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The last decade has demonstrated that threats to security vary greatly in
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been, therefore, a significant shift in emphasis away from traditional
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rity, in terms of human security, economic security, and environmental
security. The topical New Security Challenges series reflects this pressing
political and research agenda.
The Securitisation
of Climate Change
and the
Governmentalisation
of Security
Franziskus von Lucke
Institute of Political Science
University of Tübingen
Tübingen, Germany
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Acknowledgements
This book would not have been possible without the continuous support
of a number of people. The journey that eventually led to this book started
at the University of Hamburg in the seminars of Angela Oels, which gave
me a first glimpse into the rabbit hole of Foucauldian governmentality
studies and climate politics. Thus, many thanks to Angela Oels for the
inspiration, various interesting discussions and the fruitful collaboration in
the CliSAP excellence cluster. I am also very grateful for the support of
Antje Wiener and Michael Brzoska during my time at the University of
Hamburg.
The journey then continued at the University of Tübingen where I
want to particularly thank my PhD supervisor Thomas Diez who sup-
ported my theoretical ideas from the beginning and with whom I had
countless fruitful debates on governmentality, power, securitisation and
climate change. I am also obliged to my colleagues, the student assistants
and my fellow PhD students in Tübingen, with whom I had great discus-
sions, who helped to compile empirical data and who proofread the book.
Thus, many thanks go to Zehra Wellmann, Schielan Babat, Sandra Dürr,
Thea Güttler, Leonie Haueisen, Benno Keppner, Miriam Keppner,
Katharina Krause, Hanna Spanhel and Josefa Velten. Beyond the Tübingen
crowd, a special thanks to Stefan Elbe, whose ideas greatly inspired my
theoretical approach, and who gave me invaluable feedback on earlier ver-
sions of this book. I am also grateful for the input at workshops, confer-
ences and particularly in the Tübingen IR colloquium. In particular, I
want to thank Ingrid Boas, Olaf Corry, Rita Floyd, Stefano Guzzini,
Andreas Hasenclever, Markus Lederer, Matthias Leese, Matt McDonald,
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
“In this important book, Franziskus von Lucke provides a theoretically sophisti-
cated and empirically rich account of the relationship between security and climate
change. Developing a Foucauldian-inspired account of securitization, the book
rejects blanket or universal claims about the climate change–security relationship,
instead insisting on the need to critically examine how the securitization of climate
change plays out in particular empirical contexts. Exploring the cases of the US,
Germany and Mexico, von Lucke points to distinctive dynamics of securitization
in these settings, with different implications for the practices these in turn encour-
age. Ultimately, this book constitutes an important addition to literature on the
relationship between climate change and security, while developing a distinct and
nuanced account of securitization that will be of interest to a wide range of schol-
ars of security in international relations.”
—Associate Professor Matt McDonald is a Reader in International Relations at
the University of Queensland, Australia
“In 2019 a number of states and other actors (notably the European Union) have
made climate emergency declarations. It is therefore more important than ever to
understand what the securitization of the climate means. That is: Who can securi-
tize? What security measures are likely/deemed legitimate by relevant audiences?
How does securitization affect the population within and outside a securitizing
state? And perhaps most importantly of all, will it succeed? Franziskus von Lucke’s
carefully researched book offers answers to all of these questions and many others
besides. von Lucke proceeds by examining with the US, Mexico and Germany,
three real-life empirical cases of climate securitization. Each one provides unique
insights that enable a fuller understanding of climate security. Accessibly written
this is a must read for scholars and practitioners alike.”
—Dr Rita Floyd, University of Birmingham, UK, author of The Morality of
Security: A theory of just Securitization, 2019
“With great empirical detail and conceptual clarity, the book compares discourses
and practices of climate security in different contexts. An essential reading for any-
one interested in international climate politics, securitization theory, governmen-
tality and the notion of power in International Relations.”
