signs of a gradual decline began to emerge, and by around 1700 BCE
most of the cities had been abandoned. Recent examination of human skeletons from
the site of Harappa has demonstrated that the end of the Indus civilisation saw an
increase in inter-personal violence and in infectious diseases like leprosy and
tuberculosis.
"Aryan invasion":
Climate change and drought: Suggested contributory causes for the localisation of the
IVC include tectonic disturbances, earthquakes, changes in the course of the river, and
climate changes, changes in patterns of rain fall.
As of 2016 many scholars believe that drought and a decline in trade with Egypt
and Mesopotamia caused the collapse of the Indus Civilisation.
According to Giosan et al. (2012), the IVC residents did not develop irrigation
capabilities, relying mainly on the seasonal monsoons leading to summer floods. As
the monsoons kept shifting south, the floods grew too erratic for sustainable
agricultural activities. The residents then migrated towards the Ganges basin in the
east, where they established smaller villages and isolated farms. The small surplus
produced in these small communities did not allow development of trade, and the cities
died out.
Post-Harappan:
• Previously, scholars believed that the decline of the Harappan civilisation led to an
interruption of urban life in the Indian subcontinent.
• However, the Indus Valley Civilisation did not disappear suddenly, and many
elements of the Indus Civilisation appear in later cultures.
• In the aftermath of the Indus Civilisation, regional cultures emerged, to varying
degrees showing the influence of the Indus Civilisation. For instance, the Ochre
Coloured Pottery culture expanded from Rajasthan into the Gangetic Plain.
• David Gordon White, among others "have emphatically demonstrated" that Vedic
religion derives partially from the Indus Valley Civilisations.
• As of 2016, archaeological data suggests that the material culture classified as Late
Harappan may have persisted until at least 1000–900 BCE and was partially
contemporaneous with the Painted Grey Ware culture.
50
• Harvard archaeologist Richard Meadow points to the late Harappan settlement of
Pirak, which thrived continuously from 1800 BCE to the time of the invasion of
Alexander the Great in 325 BCE.
26. What kind of society may be reconstructed from the archaeological evidences of
Harappan culture? (20M, 2019)
27. Town planning in Harappan culture (10M, 2018)
28. Discuss the significance of Harappan Civilization sites from India. (15M,2015)
29. Describe what is known of Harappan Religion. Have some of its elements
continued into later Hinduism? Discuss. (20M,2014)
• The distant past when there was no paper or language or the written documents is
called as the Prehistoric period.
• Piecing together of information deduced from old tools, habitat, bones of both animals
and human beings and drawings on the cave walls scholars have constructed fairly
accurate knowledge about what happened and how people lived in prehistoric times.
• The prehistoric period in the early development of human beings is commonly known
as the ‘Old Stone Age’ or ‘Palaeolithic Age’.
• The Paleolithic period can be divided into three phases:
Lower Palaeolithic
Middle Palaeolithic
Upper Palaeolithic
• We did not get any evidence of paintings from lower or middle paleolithic age yet.
51
• In the Upper Palaeolithic period, we see a proliferation of artistic activities.
• Subjects of early works confined to simple human figures, human activities, geometric
designs, and symbols.
• Continuous occupation of the caves from more than 60,000 to 1000 years ago
• Thus, it is considered as an evidence of long cultural continuity.
• Consists of nearly 500 painted rock shelters in five clusters.
• These rock shelters were discovered in 1957.
• One of the oldest paintings in India and the world (Upper paleolithic). Bhimbetka
• Paintings are linear representations, in green and dark red, of huge animal figures, such
as Bisons, Tigers, Elephants, Rhinos and Boars beside stick-like human figures.
• Mostly they are filled with geometric patterns.
• Green paintings are of dances and red ones of hunters.
One of the most spectacular images from this period is that of a large animal with an
enormous face, horns like a bull and hair on its back in shelter III- F19 on bull rock.
According to archeologist V.N. Misra, it is probably a mythological scene.
52
• The paintings of this period reveal the association, contact and mutual exchange of
requirements of the cave dwellers of this area with settled agricultural communities of
the Malwa Plateau.
• Pottery and metal tools can be seen in paintings.
• Similarities with rock paintings: Common motifs (designs/patterns like cross-
hatched squares, lattices, waves etc)
• Men are seen grazing animals which is an evidence of domestication of animals.
• The difference with rock paintings: Vividness and vitality of older periods disappear
from these paintings.
• Used colours, including various shades of white, yellow, orange, red ochre, purple,
brown, green and black.
• But white and red were their favourite.
• The paints used by these people were made by grinding various coloured rocks.
• They got red from haematite (Geru in India).
• Green prepared from a green coloured rock called Chalcedony.
• White was probably from Limestone.
• Some sticky substances such as animal fat or gum or resin from trees maight be used
while mixing rock powder with water.
• Brushes were made of plant fiber.
• It is believed that these colours remained thousands of years because of the chemical
reaction of the oxide present on the surface of rocks.
• Paintings were found both from occupied and unoccupied caves.
• In many rock art sites, the new paintings are overlapped on top of an older painting.
• In Bhimbetka, we can see nearly 20 layers of paintings, one on top of another.
• It shows the gradual development of the human being from period to period.
• Scenes were mainly hunting and economic and social life of people.
• The figure of flora, fauna, human, mythical creatures, carts, chariots etc. can be seen.
55
Discovery: Dorothy Garrod coined the term Natufian based on her excavations
at Shuqba cave (Wadi an-Natuf), the type site of Natufian culture, in the western Judean
Mountains.
• The Natufians supplemented their diet by gathering wild grain; they likely did
not cultivate it.
• They had sickles of flint blades set in straight bone handles for
harvesting grain and stone mortars and pestles for grinding it.
• They buried their dead with their personal ornaments in cemeteries. Carved bone
and stone artwork have been found.
(The terms paleolithic and Neolithic were introduced by John Lubbock in his work
“Pre-Historic times”)
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1.1. CONTRIBUTIONS OF TRIBAL CULTURES
TO INDIAN CIVILIZATION
• Adivasi traditions and practices pervade all aspects of Indian culture and
civilization, yet this awareness is often lacking in popular consciousness.
• Gautam Buddha looked for a model for the kind of society he wished to
advocate. The early Buddhist Sanghas were modelled on the tribal pattern
of social interaction that stressed gender equality, and respect for all
members.
• In the Adivasi traditions, ancestor worship, worship of fertility gods and
goddesses , totemic worship - all played a role. And they all found their
way into the practice of what is now considered Hinduism.
• Bhils claimed to be descendents of Ekalavy, they are also good
archerers.
• One of the communities of Nagas called Angami Nagas clamins that
Bhim, one of the Pandavas married an Angami girl.
• Mahashweta Devi has shown that both Shiva and Kali have tribal
origins as do Krishna and Ganesh.
• Ganesh owes his origins to a powerful tribe of elephant trainers whose
incorporation into Hindu society.
• According to GS.Bhatt 1963, Forms of gotra in Hinduism are more
totemistic than vedic.
• Kosambi points that Brahmin gotras such as Kashyapa arose from tribal
totems such as Kachhapa (tortoise).
• India's regional languages such as Oriya, Marathi or Bengali developed as a
result of the fusion of tribal languages with Sanskrit or Pali and virtually all
the Indian languages have incorporated words from the vocabulary of
Adivasi languages.
• Adivasis knowledge of various plants and their medicinal uses played an
invaluable role in the development of Ayurvedic medicines.
• Adivasi musical instruments such as the bansuri (flute) and dhol (drum),
folk-tales, dances and seasonal celebrations also found their way into Indian
traditions as did their art and metallurgical skills.
• Rani Durgavati of Jabalpur ( Gond heritage) acquired a reputation when she
died in battle defending against Mughal incursions.
• The city of Nagpur was founded by a Gond Raja in the early 18th century.
As the freedom movement widened, it drew Adivasis into all aspects of the
struggle. Unfortunately, even many years after independence, Dalits and Adivasis
have benefited least from the advent of freedom.
RAMA PITHECUS
• There are at least two dozen fossils specimens that have been identified as
belong to Ramapithecus. Most of these specimens consist of teeth and jaws
and they principally come from two areas – the Siwalik Hills in India and
Fort Ternan in Kenya.
• The first discovery of Ramapithecus fossils was made by G.E. Lewis in
1932 in the Siwalik hills regions of India. He assigned one of the fossils, an
upper jaw, to a new genus and species he named Ramapithecus
brevirostris.
• The generic name simply means Rama’s ape’ Rama being the mythical
prince who is the hero of Indian epic poem. The species name that Lewis
chose was more meaningful for it is the Latin word for ‘short snouted’.
Name: Sivapithecus.
Named By: Pilgrim - 1910.
Synonyms: Ramapithecus.
Classification: Chordata, Mammalia, Primates, Anthropodea, hominoidea,
Hominidae, Ponginae.
Diet: Herbivore.
Size: 1.5 meters tall when bipedal.
Known locations: China, India, Nepal, Pakistan & Turkey.
Time period: Serravallian to Messinian of the Miocene.
Fossil representation: Partial, fragmented remains of numerous individuals.
• Although best known from the Sivalik Hills, Sivapithecus seems to have had
a much broader geographical distribution.
• One genus in particular called Ramapithecus was previously heralded as
an ancestor of humans, but as more and more fossils were found it
became clear to palaeontologists, anthropologists and primatologists
that it was almost identical to Sivapithecus.
• Then geneticists (Sarich and Wilson) came along, and declared that the
genetic divergence between chimps and humans is so low that the split had
to be way later than Ramapithecus.
• There was a lot of fuss over this. Paleoanthropologists didn’t like geneticists
telling them their job.
• Paleoanthropologists found some new fossils. These showed in particular
that the line of Ramapithecus‘s jaw was not arch-shaped, like a human’s, but
more U-shaped, like a non-human ape’s.
• So later paleoanthropologists decided that Ramapithecus (now part
of Sivapithecus) looked more like an orangutan relative.
• The only real difference between the remains is that fossils originally
assigned as Ramapithecus are smaller, possibly because of sexual
dimorphism with Ramapithecus being females, although ideas that it being
a smaller species of Sivapithecus have also been considered.
• Despite the history associated with Ramapithecus that is now widely
considered a synonym to this genus, Sivapithecus was not an ancestor of
modern humans. Instead it’s more likely that Sivapithecus was an ancestor to
the orangutan, although some parts of the body appear to be more
chimpanzee-like.
• The body proportions and particularly the form of the wrists supports the
idea that Sivapithecus spent a greater amount of time on the ground than in
the trees.
• Despite this, skull remains and subsequent reconstructions based upon these
have revealed that Sivapithecus was much more orangutan-like in its facial
appearance.
• There is also a real possibility that aside from being an ancestor to modern
orangutans, Sivapithecus was also related to the giant ape Gigantopithecus,
the larger species of which were easily double the size of Sivapithecus.
Description
Sivapithecus was about 1.5 metres (4.9 ft) in body length, similar in size to a
modern orangutan. In most respects, it would have resembled a chimpanzee, but its
face was closer to that of an orangutan. The shape of its wrists and general body
proportions suggest that it spent a significant amount of its time on the ground, as
well as in trees. It had large canine teeth, and heavy molars, suggesting a diet of
relatively tough food, such as seeds and savannah grasses.
Species
Currently three species are generally recognized:
• Sivapithecus indicus fossils date from about 12.5 million to 10.5 million years
ago.
• Sivapithecus sivalensis lived from 9.5 million to 8.5 million years ago. It was
found at the Pothowar plateau in Pakistan as well as in parts of India. The
animal was about the size of a chimpanzee but had the facial morphology of an
orangutan; it ate soft fruit (detected in the toothwear pattern) and was probably
mainly arboreal.
• Sivapithecus parvada described in 1988, this species is significantly larger and
dated to about 10 million years ago.
NARMADA MAN
• December 5, 1982. On the banks of the Narmada at Madhya Pradesh’s
Hathnora village, geologist Arun Sonakia discovered Narmada man, the
discovery of the century.
• The discovery not only put India on the world fossil map, it proved the
presence of early humans in the subcontinent and filled a gap in our
knowledge about human evolution, says D. K. Bhattacharya, former head
of anthropology department at University of Delhi.
• “The discovery opened a new chapter in terms of hard evidence of evolution
in south Asia,” he says. “Unlike Africa, where stone tools were found along
with human skeletons, all over India we were finding prehistoric stone tools,
but there was no fossil evidence.”
• Narmada Human, initially named Narmada Man, belongs to the category of
Homo erectus, preceding Homo sapiens sapiens, the modern human species.
• Homo erectus are believed to have inhabited the planet 1.8 million to
200,000 years ago.
• “On the basis of associated fauna, palaeomagnetic dating studies by the
Geological Survey of India (GSI) and morphological features compared with
other fossils of known antiquity, the Narmada fossil could be 500,000 to
600,000 years old,” says Sonakia.
• The fossil could be of an individual aged between 25 and 30 years.
• Antiquity of fossils has always been controversial. Some think the Narmada
fossil may belong to the late Homo erectus category. Many believe the fossil
could be of a female. “The evidence is not even a full skull. It is rather, a
skull cap with a little bit of orbital roof,” says Bhattacharya. The finding has
been scientifically analysed. “We think it represents a human form that had
colonised India at least 400,000 years ago,”
• Homo erectus had successfully adapted to savannah grasslands, says
Bhattacharya.
• They had domesticated fire, did group hunting and used stone tools.
• One fossil can never tell the full story.
Why we did not get more fossils from India?
• In some regions presence of fossils depends on preservation conditions such
as soil chemistry and erosion rates, says Parth Chauhan, research associate
with US-based non-profit Stone Age Institute, and with the anthropology
department at Indiana University, US. In other regions, either enough
systematic survey has not been done or potential hominid fossil material has
been overlooked. In India, palaeoanthropology or study of human origins is
in a very neglected state, he says.
• Developmental projects such as dams on the Narmada, mining and oil
drilling activities, intensive agriculture and population pressure have taken a
toll on fossil study. “Hundreds of paleoanthropological and stone age sites
are getting destroyed across the subcontinent,” says Chauhan.
• Bhattacharya says India still follows the archaic 18th century mode of
palaeontology. The country does not even have a national palaeontology
institute. Guidance, experience and trained expertise are also lacking, says
Chauhan.
• Palaeoanthropology is rarely practised in India in its pure form through
multi-disciplinary approaches as in other regions such as Africa. Barring
some exceptions, most studies in India have been non-systematic and not
comprehensive, he says.
Narmada man
Nationality Indian(s)
The Demographic Transition Theory seeks to explain how all the developed
countries have more or less gone through 5 similar stages of population growth.
Stage 1- Before economic modernization, all countries had a stable population
which was characterized by a high birth rate as well as a high death rate. These
countries had stable or a low growing population. Ex- Somalia.
Stage 2- With economic development came higher income & improved health
care. This led to a declining death rate which resulted in an increase in life
expectancy. However, the decline in death rate wasn’t accompanied by a decline in
birth rate. Ex- Pakistan, Afghanistan.
Stage 3- The death rate continues to fall but this time, it is accompanied by a
decline in birth rate. India seems to be in this stage. There are several reasons
behind it:-
Size and growth of India’s population till 2011 are indicated in the following
table:
1951-1961: In this period growth rate was recorded to be 21.6 per cent.
1971-1981: During this period population in India rose to 68 crore 33 lakh. Thus,
13 crore 51 lakh persons were added to the total size of India’s population.
In this period, birth rate has started slowing down. But because of fall in death rate,
population growth rate has not shown much decline.
i. 1981 to 1991: In this period, population went upto’84 crore 63 lakh making
addition of 16 crore in 10 years.
ii. 1991 to 2001: In 2001, the population went up to 102.90 crore. Thus, between
the period 1991-2001, the population of India increased by about 18.07 crore.
iii. 2001-2011: In this period India’s population has crossed 1.21 billion (as per
Census of 2011).
India is only the second country in the world after China to cross the one billion
mark. (India is the 2nd most populated country in the world).
The main cause of this excessive rise in population in sixty years was the slow
decline in birth-rate and substantial decline in death rate because of expansion of
medical facilities’.
(a) Poverty:
As explained by many demographic theories, poor people tend to have more
fertility and poverty in India is one reason for higher birth rate.
(b)Cultural beliefs:
A lot of families prefer having a son rather than a daughter. As a result, a lot of
families have more children than they actually want or can afford, resulting in
increased poverty, lack of resources, and most importantly, an increased
population.
Another one of India’s’ cultural norms is for a girl to get married at an early-age.
In most of the rural areas and in some urban areas as well, families prefer to get
their girls married at the age of 14 or 15.
Due to the young age of these girls they start bearing children at a very early-age,
they can have more children throughout their lifetime. Since these girls get married
at a very early-age, they do not have the opportunity to get educated, Therefore,
they remain uneducated and teach the same norms to their own children, and the
tradition goes on from one generation to the other.
• Sex ratio is used to describe the number of females per 1000 of males.
• The sex ratio in India 2011 is 940 females per 1000 of males.
• The Sex Ratio 2011 shows an upward trend from the census 2001 data.
• Census 2001 revealed that there were 933 females to that of 1000 males.
• Since decades India has seen a decrease in the sex ratio, but since the last two of
the decades there has been in slight increase in the sex ratio.
• The major cause of the decrease of the female birth ratio in India is considered
to be the female foeticide and infanticide.
• The Sex Ratio in India was almost normal during the phase of the years of
independence, but thereafter it started showing gradual signs of decrease.
• There are some states where the sex ratio is low and is a cause of concern for
the NGO organizations.
• There are also states such as Puducherry and Kerala where the number of
women is more than the number of men. Kerala houses a number of 1084
females to that of 1000 males.
• Chandigarh, Delhi, Haryana are the states (UT) with very low sex ratio.
• While Puducherry and Kerala are the only two states where the number of
females is more than the number of men.
• There are also states in India like that of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and
Maharashtra where the sex ratio 2011 is showing considerable signs of
improvement.
➢ The short term objective of the policy is to fill the gaps in availability,
awareness and preparedness for contraception.
➢ The medium-term objective of the policy is to bring the Total fertility
rate(TFR) to replacement levels by 2010.
➢ The long-term objective is to achieve a stable population by 2045 at a level
consistent with the requirements of sustainable economic growth, social
development and environmental protection.
(Note: Total Fertility Rate (TFR) / Replacement level fertility: The
average no. of children born to a woman, the rate at which a population
exactly replaces itself from one generation to the next, without migration. It
is roughly 2.1 in most of the countries. In India, TFR decreased from 3.6 in
1991 to 2.3 in 2013, India is yet to achieve replacement level of 2.1)
The steps taken by the Government under various measures/programmes:
❖ Scheme for Home delivery of contraceptives by Accredited social health
activists (ASHAs) at doorstep of beneficiaries
❖ Compensation for sterilisation acceptors has been enhanced for 11 High Focus
States with high TFR.
❖ Scheme for provision of pregnancy testing kits at the sub-centres as well as in
the drug kit of the ASHAs for early detection and decision making for the
outcome of pregnancy.
❖ Celebration of World Population Day 11th July & a fortnight of mobilization
followed by a fortnight of family planning service delivery starting from
27th June each year.
➢ Mission parivar vikas: To increase access to contraceptives and family
planning services in the high fertility districts.
➢ Prerna Strategy:- "Jansankhya Sthirata Kosh", JSK (National Population
Stabilisation Fund) has launched this strategy for helping to push up the age of
marriage of girls and delay in first child and spacing in second child the birth
of children.
➢ Santushti Strategy:- Under this strategy, Jansankhya Sthirata Kosh, invites
private sector gynaecologists and vasectomy surgeons to conduct sterilization
operations in Public Private Partnership mode..
➢ National Helpline: - JSK also running a call center for providing free advice
on reproductive health, family planning, maternal health and child health etc.
Success achieved:
• The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) has declined from 2.9 in 2005 to 2.2 in 2017.
(Sample registration system (SRS) that provides annual estimates of population
composition, fertility, mortality etc)
• 25 out of 37 States/UTs have already achieved replacement level fertility of 2.1
or less.
• The Decadal growth rate has declined from 21.54% in 1999-2000 to 17.64%
during 2001-11.
• The Crude Birth Rate (CBR) has declined from 23.8 to 20.2 from 2005 to 2017
(SRS).
• The Teenage birth rate has halved from 16 % to 8 %.
Recent developments:
The Population Control Bill, 2019 (or, Population Regulation Bill, 2019) is a
proposed bill introduced in the Rajya Sabha in July 2019. The purpose of the bill is
to control the population growth of India.
Inspired by this bill, On 7 February 2020, the Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2020
was introduced in the Rajya Sabha by Anil Desai, a Shiv Sena MP. Desai proposed
to amend the Article 47A ( Add 47A to 47) of the Constitution of India, Which
reads
The State shall promote small family norms by offering incentives in taxes,
employment, education etc. to its people who keep their family limited to two
children and shall withdraw every concession from and deprive such incentives to
those not adhering to small family norm, to keep the growing population under
control.
The 2020 bill proposes to introduce a two-child policy per couple and aims to
incentivize its adoption through various measures such as educational benefits,
taxation cuts, home loans, free healthcare, and better employment opportunities.
The 2019 bill talks about introducing penalties for couples not adhering to the two-
child policy such as debarment from contesting in elections and ineligibility for
government jobs.
Sir Herbert Hope Risley tried to classify the Indian population on the basis of
anthropometric measurements and published the results in 1915 under the title
‘The People of India’. He identified three principal racial types in India viz. The
Dravidian, the Indo-Aryan and the Mongoloid. These three types were again got
mixed in varying degrees in different provinces (States).
On the whole, Risley distinguished seven different ‘physical types’ in the
Indian population in the following way:
Risley believed these people as original inhabitants of India who are found to be
modified at present by the infiltration of the Aryans, the Scythians and the
Mongoloids.
• As an exponent of race science, he used the ratio of the width of a nose to its
height to divide Indians into 7 racial groups.
• Risley used the ancient Rig Veda text, which he interpreted as speaking of
Aryan invaders coming into India from the northwest and meeting with
existing peoples.
• He saw a linkage between the nasal index and the definition of a community
as either a tribe or a Hindu caste and believed that the caste system had its
basis in race rather than in occupation, saying caste as “community of
race”, and not, as has frequently been argued, “community of function”, is
the real determining principle, the true causa causans, of the caste system.
• He found a direct relation between the proportion of Aryan blood and
the nasal index, along a gradient from the highest castes to the lowest.
This assimilation of caste to race proved very influential.
• He noted that ‘Caste has a racial basis and the social position of a caste
stands in inverse ration with the average nasal index of their members”.
• This means that longer noses go with higher castes and broader noses go
with lower castes.
• According to Risley, Indo-Aryans were dolicocephalic-leptorrhine and he
found that traditional indo-aryans to exist in North India.
Criticism:
B.N.Dutta enumerated the nasal index values according to their increasing
order. According to Hindu social order, the serial order of these castes ought to
be: Rajputs, Khatri (Higher caste in Punjab like Brahmins and Rajputs), Jats
(OBC in some states/ considered as degraded kshatriyas), Chura (Bhangi /
Balmiki / SC), Mina (ST). If Risley’s hypothesis is true we would find Rajputs
as having the lowest nasal index and Mina to be highest in the list. But it is not
so.
1. The Negrito
2. The Proto-Australoid
3. The Mongoloid
a) Palaeo-Mongoloid
i) Long-headed
ii) Broad-headed
b) Tibeto-Mongoloid
4. The Mediterranean
a) Palae-Mediterranean
b) Mediterranean
c) Oriental
5. The Western Brachycephals
a) Alpinoid
b) Armenoid
c) Dinaric
6. The Nordics
1. The Negrito:
• These people are considered as the first comers and the true autochthones
of India.
• Short stature, dark complexion, and frizzly hair with spirals, brachycephalic
head.
• Flat and broad nose, thick everted lips.
• Eg: Kadars, Irulas, Paniyans, etc. of South India, tribes living in the Rajmahal
Hills & tribes in Andaman islands Great Andamanese, Jarawa, Onge,
Sentinelese.
2. The Proto-Australoid:
• This group is considered as the second oldest racial group in India.
• Short stature, dark complexion, dolichocephalic head
• Broad and flat nose (platyrrhine nose).
• The hair is wavy or curly.
• Supraorbital ridges are prominent.
• These features are found among almost all the tribes of the Central and
Southern India. The best examples are the Oraons, the Santhals, and the
Mundas of Chottanagpur region; the Chenchus, the Kurumbas, the Yeruvas
and the Badagas of Southern India; and the Bhils, Kols of Central and
Western India.
3. The Mongoloid:
• This group can be divided into two sub-groups, such as Palaeo-Mongoloid
and the Tibeto-Mongoloid. The former one is further sub-divided as
long headed and broad-headed.
• The Longheaded palaeo-mongoloid: Long head, medium stature, and
medium nose. Their cheekbones are prominent and skin colour varies from
dark to light brown. The face is short and flat. They are the inhabitants of the
sub-Himalayan region; the concentration is most remarkable in Assam and
Burma Frontier. The SemaNagas of Assam and the Limbus of Nepal are
the best examples.
• The broad- headed palaeo-Mongoloid: Broad head with round face, dark
skin colour and medium nose. The eyes are obliquely set and epicanthic fold
is more prominent than that of the long-headed type. This type has been
identified among the hill tribes of Chittagung, e.g. the chakmas, the
Maghs, etc.
• Tibeto-Mongoloids: Broad and massive head, tall stature, long and flat face,
and medium to long nose. The eyes are oblique with marked epicanthic fold.
Hair on body and face is almost absent. The skin colour is light brown. The
best examples are the Tibetans of Bhutan and Sikkim.
4. The Mediterranean:
This group is divided into three distinct racial types, which are as follows:
a) Palaeo-Mediterranean:
• Long head with bulbous forehead, medium stature, small and broad nose,
narrow face and pointed chin, dark skin.
• These people probably introduced megalithic culture to India. The
Dravidian speaking people of South India exhibit the main
concentration of this type. The Tamil Brahmins of Madurai, Nairs of
Cochin, and Telugu Brahmins are the examples.
b) The Mediterranean:
• Long head with arched forehead, Narrow nose, medium to tall stature and
light skin colour.
• Their chin is well developed, hair colour is dark, eye colour is brownish to
dark.
• These people live in the regions like Uttar Pradesh, Bombay, Bengal,
Malabar, etc.
• The true types are the Numbudiri Brahmins of Cochin, Brahmins of
Allahabad and Bengali Brahmins.
• It may be assumed that probably this type was responsible for the
building up of Indus Valley civilization.
c) The Oriental:
These people resemble the Mediterranean in almost all physical features except the
nose, which is long and convex in this case. The best examples are the Punjabi
Chattris (Rajputs and doubtful or no Aryans), the Bania ( money lenders) ,
and the Pathans.
a) The Alpenoid:
• Broad head with rounded occiput, medium stature, prominent nose and
rounded face, fair skin complexion,
• This type is found among the Bania of Gujarat, the Kathi of Kathiawar and
the Kayasthas of Bengal,
b) The dinaric:
• Broad head, rounded occiput and high vault.
• The nose is very long and often convex, long face, very tall stature, dark
skins, dark hair and eyes,
• The representative populations are found in Bengal, Orissa and Coorg. The
Brahmins of Bengal and Mysore are the best examples.
• The presence of this type has been noted in the Indus Valley site and
Hyderabad.
c) The Armenoid:
• This type shows a resemblance with the Dinarics in physical characters.
• Only difference is that, among the Dinarics the shape of occiput is much
developed and the nose is very prominent.
• The Parsis of Bombay exhibit typical Armenoid characteristics.
• The Bengali Vaidyas and Kayasthas sometimes show the features of this
type.
6. The Nordics:
• The people are characterized by long head, protruding occiput and arched
forehead.
• The nose is straight and high bridged.
• All are tall statured with strong jaw and robust body built.
• The eye colour is blue or grey.
• The body colour is fair which is reddish white. This element is scattered in
different parts of Northern India, especially in the Punjab and
Rajputana ( Place of Rajputs, present day Rajastan).
• The Kho of chitral ( Kho tribe live in chitral district of Pakistan and in
Jammu and Kashmir).
• The Nordics came from the north, probably from Southeast Russia and
Southwest Siberia, thereafter penetrated into India through Central Asia.
Distribution: The pygmy population is found only in Congo, but the pygmoids
are found in many parts of the world like Malay peninsula, Melanesia,
Polynesia, Australia, New Guinea, India etc. Problem arises when different
tribes show only one or two characters of pygmoids.
In India, Onges of Andaman island are definite pygmoid. The important
tribes like Kadars of Coimbatore, Paniyan of Wyanadu, Kurumbas and
Irulas of Nilgiri Hills are closely related to Pygmoids.
It is possible that they had a wide distribution in prehistoric time in India and
extended towards North and East, probably occupying whole of the Asian land
mass.
As we trace the history of Negrito racial strain in India, we find that it was DE
QUATREFAGES who used the word “Negrito” in the context of Indian
population for the first time in the year 1977. He assumed the Negrito as an
indigenous element in India.
J.H.Hutton has also given attention to the Negrito problem of India. He has
referred to the presence of woolly and frizzy hair among the Angami Nagas of
Manipur and Cacher hills. Hutton has given a number of evidence in support
of the Melanesian physical and cultural traits in the population of India. He has
suggested that the Negrito people may be responsible for the introduction of
cults like the disposal of the dead by exposure and the separation of the skull,
head hunting, etc in India. But the different authorities on Indian ethnography
do not accept such hypothesis. According to Sarkar, the distribution of these
types of cultural traits in India is limited.
