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© 1960 by St. John’s University Press
FOReWORt)
To contribute to the common task which faces humanity today, St. John’s
University publishes the results of its Institute in the Philosophy of Science.
The fateful explosion at Hiroshima unleashed more than waves of radiation.
From it has come a new surge of public interest in natural science, the
source of such Promethean playthings. With the sobering realization that
our own survival depends desperately on moral control of these monstrous
forces, this interest has grown into a morbid fascination.
Natural science traces out the order of reality planned by God in His
Wisdom and fashioned by His Love. This we recognize and revere. For this
reason we wish to understand science more perfectly. Unfortunately there
are other reasons for understanding it. The future of humankind is de¬
pendent on our understanding and consequent control of natural science.
We are witnessing a race between knowledge and destruction.
The scientist (and the nation he serves), like the artist, is not absolutely free
to make anything which he wishes to make or which he can make. He is
governed by the same moral considerations that govern the behaviour of
any other man. Natural science is only one operation of a human being
and it must serve the moral ends of human nature and the natural law
engraved on it. Theological and philosophical principles must direct and
guide the use of natural science if it is not to be misused or even abused.
The theologian, the philosopher, and even the scientist must understand the
nature of natural science if they are to control it. Knowledge is still one of
the conditions of mastery.
In the spirit of a humble attempt to understand science and its place in the
hierarchy of knowledge and to control it in intelligent fashion, St. John’s
University presents this series of lectures on the philosophy of science. They
afford a profound analysis of the different natural sciences with applications
which are of contemporary value. This very fruitful union of philosophy
with the most important of the natural sciences, namely, biology, chemistry,
physics, and psychoanalytic psychology, is accomplished by brilliant scholars
who possess professional competence in each of the disciplines they treat.
Their work should inspire a thoughtful reassessment of the relations between
philosophy and natural science and provoke a stimulating discussion of the
problems involved.
At present, mathematics serves this purpose but its object, pure quantity,
is only partially common to the natural sciences. The complexities of reality
and the richness of qualities transcend it. For mathematics, man is only a
weight and a dimension, a discrete or extended quantity. The unity it
affords science, though useful, is a speciously logical one of method rather
than of object.
The partial views of reality manifested by the various natural sciences can
be unified only by a philosophy that sees reality as a totality—a natural
whole within which the proper objects of the different sciences are perceived
as articulating parts.
Our sincere hope is that this effort of ours, added to the achievements of
the rest of the academic community, may help to bring men and nations to
a more profound understanding of the universe of nature that God has
fashioned in His Wisdom so that they may know and do His Will more
completely.
President
Table of Contents
|| TOWARD A SYSTEMATIC
1 1 PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE • 5
by William E. Carlo, Ph.D.
St. John’s University
^ CHEMICAL SUBSTANCE • 87
by Reverend Alan B. Wolter, O.F.M., Ph.D.
St. Bonaventure’s University
1
2 ST. JOHN’S STUDIES
In our own times this doctrine had gained so much ground that our
late Holy Father, Pope Pius XII, again and again endeavored to recall
natural science to its own proper field, to underline its relation with, and
dependence upon, sound philosophy and the lack of conflict between true
science and the faith. Addressing the students and professors of the Uni¬
versity of Rome, June 15, 1952, he said:
a word on the pretended conflict between faith and the natural sciences.
Their conciliation supposes two principles. The first is that the scientific
method is valuable only in the area where the sciences are truly com¬
petent, i.e., in the area of the senses; the second is that beyond physical
knowledge and physical realities, there are other realities, metaphysical
realities, e.g. causality, which do not depend upon the data of the senses,
but on universal ontological laws. Far from being inferior in certitude
to the laws of sensible nature, they are superior to them, for they are valid
for all being as such. But they conduct us with irresistible power to the
knowledge of God.
It is truly distressing that forgetfulness of metaphysical truths has
gone along with the surprising development of the sciences in the minds of
a part of the scientists.1
(1) to clarify for natural science in general and some of its subdivisions,
the field for the philosopher and the scientist and to show how each
needs the other;
(2) to give the scientist the light which he needs, proceeding from the
absolute to the relative, from the necessary to the contingent—the light
which is capable of revealing to him the truth which science cannot attain
by its own methods;
(3) to suggest methods of arriving at universal syntheses of knowledge
so that the natural sciences, in permanent contact with a critical realistic
philosophy, can arrive at an all-embracing view of the visible world which
would, to some extent, satisfy the quest and the ardent desire for truth.
