Indian Political Science Association

PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

Author(s): DALIP SINGH
Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 52, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1991), pp. 448-
457
Published by: Indian Political Science Association
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 PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN INDIA
DALIP SINGH

India is passing through an un-precedented crisis. This

crisis is the result of interplay of many factors and forces that
have been operating in our soil over the past four decades. The
ruling elite has lost its contact with the Indian people and even
the genuine demands and popular aspirations of the people
remain unfulfilled. We are confronted with a phenomena of
peasants revolts, urban tensions, religious and fundamentalistic
revivalism, insurrections and unabated orgy of violence and
terrorism. Violence, crime and corruption have come to be
associated with political life at all levels and people of India feel
deceived and disenchanted with the performance of the political
system. Hence, we witness, spurt in protest movements.

No doubt good deal of theoretical literature has been pro-

duced by sociologists, psychologists and political thinkers in
describing and analysing the phenomenon of protest and dissent
in the contemporary societies. Number of approaches and
theories have been adduced in explaining the genesis of the pro-
test movements; role of an ideology in the formation of such
involvements; the sources of identity, organization and leader-
ship styles; and the consequent results in bringing about desired
structural changes in the society, polity or the economy of the
concerned state. The protest movements do have some distinc-
tive features and one can properly analyse and understand the
dynamics of protest movements by keeping all these features in
mind. The protest movement is directed against political system
or against some specific class or some segment of the society or
against an organization considered harmful to the interest of
those who have been activated in launching such protest.
Secondly, it involves collective action on the part of the people.

The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 52, No. 4, October - December, 1991 ^

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 PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 449

The collective action is formally organised and is responsible in

creating necessary interest of awakening among large number of
people. Thirdly, a protest movement is generally oriented
towards bringing about change either partial or total in the
existing values and norms of the society. Fourthly, a protest
movement is greatly influenced by ideological moorings of the
leaders or organisers of such movements. Ideology does provide
the vision or a driving force of having a new era which the
protestors may be aspiring to have. Fifthly, a piotest movement
deploys peaceful methods or non-peaceful (violent) methods to
achieve their objectives.

The study of protest movements is beset with numerous

problems. Apart from the problem of definition of a protest
movement, several authorities on this crucial subject have sought
to classify them by using one criterion or another. The protest
movements are sometimes classified as peaceful and violent
keeping in view the methods used by the organisers of these
movements. Keeping in view the consequences of protest move-
ments, these may be classified as bringing about reform in some
area of life. Such protest movements are called as reformative
in character. Others may be oriented towards bringing about
new relationship, activities, norms and values and thus may be
designated as transformative. Those movements that seek total
change in ail spheres of life and in all basic values may be termed
as revolutionary movements. Keeping in view the locus of protest
movements, some scholars have classified them as (i) linguistic
(ii) religious (iii) sectarian (iv) caste (v) peasant (vi) worker
(vii) tribal (viii) ethnic (ix) feministic and students.

Protest movements have also been classified on the basis of

scale of operation and thus one may call them having all India,
regional or local character. One may note that classification of
protest movements helps us in identifying the main features of
such movements but it does not fully explain the origin, growth,
dynamics and consequences of each movement. Protest move-
ments tend to acquire new features during the course of their
operation and any analysis on the basis of classification thus
remains inadequate. However, the criterion of locus helps us to
identify the section of society which is involved in the movement
and the criterion of ideology tends to provide the analytical foci

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450 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

of a movement. The leadership style adds new dimensions to

the course of a protest movement. The success and failure of
many protest movements have always been influenced by its
leaders. To a question as to why protest movements emanate in
a society, number of social scientists and political thinkers have
endeavoured to seek answer to this vexed issue. Broadly speaking,
three theories have been put forth to explain the origin and
motivating forces of these movements. These are designated as
(a) theory of relative deprivation, (b) the strain theory and the
revitalization theory. In most of the cases, the economic factors
coupled with social, political and psychological factors combine
together in giving birth to protest movements. In the developing
societies, the primordial loyalties even (based on religious and
ethnic identities) play decisive role.