Majumdar is also of the opinion that the exposure of the dead, cult need not
necessarily be Melanesian in origin.
B.S. Guha has traced the Negrito element among the Kadars based on the
presence of woolly or frizzly hair, but Sarkar opposed this stating that a single
trait is not sufficient to categorize them as Negrito.
• mtDNA (transmitted only from mother to daughter) suggested that there was
little external infusion into the Indian gene pool over the last 12,500 years or
so. New Y-DNA data has disproved it
• Peter Underhill, published a massive study mapping the distribution of
R1a, a haplogroup on Y chromosome , which is today spread across Central
Asia, Europe and South Asia.
• Pontic-Caspian Steppe is seen as its region of origin. He found that R1a
had two sub-haplogroups, one found primarily in Europe (Z 282) and the
other confined to Central and South Asia (Z93).
• The two groups diverged from each other only about 5,800 years ago.
• Dr. Underhill’s research showed that within the Z93 that is predominant in
India, there is a further splintering into multiple “star-like branching”
indicative of rapid growth and dispersal.
• The study of David Poznik & Dr. Underhill found that “the most striking
expansions within Z93 occurring approximately 4,000 to 4,500 years ago”.
This is when roughly 4,000 years ago is when the Indus Valley civilization
began falling apart.
Speakers belonging to the Central and Eastern regions of India. In Hills and
jungles of Bihar, Chota Nagpur, Orissa and Central India. Larger in number is
Santhali speakers.
2. TIBETO-BURMESE SUBFAMILY
a. TIBETO-HIMLAYAN BRANCH
1. Aryan Sub-Family
The Aryan sub-family is further divided into:
(b) Indo-Aryan Branch: The Indo-Aryan Branch can be divided into two sub-
branches as follows:
The Eighth Schedule to the Constitution of India lists the official languages of the
Republic of India. The Government of India is now under an obligation to take
measures for the development of these languages, such that "they grow rapidly in
richness and become effective means of communicating modern knowledge. In
addition, a candidate appearing in an examination conducted for public service is
entitled to use any of these languages as the medium in which he or she answers
the paper.
As per Articles 344(1) and 351 of the Indian Constitution, the eighth schedule
includes the recognition of the following 22 languages: Assamese, Bengali, Bodo,
Dogri, Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri, Konkani, Maithili, Malayalam,
Manipuri, Marathi, Nepali, Odia, Punjabi, Sanskrit, Santali, Sindhi, Tamil, Telugu,
Urdu.
3.1 THE STRUCTURE AND NATURE OF TRADITIONAL INDIAN
SOCIAL SYSTEM - VARNASHRAM, PURUSHARTHA, KARMA, RINA
AND REBIRTH.
Introduction:
• The Varna system was based on colour and therefore it was known as “Varna”
system. It was intended to distinguish the fair - skinned Aryans from the dark
skinned dasas.
• According to Prof. Rapson, Originally the indian society was divided into
two parts, the Aryans and non-aryans.
• Later, there came to be three varnas only i.e, Brahman, Kshatriya and
Vaisya. Finally, the non- Aryans were termed as Sudras and allotted
physical labour.
• A hymn ( Sloka) in Purusha Sukta of the Rig Veda reads;
“Brahmanasya mukham aseed
Baahoo raajanya krutha
ooru tadasys yad vaisya
Padabhyo sudro aajayatha”
• Bhagavadgita says:
“Chaturvarnam Mayasrishtya, Gunakarmavibhagasah”
• Triguna theory says varnas were allotted based on the guna or nature of the
people “sattva, rajas, and tamas”.
• Karma theory says a person will be born in a lower varna due to his papa
karma in the last life.
• The varna system was not rigid during the Vedic Period.
• In the Vedic times the Varna system was not hereditary.
• During the Sutra Period , the varna system turned hereditary and therefore rigid.
Characteristics:
• There is ample evidence in Indian epics and other literature to show the
prevalence of hypergamous marrigaes.
• In 160 BC king Agnimitra of the shunga family (brahmin) wedded a
Kshatriya princess Malavika.
• Yagnyavalkya permits the Brahmin or Kshatriya to marry a Kshatriya or
Vaisya girl but he does not permit them to marry a Sudra girl.
• Manu and Yagnavalkya have written on the inheritance of sons born to
a Brahmin by a Sudra wife. From this it is evident that such marriages
did take place.
Though less frequent we still find such incidents. A Brahmin king named
Kakustha Varma gave his daughters in marriage to Gupta king.
Open class character:
The varna system is a flexible and changing open system. There are many
examples of change in varna, and inter-varnamarrages, during and even after the
vedic period.
• The Kshatriya Vishvamitra became a Brahmin on the basis of his
penance.
• Parashurama was Brahmin by birth but Kshatriya by action.
• The same thing happened to Indra.
• In the Mahabharata, there is a mention of Devapi, Sindhudip and
Vaitahavya becoming Brahmins
• Kshatriya king yayathi married the Brahmin girl devayani
• Brahmin Ravan with Kshatriya princess Mandodari.
• Sage Jamadagni married kshatriya princess Renuka.
• Dushyant married Sankuntala (Daughter of Vishwamitra and menaka).
• Although shantanu was a Kshatriya, he married a low born Satyavati.
• There are similar instances in Bhagavata Purnana and Padmapurana.
In the Padmapurana there is a mention of low born vyasa becoming
Brahmins.
Thus the varna system permitted social mobility from one system to another
system.
Cosmological Homologies:
An important characteristic of Varna system is homologisation of functional
interdependence of Varnas in terms of sacrifice, colour, point of the compass, time
period and divinities:
(i) The Brahmin performed the sacrifice, but he performed it for the king.
The components of the sacrifice were provided by the vaisyas, and the
sudras were necessary for performing certain impure acts associated with
the sacrifice. Each varna had a role in the sacrifice, the sacrifice
symbolise the ritual interdependence of varnas.
(ii) Corresponding to these ritual roles, each varna was assigned a colour
brahmans with white, kashtriyas with red, vaisyas with yellow. The
sudras were associated with black.
(iii) Similarly, each varna was assigned a point of the compass; brahmans to
the north; kshtriyas to the east (toward the rising sun, symbolizing the
victory gods of light over the powers of darkness); vaisyas to the south;
and Sudras to the west (toward the setting sun, symbolizing the darkness
and death)
(iv) Thirdly, each varna was assigned a Yuga or a period of time. The age of
the Brahman was the Krita/ satya Yuga or the golden age with Dharma at
its fullest power. In each subsequent age the power of Dharma declines
and morality, strength, and happiness, progressively diminish until the
cycle begins again with a new golden age. Thus the period of time
allotted to the Kshatriya was the treta Yuga, the period allotted to the
vaisyas was the Dwapara Yuga, and the period of the Sudras was the Kali
Yuga.
(v) Finally, series of cosmic homologies symbolized varna
interdependence. The Brahman was associated with the divine priest
Brhaspati, and in his role as intermediary between gods and men, he was
identified with agni, the messenger of the gods. The Kshatriya,
corresponded to Indra, lord of the gods, lord of law, guardian of order
and punisher of evil doers. Vaisyas were homologized to classes of lesser
deities such as the maruts, who were assistants of the high gods. The
sudras were associated with the demons, the powers of darkness.
Type of Grihasthas:
(i) The Dharmasastras divide householders into “Salina” and “Yayavara”.
The “Salina” is one who dwells in a house, is possessed of servants and
cattle, has a fixed place and a fixed village and has grain and wealth and
follows the life of worldly people. The “Yayavara” who does not
accumulate wealth.
(ii) According to Yajnavalkya Smriti, Salina is of four varieties viz.,
➢ one who maintains himself by officiating as a priest, teaching veda, accepting
gifts, agriculture, trade and breeding cattle
➢ one who subsists by officiating as a priest, teaching veda, accepting gifts
➢ one who subsists by officiating as a priest and by teaching and
➢ one who subsists by teaching alone.
Yajavalkya Smriti prescribes the following daily duties (Nitya karma) for the
householder;
➢ A householder should perform every day a Smriti rite (i.e. a domestic rite
prescribed by the sacred Smriti) on the nuptial fire or on the fire brought in at
the time of the partition of ancestral property.
➢ Having attended to the bodily calls, purificatory rites, a twice- born (Aryan)
man should offer the morning prayer.
➢ Having offered oblations to the sacred fire, becoming spirituality composed he
should chant the sacred verses addressed to the sun god.
➢ He should also learn the meaning of the Veda and various sciences.
➢ He should study according to his capacity the vedas, the puranas, together
with the Itihasas.
➢ Offering of the food oblation with the proper utterance, performance of Vedic
sacrifices study of the sacred texts, and honoring of guests.
➢ He should offer the food oblation to the spirits (by throwing it in the air).
➢ He should also cast food on the ground for dogs, untouchables and crows.
➢ He should continuously carry on his study. He should never cook for himself
only.
➢ Children, married daughters living in the fathers house, pregnant women, sick
persons, girls, guests and servants only after having fed these should the
householder and his wife eat the food that has remained.
➢ Having risen before dawn the householder should ponder over what is good for
the self.
Purposive and desired duties: The purposive and desired duties of a house
holder are concerned with his ethical awareness, values, knowledge, and social
purpose.
➢ His values are concerned with three cardinal aims; Dharma, Artha and Kama.
While Manusmriti overlooks Kama, Yajanavalkya Smriti gives it equal
value along with Dharma and artha. Thus it presents a more integral outlook.
➢ Several Dharmasastras proclaimed Artha as the highest value for the
householder, while some other give first place to dharma. Even Dharma at
every stage required Artha, at least for social purpose.
➢ Yajanavalkya smriti has given a detailed description of the householder’s
duties to his wife. He must be solely devoted to her, having become one
through sacramental bonds, he must satisfy her sensuous yearning, only
refraining from sexual intercourse on inauspicious days. Care of the wife is
essential because through her the householder begets sons whereby the family is
continued both in time and in eternity.
➢ The purposive and desired duties include homa, japa, Maha yajna etc. among
mahayajnas are included
Thus Yajna has a humanistic meaning. Universal kindliness is the general attitude
towards the guest. Another significant prescription is concerning Dana or gifts. It is
a special feature of Grihastha Ashrama.
VANAPRASTHA ASHRAM (TURN)
This period began when one's skin began wrinkling and one became a grand father.
During this period a person was expected to move away from worldly matters and
get himself ready for his spiritual journey to attain moksha (the fourth
purushartha). He was to do this by delegating his duties to his children, leaving his
family and possession behind and moving into a secluded place such as a
hermitage or the forest . There he should live like an ascetic and spend his time
practicing austerities, offering oblations, reciting the Vedas and the metaphysical
treatises, and in the acquisition of the knowledge of the self. He should wear a
garment made of cloth, skin or bark to cover his nakedness, wear his hair in braids,
remain chaste, restrain his speech, actions and senses, subsist on wild growing
roots, fruit and vegetables, honor the guests who visited his hermitage, give gifts
but not receive any, bathe three times a day, promise safety to all beings and
animals, sleep on the ground and so on. These observations were aimed at
controlling one’s mind, overcoming passions and developing detachment from the
sense objects and preparing oneself for a more rigorous life as an ascetic (sanyasi).
During this period a person might take his wife along with him only if the latter
agreed to accompany him.
This is the final phase of human life during which a person should devote his life
and activities in the pursuit of moksha (the fourth purushartha) or final liberation.
Regarding the ascetic life, the following verses are quoted from the Vashista
Sutras.
INTORDUCITON:
Dharma:
Dharma stands for right action or righteousness. It is law of every being and as
such every living society has its own Dharma. No society can live and work
without Dharma. It regulates human life and determines as to what is right and
what is wrong. Dharma is the determining factor about future conduct and course
of all human beings. According to Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, “It stands both for the
Satya or the truth of things as well as the Dharma or the law evolution”.
Artha:
Artha is another purushartha which stands to express human prosperity. It implies
that a person should earn wealth for the maintenance of his family and also for
giving that in charity. Yajna and sacrifices can also be possible only with the help
of wealth. Upanishads make it clear, that those who only care for the other world
and do not care for this world or for earning the wealth are in absolute darkness.
Wealth is also needed for attaining knowledge and immortality. Artha is thus
needed for the maintenance of life as well as happy life. What, however, Hindu
philosophy stresses that wealth should be earned by righteous and reasonable
means. Wealth earned by illegal or unconstitutional means is not allowed under
Hindu social system. It is always believed that good means should be adopted for
earning wealth. Wealth earned by deceit has all along been condemned.
Kama:
Hindu social thinkers have always fully appreciated the place of kama in human
life. According to them kama is the urge for human life and it must be satisfied.
They believe that it is essential both for the production of children and for
continuity and perpetuation of the human race. They believe that urge for sex is
unavoidable and must be satisfied.
Moksha:
It is ultimate aim of every human being to get salvation. Perfection and spiritual
attainments are not only desirable but the end of human life. Some of the thinkers
believe that it is the most important Purushartha and the remaining three are only
means while this Purushartha is end of all these means. Leaving that apart, all our
sages and saints have always aimed at achieving Moksha.
Trivargas:
Trivargas are Dharma, Artha, and Kama. Where as Moksha is considered to be the
end of life and ultimate goal of every human activity in Hindu society, the other
three Purusharthas namely Dharma, Artha and Kama combined together are called
Trivargas. The trivargas discuss the three main aspects of human life namely,
material, moral and biological. The Kama discusses about biological, Artha
material and Dharma moral aspect of the life of a Hindu. Since Hindu society is by
and large a religion dominated society, in the Trivarga, Dharma plays a more vital
and important part than the other two components namely, kama and artha. It is
moral aspect, i.e, dharma of life which regulates two other aspects namely Artha
and Kama or what can be said as material and moral aspects of life. All the three
components of human life, i.e., Dharma, kama and Artha are supposed to work in
close cooperation with each other for achieving the ultimate objectives of life
namely Moksha the arbitrator shall be the Dharma because that is supposed to
provide right guidance. According to P.H. Prabhu, ‘as has been pointed out by
Manu, the management and conduct of life should be coordination, or the
proportionate aggregate of these three (Trivarga) classes of life needs, or the urges
or the principal motives”.
3.1. RINAS
1) PitriRina (obligations towards parents)
2) Rishi Rina (obligations towards the teachers and saints)
3) Deva Rina (obligations towards the gods goddesses)
4) ManushaRina (Obligations towards guests)
It is enjoined upon all the Hindus that throughout their life. The obligations can
best be discharged by studying vedas, by begetting children in accordance with
provisions of Dharma and also by performing duties as a Grihastha.
Pitri Rina: Pitri Rina can be discharged by way of having children because they
alone will continue the race which otherwise will come to an end, it is also in the
discharge of Pitri Rina that they should treat the children very nicely and extend
their guidance, love and affection to them. The children are equally expected not to
forget that the parents suffer for them when they are not capable of holding
themselves.
Rishi Rina:
Similarly, each and every individual is required to always remember of his teachers
and saints as they are the makers of his life and can mound future course of his
action in the way they like. It is, therefore, very essential that all respect should be
shown to Rishis and Teachers. Rishi rina can be discharged by studying Vedas
following the rules laid down for the study.
Deva Rinas:
Similarly, respect should be shown to gods and goddesses who will receive them at
the end of his life. Deva Rina can be discharged by having performing and giving
sacrifices as provided in the Dharma.
Conclusions:
According to P.H. Prabhu, “it is opined that the man who fails to carry out any of
these obligations during the first three Ashramas is not entitled even to try to attain
Moksha, and Manu says that he who seeks Moksha without fulfilling his duties in
the first three ashramas will sink low….”
Kinds of Karma:
Different sages and scholars have classified karma into several types. Yajanvalkya
classified karma into good action (dharma) and bad action Adharma. Manu
classified karma in three ways:
a) Yajnavalkya classified karma in to Dharma karma and Adharma karma
d) According to Karma Vipak (the results of the action), there are three kinds
of Karmas.
• Sanchita Karma (accumulated Karma) comprise the actions performed in
earlier life.
• Prarabdha Karma (destined karma) the accumulated actions can be either
good or bad. Hence, the results of the actions, which the man has to face,
comprise destined Karma.
• Aagama Karma (accumulating Karma) the actions, which are being
performed in the present and those actions, which are to be performed in
future, are called accumulating actions.
Rewards of Karma:
The rewards of Karma have four major elements;
i) Karmaphal (results of action)
ii) Punarjanma (rebirth), soul (atma) upon the death of the body. Soul (atma)
is immortal and indestructible. When the body perishes, it enters another
body. The soul during the evolution of birth and rebirth accumulates Karma.
Thus enormous and ever increasing credit and debt accounts in the Karma
bank. Action, good or bad, brings on its trail, reward and punishment and
there is no escape form it”. Thus soul is inevitably tied to the wheel of
Samsara and helplessly turns over successive rebirths, reaping in fruits of
past Karma and perpetually sowing more seeds of Karma and thus
perpetuating itself. This is same as “Samsara” or the “cycle of births”.
Thus Karma and Punarjanma are inextricably interwoven with each others.
iii) Poorvajanamaphala (results of the action of previous births)
iv) Atmanitya (immortality of the soul)
The caste system is one of the unique features in Indian Society. Its root can be
traced back to thousands of years.
The word caste derives from the Spanish and Portuguese “casta”, means “race,
lineage, or breed”. Portuguese employed casta in the modern sense when they
applied it to hereditary Indian social groups called as ‘jati’ in India. ‘Jati’
originates from the root word ‘Jana’ which implies taking birth. Thus, caste is
concerned with birth.
❖ Hierarchy: D.C. Bhattacharya rightly observes that “not only do the various
castes form a hierarchy but the occupation practised by them, the various
items of their diet and the customs they observe all form separate
hierarchies.”
❖ Endogamy/ Restrictions on marriage: Caste is a closed group where
intercaste marriages are strictly prohibited.
➢ The members of a caste can accept pakka food (cooked in ghee) from
some castes lower than his own but ‘kachcha food’ (cooked in water)
only from either their own caste or castes ritually higher than their own.
➢ They are also required to observe certain restrictions while accepting
water from members of other castes. The Brahmins do not eat onions,
garlic, cabbage, carrot, beat root etc. Eating beef is not permissible
except for the untouchables.
➢ The members of a caste also observe certain restrictions pertaining to
social intercourse. There are certain castes whose touch is considered to
be a pollution and hence they are regarded as ‘untouchables’. For
example, in Kerala, a Nayar can approach a Nambudri Brahmin but
would not touch him. A Tiyan was expected to keep himself at a
distance of 36 steps from a Brahmin. A puliyan (Harijan) should
maintain a distance of 96 steps. In Tamilnadu, shanar, toddy tapper
was expected to keep a distance of 24 feet from Brahmins.
➢ During Peshwa rule in Maharashtra, Mahars and Mangs
(Untouchable castes) were not permitted with in the main gates of
Poona before 9 am and after 3 pm. As their bodies caste very long
shadows in those timings which may fall on the Brahmins and defile
them.
Indological approach:
Indological approach explains the caste system in terms of origin, structure, and
functions based on Hindu sacred texts. It explains caste system as a system of
stratification and highlights the importance of religious sanctions in the moulding
of caste system. According to Indologists like Ghurye, caste system is an
ascriptive system based on endogamy, occupation, interdependence, purity,
pollution and hierarchy.
Attributional approach:
Studies about the attributes (Conditions / characteristics) of the caste system.
Louis Dumont followed this approach in his analysis of the caste system. For him,
“Caste is set of relationships of economic, political and kinship systems,
sustained by certain values which are mostly religious in nature”.
In his book, Homo hierarchicus: The caste system and its implications , he
expands upon his fieldwork on the Piramalai Kallars of South India in 1949
Dumont says that caste is not a form of stratification but a special form of
inequality, whose essence has to be deciphered by the sociologists.
Here, Dumont identifies ‘hierarchy’ as the essential value underlying the caste
system, supported by Hinduism.
Dumont starts with Bougie’s definition of caste and says that it divides the
whole Indian society into a larger number of hereditary groups distinguished
from one another and connected together by three characteristics:
(a) Separation on the basis of rules of the caste in matters of marriage and contact
(b) Interdependent of work or division of labour, each group having, in theory or
by tradition, a profession from which their members can depart only within certain
limits; and
(c) Finally, gradation of status or hierarchy, which ranks the groups as relatively
superior or inferior to one another.
Dumont explains that hierarchy is the “principle by which the elements of a
whole are ranked in relation to the whole.” Dumont later expands upon the idea
of the hierarchy and relationship to the whole in his example of the jajmani system.
Dumont describes the jajmani system not as economics, but as a hereditary system
of labor and relationships, of prestations and counter-prestations.
His analysis of caste system is based on a single principle-the opposition of pure
and impure. This opposition underlies hierarchy which means superiority of the
pure and inferiority of impure. This principle also underlies separation which
means pure and impure must be kept separate.
According to him, Religious authority rests within the hands of the Brahmans and
temporal authority in the hands of kings & judges. Furthermore, the unit of the
village has intricated, plural forms of authority rather than simply linear.
According to Dumont the study of the caste system is useful for the knowledge of
India and it is an important task of general Sociology.
He advocated the use of an Indological and structuralist approach to the study of
caste system and village social structure in India.
Interactional approach:
The interactional approach deals with the behavior patterns amongst various castes.
It examines the operation of the caste system in the actual social scenario.
Varna and caste (Caste) are two different concepts, though some people wrongly
consider it the same. Louis Dumont in his book Homo hierarchicus, stated that
Varna is an early vedic concept while caste is a post vedic concept.
Varna Caste
Literally ‘Varna’ means colour and
originates from the world ‘Vri’ meaning Caste or ‘Jati’ originates from the root
the choice of one’s occupation. Hence word ‘Jana’ which implies taking birth.
Varna is concerned with one’s colour or Thus, caste is concerned with birth.
occupation.
Castes are very large in number. Castes
Varna’s are only four in number i.e.
also have many subdivisions known as
Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra
sub-castes.
Presence of regional variations mostly
based on linguistic differences.Eg:
It is an all-India phenomenon. The
Lingayats occupy a prominent position
hierarchy of the 4 varnas is uniform
in the social hierarchy of Karnataka but
through out India.
do not enjoy the same position in
neighboring states.
Varna system is relatively flexible with It is based on rigid principles and
one’s talent, knowledge and marriage , change of caste is not possible with
one’s varna can be changed. It is an talent, knowledge or marriage. It is a
open type of stratification. closed type of stratification.
It was partly an achieved status. It is purely an ascribed status.
Imposes many restrictions on the
Varna system is free from socio-
members.
economic and political disabilities
Thus, Varna and caste are two different systems of stratification, but Varna system
over a period of time evolved into the caste system.
Some of the main theories regarding the origin of caste system in India are: (i)
racial theory, (ii) political theory, (iii) occupational theory, (iv) traditional theory,
(v) guild theory, (vi) religious theory and (vii) evolutionary theory:
According to D.N. Majumdar, Risley, Ghurye the caste system took its birth
after the arrival of Aryans in India. In order to maintain their separate existence the
Indo-Aryans used the word ‘varna’, ‘colour’. Thus they spoke of the ‘Dasa varna’,
or more properly the Dasa people.
Rig Vedic literature stresses very significantly the differences between the Arya
and Dasa, not only in their colour but also in their speech, religious practices, and
physical features. The three classes, Brahma, Kshatra and Vis are frequently
mentioned in the Rig Veda. The name of the fourth class, the ‘Sudra’, occurs only
once in the Rig Veda.
The first two classes, i.e., Brahma and Kshatra represented broadly the two
professions of the poet-priest and the warrior-chief. Vis comprised all the
common people. The Sudra class represented domestic servants approximating
very nearly to the position of slaves. On the relations subsisting between the four
classes the Rig Veda has little to say. However, the Brahmin is definitely said to be
superior to the Kshatriya.
Criticism: Failed to explain the fact that racial intermixing is a very common
phenomena while caste system is a rare and almost unique form of social
stratification in India.
According to this theory, caste system is a clever device invented by the Brahmins
in order to place themselves on the highest ladder of social hierarchy. Dr. Ghurye
states, “Caste is a Brahminic child of Indo-Aryan culture cradled in the land
of the Ganges and thence transferred to other parts of India.”
The Brahmanic literature of the post-Vedic period mentions certain mixed classes
(Sankara jati) and also a group of outcaste classes (Antyavasayin). Among the four
varnas, the old distinction of Arya and Sudra now appears as Dvija and Sudra, The
first three classes are called Dvija (twice born) because they have to go through the
initiation ceremony which is symbolic of rebirth. “The Sudra was called “ekaja”
(once born).
The word “jati” is hence forward employed to mean the numerous sub-divisions of
a “varna”. However, this demarcation is not rigidly maintained. The word “jati”, is
sometimes used for “varna”. In the Brahmin period the position of the Brahmins
increased manifold.
The three lower classes are ordered to live according to the teaching of the
Brahmin, who shall declare their duties, while the king also is exhorted to regulate
his conduct accordingly. The pre-eminence of the Brahmin had secured him many
social privileges sanctioned by the law givers. The statement that God created
the Sudra to be the slave of all is repeated and he is given the name of
“padaja” (born from the feet).
As the priestly influence grew in India, complicated rules of ritual and conduct
were built up and incorporated into the religious books. The Brahmins closed their
ranks and tried to maintain their superiority over the other classes.
It is true that in the beginning there were no rigid restrictions but slowly and
gradually the idea of separation stiffened. It was first the ritual and ceremonial
purity which as time went on took an exaggerated aspect. Distinction began to be
made between things that are pure and impure. Restrictions were imposed on food
and drink. When the Brahmins closed their ranks, it was but natural that other
classes also should follow suit.
According to this theory, the origin of caste system can be found in the nature and
quality of social work performed by the various groups of people. Those
professions which were regarded as better and respectable made the persons who
performed them superior to those who were engaged in dirty professions.
According to Newfield, “Function and function alone is responsible for the origin
of caste structure in India.” With functional differentiation there came in
occupational differentiation and numerous castes such as Brahmin ( Priest),
Lohar (Blacksmith), Sonar (Goldsmith), Chamar (Tanning, trating the skin of
animals), Bhangi (Sweeping). Barhai ( Wood carvers), Teli (Oil pressers), Nai
(Barbers and midwives), Tamboli (Retailing pan), Gadaria ( Gadar means
sheep, pastorals), Mali (Gardeners/ Florists), Dhobi ( washerman) etc. came
into existence.
According to this theory, the caste system is of divine origin. There are some
references in Vedic literature wherein it is said that castes were created by Brahma
the supreme creator, so that human beings may harmoniously perform the various
social functions essential for the maintenance of society. According to D.N.
Majumdar, “if, however we take the divine origin of the Varna’s as an allegorical
explanation of the functional division of society, the theory assumes practical
significance.”
(i) tribes,
(ii) guilds, and
(iii) religion.
The tribes adopted certain fixed professions and assumed the form of guilds. In
ancient India, the priests enjoyed greater prestige. They were a hereditary and
endogamous group. The other guilds also adopted the same practices endogamy
and in course of time became castes. (Note: Guild is a medieval association of
crafts men or merchants often having considerable power/ An association of
people for mutual aid or pursuit of common goal)
Hocart and Senart are the two main advocates of religious theory. According to
Hocart, social stratification originated on account of religious principles and
customs. In ancient India religion had a prominent place. The king was
considered the image of God. The priest kings accorded different positions to
different functional groups. Senart has tried to explain the origin of caste
system on the basis of prohibitions regarding sacramental food.
According to this theory, the caste system did not come into existence all of a
sudden or at a particular date. It is the result of a long process of social evolution.
A number of factors played their part in the development of the present caste
system.
❖ Hereditary occupations;
❖ The desire of the Brahmins to keep themselves pure;
❖ The lack of rigid unitary control of the state;
❖ The unwillingness of rulers to enforce a uniform standard of law and custom
and their readiness to recognize the varying customs of different groups as
valid;
❖ Beliefs in rebirth and the doctrine of Karma;
❖ Ideas of exclusive family, ancestor worship, and the sacramental meal;
❖ Clash of antagonistic cultures particularly of the patriarchal and the
matriarchal systems;
❖ Clash of races, colour prejudices and conquest;
❖ Deliberate economic and administrative policies followed by the various
conquerors particularly by the British;
❖ Geographical isolation of the Indian peninsula;
❖ Static nature of Hindu society;
❖ Foreign invasions;
❖ Rural social structure.
The concept of dominant caste has been used for the first time in sociological
literature by an eminent sociologist, Prof. M.N. Srinivas in his essay “The Social
System of a Mysore Village”, which was written after his study of village
Rampura. Rampura village is a little away from Mysore city of Karnataka.
Dumont and Pocock believed that Srinivas has adopted the term from the study of
African society where the concepts of dominant clan and dominant lineage
were used. The term dominant caste is used to refer to a caste which wields
economic or political power and occupies a fairly high position in the hierarchy.
Srinivas says that the existence of dominant caste is not particular to Rampura
village only. It is also found in other villages of the country.
A caste having all the 4 features is called a Decisive dominant caste. Such castes
are found in very few villages. But castes having some of these fetures are
common.
McKim Marriott viewed that the concept of dominant caste in various studies
of anthropological research lies on the political power which traditionally called
as juridical power in village community and at times yields religious and quasi-
divine power and the power to employ physical force.
“A caste to be dominant, it should own a sizable amount of the arable land
locally available, have strength of numbers and occupy a high place in the local
hierarchy. When a caste has all the attributes of dominance, it may be said to
enjoy a decisive dominance.” —M.N. Srinivas
1. The dominant caste often acts as a reference model to the lower caste group.
The lower caste people imitate their behaviour, ritual pattern, customs etc. In
this way, they help in cultural transmission.