The present studies are the result of the first session of the Institute.
It had been decided that in this first session we would endeavor to give a
broad general view of the relations between Philosophy and the Natural
1 Cf. Acta Apostolicae Sedis (1952) pp. 581-586. Quoted in Relations Humaines
et Societe Contemporaine, ed. by A. F. Utz and J. F. Groner, French trans. by Alain
Savignat, Friburg (Suisse), 1956.
REPORT OF THE INSTITUTE 3
5
6 ST. JOHN’S STUDIES
To the modem mind, the role which science plays in the history of
human intellectual progress is what may be termed the “substitutional” one.
According to this view there are three phases of intellectual development
applicable to both the individual and society. They are the theological or
supranatural phase, which treats of the behavior of things as dependent
directly upon supernatural agents; the philosophical phase, where essences
are merely observable constancies of phenomena and the result of natural
forces; and, thirdly, the scientific phase, where the uselessness of inquiry
8 ST. JOHN’S STUDIES
into causes and essences having become obvious, the interest lies only in
observation and classification of phenomena in their relations and resem¬
blances—the discovery of the laws of phenomena. The most primitive or
theological way of expressing human ignorance is to ascribe to inanimate
things life and intelligence, Fetichism, Polytheism and ultimately Mono¬
theism. Philosophy substitutes fanciful essences natural to the phenomena
themselves. But Science is the true interpreter of reality and supplants
philosophy in its turn. Averroes in the Middle Ages, and Auguste Comte
in modern times, have been eloquent proponents of this “substitutional”
view of modern science. But it was never more alive than it is today. Sir
William Dampier keynotes his History of Science with a self-authored poem.
At first men try with magic charm
To fertilize the earth,
To keep their flocks and herds from harm
And bring new young to birth.
Then to capricious gods they turn
To save from fire or flood;
Their smoking sacrifices burn
On altars red with blood.
Next bold philosopher and sage
A settled plan decree,
And prove by thought or sacred page
What Nature ought to be.
But Nature smiles—a Sphinx-like smile—
Watching their little day
She waits in patience for a while—
Their plans dissolve away.
Then come those humbler men of heart
With no completed scheme,
Content to play a modest part,
To test, observe, and dream.
Till out of chaos come in sight
Clear fragments of a Whole;
Man, learning Nature’s way aright,
Obeying, can control.
The changing Pattern glows afar;
But yet its shifting Scenes
Reveal not what the Pieces are
Nor what the Puzzle means.
And Nature smiles—still unconfessed
The secret thought she thinks—
Inscrutable she guards unguessed
The Riddle of the Sphinx.1
1 Sir William Cecil Dampier, A History of Science—and its relations with phil¬
osophy and religion—(New York, 1949), p. vi.
PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 9
classical times and the rebirth of the Renaissance, there was only supersti¬
tion, ignorance, political chaos and social misery. Translated into the history
of philosophy, the thesis states that Descartes, the Father of modern thought,
followed upon Greek philosophy as if there were nothing in between. One
of the characteristics of this interpretation is to lay all blame for such a
state at the doors of the Church.
Happily, the myth of the Dark Ages has long been exploded, as any
serious historical scholar can attest.6 Also, it has been recently recognized
that modern philosophy makes sense only if we acknowledge its continuity
with mediaeval philosophy. It has little point of rapprochement with Greek
thought. In a very real sense, Descartes is still a scholastic philosopher.
Finally, the myth of mediaeval science is currently being destroyed. The
absence of science in the Middle Ages has long been a favorite theme of
historians of science. Evaluations such as the following have been stylish.
During this era, the peculiar flowers of scholasticism blossomed all over
Europe. The keenest minds were engrossed in the dispute about the meta¬
physical reality of universal ideas. As to particulars, they were deemed
unworthy of detailed study. The story is told somewhere of a crowd
gathering in a mediaeval marketplace, hotly divided in an argument on the
question of the number of teeth in a horse’s mouth. The matter could not
be settled because no copy of Aristotle’s works was at hand. But when a
young friar suggested that the question be decided by counting the teeth
of one of the animals which were standing by waiting for their masters,
his remark was taken by some as a joke, by others as shameful impudence.