—Dr Delf Rothe, Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy Hamburg
at the University of Hamburg, Germany
Contents
Index279
ix
About the Author
xi
List of Abbreviations
xiii
xiv List of Abbreviations
xvii
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
On June 22, 2018, at a European Union (EU) high-level event on
‘Climate, Peace and Security: The Time for Action’ High Representative
for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini urged that act-
ing on climate change was to invest ‘in our own security’ (EEAS 2018).
Only a few weeks later, on July 11, 2018, the United Nations Security
Council (UNSC) once again discussed ‘climate-related security risks’ and
the Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed made clear that ‘cli-
mate change is a real threat and it is proceeding at a relentless pace’ (UNSC
2018). Finally, in January 2019 at the World Economic Forum in Davos,
Greta Thunberg, who has become famous for her passionate and inexo-
rable climate activism and her role in starting the Fridays for Future move-
ment, warned that ‘our house is on fire’ and urged political leaders to
immediately adopt measures to stop climate change (Thunberg 2019a).
These three examples are all part of a longstanding political debate that
has highlighted the catastrophic consequences of climate change and
linked the issue to a range of security concerns (Brauch 2009; Rothe 2016;
Dyer 2018; Lippert 2019; McDonald 2013). This ‘securitisation process’
(Buzan et al. 1998) already began in the 1980s when climate change first
entered international politics and began to be discussed in relation to
broader environmental security concerns (Floyd 2010, p. 75; Hardt
2017). Since then, the debate has expanded continuously and made
Amongst the first political actors that actively waged this debate were
security policy-focused think tanks in the United States (US), which par-
ticularly since 2007 have repeatedly drawn a connection between climate
change and national security (CNA 2007; Campbell et al. 2007; Campbell
2008). Beyond these, the former Vice President of the US and Democratic
presidential candidate Albert ‘Al’ Gore at various occasions highlighted
the far-reaching security implications of climate change (Gore 2007). On
the other side of the Atlantic, the German Advisory Council on Global
Changes (WBGU) published a widely received report on ‘Climate Change
as Security Risk’ (WBGU 2008), and the European Union (EU) as well
discussed the security implications of climate change in 2008 (Solana and
EU Commission 2008) and most recently in 2018 (EEAS 2018).
Moreover, several environmental and human rights NGOs began to
frame climate change as security issue (Greenpeace 2007, 2013; Christian
Aid 2006, 2007; Smith and Vivekananda 2007). On the global level, the
UN Secretary-General has published a widely noted report on the possi-
ble security implications of climate change (UNGA 2009a), and the
UNSC discussed the repercussions of climate change for ‘global peace
and security’ in 2007, 2011, 2013 and 2018 (UNSC 2007, 2011, 2013,
2018; Scott and Ku 2018) and in 2019 held a debate on climate change
as a ‘threat multiplier’ (UNSC 2019). Finally, even though not always
directly mentioning the word ‘security’, Greta Thunberg, Fridays for
Future, as well as other movements such as Extinction Rebellion have
repeatedly emphasised the catastrophic and existentially threatening con-
sequences of climate change. Instead of ‘climate change’, they hence
increasingly use terms such as ‘climate crisis’, ‘climate breakdown’, ‘cli-
mate apocalypse’ or ‘climate emergency’ (Fridays for Future Austria
2019; Thunberg 2019a, b; Extinction Rebellion 2019). While aiming at
conveying the far-reaching consequences of the issue and calling the pub-
lic and politicians to action, they also contribute to the continued securi-
tisation of climate change.