2. A Dominant caste is not a dominant caste in all the places and in all the
times but if a caste is a dominant caste in one village, they try to uplift their
members even in the neighboring village make make them a domionant
caste evemn in the neighboring village as well.
3. The dominant castes of a particular locality act as watch dogs of pluralistic
culture and system. They set norms and regulations for social life. Anyone
who violates the norms Is severely punished. Anil Bhatt has pointed out that
the leaders of the locally dominant caste may arbitrate in village disputes.
They decide the mode of rewards and punishment. They may determine
civic and economic privileges. Eg: In Ramnad (in Ramanatha puram
district, Tamilnadu) , Kallars are the dominant caste. There was a
conflict between Kallars and harijans in 1930. They imposed several
prohibitions on them.
5. Dominant castes secure economic benefits to its members and followers and
uplift them.
6. Dominant castes often exhibit greater concern for its social superiority even
though it is not so in the caste hierarchy.
7. Dominant castes are the main power holders. They establish contacts with the
outside government officials, elected representatives and political leaders. They
influence the political process.
8. Dominant castes because of their dominant position exploit all the
developmental sources in their favour. They act as agents of rehabilitation
programmes. They accelerate the process of socio-economic developments.
9. The Dominant castes set values and norms for the community. Traditionally, its
primary functions were Judicial, executive and legitimacy. They form the vital link
between the villages and the other world. They also help in the socialisation
process.
10. Due to dominant position in rural society, they control the rural economy in
various ways and means.
11. Dominant castes play a greater role in the process of modernisation.
12. Dominant castes influence the decisions of panchayats and caste councils of the
village.
13. They indulge in sexual relations with women of minority or lower castes.
14. Dominant castes patronises in elections. The biggest patron comes from the
decisive dominant caste of the village.
1. The ruler
2. The regionally dominant caste
3. The locally dominant caste
4. The village level landed pattern of dominant caste.
Criticisms:
Conclusion: The net impact on the caste system is commensality aspect of the
caste system changed drastically but connubium (Right to intermarry) is not
changing at the same rate and caste continues to be a closed system of stratification
in India. M.N. Srinivas and Andre Beteille have concluded that the caste system
is embedded in the psyche of Indians and caste system is here to stay till it
continues to be a part of the psyche.
Each caste has a specialized occupation. Such specialization leads to the exchange
of services in the rural society.
The relationship between the ‘served’ castes and the ‘serving’ castes was not based
on contract, nor was it individual and temporary. It is a permanent relationship,
which is caste-oriented. This system of durable relation between a landowning
family and the landless families, which supply them with goods and services, is
called the ‘jajmani system’.
In the jajmani system, the high caste landowning families are rendered services and
products by the lower castes. The serving castes are called kamins, whereas the
served castes are known as jajmans. The kamins are paid in cash or kind for their
services (Ram Ahuja, Indian Social System).
Harold Gould has described the jajmani system as an inter-familial, inter-caste
relationship pertaining to the patterning of superordinate-subordinate relations
between patrons and suppliers of services.
The kamins, who provide services to jajmans also, need the services of other
castes for themselves. According to Harold Gould, in such a situation, the
lower castes make their own jajmani arrangements either through direct
exchange of labour or by paying in cash or kind. The middle castes also, like the
lower castes, either subscribe to each others’ services in return for compensation
and payments or exchange of services with one another.
The kamins are meant not only to provide goods to the jajmans, but they are also
expected to do those tasks, which are considered impure by jajmans, for
instance, cutting of hair by Nais, washing dirty clothes by Dhobis, cleaning of
toilets by Bhangis, etc. Though these castes are considered to be lower castes,
they do not provide their services to the Harijans. Even the Brahmins do not
accept these lower castes as their jajmans.
b. It provides economic security as the ‘jajman takes care of all the needs of kamin.
c. It strengthens the relationship between jajman and kamin, which is more per-
sonal than economic.
Functions, Roles, Norms and Values Involved in the Jajmani System: The
significance in this jajman-kamin relationship is that the jajman is expected to give
concessions in the form of free food, free clothing, rent-free lands, etc., during
various emergencies. The jajmani system is not reciprocal in all the villages.
Disintegration of the Jajmani System:
❖ Industrialization—
❖ The rigidity in the caste system decreased, which made possible for kamins
to take up new opportunities of employment.
❖ Spread of education.
❖ Losing of powers by the caste councils and Village Panchayats. The Village
Panchayats are deprived of their traditional roles.
❖ Abolition of Jagirdari system and introduction of land reforms have also
contributed to bringing about a change in the jajmani system.
❖ The improved means of transport and communication has helped in making
the market transactions easier.
❖ Most of the artisans prefer to get money for their goods. Cultivators also
prefer to buy articles for their daily needs, from the market, by paying cash.
Thus monetisation of Indian economy deteriorated the Jajmani system.
❖ The jajmans, in the present day, prefer to have more political support than
depending on their kamins.
Due to the above-mentioned factors, the jajmani system is deteriorating day-
by-day. Thus, most of the village communities are not dependent on the
jajman-kamin arrangements
F.G. Bailey in his book, Tribe, Caste and Nation (1960) proposed that there
exists a continuity between tribes and castes of India.
Anthropologists have differed on the question relating to tribe and caste.
According to Ghurye tribal people are backward Hindus differing only in degrees
from the other segments of Hindu society. Elwin argued for the recognition of
separate social and cultural identity of tribal people.
According to Andre Beteille there are certain commonly observed differences
between tribes and castes.
• The tribes are isolated both Geographically and socially, i.e. A tribe is a
world within itself having few external ties. Whereas every caste is a part of
a larger whole being linked by multifarious ties with other castes.
• Tribes speak a variety of languages and dialects which separates them from
non tribes.
• They follow their own religion and practices which are not common in
Hinduism.
• According to D.N Majumdar the tribe looks upon Hindu ritualism as
foreign and extra -religious even though indulging in the worship of Hindu
Gods and Goddesses whereas in the caste these are necessary part of the
religion.
• The individuals of each caste generally pursue their own definite occupation,
because functions are divided under the caste system. Tribes indulge in the
occupation suitable to their ecological conditions and the material sources
available, as there is no fixed relation between tribe and occupation.
Other differences:
Economic factors: Tribals have substantive or system oriented economy thus give
less importance to surplus, where as castes have formal or actor oriented economy,
thus give utmost importance to surplus.
Ritual/ religious factors: Tribal religion tends to be less systematized; less
elaborate and less specialized when compared to that of the Hindu castes
Psychological factors: Tribal people take direct satisfaction from the senses like
food, sex, drinks etc., but castes tend to be ambivalent about such pleasures and
surround them with elaborate rituals.
Social factors: Tribals are egalitarian whereas in the caste system there is
inequality.
According to N.K Bose there are many similarities between tribes and castes.
• Marriage within the clan is forbidden both in the tribe Sagotra marriages in
the caste. (Note: some gotras: Kashyapa, Bharadvaja, Vyasa, Kaushika,
Surya vanshi- Rama’s descendents, Chandra vanshi- Krishna’s
descendents, etc)
• Caste and tribe both are endogamous units.
• Max Weber writes in Social Structure that when an Indian tribe loses its
territorial significance it assumes the form of an Indian caste.
Interestingly in every Khond village there are panos. Khonds are agriculturists
but panos remove the dead cattle of the khonds. Since they serve the khonds, the
latter provide a piece of land to them for cultivation. Bailey states that the relation
between Khonds and panos is exactly similar to that of a dominant caste and its
dependent castes among Oriyas.
If we consider all Oriya villages together, the land owning dominant castes in all
villages as one part of the Oriya society and dependent castes in different villages
as the other part of the Oriya society, The relations appear to be segmentary. Thus
there are elements of tribes in caste society (Oriyas) just as there are elements of
caste in tribal society (Khonds) . Hence proves the tribe – caste continuum.
(Note : British disturbed this arrangement by bringing hill areas of Orissa under
the control of Oriya chieftains).
Surajit Sinha’s studies: Being a follower of Redfield, tried to understand the
concept of tribe caste continuum as similar to the Redfield’s concept of Folk-
urban continuum.
Surajit Sinha’s studies: Being a follower of Redfield, tried to understand the
concept of tribe caste continuum as similar to the Redfield’s concept of Folk-
urban continuum.
• The concept of Sacred Complex was put forth by L.P. Vidyarthi in his book
“The Sacred Complex of Hindu Gaya”.
• L.P. Vidyarthi introduces the term sacred complex to indicate the integrative
pattern envisaging all the sacred elements.
• The sacred specialists are those experts who perform rituals in sacred places.
They are in the form of Gayawal priests, monks, barbers, florists, pilgrim
hunters, staff of Gayawals, sacred singers, reciters, musicians, composers,
Astrologers, Palmists, Shopkeepers and so on.
• Of all the specialists, Ggayawal priests who are Brahmins are most important.
Gayawals may be classified into 3 categories namely the sanskritic, the
feudalistic and the proletarian.
• The sanskritic gayawals practice orthodox life, ceremonialism and strict
adherence to Brahmanic rules as prescribed by the ancient transcript text.
• The feudalist gayawals lead the wealthy and aristocratic life. They also employ
a number of servants to perform their priestly and domestic work.
• The proletarian gayawals show various changes in their behaviours and way of
life. They are ridden with rivalary and group organization and at the same
pretend to maintain presitly life.
The Gayawal priests have Jajmani relationships with well to do patrons located
in various parts in India. The rich patrons from all over India finance the
construction of sacred buildings. They provide a livelihood to the sacred
specialists by holding elaborate sacred performances and giving them valuable
gifts.
Criticism:
1) Bidyanath Saraswathi studied sacred complexs of Nimsar of Gaya and
Kashi and concluded that the sacred complex in the case of Kashi is not
only a Brahmin complex rather it may be a Brahmin - Non Brahmin
complex, as it includes the co-existence of Brahminic temples of
Vishveshwara and the non-Brahminic shrine of Agiyabeer and the scared
performances made by barhmins and non brahimins including untouchables.
This means sacred complex may appear predominatly a Brahmin complex,
but it is indeed a complex of much bigger organization of traditions known
in Indian civilizations.
Nature, Man and spirit interaction was the basis of the famous concept of
Nature-Man-Spirit Complex proposed by Vidyarthi.
• The concept of Nature-Man-Spirit complex was put forth by L.P Vidyarthi in
his book “The Maler: A Study in Nature-Man-Spirit Complex in a hill tribe
of Bihar”.
• In the book he describes the culture of a hill tribe the Maler ( also called Souria
paharia) in Rajmahal hills of present Sahebganj district.
• According to Vidyardhi, it is “ A complex araising out of man’s close
interaction with and dependence on nature and his belief in the supernatural and
spirit world”. The three components of the complex , nature refers to
environmnet , man refers to society and the spirit refers to the religious realm.
All the three are intertwined.
• At times are merged in to each other. In Indian tribes there is a relationship and
interaction between social organisation on one hand and religious complex and
ecological conditions on the other. The relation ship is unavoidable and its
avoidance would cause hard ship to the people.
• Both economic necessity and sociophysiological protection have directed man
to keep the closest possible relation with the nature and super natural.
• In certain circumstances it appears that nature and spirit conditions some of the
social ways and practices while in others it sounds as a case of adjustment for
smooth living. But a shift in some of the lifestyles has been reported leading
thereby to the easing of severity traditionally defined in nature-man-spirit
complex.
The book was divided into three parts with Nature, Man and Spirit respectively.
• In the first part he analysed the interaction between Maler and their natural
environment. He demonstrated the ecological basis of Maler culture showing
the importance of hills and forests in the life of Maler. They are dependent on
the forest for their livelihood and survival. They practice shift cultivation
(Khallu) in the forest. They collect roots, fruits, fuel and herbal medicines
from the forest. They gather all those raw material needed for their cottage
industries from the hills and forests. Forests provides hunting grounds to
them. They also believe that diffrent spirits also take abode in and around
the forest. All timber required for constructing their shelters comes from the
forest. Forests provide love-nests and graveyards to the Maler. Thus the
entire Maler life revolved around the forest.
• In the second part dealing with Man he examines the network of
relationships in all its aspects including the structure and organization of the
family, different social institutions, socialisation, personality formation and
lifecycle of a typical Maler. A typical Maler is motivated by two basic needs ,
hunger for food and sex. Their social structure is very simple. They dont
have clan system. Kinship is reckoned through lineage up to 3 generations.
• In the third part on Spirit he describes the religious beliefs in supernatural
beings, sacred centers, sacred performances and sacred specialists. They
believe in the spirits called Gossayians. They believe that one Gossayian is
presiding over the other Gossayians. The Gossayians guide their destiny.The
spirits were classified in to benevolent and malevolent ones. The benevolent
ones are responsible for health, wealth, increased productivity in
agricultureetc. The malevolent ones cause sickness, abortions, death and
natural calamities. They perform many rituals to please their spirits.
1. IMPACT OF BUDDHISM:
• Buddhism emerged as a challenge to the Brahmanical supremacy and caste
inequality. But it became less popular in India & more popular outside India.
Even though hardly 0.80% of the people in India are Buddhists, the impact
of Buddhism on Hindusim, on the Hindu society and on the Indian culture in
general is very great.
2. IMPACT OF JAINISM:
• Like Buddhism, Jainism also emerged as a protest against brahminic
supremacy and caste system. The first female disciple of Mahaveera is said
to have been a captured slave woman.
• Jainism like Buddhism did not debar the lower castes form acquiring
knowledge.
• Jain monks like the Buddhist monks accepted food from lower class families
including those of weavers.
• Like Buddhism, Jainism also adopted favourable attitude towards traders
and merchant class also.
• Like Buddhism, Jainism tried to improve the position of slaves.
• Apastamba forbids trade in human beings.
• The Digha Nikahaya advises masters to treat their slaves decently.
Modern Position:
• They are not socioculturally distinct from Hindus,
• Jains, although small in size, are divided both on sectarian and caste basis,
hence do not function as unified religious group
• Jainism is no longer a proselytizing (missionary) faith but is socially insulate
• Jains do not identify themselves with any specific territory or language and
are not concentrated in any state.
• The central value of Jains is Ahimsa, and Jains for this reason, initiate,
sponsor and finance many charitable institutions, this invests them with
considerable respectability.
3. IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY:
4. IMPACT OF ISLAM:
Islam is the second biggest religion of humankind. It entered India in the 10th
century A.D. But the Islamic culture started exercising its influence in a serious
manner only after the 15th and 16th centuries.
• Islam is a monotheistic religion. Islam could not make any compromise with
Hinduism. Hence, the absorption of the Indo-Muslims into the fold of
Hinduism by recognizing Allah as another incarnations of Vishnu and
Muhammad as an inspired sadhu, was impossible.
• Islam favoured Muslim society remain mostly urban. They built several
urban centers including Fatehpur Sikri, Auarngabad, Secunderabad,
Allahabad, Ahmedabad, Hyderabad and so on.
• Muslims never showed any interest in purchasing land in rural areas to settle
as agriculturists.
• Islam attempted towards communal harmony. S.C. Dube writes: “Despite
long years of Muslim rule, the overwhelming majority of the people
remained Hindu. This would not have been possible had the requirements of
Islam been strictly carried out.”
UNIT – 4
CONTRIBUTIONS OF INDIAN ANTHROPOLOGISTS
At that time, in England and in other parts of the continent, the trend among
ethnologists was to find the evolutionary origins of various socio-cultural
institutions. This mode was also followed by Hutton. He concludes from his study
that the Nagas must have originated and migrated from somewhere close to China.
He discusses the institution of head-hunting and the Negrito element among the
Angamis. This evolutionary and diffusionist work was also extended to the study
of the caste system, on which Hutton wrote another book. Hutton was also very
much in sympathy with the problems of the tribes. In fact, he was of the opinion
that autonomy could be granted to these tribes for conducting their own affairs.
This stood him in good stead with the local administration and he was appointed
Political Agent to the Naga hills before he became the Census Commissioner. He
was also appointed as the Chairman of Anthropology at Cambridge. He was first to
be appointed the President of the Indian Science Congress in 1921.
He has also written on the morals and merits in South Asian societies. Haimendorf
has also worked on communities in Nepal. He retired as a Professor from the
School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), London. In 1976, he retired from
the Chair of Asian Anthropology at the University of London. He is well-known
for his many meticulously detailed ethnographies but is not so well-remembered
for the few theoretical approaches that he used.
Verrier Elwin has always been associated with the issue of the integration of tribal
societies with the greater Indian society. Such an integrationist stance was initially
opposed by him, when he proposed that tribals should be left alone instead of being
constantly interfered with and acculturated. This gave him the reputation of being a
person who advocated separate ‘reserved national parks’ for tribals. Such
national parks he also called ‘Tribal Reserve Area.’ Such a stance was also
being used at the time by the United States government. After this, Elwin went on
to study the Murias of the Bastar region. He devoted one book to the study of the
youth dormitories among the Murias there. It was seen from his work that such
youth dormitories were an indispensable part of many other tribal societies as
well. It was responsible for training the youth in various social activities and
for initiating them into sexual activities. This led others to work on the
activities of the youth dormitories in other tribal societies.
He went on to publish many more works on tribal and other cultures. He published
one on the religion of the tribes, their folklore, myths of origin, etc. In a study of
the Borneo highlanders he again supported isolationism. This was criticized by
several nationalist leaders and pro assimilation anthropologists. Finally, when
Elwin wrote A Philosophy For NEFA he propagated a more assimilationistic
stance in collaboration with the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. In his
integrationist model of the tribe, he propagated the idea, following Nehru’s
panchsheel that the tribes should be allowed to develop according to their own
dictates.
Career in anthropology
His interest into the plight of the "tribal" people developed in the course of his
visits as a lawyer, in the interior areas of the Chota Nagpur Division. He was
deeply moved by the plight of the Munda, Oraon and other tribal groups, who were
subjected to the continued oppression by an apathetic colonial administration, and
by a general contempt towards them in courts of law, as "upper-caste" Hindu
lawyers had little knowledge of their customs, religions, customary laws and
languages. Keeping all this in perspective, he decided to spend years and decades
among tribal folks to study their languages, conduct ethnography, and interpret
their customs, practices, religion and laws for the benefit of humanity, and also for
the established system of colonial civil jurisprudence. In so doing, he wrote
pioneering monographs, that would set the ground for broader understanding and
future research. Thus although he was not formally trained in either ethnology or
anthropology, he is regarded the first Indian ethnologist, or ethnographer or an
Indian anthropologist.
In his later years, he spent his time editing Man in India and in other journals,
writing and lecturing at the newly established anthropology department at the
University of Calcutta, and serving as a reader at Patna University.
Career
Guha is best known for his work on classification of the Indian people into racial
groups Although the concept of race has been rejected by the evolutionary
scientists, Guha's theories are of historical interest. Apart from Indian tribes, he
also did some research on North American Indians
Publications
Early life
Ananthakrishna Iyer was born to a Vedic scholar, L. N. Krishna Iyer, in the village
of Lakshminarayanapuram near Palghat in the then Malabar district of the Madras
Presidency which is in modern day Kerala.
Career
Ananthakrishna Iyer is best known for his books Castes and Tribes of Mysore, and
Castes and Tribes of Cochin. Both are pioneering works on the tribes inhabiting
the west coast of India. He was born in 1861 at Palaghat in Kerala. He passed
matriculation from Palaghat high school in 1878 and passed BA from Madras
Christian college in 1883. Heworked with Revenue Department for some time at
Vayanad, then left to join Victoria College Palaghat. In the year 1896, he became a
headmaster in a Christian school. In 1897, he joined Maharajas College at
Eranakulam as scientific assistant The Log book kept at St Berchmans H S
Changanacherry gives this piece of information: "He took charge of the school as
Headmaster on 22 February 1897 ≥.He was there till May that year and left for
Ernakulam by former Headmaster Thomas K J kallarakavumkal Mammood P O
PIN 686536 Changanacherry Kerala". His son, L. A. Krishna Iyer, was also a
noted anthropologist and a Padma Bhushan awardee.
Works : The Mysore Tribes and Castes, Tribes and Castes of Cochin.
7. GOVIND SADASHIV GHURYE : G. S. Ghurye was born in 1893 and was a
Sanskritic scholar, teaching it in Bombay, before he went on to become a Ph.D.
scholar under the famed anthropologist W.H.R. Rivers and A.C. Haddon, at
Cambridge University in England. He was an evolutionist and he used indological
texts to work on caste and race in India, an interest that continued throughout his
life. He was one of the pioneers of the use of indological texts in sociology. He
was also
known as the father of systematic teaching of Sociology in India.
During his work there he wrote Caste and Race in India, which came out in 1932
under the History and Civilisation series edited by C.K. Ogden. It soon became a
basic text. He tried to give a comprehensive picture of castes, along with its origin,
features, function, development, and so on. It was revised in 1950 and came out as
Caste and Class in India. He had added the gently developing system of caste
under the present milieu of political, economic and social change in India. He also
wrote on the tribes of India and gave details of their administration. He was an
assimilationist and wished to incorporate the tribals of India into the ‘mainstream’
of Indian culture. He also showed how the earlier British Administration had
created problems in the administration of the tribes.
This led him to write The Aborigines – ‘so called’ and Their Future in 1943. He
enumerated the problems of the aboriginal tribes of India in a truly anthropological
manner. He was of the opinion that these tribes should neither be called ‘adivasis’
nor ‘aborigines’. They should not be a separate category but should be merged
with castes and should be treated as backward
classes.
Ghurye’s work was textually oriented and did not involve fieldwork. According to
many, including M. N. Srinivas, he was conjectural, historical and indological.
This did not mean that he was unaware of the current context of the castes on
which his researches were based as this following statement shows:
Career in anthropology
His initial work was among the Juang of Orissa, as part of his master's work at
Calcutta University (1924–25). In 1929, he brought out Cultural Anthropology,
presenting a developing world view of anthropology and culture. 1932 saw the
publication of Canons of Orissan architecture, announcing his interest in art and
architecture. His sociological interests were reflected in Some aspects of caste in
Bengal (1958), and his urbanist interests in Calcutta 1964: a social survey (1968)
and Anthropology and some Indian problems (1972).
Among his major works is the study Peasant Life in India (1961), based on a wide
study with data collected from 311 out of 322 districts of India. Here he comments
on the considerable interpenetration in the material culture of rural India, "on the
whole independent of language as well as of physical types". Other important
works include The Structure of Indian Society (1949).
He was also the editor, from 1951 until his death, of the journal Man in India. He
was the director of the Anthropological Survey of India from 1959 to 1964. In
1965, he undertook a survey of the Hill districts of Assam and in the following
year, the tribal regions of Arunachal Pradesh (then NEFA).
10. IRAVATI KARVE: She was born in 1905 in Burma and educated in Pune.
She had a B.A. in Philosophy and then she completed her M.A. in Sociology in
1928 from Bombay University. She then went to Berlin University in Germany
where she was honoured with a D.Phil. for her outstanding research work in 1930.
She had worked under the tutelage of Eugene Fischer at Berlin University. She was
also knowledgeable in both social as well as in physical anthropology. In 1939
when she came back to India she joined the Deccan College Postgraduate and
Research Institute in Pune as Head of the Department of Sociology and
Anthropology. In 1939 she was the President of the Archaeology and
Anthropology section of the Indian Science Congress. By the 1940s she had
worked with the famous H.D. Sankalia on prehistoric cultures and had published
two papers with him. She concentrated on the racial composition of the Indian
population, the kinship organization in India, the origins of caste and sociological
studies of rural and urban communities.
Nevasa: The excavation at Nevasa was motivated to prove or otherwise the legend
of its association with the famous saint Jnaneshvara. Here he discovered human
occupation right from the Lower Palaeolithic phase to the Muslim-Maratha period.
Inamgaon: The site of Inamgaon was well preserved to fulfil the long-cherished
aims of Sankalia. Sankalia after the retirement opted to reside on the campus. He
was appointed Professor Emeritus in the department.
Awards: He was awarded Narmad Suvarna Chandrak in 1976 for his book Akhand
Bharatma Sanskrutino Ushakal
12. DHARANI P. SEN : Dharani Sen was born in September 1910. In 1934, he
completed his Masters degree from the Department of Anthropology, Calcutta
University. He went on to specialize in Prehistoric Archaeology. He then became a
Lecturer at the Department of Anthropology, Calcutta University. He became a
Reader and officiating Head at the Department of Anthropology at Lucknow
University between 1952-53. From 1962-74 he was an extra-mural Lecturer at the
Department of Archaeology, Calcutta University. In 1977 he was a Visiting
Professor at the Department of Anthropology, Dibrugarh University. He retired as
a Reader from the Department of Anthropology, Calcutta University.
He was trained by G. S. Ghurye, with whom he often disagreed. He was also very
much a field oriented social anthropologist and was a promoter of the
structural-functional approach. He was strongly influenced by the fieldwork of
both A.R. Radcliffe-Brown and Bronislaw Malinowski. This interest enabled him
to conduct his first fieldwork among the Coorgs of South India. This led to the
publication of Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India in 1952.
In 1955 he received the Rivers Memorial Medal, in 1958 the S,.C. Roy Memorial
Medal, in 1971 the Dadabhai Naoroji Memorial Prize for Social Science other than
economics, in 1976 the T. H. Huxley Memorial Medal from the Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in London, and in 1977 the
Padma Bhushan from the Government of India. In 1957 he was President of the
Anthropology and Archaeology Section of the Indian Science Congress and in
1966-67 was President of the Indian Sociological Society.
14. SHYAMA CHARAN DUBE: S. C. Dube, born on 25 July 1922 in Seoni in
Madhya Pradesh, initially finished a degree in Political Science before he decided
to join Anthropology. The course in Political Science had a special paper in Social
Anthropology. He then conducted a study of the Kamars of Raipur in order to do a
doctoral dissertation in Sociology. They were considered to be an extremely
backward community and before S.C. Dube went to study them, not much was
known about them. Dube studied their society holistically using traditional
anthropological methods.
15. SURAJIT CHANDRA SINHA: Surajit Chandra Sinha was born on 1st
August, 1926. In 1956, he completed a Ph.D. in Anthropology from Northwestern
University with a thesis on The Acculturation of the Bhumij: A Study in Inter-
Ethnic Integration and Stratification. Thus, he specialized in cultural
anthropology. He became a Fellow of the American Anthropological Association.
Apart from his visit to the USA as a Fulbright scholar, he was a Visting Assistant
and Associate Professor at various Universities around the world. He went on to
become the Vice- Chancellor of Visva-Bharati University. In 1965-66 he became
Professor of Social Anthropology at the Indian institute of Management, Calcutta.
From 1972 to 1975 he was the Director of the Anthropological Survey of India. He
was President of the section on Anthropology and archaeology, of the Forty-Ninth
Session of the Indian Science Congress.
In his researches Surajit Sinha worked on tribal transformation in India, working
on the integration of the Bhumij tribals within the Hindu caste system. He worked
extensively former south Manbhum, Ranchi, Singhbhum, and Mayurbhanj districts
within West Bengal, Bihar (undivided) and Orissa. He conducted researches on an
anthropological study of Indian civilization and of cultural evolution. He
conducted an All-India survey of the weaker sections of the Indian population.
He studied the organization of the ascetics of Kashi. He did an anthropological
appraisal of Rabindranath Tagore’s ideas on the nature of Indian civilization. He
also worked on the social and cultural transformation of the Rarh region of West
Bengal.
He said of the tribal people: It is for the Indian Anthropologists to take them
seriously and not to be carried away by the voluminous writings of the Western
Scholars who termed them to be 'animist', 'savages' and 'very different form the
Hindus'.
In 1951, Vidyarthi learned of the Maler tribe. Vidyarthi explained how the
ecological basis of forests and the slash-and-burn cultivation shaped the socio-
economic life of the Maler tribe. This was the basis of the famous concept of
Nature-Man-Spirit Complex proposed by Vidyarthi.
The another major concept that Vidyarthi brought into the Anthropological arena
was that of a Sacred complex. His work The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya is
considered to be one of the greatest contributions to the field of Anthropology.
Gaya is a sacred city of Hindu pilgrimage. He described Gaya in terms of "a sacred
geography", a set of "sacred performances" and a group of "sacred specialists".
These three concepts are the ones comprising the "Sacred Complex", which is
essentially a 'great tradition' in character. This great tradition is the one which
reflects Hinduism and unites the diverse people of India.
Vidyarthi's study of Hindu Gaya demonstrated that the sacred complex establishes
and maintains continuity and compromise between the traditions of the Hindu
Civilisation.
Books
19. ANDRE BETEILLE: Prof. Andre Beteille was born on 30 September 1934.
In 1957 he completed his Masters in Anthropology from Calcutta University. In
1964 he completed his Ph.D. from the Department of Sociology, University of
Delhi, on Caste, Class and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore
Village. Thus, he specialized in social stratification, inequality, social change and
political sociology. He has been engaged all his life in teaching and research.
Later, he took up a project on agrarian class relations. He was also employed at the
Indian Statistical Institute during 1958-59. From 1959 onwards he has been
employed in Delhi University. He became a Jawaharlal Nehru fellow, a Simon
fellow and a Leverhulme fellow, University of Sydney. Between 1965-66, he
worked at Manchester University.
20. GOPALA SARANA: Profesor Gopala Sarana was born on 2nd January 1935.
He completed his M.A. from Lucknow University in 1955. From there, he went to
the USA, to complete his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1966. His Ph.D. was
on Comparative Methods (Approaches) in Social- Cultural Anthropology: A
Methodological Analysis.