It is not surprising that this period was unproductive of contributions to
Physics, and that the one great discovery which was made should be
obscure and not connected with a definite name. I am referring to the use
of the compass needle.7
6 For example: The hospital, like the university, was a mediaeval institution.
The foundation of large numbers of charitable hospitals for the relief of the poor
and treatment of the sick was a product of Christian civilization. The Emperor
Constantine is credited with the first hospital of this kind, and hospitals became
numerous in Byzantium. One hospital in the 11th century had 50 beds in separate
wards for different kinds of patients, with two doctors and a staff attached to each
ward. A. Crombie, Augustine to Galileo (London, 1952), pp. 209-210.
7 Dampier, op. cit., p. 176. “It is generally agreed that the Middle Ages preserved
for the use of later times the science of the ancients. Therein lies both the scientific
achievement and the scientific failure of the Medieval civilization .... What the
Middle Ages took over they did not very much enrich. Indeed so small was their
own contribution, that historians of science are apt to regard the Middle Ages as
something of a pause.” M. Postan, “Why was Science Backward In the Middle
Ages?”, The History of Science (Glencoe, Illinois, 1951), p. 25.
PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 11
Early in the 12th century men asked how the facts recorded in the book
of Genesis could best be explained in terms of rational causes. With the
recovery of the full tradition of Greek and Arabic science in the 12th
and early 13th centuries, and particularly of the works of Aristotle and
Euclid, there was born, from the marriage of the empiricism of technics
with the rationalism of philosophy and mathematics, a new conscious
empirical science seeking to discover the rational structure of nature. At
the same time a more or less complete system of scientific thought was
provided by Aristotle’s works. The rest of the history of mediaeval science
consists of the working out of the consequences of this new approach to
nature.8
Why do plants spring from the earth? What is the cause and how can it
be explained? When at first the surface of the earth is smooth and still,
what is it that is then moved, pushed up, grows and puts out branches?
If you collect dry dust and put it finely sieved in an earthenware bronze
pot, after a while when you see plants springing up, to what else do you
attribute this but to the marvelous effect of the wonderful divine will?9
Adelard answers that even though the divine will is a cause, this growth is
“not without a natural reason too.” In reply to the further question: Is
it not “better to attribute all the operations of the universe to God” since
natural explanations are not available for all of them?10 Adelard says:
I do not detract from God. Everything that is, is from Him and because
of Him. But nature is not confused and without system and so far as
human knowledge has progressed it should be given a hearing. Only when
it fails utterly should there be recourse to God.11
Adelard is clearly studying nature for its own sake and is concerned more
with the cogency of reasoning than with authority.12
Those who are now called authorities reached that position first by the
exercise of their reason.... Wherefore, if you want to hear anything
more from me, give and take reason.13
!2 Ibid.
13 Ibid. “With this remark the medieval conception of nature began to cross
the great watershed that divides the period when man looked to nature to provide
illustrations for moralizing from that in which men began to study nature for its
own sake. The realization of such a conception became possible when Adelard de¬
manded ‘natural causes’ and declared that he could not discuss anything with some¬
one who was ‘led in a halter’ by past writers.” Ibid.
PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 13
after all the other causes purging red bile have been isolated and excluded.
When he has administered scammony many times with the sure exclusion
of all other things that withdraw red bile, then there is formed in the
reason this universal, namely, that all scammony of its nature withdraws
red bile, and this is the way in which it comes from sensation to a uni¬
versal experimental principle.14
Aaron’s Beard has leaves which are thick in substance, nearly a span
broad and long, and it has two little beards to each leaf. The leaves are
divided down to the root. It has a tuberous root in the ground, from
which a cosmetic ointment is made, and it sometimes has blotched leaves.
It forms its flower in a capsule, contrived by a marvellous artifice and
having this yellowish capsule around it, in the centre of which is a sort of
finger, with two little “apples” below it, wonderfully contrived. The plant
which has blotched leaves is masculine and that without blotches on the
leaves is feminine.15
The theory of experiment had its origin in the 12th century. We are not
speaking of its practice. The initial applications of mathematics to motion
occurred later, especially in the 14th century, at Oxford. In this century
we see the transition from a finalistic interpretation of motion exerted by
the natural place of body, to an interpretation in terms of external forces.