In general, while economic arguments (Stern 2006), justice concep-
tions (Caney 2006, 2010; Finley-Brook 2014) and growing scientific evi-
dences (IPCC 2007) also mattered, constructing climate change as
security issue has been central when it comes to raising attention and facili-
tating as well as accelerating political responses. One example is the 15th
Conference of the Parties (COP) summit in Copenhagen in 2009, which
received unparalleled attention in the media and public debates not least
because it took place during the peak of the global climate security debate
6 F. VON LUCKE
(Oels 2012; Methmann and Rothe 2012). The widespread political and
media attention for the various UNSC debates on climate change and its
implication for peace and security further illustrates this argument (Sindico
2007; Goldenberg 2011; Brössler 2019; Oels and von Lucke 2015; Scott
2015; Scott and Ku 2018). Beyond the international level, linking climate
change to security concerns also changed the domestic debates and influ-
enced a range of policies and political practices in various countries
(Brzoska 2012; Buxton et al. 2016; Rothe 2016). As the Chaps. 2, 3 and
4 of this book show in more detail, it helped to legitimise far-reaching
climate policies in Germany, facilitated an integration of climate change
into security policy in the US and transformed disaster management
approaches in Mexico.
Having said that, these widespread climate security debates did not result
in a consensus about what specific kind of security issue climate change is,
what the appropriate countermeasures could entail and whether linking cli-
mate change to security is to be welcomed from a normative perspective.
The academic literature on the climate security nexus is not of much help
here because even though it casts doubt on the connection between climate
change and security, it has not looked at the resulting political debates. This
raises the questions why and how climate security discourses (entailing dif-
ferent conceptions of security) have become so prominent in the political
debate notwithstanding their sometimes weak empirical foundations and
what political consequences this securitisation has had exactly (see, e.g.,
Floyd 2010; Trombetta 2011; Oels 2012; McDonald 2005, 2008, 2013;
Corry 2012; Dyer 2018; Rothe 2016; Lippert 2019).
According to the original securitisation theory, the Copenhagen School
(Buzan et al. 1998), security issues are socially constructed (Buzan et al.
1998, p. 24) and a successful securitisation establishes a political platform for
the legitimisation of extraordinary measures to counter a threat (Buzan et al.
1998, p. 21). While some might understand the yearly COPs or milestones
of the international climate regime such as Kyoto or the latest Paris
Agreement as extraordinary, most scholars agree that they do not go beyond
normal politics, particularly given their more than questionable effect on the
abatement of climate change (Oels and von Lucke 2015, p. 47; Gardiner
2004; Caney 2016; Buzan and Wæver 2009; Stripple 2002). The increasing
criticism by social movements and climate activists such as Greta Thunberg,
Fridays for Future and Extinction Rebellion, which have become much
more vocal since 2016, further underline that the current handling of cli-
mate change is far from extraordinary. Theoretically, one conclusion
1 INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 7
hence could simply be that the securitisation of climate change has been
unsuccessful and inconsequential, at least from the perspective of the
Copenhagen School (Oswald Spring and Brauch 2011; Oels 2012). Yet,
notwithstanding the absence of a successful securitisation or extraordinary
responses in Copenhagen terms, many scholars have continued to analyse
the climate security debate from a broader securitisation perspective. Based
on the ‘stubborn persistence’ (Ciuta 2009, p. 312) of so many political prac-
titioners who keep calling climate change a security threat, these scholars
assume that there must be political advantages in doing so, on which the
original concept of securitisation does not focus (Brzoska 2009; McDonald
2012; Detraz and Betsill 2009; Corry 2012).
Thus, instead of a clear-cut threshold between politicisation or normal
politics and securitisation, this literature understands the process as a con-
tinuum (Diez et al. 2016, pp. 18–19; Oels and von Lucke 2015; Bigo and
Tsoukala 2008; Stritzel 2007; Vuori 2008). In order to assess the effects
of securitisation, it has largely focused on counterfactual reasoning and
measuring the degree of success based on policies which without the secu-
ritisation would not have been accepted or seen as legitimate in the politi-
cal debate (Trombetta 2008, p. 600). This has opened up a whole range
of research avenues in relation to (different) climate security debates. A
common finding is that there are multiple forms of securitisation in the
case of climate change that heavily depend on the broader context in
which they take place and that can have very different political conse-
quences (Diez et al. 2016; Grauvogel and Diez 2014; Detraz and Betsill
2009; McDonald 2013; Trombetta 2011; Oels 2011; Corry 2012). These
consequences are not necessarily extraordinary but nevertheless differ
considerably from how the issue was handled before the security dimen-
sion was considered. The debate thus has already come a long way in
overcoming some of the problems of the Copenhagen School when it
comes to analysing the securitisation of climate change. However, the
existing literature still has considerable blind spots, not only concerning
the theoretical conception of securitisation and its political consequences
but also in terms of its limited empirical focus.