He conducted fieldwork among the Khasa and the Oraon tribals of Berhambe, near
Ranchi, now in Jharkhand. In his theoretical researches he moved from an interest
in Radcliffe-Brown in 1957 to 1959, through to structure and function as stated by
Radcliffe-Brown and Malinowski in 1970. He organized a symposium on
Radcliffe-Brown in 1981 and in 1984 on Malinowski and later on Levi-Strauss
(Misra; 2004).
For many, from a theoretical perspective, the most important set of contributions
which received wide acclaim were his papers and a book on anthropological
comparisons. He also analyzes those who claim that anthropological comparisons
do not yield the basic laws of human society and shows that even these authors
have used comparisons.
Though, cultures are unique and should not be compared to each other, Sarana
claims that the comparison of similar customs having different functions in
different cultures and vice-versa would be fruitful in understanding their nature and
form. Comparing totalities would lead also to large scale generalizations and
understanding.
After independence, planners in India realised that unless Indian villages were
properly studied, no real progress could be made.
Scholars now began to pay more and more attention to village studies because,
According to A.R. Desai, Daniel Throner, C.B. Mamoria, P.C. Joshi , Andre
Beteille and a few others, the agrarian social structure in India has grown in
different phases: (I) the Pre-British phase, and (ii) the British Phase, (iii) the Post-
Independence phase.
• Agrarian relations centre around the rulers, their nobles, officers, share
croppers, tenants, peasants, labourers. Rulers had their personal lands known
as crown lands. There were the nobles, officers, scholars, physicians and
experts in various fields who had large estates granted by the rulers.
• These people were Brahmins, Rajputs and Kayasthas in the North,
Brahmin, Nairs , Vellalas, Okkaligas, Reddis and Kammas in the south.
They became land owing castes.
(II) Agrarian structure in British Period: The main objectives of the British land
policy in India were;
(1) To collect the maximum amount of rent from Indian agrarian society.
(2) To introduce international money into agrarian economy to suit their interest.
(3) To introduce free trade in agriculture; and
(4) To make Indian agrarian economy a part of their colonial markets.
Land Revenue Systems in British India : Three major systems of land revenue
collection existed in India. They were – Zaminidari, Ryotwari and Mahalwari.
Zamindari System
• Zamindari System was introduced by Cornwallis in 1793 through Permanent
Settlement Act.
• It was introduced in provinces of Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Varanasi.
• Also known as Permanent Settlement System.
• Zamindars were recognized as owner of the lands. Zamindars were given the
rights to collect the rent from the peasants.
• The realized amount would be divided into 11 parts. 1/11 of the share belongs
to Zamindars and 10/11 of the share belongs to East India Company.
Ryotwari System
Mahalwari System
Positive Impact:
• Introduction of cash crops / export crops like cotton, jute, turmeric, chili,
tobacco etc., led to the increase in the prices of food crops.
• The fluctuations in prices in world economy affected the rural economy. For
example the civil war and famine in USA in 1980’s, world war I and world
war II generated a lot of demand for cotton from India. This led to
prosperity of many agricultural families in India. But at the same time fall in
prices in these commodities in international market ruined many farmers. Thus,
Indian village economy was linked to world economy.
• The expansion of market economy led to rapid transformation of agrarian
society from subsistence economy to market economy. This weakened Jajmani
system.
• The government introduced, Modern means of transport and communication.
This led to full-fledged extension of market to villages. Now urban factory
products flooded rural market. This undermined the demand for handicrafts and
traditional services. Many people who lost demand for their crafts or services
adopted agriculture as an alternative. This increased the labor burden on
agriculture.
• Usage of technology in agriculture decreased the demand for labour force. On
the whole agriculture became less remunerative.
• People who got educated migrated to towns for jobs, this increased the problem
of under employment in urban centres.
Case studies:
Chand and Srivastava studied Jamgod village in Madhya Pradesh and noticed
that the traditional agrarian relations that favoured the dominant castes have
changed weakening the hold of Dominant castes on the village.
In Indian villages caste plays an important role Andre Beteille Studied Sripuram, a
village in Tanjore district. Physically the village divides into three well defined
segments, the Agraharam (Brahmin), the Kudiana (Non brahmin) and the Cheri
(Untouchables).
It was “during British rule that India was first essentialised as a “land of village
republics”. In 1832, Charles Metcalfe famously termed Indian villages “little
republics’ that were ‘almost independent of foreign relations”.
Since then this view had distinguished supporters, scholars as well as politicians.
Sir Henry Maine and Karl Mar x supported the idea, and in recent times,
Mahatma Gandhi and his followers not only stated that Indian village was
traditionally self-sufficient but also wanted a political programme which would
restore to these villages their pristine self-sufficiency.
However, it is inappropriate to say that villages are completely independent and are
disconnected from the neighbouring villages. There was exchange of goods and
produce between villages. There were also kinship ties in between the villages,
especially because of the exogamy practiced by the north Indian villages. Caste
system also played a major role in the relationship between the villages. People of
the same caste supported each other though they were in different villages.
Kings in Pre-British India performed several duties towards his subjects. they built
canals and tanks for irrigation, and roads for transportation. Kings were also actively
participated in solving disputes and in gifting the lands to priests.
After Britishers started governing India, they improved the communication facilities
and established administration in villages. Revenue officials and police were
appointed in villages. They also established law courts and implemented uniform
law throughout the British India. This reduced the power of villages and their
panchayats, but increased the integration of Indian villages in the wider society.
Studies:
• Study of an Indian Village by S.C. Dube (1955) devotes one full chapter to
the nature of changes coming in rural life which include increasing
economic ties of Shamirpet village with the city of Hyderabad, even for
groups like the washerman.
• Oscar Lewis studied Ranikhera and other north Indian villages and observed
that the villages were linked to other villages and urban centres.
• Mckim marriot (1955) gives a graphic description of interaction between
the people of different villages around Kishan Garhi in Aligarh district of
Uttar Pradesh. His twin concepts, universalization and parochialisation
serve as evidence for interaction between villages and urban centres.
• M.N. Srinivas (1955) studied Rampura village in Karnataka, and
described that the villagers had “one foot in village and another in the
city”.
RELIGIOUS MINORITIES:
Six religious communities viz Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, Sikhs, Zoroastrians
(Parsis) and Jains have been notified as minority communities under Section 2(c)
of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992.
Problem of Security: Different identity and their small number relative to the rest
of the society develop feeling of insecurity about their life, assets and well-being.
This sense of insecurity may get accentuated at times when relations between the
majority and the minority communities in a society are strained or not much
cordial.
Problem Relating to Equity: The minority community in a society may remain
deprived of the benefit of opportunities of development as a result of
discrimination.
Problem of Communal Tensions and Riots: Communal tensions and riots have
been increasing since independence.
(iii) ‘Nai Udaan’- Support for students clearing Prelims conducted by UPSC,
SSC, State Public Service Commissions, etc., for preparation of Mains
Examination
(iv) ‘Padho Pardesh'- Interest subsidy on educational loans for overseas studies
(a) Begum Hazrat Mahal National Scholarship for meritorious girls belonging to
minorities in class XI and XII
(a) 'Seekho Aur Kamao' (Learn & Earn) – Skill development initiative for
minorities.
(c) ‘Nai Manzil’- A scheme to provide education and skill training to the youth
from minority communities.
(ii) ‘Jiyo Parsi’- Scheme for containing population decline of small minority
community
(iii) Waqf Management through:
15 Points:
• Our national leaders while framing the Constitution, emphasized the doctrine of
unity in diversity.
• The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to
National, Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities says that the promotion
and protection of the rights of persons belonging to such minorities contribute
to the peace, political and social stability of the countries in which they live.
• All developed countries and most developing ones give appropriate emphasis to
looking after the interests of minorities. Thus, in any country, the faith and
confidence of the minorities in the functioning of the State in an impartial
manner is an acid test of its being a just State.
• Problem of identity
• Problem of security
• Problem relating to equity
• So far as the problems of Muslims fall into three categories:
(a) Problems those are common to all poor people.
(b) Problems those are common to all minorities.
(c) Problems those are specific to Muslims only.
When renowned literary critic and activist Ganesh Narayan Devy who
documented 780 Indian languages while conducting the People’s Linguistic Survey
of India in 2010, found that 600 of these languages were dying. He added close to
250 languages in India had already died over the past 60 years.
When a language dies, as Devy notes, “a unique way of looking at the world
disappears”.
According to UNESCO, any language that is spoken by less than 10,000 people is
potentially endangered. In India, after the 1971 census, the government decided
that any language spoken by less than 10,000 people need not be included in the
official list of languages. In India, therefore, all the languages that are spoken by
less than 10,000 people are treated by the state as not worthy of mention and
treated by the UNESCO as potentially endangered. As per his survey, there are
close to 780 languages in India, out of which about 600 are potentially endangered.
The census of 1991 and 2001 show not more than 122 languages. So, most others
have to be called potentially endangered.
Examples of such languages would be Wadari, Kolhati, Golla, Gisari. These are
languages of nomadic people in Maharashtra, Karnataka and Telangana. Then
there several tribal languages as well, such as Pauri, Korku, Haldi, Mavchi. In
Assam, there is Moran, Tangsa, Aiton. There seems to be about 250 languages that
disappeared in the last 60 years. There used to be languages called Adhuni, Dichi,
Ghallu, Helgo, Katagi. The Bo language in Andaman disappeared in 2010 and the
Majhi language in Sikkim disappeared in 2015. But we need to remember that it is
impossible to show a language dying in the last moment of its life. A language is
not a single life system. It is a very large symbolic system. When the symbols
collapse they do not do so in a single moment. The collapse is sprayed over a large
time.
Mc Kim Marriot and Milton singer applied this approach to Indian civilization
in order to understand the dynamics of social and cultural change in Indian society.
In the Indian context, the festivals, rituals etc., mentioned in vedas, religious epics
like Mahabharata, Ramayana, Gita and Upanishads are part of great tradition. On
the other hand folk lore, magico-religious practices that are orally transmitted
constitute little tradition.
Great tradition, classic culture, Little tradition, folk culture, low
high culture, learned culture (or) culture, popular culture, lay
hierarchic culture tradition
Elite Laity
National Local
Textual Oral
Unambiguous Ambiguous
Cultivated in schools and temples It works and continues itself
Consciously refined and handed Works unconsciously
down to next generations
Specialists belong to urban class Specialists belong to folk class
Media includes texts, concerts, Media includes folk music, dances
dances and strong narrations and narrations.
Both are two halves of a civilization, one is urban half and the other is rural
half.
• E.g. The rural dress patterns, popular folk songs, magico-religious practices like
hanging a painted earthen pot on the exterior of the newly constructed houses to
avoid the evil eye etc. are also practiced in urban areas
Parochialisation:
Universalisation:
During the festival people of kishangarhi draw the image of Saurti on the walls
with rice flour to invoke her blessing for health and wealth. This travelled upwards
and universalised in to a great traditional festival called Diwali.
CRITISCISM:
4. Singh and Unithan stated that the great tradition itself varies from one
scared text to other
5. Baidyanath Saraswathi argues it is better to call great tradition as Sasthriya
tradition to separate the great traditions of Muslims & Christians from that of
Hindus.
6. It is not always true that great traditions occur only in urban communities.
For example, caste system belongs to great tradition but in its pure form in
occurs in villages but not in towns and urban areas.
5.3. SANSKRITIZATION
Meaning / Definition:
Characteristics of Sanskritization:
Models of Sanskritization:
1. Cultural model,
2. Varna Model,
3. Local Model.
1. Cultural Model:
Adopting clean occupations and in general practicing better lifestyle and culture
can be called as cultural model.
2. Varna Model:
d. Sudra model of Sanskritization: The castes that imitate the sudra way of
life are untouchables. They adopt less defiling food habits, less defiling
occupations, Adopting vedic rituals, constructing temples to Sanskritic
deities in their localities, visiting to temples, taking daily baths, Keeping the
house and surroundings clean, prohibition of widow remarriage, fasting etc.
Eg: Bhangis ( Sweepers and scavengers) in Delhi were untouchables but
attained the status of sudras.
Noniyas of Uttar Pradesh were salt makers. In the second half of 19th
century they made money in government contracts, Their local caste ranking
raised from near untouchable to upper sudra level.
Local Model:
In every state, some castes are considered to be more respectful than others on
account of their economic power. This caste may be called the “master caste” or
the “dominant caste”. So the lower caste copies the life style of the local
dominant caste in order to improve their status.
Criticism:
• Sanskritic influence has not been universal to all parts of country. In most of
northern India, especially in Punjab, it was the Islamic tradition which
provided a basis for cultural imitation.
• The “policy of reservation” a politico-constitutional attempt to elevate
the status of lower caste, and class people, presents here a different
picture. Those who avail of the “reservation benefits” have developed a
vested interest in calling themselves “Dalits” or Scheduled Caste people.
• Sanskritisation is only a change in structure but not a change of structure,
despite the process of sanskritisation, the caste hierarchy continues.
5.3. WESTERNISATION
Definition of Westernization
According to M.N. Srinivas, “Westernization” refers to “the changes brought about
in the Indian society and culture as a result of over 150 years of British rule and the
term subsumes changes occurring at different levels – technology, institutions,
ideology and values.”
Impact of Westernization
• Opened up the doors of the knowledge –
• Education for all –
• Highlighted evil practices –i.e. un-touch-ability and inhuman treatment to
women, Sati, Polygamy, child marriage etc. prevalent at that time.
• Attracted attention of social reformers – led to the abolition of sati system
and slavery. Female infanticide practice lowered to a great extent.
• Realization of the worth of liberty and freedom –.
Criticisms of Westernization: -
• The Western model which Srinivas has eulogised has its own contradiction
such as racial prejudice, colour segregation and exploitative nature of the
Western economy, etc.
➢ Daniel Lerner criticized that It is too local label, the model which is
imitated may not be western country; but Russia.
5.3. MODERNISATION
Definition of modernization:-
• According to Smelser, “Modernization is a complex set of changes that take
place almost in every part of society as it attempts to be industrialized.
Modernization involves ongoing change in a society’s economy, politics,
education, traditions and religion.”
1. Education
2. Mass Communication: T.V., radio, telephone, etc.
3. Ideology based on Nationalism
4. Charismatic Leadership
5. Coercive Government Authority
Impact of Modernization
• Development of modern means of transport
• Discredited traditional occupations: –
• Unemployment increased
• Caste more liberal in social sphere
• Spread of literacy and media participation.
Constitutional and Legislative Effect by Modernization after
Independence:
Criticism of Modernization:-
• Family values diminished.
• Marriages became more of contractual than pious
• Evil effects on the Environment
• Contrary views among the new and old generations
Role of media in culture change is a highly debated topic, While opinions vary as
to the extent and type of influence the mass media wields, all sides agree that mass
media is a significant force in modern culture. Sociologists refer to this as
a mediated culture where media reflects and creates the culture.
Three main sociological perspectives on the role of media exist: the limited‐effects
theory, the class‐dominant theory, and the culturalist theory.
Limited-effects theory:
The limited‐effects theory argues that because people generally choose what to
watch or read based on what they already believe, media exerts a negligible
influence. This theory originated and was tested in the 1940s and 1950s.
Criticism: This theory came into existence when the availability and dominance of
media was far less widespread. limited‐effects theory ignores the point that when
media is widespread it can frame, tune or indoctrinate certain ideologies in the
minds of common people.
Class-dominant theory:
The class‐dominant theory argues that the media reflects and projects the view of
a minority elite, which controls it. A few people have the ability to manipulate
what people can see or hear. For example, owners can easily avoid or silence
stories that expose unethical corporate behavior or unethical behavior of a political
party they support.
Culturalist theory:
The culturalist theory, developed in the 1980s and 1990s, combines the other two
theories and claims that people interact with media to create their own meanings
out of the images and messages they receive. This theory sees audiences as playing
an active rather than passive role in relation to mass media.
Therefore, culturalist theorists claim that, while a few elites in large corporations
may exert significant control over what information media produces and
distributes, personal perspective plays a more powerful role in how the audience
members interpret those messages.
Positive impact:
➢ Generates awareness on various issues.
➢ Provides a platform for the people to express their opinions and debate on
various topics.
➢ Role of media as a tool of education is increasing.
➢ Makes information on various topics accessible to the people.
Negative impacts:
• The 2.5 lakh Gram Panchayats in the country have been entrusted to provide basic
services in the villages and plan for local economic development.
• The decision-making process of the panchayats is such that the Gram Sabha (GS)
discusses the development work plans of the GP called Gram Panchayat
Development Plan (GPDP) and the elected representatives execute the plans.
Formulation of GPDP improves efficiency of public services.
• Since all eligible voters of the village can participate in the Gram Sabha, it is a
channel to include the less privileged section of society and ensure their
participation in the village level governance wherein they can advocate their
developmental aspirations. This bottom-up approach is meant to reflect felt need
of various stakeholders.
Chhavi Rajawat:- Often hailed as the changing face of rural Rajasthan, Chhavi also
addressed delegates at the UN's 11th Info poverty World Conference in 2011.
Arati Devi:- Arati launched a campaign to revive traditional folk art in her village,
and also ensures that the benefits of the various government schemes reach the
people who need it most.
Radha devi dropped out of school when she was in Class 5. But she has ensured a
fall in the dropout rate in the three institutions under the panchayat, and increased
enrollment as well as the literacy rate of Rajasthan
STUDY DONE
Case Study:- Muktiben Patel, a backward caste woman who became sarpanch of
Nitaya village of Hoshangabad district, had to face several no-confidence motions
against her by the thakurs (a higher caste) of the village but continues her work like
repair- ing school buildings and getting a pukka road for her village. Kesarbai, a
chamar (a scheduled caste) sarpanch of the Sona Savri gram panchayat also of
Hoshangabad district, had to suffer threats from men belonging to higher castes who
even sent hooligans to attack her house
It is a concept only between tribes It is not only between tribes and castes
and castes but also between lower castes and
higher castes within the Hindu varna &
Caste system.
INTERCASTE RELATIONS:
GROUPS)
7.1. CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS FOR THE
SCHEDULED TRIBES AND SCHEDULED CASTES
9.1. HISTORY OF ADMINISTRATION OF SCHEDULED
& TRIBAL AREAS (HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF V
AND VI SCHEDULES)
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN THE UNITED STATES VS
PROTECTIVE DISCRIMINATION IN INDIA
6.3. DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL FOREST POLICY AND
TRIBALS ( INCLUDING LAND ACQUISITION ACTS)
6.3. IMPACT OF URBANISATION &INDUSTRIALISATION
ON TRIBAL POPULATIONS
Semi-tribal populations: Includes groups and persons who, although they are in
the process of losing their tribal characteristics, are not yet integrated into the
national community.
Indigenous people: People having their descent from the populations which
inhabited the country at the time of conquest or colonisation and which,
irrespective of their legal status, live more in conformity with the social, economic
and cultural institutions of that time than with the institutions of the nation to
which they belong.
In Indian Context, T.B Naik has given the following features of tribes:
• A tribe should have least functional interdependence within the community.
• Economically backward (i.e. primitive and traditional means of exploiting
natural resources, tribal economy should be at an underdeveloped stage and
have multifarious
economic pursuits).
• A comparative geographical isolation of its people.
• Having a common dialect.
• Politically unorganized and community panchayat should be influential.
• Have their own customary laws.
The term "tribe" evolved to designate a set of negative traits, shaped under
colonialism's response to escalating tribal resistance to their rule.
5
The Oxford English Dictionary, Compact Edition (1971) explains the original
meaning of “tribe” as “a group of persons forming a community and claiming
descent from a common ancestor”.
Merits of construction the term tribe: Before the advent of British Rule, the so
called tribals were neglected and oppressed to the worst possible ways and degrees
by their neighbours. There was never made an attempt to improve the educational,
medical and economic conditions of the aboriginals by the caste ridden Hindu
society, but the general trend of modernisation they promoted led to such
developments.
GEOGRAPHICAL CLASSIFICATION
B.S. Guha has classified the tribes of India into three zones: The north and
north-eastern zone, central or middle zone, and southern zone.
S.C. Dube has demarcated four geographical regions including the North and
North-Eastern Zone, Middle Zone, the South Zone and the West Zone.
B) Central Himalayan region comprising the Terai areas of Uttar Pradesh and
Bihar.
II) Middle India Region comprising the states of Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and
Madhya Pradesh. About 55% of the total tribal population of the country lives
in this region.
The tribes inhabiting this region are the Juangs, Kharia, Khonds, Bhumijs,
Baiga, Muria, Marias, Mundas, Gonds, Santhals, Oraons, etc.
IV) South India Region: Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala
The tribes inhabiting this region are the Chenchus, Irulas, Paniyans, Kurumbas,
Kadars, Todas, Badagas, Kotas, etc.
V) The Island Region: comprising the islands of Andaman and Nicobar in the Bay
of Bengal and Lakshadweep in the Arabian Sea.
The tribes inhabiting this region are the Jarwas, Onges, the Great Andamanese,
North Sentinelese, etc.
K.S. Singh has offered a similar classification of tribes of India into the North-
eastern India, Middle India, Southern India, North-western Himalayas, and
Andaman and Nicobar Islands Zones.
The ratio of the tribal population to the total population is high in the north-eastern
states except Assam. It ranges from 64-95 per cent in Meghalaya, Nagaland,
Mizoram, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh and between 30-35 percent in Tripura
and Manipur. The ratio is over 90 percent in the Union Territory of Lakshadweep
whereas it ranges from 22-23 percent in Orissa and Madhya Pradesh in central
India. In the rest of the country the ratio ranges from as low as 1-12 percent.
Besides the zonal and geographical distribution, tribes have also been classified on
the basis of their ecological habitat. On this basis they are classified as those who
live in the hills (Hill Karbis, Hill Tiwas of Assam), plains (Bodos, Singphos),
forests (Kadars of Kerala), rural, urban and industrial areas.
LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION
Four broad language groups have been identified amongst the tribes of India which
are Indo-Aryan, Austro-Asiatic, Dravidian and Tibeto-Burman.
L.P Vidyarthi and Binay Kumar Rai in their book “The Tribal Culture of
India” put forward the following classificatory system of the languages of Indian
tribes:
I) Dravidian
• All the tribes of southern India as well as the Gonds and Oraons of central India
speak languages belonging to the Dravidian language family.
8
• The Gondi language spoken by the Gonds who spread from Uttar Pradesh to
Andhra Pradesh and from Maharashtra to Orissa belong to this language family.
• Other languages belonging to this family is the Kui language which is spoken
by the Kandh of Orissa,
• Kurukh spoken by the Oraons of central India.
• Tulu language spoken by the Malerus of Karnataka.
• The languages spoken by the Todas, Palliyans and Irulas of Tamil Nadu.
• The Chenchus of Andhra Pradesh, and Kadars of Kerala also belong to the
Dravidian language family.
II) Austro-Asiatic
This family is again sub-divided into the following sub-groups:
A) Mon-Khmer Branch: Languages of this family are found in certain pockets of
the north-Himalayan region of Meghlaya spoken by the Khasis and the Jaintias
as well as the Nicobarese of the Nicobar Islands.
B) Munda Branch: Santhali spoken by the Santhals, Gutob spoken by the
Gadabas; Kharia of South Munda sub-branch; Korwa spoken by Kodaku;
Korku of North Munda sub-branch, Juang of the central Munda sub-branch.
C) Kherwarian group: Language of Ho tribe.
III) Tibeto-Chinese : This family is again sub-divided into the following sub-
groups:
A) Siamese-Burmese: The Tai group of people including Khamptis and the
Phakials speak languages belonging to this family
B) Tibeto Burman:
• Bodo group: Kachari, Dimasa, Garo, Mikir spoken by the Karbis, Koch,
Dowyan spoken by the Tiwas, Rabha
• Naga Group: Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Sema, Rengma, Lotha, Konyak,
Maram, Phom,
• Kuki-Chin Group: Hmar, Koireng, Lamgang, Monsang, Moyon, Paite;
Vaiphei; Zou
• Kachin Group: Singpho
Apart from the Khasis and the Jaintias of Meghalaya, all the other tribes of north-
east India and the Himalayan region speak languages belonging to the Tibeto-
Burman family.
IV) Indo-Aryan
The tribes of Gujarat, Rajasthan and the Indo-Gangetic Plain speak languages
belonging to the Indo-Aryan language family. Some of the languages belonging to
this family include Chattisgarhi, Gujarati; Marathi, Assamese; Oriya; Baigana
spoken by the Baigas; Banjari spoken by the Banjaras; Bhili spoken by the Bhils;
Ø The entire group of Austric language speaking people and 80 percent of the
Tibeto-Burman speaking people are identified as tribal communities.
Ø On the other hand a meagre 3 percent of the Dravidian language speaking
people and
Ø almost 1 percent of the Indo-Aryan speaking people are identified as tribal
people.
There is yet another language family spoken by the tribes of the Andaman Islands
like the Great Andamanese, the Onges, Jarawas and the Sentinelese. They are
loosely called the Andamanese language family.
There are 23 tribal languages that are each spoken by more than 100,000 (one lakh)
people. These are Santhali, Gondi, Bhili, Oraon (or Kurukh), Lambadi, Ho,
Mundari, Vagdi, Meithei (or Mainpuri), Banjari (or Labhani), Kondh, Bhilali,
Savra, Garo, Khasi, Kui, Korku, Bara Bodo, Lushei, Paraja, Maria, Koya, and
Mikir. Santhali has the largest number of speakers, followed by Mikir. Other
languages fall between these extremes.
10
However, it must be kept in mind that many tribal’s speak more than one language
and at times have better linguistic competence in languages other than the mother
tongue; this is more so in the case of educated tribals and also those who are
frequently in contact with their non-tribal neighbours. Tribal political leaders from
Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, for example, speak fluent Hindi.
The first attempt to categorise the Indian tribal communities in a scientific manner
based on the racial characteristics was done by Sir Herbert Risley.
He classified the entire population of the country into seven racial types which
are Turko- Iranian, Indo-Aryan, Scytho-Dravidian, Aryo-Dravidian, Mongolo-
Dravidian, Mongoloid and the Dravidian. No separate classificatory scheme for
the tribal population was given.
A more recent attempt of classification was given by J.H. Hutton, S.C. Guha and
D.N. Majumdar out of which the most accepted classification is that offered by
S.C. Guha who listed six main races with nine sub-types. They are as follows:
I) Negrito
II) Proto- Australoid
III) Mongoloid
A) Paleo-Mongoloids-
Ø Long-headed and
Ø Broad-headed
B) Tibeto-Mogoloids
IV) Mediterranean
A) Palaeo- Mediterranean
B) Mediterranean
C) Oriental type
V) WesternBrachycephals
A) Alpinoid
B) Dinaric
C) Armenoid
VI) Nordic
11
B.S. Guha has also drawn conclusions as regards to the racial composition of the
tribes of India. They are:
I) Proto-Australoid II) Mongoloid III) Dravidian IV) Negrito
At present the racial composition of the tribes of India include the following:
I) Proto-Australoid: The tribes of middle India like the Mundas, the Oraons,
the Hos, the Gonds, the Khonds, etc. belong to the Proto-Australoid stock. This
group is characterized by dark skin colour, short to medium stature, low
forehead, sunken nose, dark complexion and curly hair.
II) Mongoloid: The tribes of north-eastern India and the Himalayan region
belong to this group. They have the typical features of straight hair, flat nose,
prominent cheek bones and almond shaped eyes with the epicanthic fold present
and yellowish skin colour. They have medium stature, high head and medium
nose.
III) Dravidian: The tribes of South India like the Kadars, the Irulas and the
Paniyans.
IV) Negrito: The Great Andamanese, Onges, Sentinelese having frizzy hair
have Negrito strains. The Siddis who migrated from the African shores of
course belong to the Negrito group.
Ø tribal communities like the Gonds, Bhils have a population of about forty lakhs
each
Ø Santhals with a population of more than thirty lakhs.
Ø Oraons, Minas and the Mundas who number about more than ten lakhs each.
Ø Hos, Khonds and the Kols with population strength of more than five lakhs.
Ø More than forty tribes, comprising about ten percent of the total tribal
population of India have a population ranging from one to five lakhs. These are
the Adis, Baigas, Bhumijs, Bodos-Kacharis, Dhodias, Garos, Kacharis, Kharias,
Kharwars, Khasis, Kolhas, Korkus, Lodhas, Mizos, Rabhas, Saoras, Tripuris,
Warlis, Yenadis and Yerukulas, etc.
12
Ø On the contrary there are communities like some Andamanese groups who
number even less than hundred each.
II) Horticulturists
IV) Hill cultivation type : Tribal communities inhabiting the hills of Assam,
Meghalaya, Manipur, Tripura, Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra
Pradesh including the Adis, Akas, Birjhias, Bondos, Chakmas, Chirus, Gangtes,
Hmars, Jamatias, Juangs, Dimasas, Karbis, Mijis, Mishmis, Aos, Konyaks,
Phoms, Paites, Riangs, Tangsas, Wanchos practice the Hill cultivation methods.
forestry and other sectors in the Andaman and Nicober Islands, etc. The Santhals
and the Hos dominate the labourer sector of the iron mines and industries of Bihar,
almost half the labour force of the manganese industry of Madhya Pradesh is
constituted of tribal people.
B.K.Roy Burman in 1971 divided the tribal population into those who are;
1. Fully incorporated into the Hindu social order such as, the Bhils who have
adopted the Hindu way of life including the ethos of the caste system and can
hardly be differentiated from the neighbouring Hindu peasantry.
2. Positively oriented towards the Hindu social order: This category includes
tribes like the Santhals, Oraons, Mundas and the Gonds who have not been
incorporated totally into the caste structure but have to a large extent adopted
the symbols and world views of their Hindu neighbours.