Historical Legacies of Protest Movements

It is often said that roots of the present lie embodied in the

past. The mode, mechanism and path of protest in India is
partly influenced by historical legacies and partly on account of
the prevailing conditions in our contemporary society. The histo-
rical experiences of the protest of the Indian people against the
repressive and discriminatory policies of the earlier rulers gives
us a meaningful clue. The socio-religious revivalist movements
of the 19th century and early 20th century and the launching of
liberation movement against the colonial rule of the British under
the aegis of Congress party (since 1885) not only influenced the
social and political outlook of the people but significantly added
new dimensions to the form and pattern of protest and dissent.
One may point out that the Brahmo Samaj (founded in 1825),
the Prarthana Samaj (1867), the Arya Samaj (1875) and theTheo-
sophical Society (1875) were all reformist movements which in-
fluenced the Hindus and also contributed to the growth of Indian
nationalism by raising the pride of educated Indians in India's
past traditions. Among the Indian Muslims there arose similar
movements. One may add that Wahabi Movement laid emphasis
on the virtues of Islam and the oneness of God. Sir Syed Ahmed
Khan (1817-1898) and Syed Amir Ali (1849-1928) wanted the
Indian Muslims to accept the western culture and to reconstruct
Indian society in accordance with it. The Ahmadiya Movement
(founded by Ghulam Ahmed (1839-1908) was a protest move-
ment directed against Christianity and Westernization. All these

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 PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 451

movements among the Muslims had varying degree of impact In

the social and religious fields, the problems faced by the Sikhs
and the Muslims were different from those of Hindus. Accord-
ingly the minority communities had separate movements that
sought to reorganize social order to provide necessary protection
to these identities. One may note that all these movements (which
reflected religious and sectarian basis) had some unfortunate
repurcussions arising from the fact that while Hindus went back
to their religious and historical past to assert their self-confidence,
the Muslims went back to early Islam and the past history of
Arabia. Among many other factors, this also contributed widen-
ing of the gulf between the Hindus and Muslims, because the
Hindu religious reform movements and the Muslim reform move-
ments tried to rely on two separate sources of spiritual and
intellectual sustenance.

The liberation Movement in India reflected three strands of

political protest. The first phase of liberation movement (1885-
1905) was led by 'Moderates' (often referred to as the liberals)
who owed allegiance to western political ideas. Consequently
they abjured the methods of violence, force, agitation and blood-
shed for the redressai of grievances of the Indian people. These
moderate leaders believed in the peaceful presentation of their
grievances to the government and in requesting the latter to
redress them. "Petition and prayers" were the usual tools which
they employed.

The second phase of the liberation movement (1905 to 1919)

saw the emergence of extremists who challenged the leadership
and political ideas of the Moderates. This political radicalism
was the outcome of the activities and frustration of earlier phase
of the nationalist movement. The increasing authoritarianism
and repression of the British Government in India aroused poli-
tical awakening among the people. Besides, many international
events such as the defeat of Russia at the hand of Japan also
strengthened political radicalism. Unlike the Moderates, the
political agitation of the Extremists brought larger number of
people to the political field and it inculcated the spirit of sacrifice
for the cause of the nation. Among the Extermists, there arose
three different groups - the Terrorists believed in the philosophy
of organised conspiracies and they planned the murder of Briti-
shers and their agents. Another group called Revolutionaries did

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452 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

not approve the activities of the the Terrorists and they be-
lieved that only a mass uprising would drive the British out of
India. They advocated the use of the strikes, hartals, guerilla
warfare to be carried on with arms from foreign countries. One
can point out how this group was able to carry on its activities
beyond the boundaries of India. They were able to set up centres
for carrying on revolutionary propaganda on the pacific coast of
the United States (such as Indo- American Association and the
Young Indian Association) and also did good work in London and
Paris in pursuit of their objectives. The Militant nationalists unlike
the Terrorists and Revolutionaries, devised a three fold programme
for effective political action. It comprised boycott, Swadeshi and
national education. They also believed in "Passive reistance" i.e.
non-violent, civil disobedience and non cooperation with the
government to achieve the goal of independence. India had the
experience of witnessing the first political strike by the labour
class when Tilak was arrested by the British Government.