Taking a closer look at the micro dynamics and actual practices of power
(Adler-Nissen and Pouliot 2014; Barnett and Duvall 2005; Burgess 2011)
can help to theoretically substantiate several of the core findings of the
securitisation literature and thus benefit the development of a more coher-
ent understanding of securitisation in general. A closer look reveals that
power relations are involved in enabling securitisation in the first place by
forming the basis or context from which certain actors can legitimately
speak security, by working as catalyst for political attention and by agenda-
setting (Burgess 2011, pp. 40–41; Hansen 2000, p. 303). Moreover, they
constrain the securitising actors’ choices concerning the security argu-
ments they can use (i.e. which stand a chance of resonating within a spe-
cific context) and hence lead to very different forms of securitisation
entailing a diverse set of security conceptions (Balzacq 2011a, p. 26;
Trombetta 2011, p. 141). Beyond that, different forms of power shape
the political consequences that specific security discourses can have by
transforming governance practices and making possible particular policies
and ruling out others (Trombetta 2011, p. 142; Balzacq 2011a, p. 16;
Elbe 2009, p. 15). Finally, understanding the underlying power dynamics
can also contribute to a more thorough and nuanced discussion of the
normative implications of securitisation (Elbe 2009, pp. 157–158; Floyd
2007a, 2011; Nyman and Burke 2016).
One of the crucial problems of the existing securitisation literature in
relation to power is that, on the one hand, the Copenhagen School and
some of its extensions have mainly operated with a state-centred top-down
conception of security. In many cases, this implies a traditional and one-
dimensional understanding of political power (Trombetta 2008, p. 600,
2011, p. 139; Williams 2003). This does not adequately capture the much
more nuanced pathways of power in securitisation processes, as the exten-
sive debates about different forms of climate security exemplify. On the
other hand, alternative approaches to securitisation such as the Paris
School of (in)securitisation around Didier Bigo and Jef Huysmans (Bigo
2002, 2008, 2009; Huysmans 2002, 2004) and the literature on risk
(Kessler 2012, p. 20; Aradau and van Munster 2007; Lobo-Guerrero
2007; Neal 2004; Hameiri 2008; Hameiri and Jones 2013) have gone
towards the other extreme. Here, securitisation is predominantly concep-
tualised as an ongoing and low-key process in which professionals of (in)
security slowly expand a never-ending state of exception (Bigo 2002,
p. 73; Bigo and Tsoukala 2008). In between these two more extreme
poles on the power continuum are studies that have looked at different
1 INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 9
political and cultural contexts. Such studies can help to move the debate
beyond the development of ever more sophisticated theoretical approaches
without actually applying them to empirical cases. It also strengthens our
understanding of the concrete political and institutional effects of linking
climate change to security conceptions.
1
I understand governance in a wider sense as constituting and arranging actors around a
discursively constructed ‘governance-object’ (Methmann 2014, p. 10; Corry 2010).
12 F. VON LUCKE
2
In Foucault’s writing, he uses the term ‘governmental management’, which, despite some
differences, sometimes is also equated with ‘bio power’ (Kelly 2009, p. 60; Foucault 2006b,
p. 161). However, for better comparability with the other power forms and in order to delin-
eate my approach from the existing literature, I use the term ‘governmental power’ through-
out this book.