3. Negatively oriented towards the Hindu social order: This category includes
tribes like the Mizos and the Nagas who are negatively oriented towards the
Hindu social order and reject the caste structure.
4. Indifferent towards the Hindu social order: This category includes tribes like
those of Arunachal Pradesh who are totally indifferent to the Hindu order.
G.S. Ghurye in “The Scheduled Tribes” proposed a similar classification which
includes;
Ø Tribes who attain a high status within the Hindu society
Ø Partially Hinduised tribes
Ø Tribes inhabiting remote hill areas and who exhibited great resistance to
Hinduism as an alien culture
Offenders Act, 1959, which has similar provisions as the 1871 Act for restricting
movement of those found to be ‘habitual offenders
There were various reasons as to why these communities were labelled ‘criminal’.
The National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes
(NCDNST), constituted in 2005, notes in its 2008 report that the forest laws that
came into force from the mid-nineteenth century onwards “deprived a large number
of communities of their traditional rights of grazing, hunting and gathering and
shifting cultivation in specific areas.” The new laws, of which these communities
were unaware, criminalised their very source of livelihood and they “frequently
found themselves on the wrong side of the law.” When the forests were cleared by
the British for commercial use and forest communities asked to contribute to labour,
some communities resisted and were declared ‘criminal’.
The British thought that “once such communities had lost their legitimate means of
livelihood, they must have been living by indulging in criminal activities. There is
ample evidence to show that a very large number of communities that were formerly
nomadic fell in the net of the Criminal Tribes Act because of such an argument.” On
the pretext of ‘law and order’, anybody who resisted the British or any
“‘respectable’ people of the village (landlords, high castes or those who paid taxes
to the British)” was notified as ‘criminal’.
The fallout of this period of labelling has been that, that stigma and suspicion against
entire communities has persisted, as noted by as many as six committees and
commissions before the NCDNST was formed.
Balak Ram Sansi from Patiala in Punjab, who belongs to the Sansi community,
which is one such denotified tribe, says that he has had to live a life in hiding for
decades. “People see through a different eye when they get to know that we are
denotified tribes,” Sansi says.
As the NCDNST report says, “In fact, the state was the biggest enemy of the
nomads, for it represented the interests of the dominant classes, for whom
peregrinating communities were both a threat and a nuisance.”
Case study: The Kammara caste group people (which is included in State B.C.
list) who are blacksmiths in the plain areas, are also claiming as Kammaras of
Agency tracts for the sake of cornering the reservation benefits of Scheduled
Tribes. These two are quite distinct communities and they differ widely in their
customs, traditions, habits and values. The social organisation of these two
communities and associated ritual practices are diametrically opposite to each
community.
Case study: Goudu of Agency tracts (Pastorals) are included in Scheduled Tribe
list but Gowda of plain areas who are traditional toddy tappers are included as
18
Backward Classes. Both communities are distinct and different. The High Court in
its Writ Appeal No.439 of 1980 also clearly brought out this distinction between
these two communities and Gowda or Gamalla people even residing in Agency
areas cannot be recognised as Scheduled Tribes.
Case study: Some of the people belonging to Pala Ekiri caste are styling
themselves as Erukula and are producing bogus tribal certificates.
Case study: Some of the communities, who even without any kind of identical
nomenclature, are also fraudulently claiming as if they belong to some of the sub-
divisions mentioned under certain generic names or main group. For example,
Lingadhari Koya under Koya.
Conclusion: There is mushroom growth of sham tribals (Sham = a thing that is not
what it is purported to be) to enjoy the unintended concessions and privilege in the
fields of education, employment and developmental activities. Unless this process of
pseudo tribalism is strictly controlled the genuine tribals cannot be developed as
envisaged in the Constitution.
The Xaxa Committee report, looking into the condition of STs, proposes the following
types or routes to alienation.
• Development induced alienation - large tracts of adivasi land acquired by state or
negotiated by private parties, for setting up development projects, with no or very
modest returns for adivasis.
• Community land of tribal communities, recorded as Government land in survey
and settlement operations, and most state tenancy laws recognizing only
individually owned registered land.
• State action of acquiring tribal lands for settling refugees, resulting in land
alienation and displacement.
• Creation of National Parks, resulting in alienation of rights and consequent
displacement and forced migration of tribal people.
19
ii. The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition
of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 is used as a mechanism by which to restore lands
belonging to tribal communities – through provision of award of title deeds to
Adivasis in forest lands, which has been used to some good measures in select
cases – it has no implications for protection from further land alienation.
And yet, land alienation is an ongoing phenomenon
(III) INDEBTEDNESS
In India 58% of the tribal people Below Poverty Line with a high concentration in
states like Andhra, Rajastan, UP, Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal
• Deficit family income and
• Social compulsions.
• Loss of tribal rights over land and forests
• Poor and primitive mode of agriculture
• Ignorance
• Expenditure beyond their means
22
United Nations sees bonded labour as a special kind of forced labour (1956).
However in India bonded labour is characteristically more complex.
Features in India:
• Creditor – debtor relationship which can spill over to other members of the
family
• It has an infinite duration
• Adverse contract more frequently illegal
• Not purely economic terms. The relationship often has a customary backup
which reinforces the bondage.
• Link between caste, social structure and bondage
• Traditional feudal social relations and bonded labour
1. Agricultural sector:
• Land alienation.
• Denial of access to Common Property Resources.
• Socio-economic dominance of certain groups
• Changing labour requirement with capitalist investment.
• Social rituals, illness and substantive absence of cash resulted in indebtedness
and bondage (e.g. Kol Tribal bondage in Mirzapur district of Southern UP).
2. Brick Kilns:
• Employment through middlemen who are paid from wages of the labourers.
• Part of the payment is made on weekly basis and bulk payment is made on end of
the month and season as a result labourers become bonded.
3. Stone queries, crushers and miners:
• Small scale and localised quarrying and mining invite labourers from nomadic
tribes and rural poor. They are irregularly paid and are made bonded
without proper work place protection. Instances are reported from Hariyana, UP,
MP, Rajastan, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.
Mitigation: India has a strong and substantivistic bonded labour abolition act of
1976. It recognises
a) overlap between forced and bonded labour,
b) contract labour and interstate migration issues,
c) embeddedness within social customs.
24
• Poverty disease nexus: Poverty and disease makes a vicious cycle one leading
to the other.
• The World Health Report (2000) stressed on the awareness generation about
hygiene and available health infrastructure. Removal of chronic poverty and a
culture change was thought to be the prime factor for improvement of health and
hygiene.
25
Ø According to the National Family Health Survey, 47% of tribal women are
having chronic energy deficiency (CED) compared to 35% among the general
population.
Ø Tribals account for 25% of all malaria cases occurring in India and 15% of all
falciparum cases.
Ø Intestinal helminthiasis is widely prevalent among tribal children (up to 50% in
Orissa and 75% in MP).
Ø Skin infections such as tinea and scabies are seen among tribals due to poor
personal hygiene.
Ø Sexually transmitted diseases are relatively more common (7.2% prevalence of
syphilis among Kolli hills tribals of Tamil Nadu).
Ø The prevalence of tuberculosis is high, especially in Orissa.
Ø Sickle cell trait prevalence varies from 0.5% to 45%, disease prevalence is
around 10%. It is mostly seen among the tribals of central and southern India,
not reported in North-East
Ø The prevalence of tobacco use is 44.9% among tribal men and 24% among
tribal women.
26
• Tribal Health Assembly: From the Gram Sabhas at village level, upto the
national level, Tribal Health Assemblies should be annually organized in which
the people (at the level of village) or their representatives (at the higher levels)
27
(VII) EDUCATION
tribes but also for inner strength of the tribal communities which helps them in
meeting the new challenges of life.
Medium of Instruction: Language has been the biggest constraints in tribal
education. All the curriculum and teachers module are designed in
official/regional language which is alien for tribal student.
Economic Condition: The economic condition of tribal people is so poor that
they do not desire to spare their children or their labour power and allow them to
attend schools.
Teacher Absenteeism: In the remote tribal areas the teacher absenteeism is a
regular phenomenon and this affects largely the quality of education.
Attitude of the Parents: As education does not yield any immediate economic
return, the tribal parents prefer to engage their children in remunerative
employment which supplements the family income.
Infrastructural Challenges: Most of the schools located in tribal areas have
minimal infrastructural facilities. These schools are not equipped with teaching
learning materials, study materials, even minimum sanitary provisions are not
maintained.
Government Intervention:
§ Eklavya Model School: Residential School based on Navodaya Model to
be opened in each tribal block by 2022.
§ Rajiv Gandhi National Fellowship Scheme (RGNF): RGNF was
introduced in the year 2005-2006 with the objective to encourage the
students belonging to ST community to pursue higher education
§ Pre and Post Matric Scholarship Schemes
§ Vocational Training Center in Tribal Areas: The aim of this scheme is to
develop the skill of ST students depending on their qualification and
present market trends.
Recommendations:
§ Kothari Commission stressed to pay special attention to the education of
Scheduled Tribes.
§ XaXa Committee recommended greater focus on removing gender
disparity in education.
29
• World Bank estimates that only in post 1990s the construction of 300 high
dams displaced four million people each year, urban projects have displaced 6
million people each year world wide each year.
• Ongoing industrialisation, electrification and urbanisation processes are likely to
increase, rather than reduce, the number of programmes causing involuntary
population displacement.
Impact Assessment:
Michael Cernea, a sociologist, (1999) has identified eight interlinked potential risks
intrinsic to displacement.
1. Landlessness:
2. Joblessness:
3. Homelessness.
4. Marginalisation.
5. Food Insecurity.
6. Increased Morbidity and Mortality.
7. Loss of Access to Common Property.
8. Social Disintegration.
Rehabilitation resettlement:
the ministry of rehabilitation. Even UN bodies are quite reluctant to take initiative
for proper rehabilitation and resettlement.
· Right to participation of local people in decision making.
· Rights to life and livelihood
· Rights of vulnerable groups
· Rights to remedy must be properly implemented
with the forest for generations. The government cannot own the resources of the
community.
• The biggest flaw in the Narmada project is the lack of a viable rehabilitation
policy for the oustees.
• Thus, one of the severest problems of tribals is their displacement and the
resultant rehabilitation.
Rajasthan—is much above that of the Bhils. He suggests, why not deschedule
Minas? As a matter of fact, we should have started de-scheduling of some of the
tribals who have made substantial improvement in their status.
• But de-scheduling cannot work as it is highly politicized.
Maintaining Tribal Ethnicity
If the Brahmins, Rajputs and other innumerable high caste Hindus maintain their
ethnic identity, so also should the tribals. No group has the right to 'impose' their
way of life and ideology on the tribals.
Types of schemes:
Ø Central sector schemes are 100% funded by the Union government and
implemented by the Central Government machinery.
Ø Under Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) a certain percentage of the funding
is borne by the States in the ratio of 50:50, 70:30, 75:25 or 90:10 and the
implementation is by the State Governments.
Source of fund:
Ø Ministry of Tribal Affairs through its schemes, ‘Special Central Assistance to
Tribal Sub-Scheme (SCA to TSS)’, Grant-in-Aid to voluntary Organisations
and Grants under Article 275(1) of the Constitution provides funds to the State
Governments as an additive based on their proposal after approval of Project
Appraisal Committee in the Ministry.
1. GRANTS-IN-AID UNDER ARTICLE 275(1) OF THE CONSTITUTION:
• Grants-in-aid under Article 275(1) of Constitution of India is 100% annual grant
from Government of India to States.
• It is an additive to State Plan funds and efforts for Tribal Development.
• Grant is provided to 27 States, namely, Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh,
Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu &
36
Emergence: The concept of Tribal Sub-Plans was introduced in the Fifth Five
Year Plan (1974-1979)
Salient features:
• It is a planning concept used in India to channelize the flow of benefits from
the Central government for the development of tribal populations in the states.
• It is a part of the annual plan.
• The funds that are given under Tribal Sub scheme are in proportion with the
Scheduled Tribe (ST) in the state or UT.
• The motivation for TSS is to bridge the gap between tribal population and
others by accelerating access to education and health services, housing,
income generating opportunities, and protection against exploitation and
oppression.
• It presently covers 23 states, Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh,
Goa, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu &Kashmir, Jharkhand, Karnataka,
Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Manipur, Odisha, Rajasthan, Sikkim,
Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Tripura, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and West
Bengal.
Limitations:
• The objectives are completely violated by the department authorities.
• The fund and the resources that are sent for the welfare of the Tribal are used
for their self-benefits and thus the rules are violated. For instance, the funds
37
that were sent for the Tribal benefit in Odisha are used for development of
infrastructure in areas other than TSP areas.
• The budget that is assigned in annual year plan is less than the required based
on the population of tribal.
• The SC and ST development departments are spending less than the required
expenditure that are provided for the various development programs.
Note:
• ITDAs are additional institutions for delivery of public goods and services to
STs. These agencies function under overall control of the State Governments.
The respective State Government keep watch over these agencies for ensuring
effective utilization of funds provided to them for implementation of various
programmes / interventions and submission of progress of the work assigned to
them. (Presently, TSP areas, Scheduled areas, ITDP areas are made
coterminous in many states)
• ITDP: Area consisting of one or more blocks where ST population is more than
50% (Presently, TSP areas, Scheduled areas, ITDPs are made coterminous in
many states)
• MADA (Modified area development approach) scheme has been operating
since the Sixth Plan for the total development of the dispersed tribal population
38
residing outside TSP area, which are contiguous smaller areas having a
population of 10,000 or more, with 50% tribal concentration.
• The cluster approach: It has been introduced from the middle of the 7th Five
Year Plan Period in order to bring smaller areas of tribal concentration beyond
the MADA pockets into the mainstream of development. Contiguous areas
having a population of 5,000 or more with at least 50% tribal concentration are
identified as clusters).
• Dispersed Tribal Development Project (DTDP): As an extension of TSP
strategy, the dispersed ST population of the state located outside the ITDA/
MADA/ Cluster Pocket is covered under a special project for tribal
development called, ‘Dispersed Tribal Development Project (DTDP).
Ø Land distribution,
Ø Land development,
Ø Agricultural development,
Ø Animal husbandry,
Ø Construction of link roads,
Ø Installation of non-conventional sources of energy for lighting purpose,
Ø Social security including Janashree Bima Yojana or
Ø Any other innovative activity meant for the comprehensive socio-
economic development of PVTGs.
• The scheme is flexible as it enables the States to focus on areas that they
consider as relevant to PVTGs and their socio-cultural environment.
• Loss if any is shared by the center and the state in 75:25 ratio.
Objectives:
Ø Improving the quality of life in tribal areas.
Ø Improving the quality of education.
Ø Qualitative and sustainable employment for tribal families.
Ø Bridging infrastructure gaps with focus on quality.
Ø Protection of tribal culture and heritage.
• These sales people will undertake house to house campaign for sale of tribal
products.
• They will be paid a commission of 10% on net sales.
• By this revamped plan every tribal products will have a Tribal Craft Mark in form
of hologram/ label/tag for its genuineness and authenticity.
TRIs have been set up by the state governments in various States namely, Andhra
Pradesh, Assam, Chhattisgarh, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Himachal
Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Manipur, Orissa,
Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Tripura, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Sikkim and
in the Union Territory of Andaman & Nicobar Islands.
• Term Loan scheme: NSTFDC provides Term Loan for any income generation
scheme costing upto ₹25.00 lakhs per unit.
• Adivasi Mahila Sashaktikaran Yojana (AMSY): Under the scheme,
Scheduled Tribes women can undertake any income generation activity. Loans
upto 90% for scheme costing upto ₹1 lakh are provided at a concessional rate of
interest of 4% p.a.
• Micro Credit Scheme for Self Help Groups: The Corporation provides loans
upto ₹50,000/- per member and ₹ 5 Lakhs per Self Help Group (SHG). The
interest rate chargeable is 6% p.a.
• Adivasi Shiksha Rrinn Yojana: Under this scheme, financial assistance upto
₹5.00 lakh at concessional rate of interest of 6% per annum is provided to ST
students for pursuing professional/ technical education including Ph.D. in India.
OTHER INITIATIVES:
46
IMPACT OF HINDUISM:
• G.S.Bhatt describes the role of Brahmins in hinduisation. E.g. Bhils who are
involved in dacoity, theft and gambling believe that parvathi is a bhil and when the
Bhils asked for the bride price shiva refuses and in order to get money they kills
Nandi shiva’s Bullock as they believed that its shoulders contain lots of precious
pearls. Hence cursed to lead a life of poverty and misery. But given a vardaan that
theft for them invites no sin. They consider themselves as thieves of mahadev.
• More than a dozen versions of rama katha among many tribes is an indicative of
the effect of hinduisation
• Increase in child marriage, decrease in the permissiveness of tribal women,
decline in bride wealth, Introduction of money economy, Cash transactions in
marital alliances.
• Lambadas take services of a Brahmin priest for their ritual needs like marriage.
• Griffiths 1946, Kol tribes of Up amd MP are forming miniature caste system
among them.
• Rajbanshi of Bengal believe that they belong to the same gotra as Kashyap but
they practice gotra endogamy unlike hindus.
• The elements of Hindu culture were devolved into the tribal culture by the
process called parochialisation.
Negative effects:
• Their simple magicoreligious practices are replaced by complex rituals which are
costly and need a priest.
• Hindus used the permissiveness of tribal women which increased prostitution.
IMPACT OF BUDHISM:
Buddhists in Maharashtra, 79% of the total Buddhists in India. Almost all recent
conversions were from the lower castes .
• Hill areas of north east India ( west Bengal, Assam, Sikkim , Mizoram, Tripura )
and high Himalayan valleys (Ladakh district of Jammu and Kashmir ,Himachal
Pradesh, Northern Uttar Pradesh are influenced by the Tibetan Buddhist refugees
who fled from Tibet with the Dalai lama in 1959.
• It raised the conversions in to Buddhism making it the 5th largest religion in India.
The form of Buddhism practiced by Himalayan communities and the Tibetan
refugees is Vajrayana Buddhism, a part of Mahayana Buddhism.
• The impact is Decline in alcoholism, Simplification of marriage ceremonies,
abolition of ruinous marriage expenditure, Greater emphasis on education, and a
heightened sense of identity and self-worth.
• Buddhism and Islam are marginal when compared to Christianity.
• Adopting these religions leads to severing their culture completely which they
never wanted
• Nature man spirit complex.
• Bhots of north west Himalaya, Bhutias, Lepchas, Chakmas and Nagas of
north east Himalayas, some tribes of Arunachal Pradesh, some tribals of Ladakh
practice Buddhism.
• Those who have taken Buddhism maintain a gompa a holy place where the
images of budha are installed and holy books are kept. Lama attached to a gompa.
• Khampti and Singpho practice Hinayana Buddhism and maintain a monastery
locally known as Bapuchang.
• Khowas (Now called Buguns), monpas & Sherdukpens of Arunachal
Pradesh combine their budhist and animist beliefs, they follow the nature
worship, pray numerous local deities, perform animal sacrifice and also follow
Buddhism and employ a lama to perform their rituals.
• The reason for the influence of Buddhism on the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh and
other north eastern states is because of the proximity of Tibet where Buddhism is the
major religion.
IMPACT OF ISLAM:
50
• Islam could not penetrate the tribal community because of its highly dogmatic
nature and absence of patronage and missionary activities.
• Siddis of Gujarat a section of Gujjars of north west Himalayans a section of
bhils, Dhankasis and kotis of rajasthan, some pastoral communities like gaddis,
Bakarwal of jammu and Kashmir have embraced Islam.
• Lakshadweep is the only region where there is complete conversion in to islam
having 7 muslim tribes Koya, Malmi, Mela Cheri, Manikfan, Thakurfan,
Thakru and raveri.
• Muslims constitute 96.58% of Lakshadweep population.
• Islam came to Arabian sea islands from southern Arabia & Malabar coast.
• Impact of Islam on tribes of Lakshadweep was discussed in “The Muslim tribes
of Lakshadweep islands: An anthropological appraisal of island ecology and
cultural perceptions” – Makhan Jha
• Matriliny in islam was well studied by Leela Dube and Kutty
• Puberty rites of girls have been given up as they are considered to be repugnant
according to islam.
• Celebration of new festivals like the birthday of prophet mohammed
• Practices in conformity with Bahar-e-Shariat (an encyclopedia of Islamic
jurisprudence spread over 20 volumes). are insisted up on
• Old rituals and folk dances are disappearing
• cousin marriages became common.
• Women enjoy higher status.
• Acc to yogendrasingh the conversions are due to the willingness for new identity
rejecting the old orthodoxy.
• Tableeghi-jamaat is a Society for spreading Islamic faith. It is an Islamic global
proselytizing movement.
• Islam also tried parochialisation.
• Muslim tribal societies themselves may show marked internal differentiation in
the structure and organisation.
51
• “easy” divorce is available only to half the Muslim population-the men. In most
Muslim countries, divorce is still extremely difficult for women to initiate, but in
Kalpeni both men and women can use informal conventions to initiate divorce.
IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY:
• In many nation states minorities were accepted then they are called the national
minorities.
The concept of a nation state can be compared and contrasted with that of
the multinational state.
Most of the modern countries are composed of multiple ethnicities but usually
have one or few dominant (Majority) Ethnic groups. In practical reality such
countries also operate as nation states in effect.
• India is an example for multiculturalism where tribes are considered as the
primitive groups but not as another ethnic group living in the larger population of the
nation. But not all cultural groups are equal in terms of numbers or political power.
• In such situations, if some tribals consider themselves as a separate ethnic group
and demand for a separate identity and political autonomy, Ethnic movements of
separatist or secessionist nature will emerge. (e.g., Nagaland, Manipur, Assam)
The ideal of the emergence of nation state tries to undermine such movements and
promote cultural assimilation.
(Note: Country and nation are often used interchangeably but country is a self
governing political entity where as nation is a thickly knit group of people with a
common culture).
ETHNO-NATIONALISM
Eg: the three major sovereignty (self-governing state / supreme power or authority)
movements werebased in Nagaland, Manipur and Assam
Primordialism / Essentialism: is the idea that nations or ethnic identities are fixed,
natural and ancient. Primordialists like Clifford Geertz argue that individuals have a
single ethnic identity which is not subject to change. They lead to social turbulence
and violence, and are dysfunctional in the development process of civil society.
The constructivist theory perceives ethnic identity as a socially constructed and fluid
entity that can be formed through various means including conquest, colonization or
immigration.
The instrumentalist theory sees ethnicity as “neither inherent in human nature nor
intrinsically valuable”. Ethnicity is perceived as a strategic basis for coalitions that are
57
looking for a larger share of scarce economic or political power and so it is a device
for restricting resources to a few individuals.
Marxist, Neo Marxist / Materialist approach believes that ethnic conflicts emerge
when there is cultural division of labour, that is, when members of one ethnic group
are placed in a subordinate position within a state. Violence between ethnically
aligned groups is the result of economic inequalities and elite exploitation.
Pluralist approach: According to this approach, multiple ethnic groups only coexist
within a political unit but cannot combine. Each group holds its own religion,
language and institutions. There is a possibility of conflict between them.
Weberian approach: Weber described ethnic groups as “those human groups that
entertain a subjective belief in their common descent, it does not matter whether or
not an objective blood relationship exists” In a nutshell, for Weber, ethnicity is
based on people’s cultural practices, and race is based on their biological traits.
Theoretical Approach
58
(II) After independence, the tribal movements may be classified into three
groups:
(III) The tribal movements may also be classified on the basis of their ori-
entation into four types:
59
(IV) Surajit Sinha (1968) has classified movements into five groups:
1. Ethnic rebellion,
2. Reform movements,
3. Political autonomy (Separatist) movements within the Indian Union,
4. Secessionist movements, and
5. Agrarian unrest. ( un even distribution of agricultural land, and against land
lords)
1. Ethnic
2. Agrarian, and
3. Political.
(VIII) K.S. Singh (1985) analysing tribal movements before independence have
divided them into three phases:
• The first phase between 1795 and 1860, coincided with the establishment of
the British Empire
• The second between 1861 and 1920, coincided with the intensive colonialism.
The rebellious tribal leaders revolted against the British and exhorted their followers
to drive them out. Eg: Oraon, Mundas, Naikada, etc., in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat
etc. Stephen Fuchs 1965 called them messianic movements
• Third between 1921 and 1947. coincided with the participation in the nationalist
movement.
(IX) Tribal movements after independence have been classified by K.S. Singh in
four categories:
K.S. Singh, following the categorization of the Anthropological Survey of India, has
given a four-fold typology of tribal movements.
population but contributed 65% of the state revenue because of its coal mines and
stell mills)
3. The ethnic differences between the people of (Chotanagpur & Santhal
Parganas) and the people of north Bihar.
• Before 1940s the Santhal people did not have any political consciousness.
• It was only at a later stage that they realized that they were being exploited by the
Dikus (Britishers, money lenders & traders).
• The literal meaning of the word jharkhand' is a tract of forest.
• Chotanagpur, Santhal parganas, and other adjacent districts belonging to
the States of Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh (Before formation of
Chhattisgarh 1/11/2000) are considered as parts of Jharkhand, by the protagonists of
the movement.
• The formation of the Jharkhand party in 1950 gave a new direction to
political and other welfare activities in the Jharkhand region in Bihar.
• The history of the Jharkhand movement has passed through at least four phases
since independence: (i) 1947 to 1954; (ii) 1955 to 1963; (iii) 1964 to 1969; and (iv)
1970 onwards.
• During the first phase, the movement was at its climax when Jaipal Singh
Munda emerged as the unquestionable leader of the adivasis. The Jharkhand
Mukti Morcha was formally formed during this period. It contested the 1952
general elections, and emerged as the main opposition in the Bihar Legislative
Assembly.
• The second phase started with the States Reorganization Commission's rejection
of the demand for a separate Jharkhand state and ended with the merger of the
Jharkhand party with the Congress Party.
• During the third phase, there emerged factions and cleavages among the
Jharkhand cadre. This weakened the movement.
• Fourth phase After 1970, the movement flourished and recently ended with the
formation of a new, independent Jharkhand state (15/11/2000).
62
(c) K.S. Singh says that at the beginning of the Second World War the Gonds and
Bhils demanded the formation of a separate state. Komaram Bheem in Adilabad
(Hyderabad) demanded a Gond Raj in 1941. "Then, in a memorandum submitted
before the States Reorganization Commission in the 1950s, the Gond leaders
demanded the formation of a separate state for the tribals to be carved out of the
tribal areas of present day Chattisgarh. A movement consisting of the Gonds of the
lower strata led by Hira Singh developed in the late 1950s and reached its peak in
1962-63 before dying down."
(d) I.P. Desai has described the tribal autonomy (Adivasi Swayat Raj) movement
in south Gujarat in the 1960s. The movement was initiated by the CPI. It could
not gather strength for any long time. Tribes which participated in the movement
included Bhil, Dhodia and Kunbi. Only, the Communist Party of India (Marxists)
supported this movement. It is through this movement that the tribals of Gujarat
developed class consciousness. Their demand was that the Gujarat government
exploited the forests and deprived the tribals from their livelihood and it should be
stopped. Desai has critically examined the demand for an autonomous State in south
Gujarat. According to him, the main objective of this movement has been political
only and the masses of tribals are not really interested in autonomy. Desai argues,
the tribals have a desire to integrate themselves into the wider national
mainstream.
(e) In south Rajasthan, western Madhya Pradesh and northern Gujarat, the
Bhils have raised their voice for an autonomous state .The whole tribal belt is rich in
minerals and it is argued that it should not be consumed by a non- tribal state.
Agrarian and forest-based movements are restricted to only a few regions, such as
northern and southern parts of India. In central India, though tribal discontent
over various forms of exploitation is widespread, it has been organized into
movements only in some places involving a few tribes.
(a) The Gonds in Madhya Pradesh Since independence, their territorial and
political systems have broken down and their rights over forests and land have been
eroded.
(b) Dhulia of Maharashtra. "There has been large-scale transfer of land from
tribals to non-tribals who include moneylenders, rich landlords and traders. As
landlessness and poverty, grew the tribals sought employment on low wages.
Ambar Singh Suratwanti, a Bhil himself, started to organize the adivasis in
1967. The Government of Maharashtra issued an ordinance in July 1975 to prohibit
alienation of tribal lands and to provide for the restoration of lands alienated in
contravention of the law."
(c) tribal of Chotanagpur in recent years. There, the non-tribals took away the land
of the tribals who organized themselves and got their land vacated from the latter.
(d) The Naxalite movement has come into existence at the initiation of CPI(ML).
The movement mobilized both tribal and non-tribal peasants against oppression by
rich peasants, moneylenders and local officials.
Ø The movement was strong in North Bengal, the Srikakulam-Adilabad region of
Andhra Pradesh, Chotanagpur-Santhal Pargana belt and the Bhil regions of
western India. However, it is found that the tribal participation in the leadership
structure of the Naxalite movement was marginal."
3. Sanskritization Movement
(a) Bhagat movements have been reported from Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and
Rajasthan. The tribals find solutions to their problems in the acceptance of the
lifestyle, ideas, values and beliefs of the higher castes. Those who convert to this
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new life are known as Bhagats. Bhagat needs to abstain from eating meat and
drinking alcohol.
There is also a demand to make a separate Bhil state by merging some districts
of Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra.
(X) B.K. Roy Burman (1971 and 1979) has distinguished between proto- national
and substantial movements among tribes.
1. Proto-national movements emerge when tribes experience a transformation from
tribalism to nationalism. It is a search for identity at a higher level of integration.
proto-nationalism results from expansion of the orbit of development. It is based on
the moral consensus of the community.