William of Ockham, for example, reduced motion from a qualitative phe¬
nomenon demanding a form for its explanation, to a quantitative determina¬
tion, a varying spatial relationship with other bodies. Ockham is here
approaching the concept of inertia which revolutionized the physics of the
17th century.
The most fundamental contribution to scientific method made in
the 17th century was the construction of an adequate mathematics of
motion:
16 Cf. Galileo Galilei, Due Massimi Sistemi, ii (Opere, VII), pp. 48ff., 171ff. A
Crombie, loc. cit., p. 310. “The momentous change that Galileo, along with other pla-
tonizing mathematicians like Kepler, introduced into scientific ontology was to identify
the substance of the real world with the mathematical entities contained in the theories
used to describe the ‘appearances’. The important practical result of this identification
was to open the physical world to an unrestricted use of mathematics. Galileo had
removed the worst inconveniences of Aristotle’s notion that there was a science of
‘physics’ outside the range of mathematics, by declaring the substances and causes
postulated by that physics to be mere names. The success of his mathematical
method convinced him that he had shown how to read the language in which the
book of the universe was truly written. In other words, he believed that the world
of appearances was the products of an underlying mathematical structure and that
he could discover what that structure was. What logical inconvenieces this form of
‘mathematical realism’ could bring are shown by his unsuccessful attempts to prove
that the heliostatic theory was necessarily true. The most extreme seventeenth-
century form of this mathematical ontology was that advanced by Descartes.” A.
Crombie, Robert Grosseteste, p. 310.
PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 15
The species that come from God seem to me superior to those contrived
by gardeners. The former have existed ever since the beginning of the
world. But the latter are growths contrary to nature and can only claim
a short life. If they are neglected they disappear and vanish like fugitive
shadows. I ignore them.19
The fact that no missing link has ever been discovered is perhaps the most
pronounced weakness in the evolutionary scheme of things. The theory of
evolution remains just that, a theory, for it has never been demonstrated.
Not one link between the species has been found. That is why these transi¬
tional forms have been referred to as “missing.” That is their normal
condition.
A very interesting argument has been recently proposed by a con¬
temporary historian of science. It contends that viability is one of the
marks of the permanent species as opposed to the transitional forms of
those species. Therefore, missing links, because they are transitional forms,
are, of course, not viable. Thus to expect to find missing links is incorrect;
because if they existed, they would not be transitional forms but permanent
species and thus would not be the link to a more enduring form of living
being.
The implications of evolution contradict our daily experience. When
a fish comes out on dry land it dies. Evolution as commonly taught also
involves a contradiction of one of the first principles of the human mind,
the principle of causality. In our experience every cause is greater than its
effect. Dogs give birth to puppies and not human infants. In evolution as
so commonly taught, every effect is greater than its cause. By a gradual
process of perfection it culminates in the most perfect being of all, man.
The world as we know it does not support this view.
Actually, the real and factual basis of evolution is that in a world
which is not a hodgepodge, things resemble each other. Even the coelenter-
ate, a living intestinal canal, resembles the structure of the human trunk;
there are homologies or likenesses in the wings of a bird and the forelimbs
of the mammal. Now, since animals do generate themselves, the next step
is to say that since living species resemble each other they must have come
from each other. But resemblance does not demonstrate causality.
We can arrange the Indian teepee, the log cabin, the suburban
colonial and the modern apartment house in order of resemblance, from
simpler to more complex. But does that mean that one developed from the
other or was generated by it? If things exist in the same physical universe
and are subject to the same physical laws, there must be similarities among
them. The teepee needs a hole at the top for smoke and ventilation. It
must have walls for protection and a door or opening of some sort for
entrance and exit, since bodies are not compenetrable. A man cannot
walk through a wall. In like fashion, the apartment house has a chimney,
walls, roof, etc. These dwellings resemble each other because they are
subject to the same natural necessities. In like manner, animals live in the
same world and are subject to the same physical laws. If they move they
must move according to some variation of the lever or the wheel. They
must breathe the same atmosphere, which indicates some sort of lung
structure. As they increase in size they must nourish themselves with a
type of circulatory system. Homologies or resemblances between living
beings do not necessarily mean that one produces the other.