16 F. VON LUCKE
For Foucault, the concept of the population replaces the focus both on the
territory (Mckee 2009, p. 466) and on the family and thus elevates gover-
nance practices to an entirely new level (Foucault 2006b, pp. 157–158;
Dean 2010, p. 127). Contrasting conventional understandings, the term
does not only encompass the plain number of inhabitants of a state terri-
tory. Instead, it aims at all statistical operations that have become possible
with the development of sophisticated social scientific knowledge together
with the fact that state bureaucracies keep track of an endless number of
bio-political characteristics of the population (Foucault 2006b, pp. 74–75).
Examples are mortality statistics, the age and income structure of the pop-
ulation, birth rates and the geographical distribution of these variables
(Foucault 2006b, pp. 156–157). By using this specific knowledge, it has
become possible to not only keep track of past and present developments
but also to look into the future and to project the likely development of
certain variables and risks within the population (Foucault 2006b, p. 396).
It thus is a precondition for the transformation of political power in
general.
1 INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 17
Partly based on Foucault (2006a, b), Elbe (2009) and Dean (2010)
22 F. VON LUCKE
individuals not states and to facilitate policies that benefited their well-
being. However, in the course of political and academic debates, the con-
cept of human security has undergone a discursive shift and is partly
employed to control individual behaviour (Duffield 2005, 2007; Duffield
and Waddell 2006; Oels and von Lucke 2015; McCormack 2010).
Especially in a securitisation context, it can be transformed and (miss)used
to facilitate the interests of powerful state, military and particularly
Northern actors (McCormack 2010). It can function as a justification for
interventions and as rationalisation of military and neo-colonial action
(McCormack 2010, p. 36; Devetak 2007, p. 152; Eriksson 1999, p. 318).
Hence, the originally well-intentioned concept can itself become per-
verted and thus normatively problematic (Floyd 2007a, b).
Despite its emancipating origins, in contemporary political and security
debates, human security often entails a distinction between people of the
Global North and those living in the Global South. Thus, the ideal typical
norm is the well-fed, healthy, productive, democratic and wealthy citizen
in advanced and highly developed Western societies. Based on this ‘nor-
mal’, the human security framework produces an opposing ‘abnormal’
that has to be disciplined, or ‘secured’ often by organisations from the
Global North (Lie 2015; Mawuko-Yevugah 2010; Duffield and Waddell
2006, p. 2). In this example, we can observe the productive elements of
disciplinary power that have a bearing on the governed as well as on the
governing. Disciplinary power prescribes certain identities and instruc-
tions and hence empowers some actors to act (e.g. Western organisations)
whereas it constitutes others as passive elements of ‘normation’ and gov-
ernance (e.g. endangered individuals in countries of the Global South).
Ultimately, not least due to its ‘soft’ image in comparison to national secu-
rity, human security especially empowers human rights and development
NGOs to monitor individuals that do not resemble the predefined
ideal norm.
Looking at it from a normative perspective, the positive effect of a dis-
ciplinary and human security centred securitisation is that the focus shifts
from the emphasis on the security of states towards the needs and insecuri-
ties of individuals. It redirects the attention towards the most vulnerable
actors, possibly legitimising policies in their interest, for instance, develop-
ment aid or disaster relief measures. Furthermore, it broadens the spec-
trum of the actors that legitimately can participate in the securitisation
process and its political aftermath, thereby opening debates and avoiding
the tendency to secrecy that often comes along with national security
24 F. VON LUCKE
Partly based on Foucault (2006a, b), Elbe (2009) and Dean (2010)
The ‘cold monster’ breaks down into a vast range of practices and private
and public institutions that enact and develop strategies of government
that arrange the conduct of freedom in modern societies. (Huysmans
2008, p. 40)
3
see Daase and Kessler (2007), Aradau and van Munster (2008), Boyle and Haggerty
(2012), Hameiri and Jones (2013), Hameiri (2008).