2. sub-national movements sub-nationalism is the result of disparities of
development. Sub-nationalism is based on the coercive power of the community
• These movements indicate that tribals adopted two paths of achieving goals,
Non-violent path and , Militant path both paths have not helped them to achieve
their goals.
• Some scholars like Desai (1979), Gough (1974) and Guha (1983) have treated
tribal movements after independence as peasant movements, but K.S. Singh (1985)
has criticised such approach.
65
v Culture,
v Sports including traditional and tribal games and sports,
v Any other innovative activity for the comprehensive socio-economic development
of PVTGs.
Implementing agencies:
The scheme will be implemented in accordance CCD Plan prepared by the
State/UT and executed through various agencies of the State Government/UT
Administration like;
Funding pattern
It is a 100% Central Sector Scheme. The funds will be released to States/UT
in one/two instalment(s) in accordance with the annual programme proposed for a
particular financial year in the CCD Plan, subject to availability of funds with the
Ministry of Tribal Affairs.
Great Andamanese, Jarawas, Onges, Sentineles and Shom Pens. In 1858, the Great
Andamanese were estimated at nearly 3500,in 1901 their number declined to 625.
According to the2001 Census, the Great Andamanese stood at just 43, Jarawas are
241, Onges are 96, Sentineles are 39 and Shom Pens are 398.
22. Kathodi
23. Kolgha
Gujarat 24. Kotwalia
25. Padhar
26. Siddi
27. Jenu Kuruba
Karnataka
28. Koraga
29. Cholanaikkan
30. Kadar
Kerala 31. Kattunayakan
32. Koraga
33. Kurumba
34. Abujh Maria
35. Baiga
36. Bharia
Madhya Pradesh &
37. Birhor
Chhattisgarh
38. Hill Korwa
39. Kamar
40. Saharia
41. Kathodi
Maharashtra 42. Kolam
43. Maria Gond
Manipur 44. Maram Naga
45. Birhor
Odisha 46. Bondo
47. Chuktia Bhunjia
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48. Didayi
49. Dongria Khond
50. Juang
51. Kharia
52. Kutia Khond
53. Lanjia Saura
54. Lodha
55. Mankidia
56. Paudi Bhuyan
57. Sauura
Rajasthan 58. Saharia
59. Irular
60. Kattu Nayakan
61. Korumba
Tamil Nadu
62. Kota
63. Paniyan
64. Toda
Tripura 65. Riang
66. Buksa
Uttar Pradesh & Uttrakhand
67. Raji
68. Birhor
West Bengal 69. Lodha
70. Toto
71. Great Andamanese
Andaman & Nicobar Islands 72. Jarawa
73. Onge
71
74. Sentinelese
75. Shom Pen
The clauses 15(4) &16(4) are to bring 15 & 16 in line with 29 ,46 and 340.
deemed to be Scheduled Tribes in relation to that State or Union territory, as the case
may be
(Indicators of primitive traits: Distinctive culture, Backwardness, geographical
isolation, shyness of contact with community at large)
• Article 275(1): Indian constitution provides funds to both Schedule Fifth and
Schedule Sixth areas for the purpose of promoting the welfare of Scheduled tribes or
raising the level of administration of the Schedule Areas.
which were under the direct rule of the Governors and districts which
were categorized as excluded area had no representation in the
Provincial Legislature. ( During British rule there were 2 types of political
formations, provinces and princely state & 2 types of legislature, provincial
legislature and central legislature)
• Districts which were categorized as partially excluded Area were under the
provincial government and they had representatives in the provincial legislature.
However, the law enacted by provincial legislature could not be enforced in the
partially excluded area without the approval of the Governor.
• An Advisory Committee on fundamental rights of minorities and Tribal
& Excluded Area was set up with Vallabhai Patel as the Chairman by
the Constituent Assembly (Assembly for the formation of constitution).
• Consequently, two sub committees were formed namely:
• i) North East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Area Committee (Chairman
– Gopinath Bordoloi) (Committee popularly known as Bordoloi Committee)
ii) Excluded and partially excluded areas in provinces other than Assam (Chairman –
A.V. Thakkar)
• The report of the Bordoloi Committee dealt with various aspects relating
to administration of the tribal areas such as thoughts on development, special feature
of these areas, land, forest, control of immigration, service etc. This report was
discussed by the Drafting Committee headed By Dr. Ambedkar & it was put in
the Sixth Schedule.
• This schedule was discussed in the Constituent Assembly in 1949. Lot of debate
took place on this schedule. People against and in favour were putting their
arguments.
• People against the schedule were demanding that these areas be at par integrated
with plains & autonomy should not be granted to them. Some even argued that it
would create “TRIBALISTAN” in the same way as Pakistan was created.
• However, Dr.B.R. Ambedkar, Gopinath Bordoloi, A.V. Thakkar, Jaipal
singh and JJM Nichols Roy spoke strongly in favour of the Sixth
schedule provision.
• JJM Nichols Roy is regarded as an architect of the District council autonomy.
75
• After a long and heated debate in the Constituent Assembly and after certain
amendments were made, the Sixth Schedule finally emerged and was incorporated in
Art. 244(2) read with 275(1) of the Constitution of India.
• Along with that, preservation of custom, culture, language and ethnic identity of
tribals of Excluded and Partially Excluded areas other than Assam was incorporated
in the Fifth Schedule in Art. 244(1) of the Constitution of India.
5TH SCHEDULE:
Ø As per Para 4(1) of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, there shall be TAC in
each State having Scheduled Areas and , if the President directs, also in any State
having Scheduled Tribes but non-Scheduled Areas Therein
Ø Composition of TAC
Ø As per provisions of Fifth Schedule, the members of TAC should be not more
than 20 of whom, nearly three-fourths shall be the representatives of the STs in the
Legislative Assemble in the State.
Ø Role of TAC
Ø To advise on such matters pertaining to the welfare and advancement of the
Scheduled Tribes. No regulation shall be made unless the Governor consulted such
Council.
Ø Details of TAC constituted by the States.
Ø Tribes Advisory Council has been constituted in the ten Scheduled Area States of
Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana and two non-Scheduled
Areas States of Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. The directions of the Hon’ble
President has also been conveyed to the non-Scheduled Area State of Uttarakhand
for constitution of TAC in the State.
Ø States with Scheduled Tribes but not Fifth Schedule Areas(Excluding Sixth
Schedule States): Bihar, Goa, Jammu And Kashmir, Karnataka, Kerala, Sikkim,
Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Andaman And Nicobar Island (UT),
Dadra And Nagar Haveli (UT), Daman And Diu (UT), Lakshadweep (UT)
Ø With centralism in governance coming in for increasing criticism, the P.V.
Narasimha Rao government in 1992 passed the 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendment Acts, which empowered panchayats and municipalities with a vision
of local self-governance.
Ø The Fifth Schedule areas, because of the constitutional immunity against
overarching laws, did not fall in its domain legally.
Ø While village-level democracy became a real prospect in other areas, the Fifth
Schedule areas remained bereft of that privilege.
Ø It was for this reason that PESA was enacted under the Fifth Schedule, which
extended panchayat rule to the tribal areas.
77
Ø The fundamental spirit of PESA is that it does not delegate powers but devolves
them to the village-level gram sabhas, paving the way for participatory democracy.
Ø The final target is to make PESA comparable to the 6th schedule.
Ø The Bhuria Committee in 1995 formulated a three-tier structure to extend the
panchayati raj functions in the scheduled areas.
Ø The lowest but most important constituent of the structure is the village-level
gram sabha, which will exercise command over natural resources, resolve disputes
and manage institutions such as schools and cooperatives under it.
Ø Above it will be a gram panchayat, an elected body of representatives of each
gram sabha, also to function as an appellate authority for unresolved disputes at the
lower level.
Ø At the top of it will be a block- or taluk-level body.
Ø When it was enacted, PESA was seen as a legislative revolution as it empowered
gram sabhas to take decisions on important and contested tribal matters such as
v enforcing a ban on the sale and consumption of intoxicants,
v ownership of minor forest produce,
v power to prevent alienation of land
v and to restore unlawfully alienated land,
v management of village markets,
v control over moneylending,
v land acquisition.
v Along with this, it made it mandatory for all legislation in the scheduled areas to
be in conformity with the customary law, social and religious practices and
traditional management practices of the community.
6TH SCHEDULE:
In Ambedkar’s words tribals in other areas have been largely “Hinduised”. But the
tribal population in Assam is different. They continue to have their roots in their
own civilization and culture. They have continued to practice their laws of
inheritance, marriage, customs which are different to that of Hindus. This is
primarily the reason that there has to be different scheme of policies for tribal
population in the north east when compared to the rest of India. (quoted in Tillin
2007, 56-57).
There were two reasons for the different treatment that the tribes of 5th and 6th
schedule areas received.
Ø First, the tribes in Fifth Schedule areas were considered incapable of self-
government.
Ø Second, unlike the Sixth Schedule areas, some tribal communities in peninsular
India coexisted with a minority non tribal population, and autonomy for the tribes in
such a case seemed impractical.
The Supreme Court of India later endorsed this paternalist justification when it
said that “The tribes need to be taken care of by the protective arm of the law,
so that they may prosper and by an evolutionary process join the mainstream
of the society.” provision has been made for the creation of the District Councils
and regional councils for the exercise of the certain legislative and judicial
powers.
Autonomous Districts and Autonomous Regions:
Ø Governors of four states viz. Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram are
empowered to declare some tribal dominated districts / areas of these states as
autonomous districts and autonomous regions by order. No separate legislation is
needed for this.
Ø The Governor also has power to include any other area, exclude any area,
increase, decrease, diminish these areas, unite two districts / regions, and alter the
names and boundaries of these autonomous districts and regions.
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remaining six seats are nominated by the Governor from amongst the un-represented
communities of the Bodoland Territorial Areas District. Out of these 6, at least 2 are
women.
• District Council is elected for a five year term. The term can be extended for a
period not exceeding one year in case of national emergency or situation in which it
is impossible to hold elections.
• The sessions of the Council is presided by Chairman and in his absence a Deputy
Chairman. They are elected by the elected members of the District Councils.
• The function of Chairman and Deputy Chairman is similar to Speaker and
Deputy Speaker of a legislature. The Chairman has been endowed with legislative
functions like calling meetings for the council, preside over the session and also
regulate the proceedings of the session. He allows time for discussion and also
admits question and motions. Like the speaker he also has a casting vote in case of a
tie.
Executive Committee: The executive functions of the council is carried by an
Executive committee.
Current Councils:
Ø Currently, there are ten such Councils in the region as listed below:
Assam (Part-I)
Ø Bodoland Territorial Autonomous district Council
Ø Karbi Anglong Autonomous district Council
Ø Dima Hasao Autonomous District Council ( Earlier called north cachar hill
district council)
Meghalaya (Part-II)
Ø Garo Hills Autonomous District Council
Ø Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council
Ø Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council
Tripura (Part-IIA)
Ø Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council
Mizoram (Part – III)
Ø Chakma Autonomous District Council
Ø Lai Autonomous District Council
Ø Mara Autonomous District Council
84
Executive Functions
• power to manage markets, roads, waterways, ferries etc.
• prescribes the medium of instruction and manner of education in primary schools
within its jurisdiction.
Financial Functions
• power to collect land revenues, levy and collect taxes on shops, holdings etc.
• collection of tolls within their jurisdiction. It also has concurrent powers over
professions, trade, animals, goods carried by ferries etc.
• The royalty on the licenses for extraction of minerals within the autonomous
districts goes to the District Council.
• The Tax on motor vehicle within the area is assigned and collected by the state
government on behalf of the Council.
• Other sources of income for District and Regional Council include Grants in aid,
loans and advances from the state government.
• The District Councils have autonomous status and parliamentary or state acts do
not normally apply on the subjects under their authority. Such acts can only be
extended with required exception and modification which are considered necessary
by the concerned District Regional Council.
However, there are certain issues due to which the sixth schedule has ended up
creating multiple power centres instead of bringing in a genuine process of
democratization or autonomy in the region. They are as follows:
Ø Conflict of Power: There are frequent conflicts of interest between the District
Councils and the state legislatures. Most notable example is Meghalaya where
despite the formation of the State, the whole of the State continues to be under
the Sixth Schedule causing frequent conflicts with the State Government.
Ø Para 12 (A) of the Sixth Schedule clearly states that, whenever there is a
conflict of interest between the District Councils and the state legislature, the latter
would prevail. Thus state enjoys the superiority,
Ø The local bodies established via Seventy-third Amendment are more liberally
funded through the State Finance commissions.
Ø Then in a state where there are more than one autonomous councils; one claims
that it is being treated less favourably than other. For example, in Assam, there is a
perceived preferential treatment to Bodoland Territorial Council in matters of
budget allocations.
ROLE OF GOVERNOR
• The Governor under the provision of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution is
empowered to determine areas under the administration of the council.
• He has the authority to form new autonomous districts.
• He can increase or reduce the area of any autonomous districts or Districts
Councils.
• He is also empowered to unite two or more districts or its parts to carve out one
autonomous district from it.
• The Governor can also define the boundaries or alter the name of any
autonomous district. But it should be noted that such changes can only be brought in
by the Governor after the submission of report of the appointed commission for that
purpose.
• There has been some differences observed in designation of the Administrative
areas of the District Councils from one place to another. Eg: In some states like
87
Assam and Meghalaya the District Council has been constituted at the District level.
But in Mizoram it exists both at the district and sub-divisional level.
• The Legislations passed by the Autonomous councils come into effect only after
the assent of the Governor. However, Governor works as per the aid and advice of
the state Council of Ministers. This makes many a times, the autonomous councils
irrelevant as far as power to legislate is concerned.
• Thus sixth schedule has ended up creating multiple power centers instead of
bringing in a genuine process of democratization or autonomy in the region.
Remedies to sixth schedule problems:
Ø Governors may exercise at their discretion without having to act on the ‘aid and
advice’ of the Council of Ministers.
Ø The administration of the district autonomous councils should be periodically
reviewed by a commission under Union Government.
Sixth Schedule was divided into two parts at the initial stage.
Ø Part A – Those areas where the people were a bit developed, and
where democratic political institution could be established were listed in part A.
In fact, the areas where District Council could be established were listed in Part A.
Ø On the other hand, the backward most areas where establishment of democratic
system was not possible were categorized in Part B.
Ø Therefore, the Governor of Assam was given discretionary power for
administering tribals in Part B of the Sixth Schedule.
Ø Part B is also identified as the Sixth Schedule where there is no District Council.
Ø Initially, even the areas of Nagaland & Arunachal Pradesh were included
in the Sixth Schedule with a provision to make district council. But the status of
“District Council” was rejected by the people in these areas. After some years, these
areas were given state hood & now they no longer appear in the Sixth Schedule.
Ø The Sixth Schedule was amended again with the reorganization of Assam . (The
reorganisation of Assam and the border region, previously called the Northeast
Frontier Agency (NEFA), took place in stages and led to the formation of four new
predominantly tribal states: Nagaland, granted statehood in
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1963; Meghalaya formed as a separate state in 1972 for the Garo, Khasi, and
Jaintia tribes; Arunachal Pradesh, created as a Union Territory then converted to
full statehood in 1972; and Mizoram, formed into a Union Territory in 1971 and
granted the status of a separate state in 1987. )
Ø Furthermore, the categories for listing Tribal Areas under the Sixth
Schedule provision was also changed from Part A and part B to Part-I, Part-II
and Part-III.
Ø With the approval of the Tripura Assembly, the Parliament again amended the
Sixth Schedule and Tripura Tribal Area Autonomous District Council
was included in Part-II A of the Sixth Schedule with effect from 1st April, 1985.
Ø Eminent lawyer and former Vice President of India, M, Hidayatullah referred
sixth schedule as constitution within a constitution.
• The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989
91
• Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 (in respect of Scheduled Tribes)
• The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986 (in respect of
Scheduled Tribes)
• State Acts and Regulations concerning alienation and restoration of land
belonging to Scheduled Tribes
• Forest Conservation Act, 1980 (in respect of Scheduled Tribes)
• The Panchayat (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996
• Minimum Wages Act, 1948 (in respect of Scheduled Tribes)
Since TSP strategy also has twin objectives namely Socio-economic development of
Schedule tribes and protection of tribal against exploitation, the Govt. of India in
Aug., 1976 had decided to make the boundaries of Scheduled Areas co-terminus
with TSP areas (ITDP/ITDA only) so that the protective measure available to Sch.
Tribes in Sch. Areas could be uniformly applied to TSP areas for effective
implementation of the development programmes in these areas. Accordingly, the
TSP areas have been made co-terminus with Sch. Areas in the State of Bihar,
Gujarat, H.P., Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Rajasthan. The State of
A.P. where the TSP areas are not co-terminus with sch. Areas has also furnished a
proposal to this effect which is under examination.
TSP forms a part of annual plan of a state or UT. These benefits are in addition to
what percolates from overall plan of a state/UT. The funds under TSP should be at
least in proportion to ST population of the state or UT. TSP is now called
schedules tribe component (STC) at central level and TSS (Tribal sub scheme) at
state level.
• The Protection of civil rights act, 1955: An act to prescribe punishment for
preaching and practice of untouchability.
• The SC/ST (Prevention of atrocities) act, 1989
• The prohibition of employment as manual scavengers and their
rehabilitation act, 2013.
NATIONAL COMMISSION ON SC
• To investigate and monitor all matters relating to the safeguards provided for the
Scheduled Castes under this Constitution or under any other law for the time being
in force or under any order of the Government and to evaluate the working of such
safeguards
• To inquire into specific complaints with respect to the deprivation of rights and
safeguards of the Scheduled Castes
• To participate and advise on the planning process of socio-economic development
of the Scheduled Castes and to evaluate the progress of their development under
the Union and any State
• To present to the President, annually and at such other times as the Commission
may deem fit, reports upon the working of those safeguards
• To make in such reports recommendations as to the measures that should be taken
by the Union or any State for the effective implementation of those safeguards and
other measures for the protection, welfare and socio-economic development of the
Scheduled Castes
• To discharge such other functions in relation to the protection, welfare and
development and advancement of the Scheduled Castes as the President may,
subject to the provisions of any law made by Parliament, by rule specify.
While examining any issue under sub-clauses (a) and (b) of clause (5), the
Commission shall have all the powers of a civil court and in particular in
respect of the following matters:
1. Summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person from any part of India
and examining him on oath.
2. Requiring the discovery and production of any document.
3. Receiving evidence on affidavit.
4. Requisitioning any public record or copy thereof from any court or office.
5. Issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses and documents.
6. Any other matter which the President may, by rule, determine
96
Areas of functioning:-
Of the four core areas of the Commission’s functioning – viz., service safeguards,
education, economic development and atrocities – the
1. Services Safeguards Wing is the most active. These complaints relate mostly
to promotions, discrimination and harassment on various counts, institution of
disciplinary proceedings on flimsy grounds, the conduct of departmental
enquires in an unfair manner, adverse entry in the annual confidential reports,
transfers to far off places or insignificant positions, delay in payment of
retirement benefits, delay in the completion of departmental inquires, and so
forth. It has also succeeded in institutionalizing the system of liaison officers
and special SC and ST cells in all central ministries and public sector
enterprises for the speedy and effective resolution of the grievances of
employees of these communities
2. Secondly, the Commission monitors the levels of literacy and educational
development of the Scheduled Castes. It has shown sensitivity to the internal
differentiations, relative levels of deprivation and marginalization within the
SCs, along gender and community lines. It has taken special interest in female
literacy rates. It marks the tendencies in enrolment at the primary level and
dropout rates at successive tiers of the educational ladder. It also monitors the
working of book-bank facilities and various scholarship programs at all levels,
and has paid special attention to the creation of hostel facilities for these
sections. Most complaints received by the Commission in this sector relate to
the denial of, or discrepancies in the application of, reservation policy. The key
problem in the Commission's approach here appears to be that it lacks a general
philosophy of education, and the role that education can play in the betterment
of these communities.
3. A critically important area of concern is, of course, that of atrocities against
dalits, and here the NCSC monitors the implementation of the various legal
provisions in force regarding such occurrences. It collects and comments on the
statistics pertaining to cases under the Civil Rights Act, 1955 and the
Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989. It pays special attention to the atrocities
perpetuated by police personnel. A key monitoring activity performed by the
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Commission pertains to the setting up of special courts for the speedy trial of
offences under the Civil Rights Act and the Atrocities Act. It also monitors the
case disposal rates of these courts. Over the years, the Commission has
conducted several on-the-spot inquires into complaints of atrocities.
4. Economic development is, curiously enough, the least contentious area of the
Commission’s functioning. In its second report (as the NCSCST) the
Commission investigated the land question, establishing beyond doubt that the
vast majority of the workforce in the agricultural sector is from the Scheduled
Castes. It systematically unraveled their plight through the marshalling of
statistics pertaining to occupational holdings, average size of holdings, etc.
Addressing the all-important questions of land reform, land records, and the
streamlining of land revenue administration, the Commission recommended
land ceiling and the redistribution of surplus land by various state governments.
It also suggested a range of tenancy reforms and several measures to prevent the
alienation of tribal land (as it was the NCSCST at the time). Ironically this
attempt to safeguard and even advance the interests of the Scheduled Castes has
not produced results, because the agenda is not well-served by the entire
political class paying lip service to it.
1. The most significant handicap of the Commission is the fact that its decisions
are not binding, but recommendatory.
2. There has historically prevailed a conflict between the Commission and its
nodal ministry, which has often taken the form of conflict between the Minister
and the Chairman of the NCSCST. As a consequence of this rivalry, the
Ministry chose to delay the constitution of the Commission and, when it
ultimately did constitute it, it denied the Commission adequate staff to
effectively carry out its mandate, and also denied members of the Commission
the promised status (e.g., the promised rank of a Union Cabinet Minister for the
Chairperson, and Minister of State for the Vice- Chairperson, materialised as
the rank of a secretary to the Union government in both cases).
3. The existing priorities of the Commission are visibly lopsided in favor of the
elite of these communities.
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4. The quality of reports in terms of the data they contain, and the manner in
which the data is organized, has also been declining over the years.
Comparisons are often made with the first ten reports prepared under late L.M.
Shrikant and the decline in quality thereafter.
5. The Annual Report that the Commission is required to submit to the President is
a crucial activity of the commission, the importance of which is generally
overlooked. The delay in submitting and discussing reports has been remarked
upon by members of parliament over the years.
• Article 340 deals with the need to identify those "socially and educationally
backward classes", understand the conditions of their backwardness, and make
recommendations to remove the difficulties they face.
• 102nd Constitution Amendment Act inserted new Articles 338 B and 342 A.
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• Article 342 A :- The Constitution Amendment Bill states that the President may
specify the socially and educationally backward classes in the various states and
union territories. He may do this in consultation with the Governor of the
concerned state. However, a law of Parliament will be required if the list of
backward classes is to be amended. (Article 342 A)
(i) Investigating and monitoring how safeguards provided to the backward classes
under the Constitution and other laws are being implemented,
(iv) The central and state governments will be required to consult with the NCBC
on all major policy matters affecting the socially and educationally backward
classes.
(v) It presents to the President, annually and at such other times as the Commission
may deem fit, reports upon the working of those safeguards. The President laid
such reports before each House of Parliament.
• Under the Constitution Amendment Act, the NCBC will have the powers of a
civil court while investigating or inquiring into any complaints. These powers
include:
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(I) Indian forest act 1865 & 1878: For the first time the state authority was
officially extended over the forests to meet the growing need for timber. Certain
activities like grazing in the forests were considered offences.
Ø The Indian Forest Act, 1927 was largely based on previous Indian Forest Acts
implemented under the British.
Ø The first and most famous was the Indian Forest Act of 1878.
Ø Both the 1878 act and the 1927 one reserve the areas having forest cover, or
significant wildlife, to regulate movement and transit of timber and other forest
produce.
Ø It also defines the procedure to be followed for declaring an area to be a
Reserved Forest, a Protected Forest or a Village Forest.
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Ø It defines what is a forest offence, what are the acts prohibited inside a Reserved
Forest, and penalties on violation of the provisions of the Act.
• Reserved Forest is an area mass of land duly notified under the provisions of
India Forest Act or the State Forest Acts having full degree of protection. In
Reserved Forests all activities are prohibited unless permitted. Reserved Forest
is notified under section 20 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927
• Protected Forest having limited degree of protection. In Protected Forests all
activities are permitted unless prohibited. Protected Forest is an area or mass of
land, which is not a reserved forest, and over which the Government has
property rights, declared to be so by a State Government under the provisions of
the section 29 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927.
• Village Forest is constituted under section 28 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927.
The Government may assign to any village community the rights over a land
which may not be a part of a reserved forest for use of the community.
• Thus, the British forest policies dispossessed tribals of their community
properties and forest lands.
Background:
• Tabling in the parliament on 13 December 2005, the Scheduled Tribes
(Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill, 2005 which was re-named as “The
Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest
Rights) Act, 2006” was passed in the parliament
• The Draft Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill, 2005 faced
stiff opposition from two quarters.
• First, Environmentalists advocated management of forest, wildlife and other
bio-diversity with complete exclusion of tribal people, local communities or
forest dwellers contrary to the Rio Declaration decisions of the Conference of
Parties of the Convention on Biological Diversity and recommendations of the
United Nations Forum on Forest.
• (Indigenous people have a vital role in environmental management and
development because of their knowledge and traditional practices. States
should recognise and duly support their identity, culture and interests and
enable their effective participation in the achievement of sustainable
development),
• Second, the Ministry of Environment and Forest had opposed the Bill on the
ground that implementation of the bill will result in the depletion of the
country's forest cover by 16 per cent.
• Following objections to the 2005 Draft Bill, it was referred to the Joint
Parliamentary Committee (JPC) headed by V. Kishore Chandra. Some of the
committee’s recommendations were against the intended beneficiaries i.e.
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tribals importantly inclusion of all forest dwellers under its purview which may
dilute the rights of scheduled tribes.
• Title rights - i.e. ownership - to land that is being farmed by tribals or forest
dwellers as on 13 December 2005, subject to a maximum of 4 hectares;
ownership is only for land that is actually being cultivated by the concerned
family as on that date, meaning that no new lands are granted.
• Use rights - to minor forest produce (also including ownership), to grazing
areas, to pastoralist routes, etc.
• Relief and development rights - to rehabilitation in case of illegal eviction or
forced displacement; and to basic amenities, subject to restrictions for forest
protection.
• Forest management rights - to protect forests and wildlife..
Significance:
• The act will ensure that people get to manage their forest on their own which
will regulate exploitation of forest resources by officials & forest governance.
Issues in implementation:
• Low levels of awareness and information among the tribals about the provisions
of the act.
• Rejection of Tribal community claims in sanctuaries and protected areas.
• XAXA committee report pointed out that the rejections of tribal claims are not
being communicated to them, and their right to appeal is not being explained.
Criticism:
• The law has diluted the interests of the forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes with
the inclusion of the “Other Traditional Forest Dwellers”. The forest dwelling
Scheduled Tribes no longer remain the focus of the law contrary to what it
originally envisaged.
• It failed to address charges/ prosecution pending against the tribals under the
Forest Conservation Act of 1980 and Indian Forest Act of 1927, for accessing
minor forest produce, though the Act ensures tenurial security and legitimizes
the scheduled tribes' ownership over the minor forest produce and their role in
the conservation of forest.
• Is a law in India and Pakistan that allows the government to acquire private
land in those countries.“Land Acquisition” literally means acquiring of land
for some public purpose by government/government agency, as authorised
by the law, from the individual landowner(s) after paying a government fixed
compensation in lieu of losses incurred by land owner(s) due to surrendering of
his/their land to the concerned government agency.
• Draw backs: Difference between govt rates and market rates. Inability of the
tribal to make proper use of the money.
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private 2.Affordable
companies and Housing
70% for public- 3.Rural
private Infrastructure
partnerships. 4.Industrial
Corridor
5.Infrastructure
The consent for
the other
projects remains
same as that of
2013 ACT.
employment to an affected
the members of family of a farm
the affected labourer.
family.
Food No Provision Multi-crop land No limit on
Security to be acquired multi-crop land
only as a last to be acquired
resort. for above said
States to impose five categories.
limits on the area
of agriculture /
multi-crop land
that can be
acquired in a
state.
If agriculture
,the state has to
cultivate an
equivalent area
of land
elsewhere.
iii. The forest department should implement the Biological Diversity Act, 2002
and Environment Protection Act.
iv. Re-scheduling of species under Wildlife Protection Act to avoid man-animal
conflict.
v. No further amendment and dilution of Forest Conservation Act, 1980.
vi. No change in the National Forest Policy of 1988.
• Tribals were forbidden to take even enough wood to build their huts or fashion
their ploughs, they saw contractors from the lowlands felling hundreds of trees and
carting them off, usually with the help of labour brought in from outside.
• Where tribals were allowed access to some of the forest produce, such as grass or
dead wood for fuel, this was considered a "concession" liable to be withdrawn at any
time.
• The traditional de facto ownership of tribal communities was now replaced by
the de jure ownership of the state, which ultimately led to the exploitation of forest
resources with total disregard for the needs of the tribal economy.
• In recent years many projects have been started which change the character of
forests in such a manner that they serve exclusively commercial interests and no
longer benefit the original forest dwellers.
• The natural mixed forests, which provided the tribesmen with the raw materials
for many of their household implements, cane and bamboo for baskets, and such
items of food as mangoes, tamarinds, jack fruits, mahua corollae , and edible berries,
are being replaced by plantations of teak, eucalyptus, and various coniferous trees.