In the theory of evolution, natural science has not been able to
explain causal links satisfactorily, even to its most ardent disciples. It has
never been scientifically proven. Resemblance does not demand causality.
PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 23
(a) Germ Layer Theory. The germ layer theory provided a formal,
theoretical organizing concept for the construction of a scientific embry¬
ology. All embryological phenomena were to be interpreted in terms of
the primary germ layers, endoderm, mesoderm and ectoderm. From these
can be traced the development of the four distinct tissues differing in em¬
bryological origin, in arrangement and in function. Epithelium, sheaths and
surface tissues in tightly packed layers with little or no intercellular material,
has no typical embryological location. It arises from all three germ layers.
Connective tissue, bone, cartilage, blood, have their origin in mesoderm.
Muscle also arises from mesoderm. Nervous tissue has its source in em¬
bryonic ectoderm. Each tissue has a different embryonic origin, and con¬
sequently, there is a different source of the organs they constitute. Thus
the individual embryonic change can be explained by reducing it to its
original germ layer, and the total embryonic development can be scien¬
tifically organized and explained in terms of the reciprocal interactions of
these germ layers.
(b) Cell Theory. The referral of embryonic developmental proc¬
esses to the cell instead of to the germ layers, was a normal result of the
analytic process. The cell, as many embryologists have pointed out, is a
natural unit for the embryo. Not only is it a natural structural or anatomical
unity, but the twentieth century has found it to be also a natural functional
or physiological unit. The cell seems to work with a certain integrative
unity of its own. Its parts act as parts of a whole.
A cell to cell relation which explains embryonic changes seems to
have an explanatory advantage over germ layer relations, because aggrega¬
tion seems to be the result of the selective migration of individual cells.
The cell, therefore, is conceived as a dynamic independent entity. All
embryonic changes may thus be explained as reducible basically to cell
division. Microbiologists agree with cell theory in that they recognize cells
to be not merely single cells, but whole organisms in their own right.
(c) Theories of Total Organization. However, the living body is
not a chaos or an undisciplined mob. It is an organized whole, each part
of which has a specialized function that makes sense only in terms of its
contribution to the totality. Any definition of life must somehow include,
and to some extent explain, this organization.
The integrative powers of the embryo, at all of its levels, are, however,
so pervasive that they never permit themselves to be overlooked by those
who avail themselves of the privilege of looking at the embryo at all. The
result has been that when each of the practices just enumerated became
fashionable, the previous one was never completely outmoded; and when,
at each stage of its development, embryology has added a new dimension
to its studies, it has never wholly discarded the old ones. Spemann, for
instance, who analyzed the relations between layers in terms of cellular
interactions, never lost sight of the whole embryo. These effects have, as
a matter of clear cold fact, been cumulative throughout the centuries,
with the result that even in the 20th century the embryo is still being
actively investigated at all of its levels: as a whole, in terms of its layers,
of its cells, and of their microscopic and submicroscopic constituents.23
23 Ibid., pp.7-8.
26 ST. JOHN’S STUDIES
ent, or gradation, along the axis of development, from the head and brain
to the caudal section in the speed of development, does not seem to be
more than a descriptive fact. There is a time in the newly formed foetus
when the head is one third the size of the body. With consequent develop¬
ment, the relative sizes are adjusted until finally the adult relations are
reached.
There is always a relation between the structure of the body, or
rather the spatial disposition of parts, and the speed of development. In the
starfish there are five processes, each connected with a central ring or system
of nodules in the central nervous system. But even this pentagon has an
order—in activity one process leads and the rest follow, then another leads
and the other four cooperate like the four powers did in Austria—sharing
a rotating leadeship. It works rather satisfactorily, and even in embryonic
development the same is true. One process begins to develop ahead of the
others. Then they catch up and another forges ahead. One always seems
to dominate. But in humans the theme is a gradient of speeds of develop¬
ment from front to back.
This, at least, gives a quantitative basis in the spatial disposition of
parts for a qualitative configuration of organs. But its precise weakness
seems to be that it is merely descriptive of the facts and not truly explanatory.
An explanation would be, perhaps, the apparent sensitivity to light
of the forepart of the foetus—resulting, ultimately, in front end development
and an optic system. But this leads into the further question of preforma¬
tion and epigenesis.