1 INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 27
rather than symptoms. Finally, its less direct and long-term perspective
might be better compatible with a gradual politicisation of an issue while
avoiding short-term panic politics. On the other hand, constructing risk
groups can become problematic if it leads to a stigmatisation and margin-
alisation of the identified groups. Ultimately, it can also construct these
groups as a danger to welfare of the population (Elbe 2009, p. 140),
which on the global level could mean a danger for global peace and secu-
rity. These risk groups would become the ‘bad’ circulation that has to be
avoided to ensure the unrestricted functioning of the overall system.
Another problematic aspect is that governmental power and risk tend to
intervene as little as possible and only aim at lowering the aggregate risk
to a tolerable level for the overall population. Eventually, this could mean
that outlier groups become disposable and that some groups or areas are
neglected. Finally, just as disciplinary power, governmental power is not
always easy to detect; therefore its possibly negative effects can materialise
unnoticed over a long time making it hard to resist or argue against it. The
following Table 1.3 summarises the features of governmental power.
Partly based on Foucault (2006a, b), Elbe (2009) and Dean (2010)
28 F. VON LUCKE
PLATE I.
If we had two large water tanks, one of which could be emptied only
by allowing the bottom to fall completely out, and the other by means
of a narrow pipe, it is easy to see which would be the more useful to
us as a source of water supply. If both tanks were filled, then from
the first we could get only a sudden uncontrollable rush of water, but
from the other we could get a steady stream extending over a long
period, and easily controlled. The Leyden jar stores electricity, but in
yielding up its store it acts like the first tank, giving a sudden
discharge in the form of a bright spark. We cannot control the
discharge, and therefore we cannot make it do useful work for us.
For practical purposes we require a storing arrangement that will act
like the second tank, giving us a steady current of electricity for a
long period, and this we have in the accumulator or storage cell.
A current of electricity has the power of decomposing certain
liquids. If we pass a current through water, the water is split up into
its two constituent gases, hydrogen and oxygen, and this may be
shown by the apparatus seen in Fig. 12. It consists of a glass vessel
with two strips of platinum to which the current is led. The vessel
contains water to which has been added a little sulphuric acid to
increase its conducting power, and over the strips are inverted two
test-tubes filled with the acidulated water. The platinum strips, which
are called electrodes, are connected to a battery of Daniell cells.
When the current passes, the water is decomposed, and oxygen
collects at the electrode connected to the positive terminal of the
battery, and hydrogen at the other electrode. The two gases rise up
into the test-tubes and displace the water in them, and the whole
process is called the electrolysis of water. If now we disconnect the
battery and join the two electrodes by a wire, we find that a current
flows from the apparatus as from a voltaic cell, but in the opposite
direction from the original battery current.
It will be remembered that one
of the troubles with a simple voltaic
cell was polarization, caused by
the accumulation of hydrogen; and
that this weakened the current by
setting up an opposing electro-
motive force tending to produce
another current in the opposite
direction. In the present case a
similar opposing or back electro-
motive force is produced, and as
soon as the battery current is
stopped and the electrodes are
connected, we get a current in the
reverse direction, and this current Fig. 12.—Diagram showing
continues to flow until the two Electrolysis of Water.
gases have recombined, and the
electrodes have regained their
original condition. Consequently we can see that in order to
electrolyze water, our battery must have an electro-motive force
greater than that set up in opposition to it, and at least two Daniell
cells are required.
This apparatus thus may be made to serve to some extent as an
accumulator or storage cell, and it also serves to show that an
accumulator does not store up or accumulate electricity. In a voltaic
cell we have chemical energy converted into electrical energy, and
here we have first electrical energy converted into chemical energy,
and then the chemical energy converted back again into electrical
energy. This is a rough-and-ready way of putting the matter, but it is
good enough for practical purposes, and at any rate it makes it quite
clear that what an accumulator really stores up is not electricity, but
energy, which is given out in the form of electricity.