• An extreme example of such a commercialization of forests at the expense of the
local tribal population is a project in Madhya Pradesh where Rs 46,000,000 are to
be spent on converting 8,000 hectares of forest in the Bastar Hills to pine forests
to feed the paper pulp industry.
• In a recent symposium on "Forests, Tribals and Development," Dr. B. D.
Sharma, who is Tribal Development Commissioner, Government of Madhya
Pradesh, stated the position very clearly when he said:
• special relationship of the tribals with the forest is not appreciated.
• Their rights are viewed as a 'burden' on the forests.
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• Since the forest produce is treated as nature's gift, the State stakes its full claim
over it.
• the de-facto and conventional command of the tribal over resources denied
• he is reduced to the status of merely a casual wage-earner.”
• It is clear that the development of the people and development of the forests, as
two co-equal goals, are fully consistent.
• The plan for tribal development must take the forest resources as the base on
which tribal economy can progress with greatest confidence
• The tribal should become a co-sharer in the new wealth created in these areas
and should become an active participant in their management.”
• By the beginning of 20th century they were pushed into plantation sector and
newly coming industries in Bengal, Assam and Bihar.
• They mostly did low or unskilled jobs getting very little economic
compensation as they had little access to modern education
• After independence numerous measures were taken to ensure tribal
development in a slow process directed by Panchsheel principle.
• But, the approach adopted has been quite the contrary.
• Development was seen as an important tool to bring tribals into societal
mainstream.
• Infrastructure development , construction of industries, dams, mining etc
became mandatory with the world wide trend of industrialization .
• Much of India's mineral and forest wealth lay in tribal areas, leading to an
inevitable conflict of interest between tribals and non tribals.
• The tribal occupation changed from food gathering to peasants.
• Communal ownership changed to private ownership of land.
• The Developmental policies drastically altered the relationship of tribes with
natural environment and resources. Changed the pattern and methods of
land ownership and usage.
• Land and forest most exploited due to industrialisation, fundamentally altering
the tribal way of life.
• Land made a saleable private property.
• Unscrupulous methods used for bringing forest resources into global market.
Modern communication and transport technologies hastened the process.
• High migrations and uprooting of tribals from their native land .
• The dissatisfied tribals are attracted towards Naxalism / left wing extremism.
• Forest resources got depleted, Natural forests are replaced by commercial
plantations.
• Furthermore, developmental projects have seen large scale immigration of
people from outside, in search of employment, thus distorting demographics.
• Often tribals become minorities in their own traditional living areas.
• The benefits of large scale expansion of industries and infrastructure, never
reached these tribals .
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The tribal traditional panchayats are closely knit groups like own brothers. The
traditional councils are known with different names in different parts of the
tribal areas.
Ø Among Gonds of Adilabad of Andhra Pradesh it is known as ‘Rai
Sabha’
Ø Among tribal communities of Visakhapatnam district of Andhra Pradesh
it is known as ‘Panch bai’ or ‘Borobai’,
Ø ‘Beromanosam’ among Yerukulas,
Ø ‘Nanger’ among Lambadas, and
Ø ‘Kula Panchayat’ among other tribal groups.
Ø “The Parha is a confederacy of anything between 5-25 neighbouring
villages with a central organization called Parha Panch comprising the
headman of each member village; that elects its own head or Raja. A
hereditary post that is handed down the male line, the Parha Raja’s clan
enjoys tremendous respect and he commands absolute obedience,”
Ø The Manki-Munda (Self governing system) system in the state of
Jharkhand, for instance, competes with state laws enacted to enforce
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• The price of government neglect: The map shows that the Naxals are successful
in the poorest districts of India. Eg: The rural tribal villagers in Chhattisgarh
(where Naxalism thrives) one of the poorest states in the country.
• The Naxals are making hay in the north-east too. Why, tea-estates in
Assam have become breeding grounds for the Naxals!
• Orissa seems to be in a bad shape.
• The spread of Naxalism is an indication of the sense of desperation and alienation
• the central Indian adivasis have been described as “the original autochthonous
people of India” meaning that their presence in India pre-dated the Dravidians, the
Aryans and whoever else settled in this country.
• Unfortunately like indigenous people all over the world, the India’s adivasis too
have been savaged and ravaged by later people claiming to be more ‘civilised’.
More hard facts:
• At the national level 45.86 percent of all adivasis (tribals) live below the
poverty line.
• Several anthropometric studies have revealed that successive generations of
adivasis are actually becoming smaller unlike all other people in India who benefit
from better and increasingly nutritious diets.
• Adivasis are just one group of people being targeted by the Naxals for
recruitment. Overall, all poor people are being targeted, including Dalits.
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• Poverty, lack of land reforms, caste discrimination and oppression and denial of
access to justice push the Dalits closer to the Naxals. The concentration of Dalit
populations in the Naxalite affected areas in India is quite high.
• As the agenda of the Naxals is typically pro-poor, They get attracted.
the government has proposed a three-pronged strategy to combat Naxalism:
1. Gain confidence of local people by taking up more welfare related activities.
2. Build up infrastructure in naxal-affected areas and generate employment.
3. Launch joint security operations with neighbouring states to eliminate left wing
extremists.
Here are some of the initiatives taken by the individual states:
• States of Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal will share
information and coordinate with one another in adjoining border areas (to stop the
Naxals from escaping across the borders after launching attacks).
• The Jharkhand government is setting up a state industrial security force on the
lines of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) to protect industries as the
Naxalites (who operate in 18 of the 24 districts in the state) often destroy
equipment of business establishments if they are not given extortion money.
• The Orissa State government will be getting 10000 extra personnel for fighting
the Naxals – long term deployment of two battalions of CRPF in Orissa and an
additional five India Reserve Battalions.
• In Tamil Nadu, a 10-day guerilla warfare training programme has begun for
320 cops in the seven districts falling under the Central Zone. The commandos of
the elite STF will provide specialised training such as (1) sophisticated arms training
(2) combing operations in reserve forests (3) setting up of temporary tents and
bunkers to the 320 cops.
• The Kerala govt is now surveying labourers from other states as the Maoists are
using the state as a hide-out.
• The Maharashtra government and the state police is setting up with a special
force.
While the Centre has ruled out deployment of the Army as the forces’ hands are
already full, the government has the following plans:
• The central government will be investing Rs 500-crore to fight the Naxals. This
money will be used to provide (1) critical mobility to the police (2) secure camping
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grounds and helipads at strategic locations, (3) build basic roads for the forces so
they have mobility in otherwise inaccessible areas.
• India’s Interior Ministry has set up an anti-rebel cell to ensure periodic review
and close monitoring of rebel activities.
Case study:
• Salwa Judum ( "Peace March" or "Purification Hunt" in Gondi language) is a
militia mobilised and deployed as part of anti-insurgency operations
in Chhattisgarh, India, aimed at countering Naxalite violence in the region. The
militia, consisting of local tribal youth, received support and training from
the Chhattisgarh state government.
• On 5 July 2011, the Supreme Court of India declared the militia to be illegal and
unconstitutional, and ordered its disbanding. The Court directed the Chhattisgarh
government to recover all the firearms, ammunition and accessories. The use of
Salwa Judum by the government for anti-Naxal operations was criticised for its
violations of human rights and poorly trained youth for counter-insurgency roles. It
also ordered the government to investigate all instances of alleged criminal
activities of Salwa Judum.
• On 25 May 2013, its founder Mahendra Karma, who had become a senior Indian
National Congress party leader was killed in a Naxalite attack along with other party
members in Darbha Valley of Chhattisgarh, 400 km south of Raipur and 50 km
from Jagdalpur.
9.3. REGIONALISM:
Human Diversity:
• India has a plurality of caste, religion, race, region, language and class.
• Even within the apparently large homogeneous groups, there is clear stratification
for e.g., the Hindus are a majority in Indian constituting around 82%of the
population, and is divided into numerous castes.
• Tt is difficult to designate a caste or community as a majority or a minority.
• The parsis and jains are very small minorities but they enjoy certain economic
and social privileges, which even caste Hindus, the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled
Tribes, and Muslims do not.
Linguistic diversity:
In a multi lingual society like India, All languages are regional in scope.
• Accepting hindi as a national language is perceived as suppression of Dravidian
and other languages or, is seen as the cultural hegemony of Hindi speakers of the
North.
• The growth of regional sentiment based on language and culture lead to regional
parties like the DMK, TDP, Shiv Sena, whose declared aim is to protect the regional
culture and, who attempts to establish the supremacy of regional cultures over
national values.
Economic Roots of Regionalism:
• Differential level of economic development in different regions. Eg: The
Jharkhand demand is due to the underdevelopment of the tribal tract of Santhal
Paragans and Chotanagpur region of Bihar;
• On the contrary, the separatist and even secessionist movement in Punjab is
because of the over development of the region. The result is that the dominantly
Sikh population of Punjab is reluctant to share prosperity with other regions of the
country.
• Inadequate development and exploitation of tribals are at the root of development
of regional sentiment as manifest in Gorkhaland, Bodoland, and in Assam.
Social Roots:
• The feeling of alienness leads to the growth of a strong regional sentiment and
can manifest in anti migrant, “sons of the soil” movement in Telangana,
Assam, Bengal and Karnataka, Orissa Maharashtra.
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• It is the view that a state specifically belongs to the main linguistic group who are
the ‘sons of the soil’ or the ‘local’ residents.
• Main demand was preference in jobs and small business to local people.
9.3. COMMUNALISM:
• Further, the artisans and craftsmen in the urban areas, majority of whom
happened to be Muslims, were ruined by the trade policies of the British.
• However, towards the end of the 19th century, the policy of the British towards
the Muslims changed.
• Fearing the rising tide of Indian nationalism, especially after the formation of
Indian national congress, the British adopted the policy or organizing Muslim
communalism as a counter-weight to Indian Nationalism.
• Thus, the further growth of Hindu and Muslim communalism was to a large
extent the result of the deliberate policy of ‘Divide and Rule’ followed by the
British.
• As Mahatma Gandhi declared at the Second Round Table Conference, the
problem of communalism was co-evil with the British advent.
• Mr.Beck, played an important role in creating a sense of distrust and fear of
Hindu majority in the minds of Muslim leaders.
• He was also instrumental in the establishment of ‘Mohammedan Anglo-
oriental Defence Association’ in 1893 with himself as one of the Secretaries. The
association aimed at protection and promotion of the political rights of the
Muslim community.
• When Bengal was partitioned along religious lines. The western part went to
India (and was named West Bengal) while the eastern part joined Pakistan as a
province called East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan, giving rise to
independent Bangladesh in 1971). was another step towards creating a divide among
India on communal lines.
• Later on when constitutional reforms were introduced in 1909 the Viceroy Lord
Minto encouraged some of the Muslilm leaders to demand separate electorates.
• in his correspondence with the Secretary of state, Lord Morley, the Viceroy
repeatedly insisted that separate electorates would alone satisfy Muslim interests.
• Thus, the second stage of communalism, where by different religious
communities view their secular interest as mutually exclusive, was reached by the
time separate electorates were awarded by the Morley-Minto Reforms.
• In 1940, the Muslim league passed a resolution demanding the creation of a
separate nation to be called Pakistan after independence.
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• Hindu communalists felt that Hindus were a distinct nation, and that India was the
land of Hindus.
• The Indian nationalists accepted the partition not because there were two nations
in India but because the alternative to partition Was mass killing and barbaric
riots.
PANCHASHEEL:
• Five principles spelt out in 1952, known as Nehruvian Panchasheel, have been
guiding the administration of tribal affairs. They are:
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There are four ongoing schemes of the Ministry, which are open to the participation of
voluntary/nongovernmental organizations. These schemes are:
Established Voluntary Agencies (EVAs): An effort was also made by the Ministry
to identify voluntary organizations/non-governmental organizations which have an all
India character and are known for their selfless service and remarkable achievements.
The Ministry has accordingly categorized a few organizations as “Established
Voluntary Agencies (EVAs)”. These are as follows:
• Some NGO organizations have started residential schools but the effectiveness
or impact of such schools is debatable.
• Another strategy adopted by a set of NGOs is to set up alternative schools
which provide the education that they consider appropriate for the targeted
tribal group. Since these are not residential schools, they can cater only to a
small set of children who live nearby. It is difficult to cover the millions of
children from the ST community with only a few, NGO-managed private
schools.
• Hence, a sustainable and effective change in the quality of education for social
groups such as the STs can happen only when the public education system
transforms itself to adopt and integrate these innovative practices. This requires
the NGOs which are interested in the education of STs to work with
government schools and bring about qualitative changes in public education.
A case study:
• Sikshasandhan had developed educational learning materials in tribal
languages (Soura, Desiya, and Juang) during the initial years. It started
mother-tongue based schooling for the children from the Kolha tribe in a block
in the Mayurbhanj district in 2011.
• This kind of adaptation requires not only translation but also making the lessons
relevant to the social context of the specific tribal group.
• Sikshasandhan received some funding for this purpose and could have MLE
(Multi lingual education) teachers or teaching assistants from the tribal
communities to help with the tribal language as part of MLE in a set of schools.
• Some of the MLE teachers recruited by Sikshasandhan were also absorbed into
the initiatives of the district administration and the state government.
• Under the current scheme, an MLE teacher can become a regular teacher after
six years if they pass a test conducted by the government.
• Sikshasandhan has trained MLE teachers and also coached them to pass this
test.
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women. As there has been large scale deforestation, women have to slog harder
to retain the gathering economy. In the tribal areas of Betul in Madhya Pradesh,
collection and marketing of firewood is generally the domain of tribal women.
They sell it at Sahpur and whatever income they have, they immediately spend
it on meeting the basic requirements such as rice, pulse, edible oil, soap,
detergent powder, tobacco, bidi and so on.
• For quite some time the tribes have been exposed to industries in central
India. There have come many big and small dams and many development
projects as well. The forests being depleted and very little poor quality land to
cultivate on, the tribes are compelled to serve in the industrial sector to work as
coolies. In many parts of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and
Rajasthan also the tribes are being forced to work in brick kilns and the
building sector in cities. Tribal men and women are both exploited by the
contractors and middlemen. The women suffer all the more as they get sexually
abused. Besides, they are paid much less as compared to the men.
• often the Santhal widows are declared as witch and murdered by close
relatives. They are often stoned to death in the process of witch hunting.
• Most of the tribes in India follow a patrilinear system. There are exceptional
cases like the Khasi, Jaintia, Garo and Lalung of Meghalaya in the North-
East who follow the matrilinear system. The Mappilas of Kerala too are a
matrilineal community.
• Not surprisingly, the Khasis are often believed to follow matriarchy. But in
reality though the property is inherited through the mother’s line, the final
authority of the household vests with the mother’s brother.
• The Todas of Nilgiri or the Bhutias of Ladakh and Sikkim are
polyandrous.
• polygynandry. This system is quite common among the Jaunsaris of
Jaunsar Bawar in Uttarakhand. In such marriages the eldest woman usually
wields greater respect and command.
• Among the Jaunsaris, the new husbands have to pay the suit money or the
amount paid as bride-price by the former husband to the girl during earlier
marriage. This amount becomes quite large as interest is also added to it. In
order to repay the money, the wife is often sent away seasonally to the cities
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Yet despite the common belief that education will improve attitudes to female
children, the data shows that India’s least educated social groups are those with
better sex ratios. The child sex ratio (girls for every 1000 boys aged 1-6) is 957 for
STs and 933 for SCs as compared to 910 for “others”. In urban areas, the child sex
ratio of the non-scheduled caste, non-tribal population is just over 900, meaning
there are 100 less girls for every 1000 boys.
Better sex ratios among tribals could reflect a combination of positive and negative
factors; cultural gender parity as well as lack of access to pre-natal diagnostic
technology. Dr. Abhay Bang, the award-winning doctor and social activist from
Gadchiroli in Maharashtra who is a member of the central government’s new High-
Level Committee on Status of Tribal Communities, says that both factors could co-
exist. “It is true that there is no social bias against women in tribal communities such
as there exists among the middle castes, especially landed ones. Women can ask for a
divorce, and in many communities, money is paid to the girl’s family at the time of
marriage,” Dr. Bang told The Hindu. Simultaneously, most tribal communities either
do not know of pre-natal sex determination, or do not have access to it, Dr. Bang said.
“But among more educated tribals, those who get government jobs, sex selection has
begun,” he said.
Similarly, the female work participation rate – the proportion of women who are in the
workforce – which is considered an indicator of female empowerment, is highest
among STs, followed by SCs and then “others”. In fact, the proportion of female STs
in the workforce is nearly double that of women in the “other” category; 44% as
against 23%.
Heterogeneity in degree of
incorporation into hindu society
they had no immunity. There were cases of the tribal killing their own members
because they feared that the diseases might be contagious.
In the current times, they are supported by the Indian Government. Much of their
diet includes Indian food although they still go fishing, hunting, and food
gathering. They also have farms now to practice agriculture and a little bit of
animal husbandry.
Jarawa Tribe
Unlike the Great Andamanese, the Jarawa have stayed totally out of contact of the
outside world. Their population has been greatly impacted by the Great Andaman
Trunk road.; both in positive and negative ways. The Calcutta High Court had to
order people to stop traveling via the Great Andaman Trunk road. But there was an
appeal put up by the locals claiming the road to be very important. The court had to
lift its previous order, but a new order was given. According to the court now
vehicles travel only in large convoys, four times a day.
Onge Tribe
Earlier inhabiting Little Andaman, Rutland Island, and the South Andaman Island,
the Onge tribe inhabit only two reserve camps on Little Andaman after their
population faced a decrease in number. Being semi-nomadic, they hunted for food
instead of farming. Not much of their culture is known and not many of them have
been known to have survived to date. After the tsunami, only 96 of the Onge
individuals were left who had taken shelter on the highland of the island.
They speak what is known as the Onge language. But with increasing interaction
with outsiders Onge speakers have been reduced in number. But the slight increase
in their number has been noticed recently.
Sentinelese Tribe
Sentinelese tribe is the most untouched tribe of the Andaman Islands. They live on
the North Sentinel Island, isolated completely from the other tribes in Andaman
and Nicobar and also from the world. They are still leading the life of hunter and
gatherer as they hunt and gather food, together with fishing. They also seem to
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have knowledge of certain beneficial plants. They don’t, however, know about how
to produce fire and cook food.
Their language has not been recognized yet. Their language does not seem much
similar even to the Jarawa tribe who are their nearest neighbor. Although they have
a different language, their physical characteristics are just the same as the other
Negrito tribes of the Andaman Islands. They have short stature and dark skin.
This tribe also seems to be quite tough skinned against the natural calamities. The
impacts of the earthquake or tsunami have not been known if any. There also
seems to be more men than women, although there might be a possibility that
because their population is not accurately measured it seems that the male sex ratio
is greater.
Shompen Tribe
The Shompen tribe is the first tribe that had arrived in the Nicobar Islands. They
were already living here by the time the Nicobarese arrived here. They live on both
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sides of the islands; the one living on the eastern side call themselves Keyet, while
the one on the western side calls themselves Kalay. They both call each other
Buavela. The existence of this tribe was acknowledged in the 1840s but after
India’s independence, no close contact was allowed with them. Hence, as a result,
not much information is available about them.
They are the hunting-gathering type of tribe. The men wear a cloth from the waist
made of bark, covering only the genital area. They also wear a necklace made of
beads. The women wear a skirt and a cloth covering them from their shoulders.
They use ahav or ear rings, naigaak or necklaces, and geegap which are the
armbands.
They use tools like the bows and arrows, spears, fire drills, and hatchet are the
main kind of tools used by the Shompen. They hunt and gather food. Their diet
includes pigs, birds and other kinds of small animals. They also eat fruits and other
edible items available in the forest. They also depend on farming where they
cultivate yams, roots, vegetables as well as tobacco.
Their huts are of two types, the lowlands and the highlands having different types
of requirements. Each hut houses about 4 to 5 people. The ones on the lower side
of the land build their houses on raised surfaces, while ones on the higher side
build it on the ground. The roofs are thatched. They cook outside their houses.
There are thought to be two different types of Shompen language, which seems to
be different from the Nicobarese language. Their language is expected to be an
isolated Austro-Asiatic language.
The trend can be seen in the looks, traditions that are visibly followed by these
communities.
Religion: Christianity is followed among many of the tribes and some also
Follow Hinduism and Buddhism. The rest still have their indigenous beliefs
and practice animism.
Language: North East makes up one of the richest single linguistic regions with
about a whopping 220 languages in multiple language families (Indo-European,
Sino-Tibetan, Tai–Kadai, Austroasiatic) that share common structural features.
Assamese is the most widely spoken language in North East as it is easily
understood by Bengalis too. The language is developed as a lingua franca for many
speech communities. Assamese-based dialects have developed in Nagaland
(Nagamese) and Arunachal (Nefamese), though their use has been on a decline in
recent times.
Descent and inheritance pattern: Children and women generally are taught to be
self-independent from a very young age. In Meghalaya and Nagaland, there are
societies that are matriarchal which is a rare phenomenon in patriarchal India.
Khasi, Garo, and Jaintia are the three major tribes of Meghalaya. The Khasi and
Garo people practice matrilineality. Indeed it is something the whole country
should follow in the wake of increasing crimes against women and trends like me-
too which reinforce the harsh reality of women abuse.
Strengths of Anthropology:
In the year, 2013: UPA-II setup Committee under Virginius Xaxa. He was a
member of NAC (National advisory council), to study the socio-economic,
health and educational status of tribals & to suggest policy initiatives and
interventions for tribal-upliftment.
There have been laws and policies passed by the Parliament and State
Legislatures such as the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, the Wildlife
Protection Act, 1972, the Panchayat Acts (prior to the passing of the 73rd
Amendment in 1992), and so on which have had an adverse and detrimental
impact on tribal communities. Yet the Governors have not exercised their
constitutional power towards the protection and welfare of the tribal
communities. This opens up two possibilities:
(i) Laws and policies enacted by the Parliament and State Legislatures
should not be automatically applied in the Fifth Schedule areas (as was
the case under colonial rule or as is presently the case in the Sixth
Schedule areas). Its applicability should be made contingent on the
discretion of the Governor who would determine its applicability or
non-applicability or applicability with modifications/amendments on
the advice of Tribes Advisory Council and issue a Statement of
Objectives and Reasons for decisions on both applicability and
inapplicability of laws and policies.
(ii) In case the above is untenable, the Governor should be mandated to take
the advice of the Tribes Advisory Council and examine legislations and
policies (particularly, though not exclusively, those pertaining to issues
such as forests, land acquisition, conservation, mines and minerals,
health and education) passed by the Parliament or State Legislatures
and the implications of the same on tribal welfare. A mechanism for
such examination and action should be clearly stated and established.
4. The provisions of the Sixth Schedule provide considerable space for autonomy
and self-governance. Through the Autonomous Councils, tribals have the
opportunity to enact legislations, execute programmes and adjudicate at a scale
larger than their individual villages. Such a provision has helped tribes of the
Northeast to protect their habitat, land, forests, natural resources, culture and
identity. They have not experienced displacement and land alienation on the scale
that tribes in ‘mainland’ India have. In view of these powers of political
autonomy, the tribal communities in the Northeast region have fared much better
in respect of socio-economic, educational and health status. In contrast, the tribes
in mainland have fared miserably in all these spheres. Hence, there is an urgent
need for extending the pattern of the Sixth Schedule in the form of Autonomous
Councils in the Fifth Schedule areas as has been provided for in the Provisions of
Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996. The specific provision
notes that, “the State Legislature shall endeavour to follow the pattern of the Sixth
Schedule to the Constitution while designing the administrative arrangements in
the Panchayats at district levels in the Scheduled Areas”.
This pattern would provide tribal areas with an institutional structure that
mediates between the State Government and hamlet-level Gram Sabha. There are
various forms of Autonomous Councils in the Sixth Schedule areas. These are
represented by Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura and Assam. On the question of
which pattern would best suit the ‘mainland’ tribal regions should be seriously
deliberated and worked upon by the States with Fifth Schedule areas.
5. There are a large number of States wherein tribes form a sizeable population
in blocks or villages, for example, in States like West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil
Nadu, Karnataka, Goa, etc. Tribal areas in these States must be brought under the
ambit of Scheduled Areas.
6. There are various impediments to the smooth and inclusive working of the
Autonomous Councils in Sixth Schedule areas which must be addressed. In order
to do so, we propose the following:
• Autonomous Councils must be covered under State Finance Commission that
is empowered to review periodically the financial position and lay down
appropriate principles of resource distribution between State and the Autonomous
Council. Funding should not be left to arbitrary discretion of the State
Governments.
• The ADC should be reconstituted within six months of its dissolution.
• There should be provision for reservation for tribal women (one-third) as well
as smaller tribal groups in the ADCs and other political institutions.
• Traditional political institutions at the village/hamlet level should be formally
recognized by the State.
2. In order to make use of land available with the tribal farmers, they should be
motivated to undertake organic farming and eco-forestry. This requires concerted
efforts by the Departments of Agriculture and Forest to motivate the tribal
farmers to undertake such activities.
6. Since tribal inhabited regions have good forest cover (with or without trees
now), they should be allowed to participate in the protection and management of
forests. The newly acquired land under FRA, 2006 could be utilized in eco-
forestry rather than for food grain cultivation, which could give more return to
the ST farmers, in case they want to opt for it.
10. The participation of STs in MGNREGA has been decreasing from its
inception in 2006. This trend is very disturbing, which should be investigated and
monitored by a special agency under the administrative control of MoTA.
11. Tribals should be encouraged to use their traditional knowledge to meet their
needs by recreating their forest ecosystem and forest-based livelihood.
12. The Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) among the tribes need
special attention due to their vulnerability in the present situation. Their
customary right to land, forest and sources of livelihood must be respected and
protected. The issue of nomenclature must be addressed by commissioning a
special study. MoTA should ensure that all states having PVTGs should take steps
to have micro-projects for individual PVTGs to utilize the grants received under
SCA. The Project Offices for PVTGs should be made to report to the MoTA about
the development activities undertaken for the PVTGs under their jurisdiction,
rather than submitting allocation and expenditure statements.
13. Data on development parameters with respect to STs are not available for the
purpose of policy planning and implementation. Therefore, a National Institute
of Tribal Development, an autonomous research organization, has to be set up
exclusively for undertaking research on STs.
Education
2. There is a marked gender gap with respect to education in tribal society. This
is reflected in the disparity in literacy levels, drop-out rates and enrolment in
higher education. Hence, there is a need for greater gender focus and social
mobilization to encourage education of girls. The State must develop certain
mechanisms to this effect.
7. The dearth of teachers fulfilling the eligibility criteria set out under the RTE
Act is an impediment to achieving the right to education in tribal areas. For
addressing the current crisis of absence of teachers in tribal areas, special efforts
need to be made to produce more teachers who have qualified the Teachers
Ability Test. This must be done on an emergency basis. In the interregnum,
teachers appointed in educational institutions must be given a term within which
they qualify the Teachers Eligibility Test, and facilities be provided to assist them
in taking this test, including training, courses and access to materials.
9. The experiment with the Model Primer developed in Odisha and other similar
ventures may be worked upon in TSP areas and in tribal languages in other states
as well.
10. Inclusion of local culture, folklore and history in the curriculum can help in
building confidence of tribal children and enhance the relevance of education in
their lives. Music and dance are a central part of tribal life. Therefore, storytelling,
theatre, painting, music and dance performances should be promoted. Similarly,
sports such as football, archery and other popular local sports are extremely
beneficial and therapeutic for children, and should be promoted.
11. Recognizing that the tribal people have certain cultural ‘genius’, different
aspects of ‘indigenous knowledge’ should be documented, researched and
promoted. For developing better understanding of the tribal cultures and their
promotion, there should be appropriate number of tribal cultural academies in
regional centres. An important step in this direction is teaching tribal history and
culture in schools for both tribal and non-tribal children.
15. In light of the harsh terrain of tribal inhabitations, norms concerning distance
and Pupil-Teacher Ratio, at all levels of school education, should be reviewed.
16. The policy of vocational education at the secondary and senior secondary
level needs further integration and strengthening.
17. There is a marked absence of quality secondary and higher secondary schools
in tribal areas. The Government needs to establish well-run residential schools
such as Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas closer to the habitations (within a radius
of ten kilometres) up to Class XII. These schools must provide comprehensive
facilities for marginalized children including quality education, health care and
academic support classes.
18. Residential schools should be set up specifically for Nomadic Tribes. The
basic principles are:
a. The residential schools should be in places where the weather is least
harsh,
b. there should be special security for the children, including girl
children for whom there should be women wardens,
c. the parents of students should be brought to these institutions so that
they are informed about the education, and quality of life, of their
children,
d. there should be proactive efforts by Tribal Affairs officials of the
State to approach every family to help them make an informed
choice to send their children to the schools,
e. the holidays for these schools should be fixed in such a way that the
children can meet their family, when the family returns to the place
where they celebrate festivals, weddings, etc.
19. In residential schools, which are often in the news for incidents of sexual
abuse of students, strong mechanisms should be put in place to protect the
students from abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence.
22. There is a need for regular social audits to monitor the functioning of schools.
To this end, a monitoring committee at the block level for primary and middle
schools and district level for high and higher secondary schools should be set up.
23. Most of the educational ‘missions’ do not reach the tribal areas and where
they do reach, they are too rare to have any significant impact. The State
educational machinery is largely responsible for this situation. There should be
proper accountability of the State educational administration to end the
longstanding stagnation in education in tribal areas.
24. The scope of education needs to be expanded for the purpose of scholarships
and should include tribal painting, art, craft, song, music and dance, etc. While
the Ministry of Tribal Affairs is now supporting scholarships for students
belonging to Scheduled Tribes, the UGC and the MoTA should support
scholarships for tribal studies for non-tribal students also. A single window
scholarship portal targeting the Scheduled Tribe students should be established
to provide information on different scholarship schemes.