A great deal of work had gone into the effort to isolate embryonic
cells. Hans Driesch actually performed this delicate operation in 1891. He
isolated the cells of the sea-urchin in a flask of sea water without injurying
the individual cells. Later he nurtured each cell into a complete sea-urchin
larva. He was actually able to separate a sixteen-cell embryo, and from
each cell he incubated a complete sea urchin. Driesch found that interfer¬
ence with the operation, as long as no injury was done to the individual
cells, resulted in a whole animal. There seemed to be a teleological principle
in forming the embryo that would achieve its purpose, the complete organi¬
zation, despite experimental interference. He was of the opinion that the
operations of the living organism could be explained only in the hypothesis
that a directing principle, or entelechy, the Aristotelian word for soul, fore¬
saw its end in some way.
the atomic structure of matter, the conservation of energy and the laws of
electromagnetism. It was the application of these advances in terrestrial
physics to the explanation of solar and stellar constitution that brought
astro-physics scientifically of age. It was just about the middle of the last
century that an astrophysical phenomenon was for the first time formulated
in terms of the new ideas of the conservation and convertibility of energy
by J. R. Mayer and J. J. Waterston.
Naturally, any body as far distant from the observer as the celestial
bodies must be investigated indirectly, through its luminosity in this in¬
stance. Fraunhofer had already mapped out the line spectra of the sun
in 1814, and it was then a matter of establishing mass, radius and lumi¬
nosity correlations, first within one body and then in relation to other
stellar bodies. Beginning with a certain mass in isolation and using nothing
but the known laws of terrestrial physics, it was possible to set up the
empirical luminosity-class relation and the empirical mass-luminosity rela¬
tion. It is this empirical uniformity between mass, luminosity and spectral
classes that holds true for most stars and provides us with the main
sequence system of stars. However white dwarfs, giants, super-giants and
cepheid variables do not exemplify these relations.
Without attempting a technical physical description which would
have to be done mathematically, we can cite certain steps in the formation
of a star according to the laws of atomic physics on which many astro¬
physicists are agreed. In a very general way, the theory begins with the
expansion of an initial matter giving a perfect gas at a tremendously high
temperature and resulting in a spherically symmetrical body. Temperature
sensitivity at about twenty million degrees now provides the occasion for
the release of sub-atomic energy. Hydrogen nuclei, with the carbon-nitro¬
gen cycle as catalyst, become helium nuclei. Consequent on this process
there is an outward flux of radiation and the transmutation of other chemical
elements by “thermonuclear reactions.” This results eventually in a stable-
state “star” in which hydrogen, by all calculations, is still present, much
in excess of all other elements.
These seem to be the steps, in a very schematic and general way,
in the hypothetical development of any star and its properties, explained
in terms of the fundamental particles of laboratory physics. The theory
is certainly not worked out in detailed fashion, but most astrophysicists
would agree on the corroborative evidence of its general correctness.
There seems to be, in the minds of most of these scientific cosmo¬
logical speculators, a certain confusion between their scientific theories
and philosophical-theological speculations.
PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 33
The problems of cosmogony, that is the theory of the origin of the world,
have perplexed the human mind ever since the dawn of history. Among
the ancients, the origin of the world was necessarily associated with a
creative act by some deity, who separated light from darkness, raised and
fixed the heavens high above the surface of the earth, and fashioned all
the other features that characterized the highly limited world picture of
early man.26
28 The purpose of any cosmogonic theory is to seek out ideally simple conditions
which could have initiated the world and from which, by the play of recognized
physical forces, that world, in all its complexity, may have resulted.
We believe that we have shown that the hypothesis of the primeval atom satisfies
the rules of the game. It does not appeal to any force which is not already known.
It accounts for the actual world in all its complexity. By a single hypothesis it ex¬
plains stars arranged in galaxies within an expanding universe as well as those local
exceptions, the clusters of nebulae. Finally, it accounts for that mighty phenomenon,
the ultra penetrating rays. They are truly cosmic, they testify to the primeval activity
of the cosmos. In their course through wonderfully empty space, during billions of
years, they have brought us evidence of the super-radioactive age, indeed they are
a sort of fossil rays which tell us what happened when the stars first appeared.