The apparatus just described is of little use as a source of
current, and the first really practical accumulator was made in 1878
by Gaston Planté. The electrodes were two strips of sheet lead
placed one upon the other, but separated by some insulating
material, and made into a roll. This roll was placed in dilute sulphuric
acid, and one strip or plate connected to the positive, and the other
to the negative terminal of the source of current. The current was
passed for a certain length of time, and then the accumulator partly
discharged; after which current was passed again, but in the reverse
direction, followed by another period of discharge. This process,
which is called forming, was continued for several days, and its
effect was to change one plate into a spongy condition, and to form a
coating of peroxide of lead on the other. When the plates were
properly formed the accumulator was ready to be fully charged and
put into use. The effect of charging was to rob one plate of its
oxygen, and to transfer this oxygen to the other plate, which thus
received an overcharge of the gas. During the discharge of the
accumulator the excess of oxygen went back to the place from which
it had been taken, and the current continued until the surfaces of
both plates were reduced to a chemically inactive state. The
accumulator could be charged and discharged over and over again
as long as the plates remained in good order.
In 1881, Faure hit upon the idea of coating the plates with a
paste of red-lead, and this greatly shortened the time of forming. At
first it was found difficult to make the paste stick to the plates, but
this trouble was got rid of by making the plates in the form of grids,
and pressing the paste into the perforations. Many further
improvements have been made from time to time, but instead of
tracing these we will go on at once to the description of a present-
day accumulator. There are now many excellent accumulators made,
but we have not space to consider more than one, and we will select
that known as the “Chloride” accumulator.
The positive plate of this accumulator is of the Planté type, but it
is not simply a casting of pure lead, but is made by a building-up
process which allows of the use of a lead-antimony mixture for the
grids. This gives greater strength, and the grids themselves are
unaffected by the chemical changes which take place during the
charging and discharging of the cell. The active material, that is the
material which undergoes chemical change, is pure lead tape coiled
up into rosettes, which are so designed that the acid can circulate
through the plates. These rosettes are driven into the perforations of
the grid by a hydraulic press, and during the process of forming they
expand and thus become very firmly fixed. The negative plate has a
frame made in two parts, which are riveted together after the
insertion of the active material, which is thus contained in a number
of small cages. The plate is covered outside with a finely perforated
sheet of lead, which prevents the active material from falling out. It is
of the utmost importance that the positive and negative plates should
be kept apart when in the cell, and in the Chloride accumulator this is
ensured by the use of a patent separator made of a thin sheet of
wood the size of the plates. Before being used the wood undergoes
a special treatment to remove all substances which might be
harmful, and it then remains unchanged either in appearance or
composition. Other insulating substances, such as glass rods or
ebonite forks, can be used as separators, but it is claimed that the
wood separator is not only more satisfactory, but that in some
unexplained way it actually helps to keep up the capacity of the cell.
The plates are placed in glass, or lead-lined wood or metal boxes,
and are suspended from above the dilute sulphuric acid with which
the cells are filled. A space is left below the plates for the sediment
which accumulates during the working of the cell.
In all but the smallest cells several pairs of plates are used, all
the positive plates being connected together and all the negative
plates. This gives the same effect as two very large plates, on the
principle of connecting in parallel, spoken of in Chapter IV. A single
cell, of whatever size, gives current at about two volts, and to get
higher voltages many cells are connected in series, as with primary
cells. The capacity is generally measured in ampere-hours. For
instance, an accumulator that will give a current of eight amperes for
one hour, or of four amperes for two hours, or one ampere for eight
hours, is said to have a capacity of eight ampere-hours.
Accumulators are usually charged from a dynamo or from the
public mains, and the electro-motive force of the charging current
must be not less than 2½ volts for each cell, in order to overcome
the back electro-motive force of the cells themselves. It is possible to
charge accumulators from primary cells, but except on a very small
scale the process is comparatively expensive. Non-polarizing cells,
such as the Daniell, must be used for this purpose.
The practical applications of accumulators are almost
innumerable, and year by year they increase. As the most important
of these are connected with the use of electricity for power and light,
it will be more convenient to speak of them in the chapters dealing
with this subject. Minor uses of accumulators will be referred to
briefly from time to time in other chapters.