25. Regional Resource Centres in States with significant tribal populations should
be established to provide training, academic and other technical support for
development of pedagogic tools and education materials catering to multilingual
situation.
26. It is suggested that owing to poor condition of the State Tribal Research
Institutes, there is the need to improve the same in terms of infrastructure, quality
of staff, research output and direction for policy. It is also recommended that a
Central Tribal Research Institute, as has been planned by the Central
Government, be launched.
Health:
1. The first principle of any policy or program for tribal people is participation.
Tribal people as a population segment are not politically very vocal. However,
they have different geographical, social, economic and cultural environments,
different kind of health cultures and health care needs. Hence their views and
priorities must get due place in any health care program, meant for them. We
suggest making use of three types of existing institutional mechanisms to improve
the programs.
• Tribal Health Assembly: From the Gram Sabhas at village level, upto
the national level, Tribal Health Assemblies should be annually
organized in which the people (at the level of village) or their
representatives (at the higher levels) participate. For instance, such a
‘Tribal Health Assembly’ is annually organized for the past 15 years by
an NGO, SEARCH, in Gadchiroli district (Maharashtra) for three
purposes,
a) to listen to the health problems and priorities of the people,
b) to get approval for the proposed health solutions and activities,
c) to get their feedback on ongoing activities. This can serve as a
model at the local level in other Scheduled Areas. At least one
Gram Sabha meeting annually should be exclusively dedicated to
the purpose of health and related subjects.
2. In view of the enormous diversity among nearly 700 tribes in India, the second
principle to be followed is of area specific and tribe-sensitive local planning. The
PESA provides an institutional basis for this. The three institutional mechanisms
suggested above, when created and made operational at the block, district and
state level, will allow local planning.
5. To bridge the scientific knowledge gap of centuries, health care for Scheduled
Areas should give paramount importance to spreading ‘health literacy’ by way of
mass educational methods, folk media, modern media and school curriculum.
Enormous scope exists for communication in local dialects and for the use of
technology.
6. A large number of Scheduled Tribe children and youth – more than one crore
– are currently in schools. This provides a great opportunity – both for improving
their health and for imparting health related knowledge and practices. Schools,
including the primary schools, middle schools, high schools, ashram shalas and
also the Anganwadis should become the Primary Health Knowledge Centers.
7. Special attention should be given to women, children, old and disabled people
in the Scheduled Tribe population as these are the most vulnerable.
8. Traditional healers and Dais play an important role in the indigenous health
care. Instead of alienating or rejecting them, a sensitive way of including them or
getting their cooperation in health care, must be explored. Traditional herbal
medicines should be protected through community ownership. The ownership
and intellectual property rights of tribal community over their own herbal
medicines and practices should be ensured.
9. Apart from the physical distance, a huge cultural distance separates the tribal
population from others. Health care delivery to the Scheduled Tribe population
should be culture-sensitive and in the local language in order to overcome this
distance.
10. Health care delivery system for Scheduled Areas must keep as its guiding
principle the Chinese axiom – How far can a mother walk on foot with a sick
baby? Health care must be available within that distance. This, for the tribal
communities living in forests, means health care must be available in their
village/hamlet. Sixty years of failure should teach us that health care from outside
is not a feasible solution. The design of health care in Scheduled Areas should be
such that major share of health promotion and prevention and a sizable proportion
of curative care is generated and provided within the village or hamlet.
11. In light of these principles and in view of the common disease pattern and
needs listed earlier in the conclusions section, we recommend that the Ministry
of Health and Family Welfare should redesign the primary and secondary health
care services in Scheduled Areas. The new pattern should not be enforced as a
top-down, vertical, uniform national program, but should provide a framework
for local planning with local participation. Thus, the ‘Tribal Health Plan’ will
have three feature: one, a process framework about ‘how’ to prepare the local
plan, which will be in the form of guidelines on mechanisms; second, a series of
locally developed need-based contents of the plan and third, a design or structure
of the health care system to deliver such services in all Scheduled Areas. This
‘Tribal Health Plan’ should become an essential feature of the National Health
Mission and of the Tribal Sub Plan. The goals and monitoring indicators of this
plan will be different than the regular MIS of the NHM.
The candidates must be local, belong to Scheduled Tribes, be fluent in local tribal
dialects, be selected on merit and should be committed to serve in the local
Scheduled Area for at least ten years.
The ASHA workers, Anganwadi workers and ANMs will continue to be the
mainstay of health care in rural and tribal areas. Due to the physical isolation of
tribal communities, compounded by a lack of doctors, it will be pragmatic to train,
equip and empower the three ‘As’ – ASHA workers, Anganwadi workers and
ANMs – in tribal areas to a higher level.
Since the selection for medical education is through a statewide and all India
competitive process, the local Scheduled Tribe candidates may not get selected.
Hence, we recommend that separate Medical Colleges for Tribal Areas be opened
in selected scheduled districts, one college per three million Scheduled Tribe
population in the state. All seats are to be reserved for such committed Scheduled
Tribe candidates, to be selected from the respective Scheduled Areas, depending
on the population and need for doctors in each Scheduled Area. The aim should
be to provide, in ten years, the required number of appropriately trained doctors
to serve in these areas. The High Level Expert Group (HLEG) on Universal
Health Care, appointed by the Planning Commission, in its report (2011), has
recommended that the District Knowledge and Training Centers be developed
and made into medical colleges attached to district hospitals, and nearly 187 new
medical colleges should be opened in the country, especially in undeveloped
regions. These recommendations can be used to open Medical Colleges for Tribal
Areas. Approximately 30 new medical colleges for tribal areas, each with 60 seats
per year, will be able to produce nationally about 1800 new doctors per year,
selected from, trained and legally committed to work in the Scheduled Area of
their origin.
The Medical Education for Tribal Areas (META) should be, to some extent,
different from the regular MBBS, and hence, should not entirely follow the
curriculum of the Medical Council of India. Besides the regular medical
curriculum, some modifications are necessary such as:
ii) knowledge of and sensitivity towards tribal culture and language,
iii) methods of communication
iv) training and management of a health team,
v) competencies in preventing and managing health problems
common among the Scheduled Tribe population by way of
clinical, outreach and public health approaches,
vi) collaboration with other sectors of development affecting health,
eg. sanitation, nutrition, education, forestry. If necessary, the
MCI recognition for this degree may not be sought, or a new
degree different than MBBS be created, with legal permission to
function as a doctor in Scheduled Areas.
13. Addiction has serious effects on the socio-economic fabric of tribal society.
It affects not only health but also productivity, family economy, social harmony
and ultimately, development. Hence,
15. Data on the Scheduled Tribe population is a basic ingredient for planning,
monitoring and evaluating health programs in Scheduled Areas. All national data
systems – the Census, SRS, NFHS, NSSO, and DLHS – should be asked to plan
for and generate Scheduled Tribe-specific estimates on health indicators at the
district level and above. One percent of the total budget for the Scheduled Tribe
population (TSP) should be allocated to the generation of reliable, timely, and
relevant segregated data on Scheduled Tribes population, from the local to
national level. This will provide the crucial instrument – the facts – necessary to
guide program managers, policy makers and the Scheduled Tribe population
itself. Towards this, the specific measures recommended are:
• Construction of a composite Tribal Development Index (TDI)
• Construction of a composite Tribal Health Index (THI) including the indicators
on health status, determinants and health care.
• Ranking of 151 districts with more than 25 percent Scheduled Tribes population
and of states on these indices.
• Creation of a high power national body under the Ministry of Health and Family
Welfare to facilitate the commissioning and collection of relevant data and
monitoring of the indices and progress. This body should complete the work
through the various existing agencies/surveys such SRS, NSSO, NFHS, DLHS,
AHS, NNMB, the TRTIs in the states, the ICMR institutes network on tribal
health, and finally, the health ministries in the states. Necessary administrative
and financial authority should be provided to this body. Broadly, one percent of
the total health budget for tribal areas (the regular health budget for Scheduled
Areas, including the health component in the TSP) should be devoted for this
purpose.
16. Research: From the public health point of view, certain aspects of tribal health
need research. These are:
• Epidemiology, disease patterns and mortality rates in Scheduled Areas,
• Traditional belief systems and practices, and effective communication
methods,
• Tribal healing systems,
• Methods of health care delivery in Scheduled Areas. The AYUSH
(Ayurveda, Yoga, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy) department and the
Indian Council of Medical Research should incorporate these into their
scope of working.
17. The Proposed Goals of the Tribal Health Plan should be:
• To attain the Millennium Development Goals (2015) on health and
nutrition for the Scheduled Tribe population in India by the year 2020,
• To bring the health, sanitation and nutrition status of the Scheduled Tribe
population to the same level as that of the non-Scheduled Tribe
population in the respective states by the year 2025,
• To create the human resources necessary for provision of healthcare in
Scheduled Areas, as per the norms set by the High Level Expert Group
on Universal Health Coverage (2011), by the year 2025,
• To create and make functional the institutions for participatory
governance (Tribal Health Assemblies and Councils) at all levels in the
Scheduled Areas by the year 2016,
• To annually generate Tribal Health Plans at all levels by the year 2017,
• To annually allocate and spend 8.6 percent, in proportion to the
Scheduled Tribes population, of the total Health Sector Plan and Non-
plan budget, plus 10 percent of the TSP for the implementation of the
Tribal Health Plan.
6. There has been inadequate recognition at the policy level that land
represents an inalienable resource, passed on from generation to generation
in tribal communities, who otherwise have no education and skill
development. Studies have documented that those DPs who got jobs in lieu
of land and whose children did not receive education or training were worse
off after the job-holder retired from service. It is recommended that the
objective of R&R should be to ensure that the socio-economic status of tribal
DPs/PAPs after displacement, should improve positively rather than
deteriorate further. Loss of land and CPR can be compensated only by
proper R&R which envisages restoration of livelihoods, health and
education facilities and skill development for the whole family and
community of tribal DPs/PAPs. There should be provision of ‘land for land’,
in acquisition of tribal lands. Compensatory land provided must be made
cultivable with irrigation and agricultural inputs. Rehabilitation should be
treated as a continuous process to be monitored by the Project Authority and
State until the alternative livelihood becomes economically viable. They
must be given a stake in the assets and economic activities being created on
their acquired land and CPRs (for example, land in command area, irrigation
of tribal land in the vicinity, jobs in industries, or shops/jobs in industrial
projects/townships). An expanding economy, particularly expanding labour-
intensive manufacturing sector together with adequate emphasis on health,
education and skill development, hold the key to humane R&R.
9. Land and water sources polluted by industrial and mining projects in tribal
regions require attention and the onus for taking corrective measures should
be on the Project Authorities. The schemes of the Government could be
utilized to treat polluted land and water resources of tribal people.
10. The role of the Governor is crucial for protecting land, community
assets, culture and traditional institutions of tribal people and to ensure that
they are treated fairly. This role extends to ensuring socio-economic
reconstitution of tribal DPs/PAPs. This raises the issue of suitability of
persons who occupy the important position of Governor and other offices,
such as Commissioners, Deputy Commissioners and District Magistrates, in
Scheduled Areas. It is imperative that the antecedents and experience of
persons be taken into consideration by the Government to check whether
they can protect the interest of tribal communities and are suitable for such
appointments, in view of the special role assigned to them in such States.
15. Tribal people who have been displaced by conflict in Chhattisgarh and
the Northeast should be rehabilitated by the State Government in their
villages and provided facilities of housing, safe drinking water, health and
education, skill development, electricity supply, irrigation facilities, and
agricultural inputs. It is for the State to take preventive action and ensure
safety and prevent tribal land alienation in such areas. During a visit of HLC
to Assam, civil society groups and representatives of Autonomous Tribal
Councils emphasized that influx of outsiders was a real threat to the tribal
communities. They also alleged that inter-tribal conflict was being instigated
by outsiders. It is the responsibility of the State Government to take
measures to prevent such conflicts.
16. Under the ‘Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Development) Act,
1957, pattas/legal titles for houses allotted in resettlement sites are not issued
to the displaced. As a result, the displaced lose their identity and are unable
to access public facilities provided by the local administration, thereby
facing difficulty in obtaining Caste/Tribe certificates. Further, there is no
provision for payment of compensation before taking possession of land.
The provision for returning land to original landholders post-mining is rarely
complied with. Clearly, there is a need to make amendments in the Act.
1. The past twenty years have been dramatic in terms of the changes in the
economy, and in the effect that economic policy has had on tribal
communities. This has also been the period when laws, notably the
Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and the
Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of
Forest Rights) Act, 2006, have been enacted which recognize autonomy and
rights of tribal communities.
3. The implementation of the community forest rights has hardly taken off.
It needs to have a clear mechanism and plan for recognition of various
community forest rights and rights of vulnerable communities such as
PVTGs and pastoralist communities.
4. The implementation of the protective provisions in the law and the process
of recognition and assertion of forest rights is so far largely affected
(obstructed) by contradictory processes like: diversion of forest land which,
among other things, is displacing Scheduled Tribes/OTFDs and alienating
their rights, displacement from the protected areas and Tiger Reserves, and
displacement due to intervention by the Forest Department through forceful
plantation in the forest lands. While the protective clause under FRA is
meant to prevent such cases of violation of forest rights, the implementation
process has almost entirely ignored the protective parts of the law.
5. The democratic structure in forests with the Gram Sabhas as laid out in
the FRA faces great resistance from the current forest regime and the various
forestry institutions and programs implemented by the Forest Department
and the MoEF. In the Joint Forest Management program, for instance, the
operation of working plans are found to be obstructing the process of
assertion of rights by the Gram Sabhas. It is necessary to remodel the entire
structure of forest administration, the Forest Department, the MoEF and its
programs to complement and enable the control and management of forests
by Gram Sabhas and local communities.
6. The changed paradigm has not yet permeated administration, and projects
and plans continue to approach forests as the exclusive domain of the state.
This is resulting in multiple ways and situations in which the laws are
subverted, and the rights of tribal communities denied. The exception to
linear projects and the decisions of the Cabinet Committee on Investment
illustrate the point. Such deliberate flouting of the law currently has no
penalties attaching to it. Such penalties that will deter the breaching of the
FRA need to be introduced.
10. The import of PESA has not been internalized into administrative
practice, and government officials including Forest Departments continue to
deny access to tribals to that which is their right. Bureaucracies and judicial
institutions need to be introduced to the changes that PESA has brought into
administration and control in Fifth Schedule areas.
12. Government officials who were the agencies to prevent tribal loss of land
are increasingly being seen to be negotiators on behalf of project authorities.
This is a very disturbing trend, where the very authority who had been tasked
with preventing land alienation from a tribal to non-tribals becomes an agent
for effecting such alienation. This must be stopped.
13. There have been recorded cases of Gram Sabha consent being
fraudulently obtained or forged; such conduct must face penalties, and
projects that proceed on the basis of consent so obtained cannot be allowed
to proceed. If such consequences do not flow, there will be no incentive to
refrain from such actions.
14. Given the constitutional provision in Article 243-ZC, the creation of new
Nagar Palikas or the extension of those already in existence in Fifth
Schedule areas and tribal areas, as defined in the provision, must be preceded
by a law made by Parliament, which sets out the exceptions and
modifications from the chapter on Municipalities introduced by the
74thAmendment to the Constitution.
16. There has been a proliferation of MoUs between states and companies
that imposes responsibility on the state to facilitate various aspects of project
clearances including in matters of environmental and forest clearances.
Increasingly, the state undertakes to maintain law and order for the smooth
execution of the project. These MoUs make the state a party to an agreement
and take away the neutrality of the state. The idea such MoUs needs to be
reviewed. Institutions such as the Cabinet Committee on Investment that set
priorities and pursue them even where it is in direct breach of the law
amounts to deliberate flouting of the law and such practices of expediency
need be halted.
17. Public policy and practice must draw on the iconic experience of
Niyamgiri, and the adverse lessons from the Salwa Judum.
18. The encounter of the tribal with criminal law has been one of the
disturbing aspects in the past decade. Large numbers of tribals, men and
women, are in jails for what are termed ‘naxal offences’. There is, of course,
no legal basis for terming anything a ‘naxal offence’. Others are charged in
areas where there is resistance and protest against projects, provoking the
assessment that the criminal law is being used as a tool of the state to
suppress dissent. The acquittal rate is extraordinarily high, raising doubts
about the use of criminal law. Yet, the years spent in jail, multiple charges
that are imposed on the tribals and the charges on tribal leadership and on
supporters have become the new normal. The committee is of the view that
a Judicial Commission needs to be appointed to investigate cases filed
against tribals and their supporters, only this will allay the concerns that have
risen about the misuse of criminal law by the state.
19. De-notified Tribes have been asking that steps be taken to remove stigma
and prejudice from their lives. More specifically, the Habitual Offenders
Act, which has served to continue to attach criminality to them, should be
repealed. Anti-beggary laws render the talents that they possess, such as
juggling and acrobatics, into punishable conduct; there are earnest demands
for the repeal of these provisions in the law. Women bear the brunt of this
attribution of criminality, and whole communities of women find themselves
in prostitution without a choice. Complaints about police brutality including
custodial rape were rife, speaking of lawlessness among the law enforcers.
Such lawlessness is unacceptable and action must be taken in accordance
with law.
20. The Andaman Trunk Road which the Supreme Court ordered to be
closed in 2002 still continues to be open to traffic. Although there are formal
directions against plying commercial traffic on the road, these have been
observed only in the breach. Tourist vehicles including buses and taxis ply
on this road. In the past few years, the exploitation of Jarawas as a tourist
attraction, and the sexual exploitation of the Jarawas has been recorded and
reported on. The problem has however not abated. The Andaman Trunk
Road will have to be closed if the Jarawas are to be protected from such
unwelcome interest. DNA testing on Jarawas has been reported. Efforts to
get the protocols used to ensure the consent of the indigenous population did
not yield result. This becomes of especial significance in the context of the
Human DNA Bill, 2012, which proposes the creation of DNA data bases.
Informed consent is a necessary part of such exercises, also among the
indigenous population.
21. The persistence of bonded labour, and the trafficking, in large measure,
of women from tribal areas needs a concerted effort to end it. The state has
to take primary responsibility to identify, release and rehabilitate bonded
labour, wherever they are found.
For the first time after the country became Independent, the Government of
India is proposing the formulation of a National Policy on Scheduled Tribes.
The policy seeks to bring Scheduled Tribes into the mainstream of society
through a multi-pronged approach for their all-round development without
disturbing their distinct culture.
There are 67.8 million Scheduled Tribe people, constituting 8.08 per cent of
India’s population. There are 698 Scheduled Tribes spread all over the
country barring States and Union Territories like Chandigarh, Delhi, Haryana,
Pondicherry and Punjab. Orissa has the largest number – 68--of Scheduled
Tribes.
Scheduled Tribes are those, which are notified as such by the President of
India under Article 342 of the Constitution. The first notification was issued
in 1950. The President considers characteristics like the tribes’ primitive
traits, distinctive culture, shyness with the public at large, geographical
isolation and social and economic backwardness before notifying them as a
Scheduled Tribe. Seventy-five of the 698 Scheduled Tribes are identified as
Primitive Tribal Groups considering they are more backward than Scheduled
Tribes. They continue to live in a pre-agricultural stage of economy and have
very low literacy rates. Their populations are stagnant or even declining.
The Constitution through several Articles has provided for the socio-economic
development and empowerment of Scheduled Tribes. (You may list the
provisions here, if necessary). But there has been no national policy, which
could have helped translate the constitutional provisions into a reality. Five
principles spelt out in 1952, known as Nehruvian Panchasheel, have been
guiding the administration of tribal affairs. They are:
Realising that the Nehruvian Panchasheel was long on generalities and short
on specifics, the Government of India formed a Ministry of Tribal Affairs for
the first time in October 1999 to accelerate tribal development. The Ministry
of Tribal Affairs is now coming out with the draft National Policy on Tribals.
Based on the feedback from tribal leaders, the concerned States, individuals,
organisations in the public and the private sectors, and NGOs, the Ministry
will finalise the policy.
Formal education:
Traditional wisdom:
Dwelling amidst hills, forests, coastal areas, deserts, tribals over the centuries
have gained precious and vast experience in combating environmental
hardships and leading sustainable livelihoods. Their wisdom is reflected in
their water harvesting techniques, indigenously developed irrigation channels,
construction of cane bridges in hills, adaptation to desert life, utilisation of
forest species like herbs, shrubs for medicinal purposes, meteorological
assessment etc. Such invaluable knowledge of theirs needs to be properly
documented and preserved lest it should get lost in the wake of modernisation
and passage of time.
Health:
Although tribal people live usually close to nature, a majority of them need health
care on account of malnutrition, lack of safe drinking water, poor hygiene and
environmental sanitation and above all poverty. Lack of awareness and apathy to
utilise the available health services also affect their health status. In wake of the
opening of tribal areas with highways industrialization, and communication
facilities, diseases have spread to tribal areas. Endemics like malaria, deficiency
diseases, venereal diseases including AIDS are not uncommon among tribal
populations. However, lack of safe drinking water and malnutrition are well-
recognised major health hazards. Tribals suffer from a deficiency of calcium,
vitamin A, vitamin C, riboflavin and animal protein in their diets. Malnutrition
and undernutrition are common among Primitive Tribal Groups who largely
depend upon food they either gather or raise by using simple methods. The poor
nutritional status of tribal women directly influences their reproductive
performance and their infants’ survival, growth and development.
Tribal people, who are self reliant and self-sufficient, have over the centuries
developed their own medicine system based on herbs and other items collected
from the nature and processed locally. They have also their own system of
diagnosis and cure of diseases. They believe in taboos, spiritual powers and faith
healing. There are wide variations among tribals in their health status and
willingness to access and utilise health services, depending on their culture, level
of contact with other cultures and degree of adaptability.
Against this background, the National Policy seeks to promote the modern health
care system and also a synthesis of the Indian systems of medicine like ayurveda
and siddha with the tribal system.
Nearly 85.39 lakh tribals had been displaced until 1990 on account of some mega
project or the other, reservation of forests as National Parks etc. Tribals constitute
at least 55.16 percent of the total displaced people in the country. Cash payment
does not really compensate the tribals for the difficulties they experience in their
living style and ethos.
Displacement of tribals from their land amounts to violation of the Fifth Schedule
of the Constitution as it deprives them of control and ownership of natural
resources and land essential for their way of life.
The National Policy for Tribals, therefore, stipulates that displacement of tribal
people is kept to the minimum and undertaken only after possibilities of non-
displacement and least displacement have been exhausted. When it becomes
absolutely necessary to displace Scheduled Tribe people in the larger interest, the
displaced should be provided a better standard of living.
The National Policy suggests that any forceful displacement should be avoided.
Human beings move on their own to places with better opportunities. The forest
villages may be converted into revenue villages or forest villages may be
developed on par with revenue villages to enable the forest villagers enjoy at least
the minimum amenities and services that are available in revenue villages.
The National Policy, therefore, mandates that.
Shifting Cultivation:
The tribals involved in shifting cultivation do not seem to have any emotional
attachment to the land as an asset or property needing care and attention as in
non-tribal areas. In shifting cultivation lands, no attention is paid to the
replenishment of soil fertility. Tribals merely believe in harvesting crops
without putting in efforts or investments. Land is just left to nature to recoup on
its own.
To handle the problem of shifting cultivation, the National Policy will focus on
the following aspects:
• Land tenure system will be rationalised giving tribals right to land
ownership so that they will invest their energy and resources in checking
soil erosion and fertility – which have hitherto been neglected as land
belonged to no one but was subject to exploitation by every one.
• Agricultural scientists will be asked to focus on shifting cultivation and
evolve suitable technologies to improve production.
• The shifting cultivators will be ensured sufficient food supply through the
public distribution system and grain banks. Tribals will be encouraged to
raise cash crops and horticultural plantations.
• Training and extension programmes will be organised to sensitise tribals
about alternative economic strategies so that they can come out of shifting
cultivation.
Land Alienation:
Scheduled Tribes being simple folk are often exploited to forgo their foremost
important resource – land – to non-tribals. Although States have protective laws
to check the trend, dispossessed tribals are yet to get back their lands. Yet,
another form of land alienation takes place when States promote development
projects like hydro-electric power stations and mining and industries. These
developmental activities, which do not confer any benefit on tribals directly,
render them landless.
The National Policy for Tribals seeks to tackle tribal land alienation by stipulating
that
• Tribals have access to village land records
• Land records be displayed at the panchayat
• Oral evidence be considered in the absence of records in the disposal of
tribals’ land disputes
• States prohibit transfer of lands from tribals to non-tribals
• Tribals and their representatives be associated with land surveys
• Forest tribal villagers be assigned pattas for the land under their tillage
since ages
• States launching development projects take adequate care to keep tribal
lands intact and when not possible, allot land even before a project takes
off.
Scheduled Tribes are known for their knowledge and wisdom of ethnic origin.
There is, however, no legal and/or institutional framework to safeguard their
intellectual property rights.
The National Policy, therefore, will aim at making legal and institutional
arrangements to protect their intellectual property rights and curtailing the rights
of corporate and other agencies to access and exploit their resource base.
Tribal Languages:
Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) are Scheduled Tribes known for their declining
or stagnant population, low levels of literacy, pre- agricultural technology,
primarily belonging to the hunting and gathering stage, and extreme
backwardness. They were considered as a special category for support for the
first time in 1979. There are 75 Primitive Tribal Groups spread over 15 States and
Union Territories. The 25 lakh PTG population constitutes nearly 3.6 per cent of
the tribal population and 0.3 per cent of the country’s population.
PTGs have not benefited from developmental activities. They face continuous
threats of eviction from their homes and lands. They live with food insecurity
and a host of diseases like sickle cell anaemia and malaria.
The National Policy envisages the following steps to tackle PTGs’ problems:
• To boost PTGs’ social image, their being stigmatized as ‘primitive’ shall
be halted.
• Efforts shall be made to bring them on par with other Scheduled Tribes in
a definite time frame. Developmental efforts should be tribe-specific and
suit the local environment.
• Effective preventive and curative health systems shall be introduced.
• PTGs’ traditional methods of prevention and cure shall be examined and
validated.
• To combat the low level of literacy among PTGs, area and need specific
education coupled with skill upgradation shall be given priority.
• Formal schooling shall be strengthened by taking advantage of ‘Sarva
Shiksha Abhiyan’. Trained tribal youth shall be inducted as teachers.
• Teaching shall be in tribals’ mother tongue/dialect
• Considering PTGs’ poverty, school-going children shall be provided
incentives.
• Emphasis shall be on laid on vocational education and training.
• PTGs shall enjoy the ‘right to land’. Any form of land alienation shall be
prevented and landless PTGs given priority in land assignment.
• Public distribution system (PDS) shall be introduced to ensure regular food
supply. Grain banks shall be established to ensure food availability during
crises.
• PTGs’ participation in managing forests shall be ensured to meet their
economic needs and nourish their emotional attachment to forests.
Although the Constitution is clear about the concept and strategy adopted for
defining Scheduled Areas and tribal areas in terms of Fifth and Sixth Schedules
under Articles as 244(1) and 244(2), there is some confusion among those
concerned with implementing them.
Administration:
The existing administrative machinery in States and districts comprising
Integrated Tribal Development Agencies (ITDA) and Integrated Tribal
Development Projects (ITDP) have not been up in terms of the quality of
performance and development indicators.
The National Policy seeks to revitalise the administration by proposing the
following:
• Skill upgradation-cum-orientation programmes shall be conducted for
tribal administration officials.
• Infrastructure development shall be given priority to so that officials will
function from their places of posting.
• Only officials who have adequate knowledge, experience and a sense of
appreciation for tribal problems shall be posted for tribal administration.
• As the schemes meant for improving tribals’ condition take time, a tenure
that is commensurate with their implementation shall be fixed for officials.
Research:
The National Policy acknowledges the importance of a good database to deal
with Scheduled Tribes’ affairs. Research on tribals’ ethnic profiles, spectrum
of problems and prospects and developmental constraints and monitoring and
evaluation of schemes and projects needs priority attention.
The National Policy for Tribals proposes that the existing Tribal Research
Institutes located in different States shall be further strengthened for carrying
out purposeful research and evaluation studies and work towards the
preservation of the rich tribal cultural heritage. It also envisages the
establishment of a national-level research institution.
Participatory Approach:
The National Policy recognises the importance of participatory approach to
development. Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and Voluntary
Agencies (VAs) act as catalysts in reaching benefits of Government
programmes and policies to the grass-root level and thus optimise the desired
accomplishment. Such organisations have direct linkages with people and are
conversant with their problems. NGOs can undertake and promote family and
community based programmes and mobilise resources in tribal areas. Some
well-established NGOs are eager to take part in the development of Scheduled
Tribes in general and Primitive Tribal Groups in particular.
The National Policy, therefore, seeks to enlist and encourage NGOs in tribal
development activities. They can play an important role in the opening of
residential and non-residential schools, hostels, dispensaries, hospitals and
vocational training centres, promotion of awareness programmes and capacity
building.
Assimilation:
To bring the tribals into country’s mainstream, the National Policy envisages
the following
• Identification of tribal groups with ‘primitive traits’ shall be done away
with on a priority basis.
• The ‘distinct culture’ of the tribes reflected in their folk art, folk literature,
traditional crafts and ethos shall be preserved. Their oral traditions shall
be documented and art promoted.
• Opportunities shall be provided for tribals to interact with outside cultures.
• Their geographical isolation shall be minimised through development of
roads, transport and means of communication and provision of
concessional travel facility