We shall certainly not pretend that this hypothesis of the primeval atom is yet
proved, and we would be very happy if it has not appeared to be either absurd or
unlikely. When the consequences which result from it, especially that which concerns
the law of the distribution of densities in the nebulae, are available in sufficient detail
it will doubtless be possible to declare oneself definitely for or against. Canon Georges
Lemaitre. The Primeval Atom (New York, 1950), pp. 162-163.
29 A picture of the creative process begins to emerge—somewhat hazy and frag¬
mentary, but in its general outlines quite definite. In the dim pre-galactic past we
perceive a glimpse of a metaphysical “St. Augustine’s era” when the universe, what¬
ever it was made of, was involved in a “gigantic collapse.” Of course, we have no
information about that era, which could have lasted from the minus infinity of time
to about three billion years ago, since all “archaeological records” pertaining to that
distant past must have been completely obliterated when the cosmic masses were
squeezed into a pulp. The masses of the universe must have emerged from the Big
Squeeze in a completely broken-up state, forming the primordial ylem of neutrons,
protons, and electrons. As the ylem cooled rapidly through expansion, these ele¬
mentary particles began to stick to one another, forming aggregates of different com¬
plexities which were the prototypes of the atomic nuclei of today. During this
early period of “nuclear cooking,” which lasted not more than an hour of time,
conditions throughout the universe closely approximated those existing in the center
of an exploding atomic bomb. Cosmic space was full of high-energy gamma radia¬
tion, the mass-density of which greatly exceeded the density of ordinary atomic
matter. The temperature throughout the universe was in the neighborhood of a
billion degrees, but the density of matter was comparable to the density of atmo¬
spheric air at high altitudes.
PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 35
farther apart, why does not space become more empty? He answers that
newer galaxies are constantly being formed, their rate of formation just
compensating for the separating effect of the expansion. Thus a stable
situation is preserved. His theory, in his own interpretation, leads to the
conclusion that the universe had no beginning and no end, that space and
time are infinite, and that matter is being constantly created throughout
space.
If all the substances of the periodic chart are reducible to multiples
of hydrogen by atomic weight then Hoyle in accounting for a supply of
Following that highly productive first hour of the history of our universe,
nothing in particular happened for the next 30 million years. The gas, consisting of
the newly formed atoms, continued to expand and its temperature became lower and
lower. Radiant energy, which at the beginning played a predominant role in the
evolutionary process, gradually lost its importance and by the end of the thirty-
millionth year yielded its priority in favor of ordinary atomic matter. As soon as
matter took over, the force of Newtonian gravity, which represents one of the most
important characteristics of ‘‘ponderable” matter, came into play, breaking up the
hitherto homogeneous gas into gigantic clouds, the proto-galaxies. In that era the
temperature dropped to approximately that which we call “room temperature,” so
that space was still rather warm, although completely dark. While the original proto¬
galaxies were being driven farther and farther apart by continued expansion, material
in their interiors began to condense into a multitude of much smaller aggregations,
called proto-stars. Because of the comparatively small size of these proto-stars their
contraction progressed quite rapidly. Very soon the temperature in their interiors
reached the value at which nuclear reactions between hydrogen and various light
elements would take place, and space became bright again—illuminated by myriads
of stars. When the stars were formed by the condensation of the gaseous material
of the proto-galaxies, some of that material was left over in their vicinity and from it
sprang planetary systems. The planets were too small to create their own sources of
nuclear energy; they cooled off fast and developed solid rocky crusts. With the help
of the radiations from their respective suns, certain chemical compounds which were
present on the surfaces of these planets went through an evolutionary process, as
yet not well understood, by which organic materials of higher and higher complexity
were developed. Thus the naked rocky surfaces of the planets were presently cov¬
ered by the green carpets of woods and meadows. Animals appeared, first primi¬
tive and then more and more complicated, finally evolving into the human being
who is intelligent enough to ask and to answer questions concerning the events which
took place billions of years before he came into existence.
Probably one of the most striking conclusions from our inquiry into the history
of the universe is the fact that the main evolutionary events of physical development
occupied only such a tiny fraction of the total period. This, of course, only means
that organic evolution takes place at a much slower rate than the large-scale physical
processes in the universe.
Indeed, it took less than an hour to make the atoms, a few hundred million
years to make the stars and planets, but three billion years to make man! G. Gamow,
op. cit., Conclusion, pp. 137-139.
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