The third phase of the nationalist movement (1919-1947)

was guided and directed according to the genius and philosophy
of Gandhian technique of protest. Under the inspiring leadership
of Gandhi, several movements were launched to pin point the
urgency and need for granting independence to India. The non-
cooperation movement of 1920-21 was one of the landmarks of
Gandhian era which saw the use of peaceful protest on the part
of Indian people on a massive scale. The civil disobedience
movement of 1930-31, the individual disobedience of 1940 and
the Quit India Movement of 1942-45 exhibted different variety
of protest against the British Colonial government. However,
the basic characteristic of the movements led by Gandhi was its
stress on non violence. Even those followers of Gandhi who did
not believe in nonviolence as a cread, accepted it as a political
expediency. The freedom movement launched by the Congress,
had its impact on the Princely States also. Consequently, the
Princely States also witnessed various types of such liberation
movements which were called as Praja Mandai Movements. From
the above account one has to accept that hunger strike, bandh,
gherao, dharna, etc. had gained the legitimacy of the people
during the nationalist movement.
The historical legacy of protest movements of pre- indepen-
dent India has left a deep imprint on the minds of Indian people.

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 PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 453

Obviously, therefore, Indian masses use those very modes of

protest which had been used by our nationalist leaders for raising
their grievances against the British.

II. Nature and Dilemmas of Contemporary Protest Movements in India

It is a fundamental fact that ruling elite in all societies

amass resources, power and status to themselves and leaves large
chunks of the society un-satisfied. This obviously creates condi-
tions of conflict in all political settings. During the liberation
struggle, the Congress party as an umbrella organization had
politicised the masses to gain their support for ending the colonial
rule which was held responsible for the poverty, misery, hunger
and exploitation of the Indian people After attainment of
independence these loud promises and lofty ideals were overlooked
and the ruling Congress party came to be controlled by a new
Elite class who started manipulating politics of India to their own
advantage. The capitalist path of development enabled the elite
class comprising the upper castes and big industrial bourgeoise
to corner fruits of economic development to themselves. Not
much was done for ameliorating the economic conditions of the
rural landless poor, the depressed sections of the society including
the tribais, adivasis, dalits, fishermen and forest men. This path
of modernization and economic development in the opinion of
Myron Weiner and Rajni Kothari has given birth to the pheno-
menon of two Indias:

"One very modern on the path of progress having access to

resources, information and technology and the other very
much left behind, infact bearing the brunt of exploitations,
depressions and oppressions".

Forty percent of people in India live below poverty line and

the poor are becoming poorer and the rich the richer. Regional
imbalances are becoming more visible. Numerous ethnic identi-
ties based on race, language, religion, culture and region feel
alienated from the political system as they have failed to get
equitable share in fruits of economic development and proper
share in the decision- making process of the country. Nehru's
accommodative model was bypassed by her own daughter, Mrs
Indira Gandhi. She evolved her own system of authoritarianism
which was built up through a systematic approach of populistic

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454 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

politics. During her regime all these identities were termed as

fissiparous and secessionist posing challenge to the integrity and
unity of India. The ethnic identities naturally reacted sharply
to it. Consequently various regional parties (representing these
identities) not only challenged the dominance of the Congress in
their respective areas but were also successful in establishing
their own governments. Some of the ethnic identities launched
movements for demanding more autonomy to the states and also
demanded the creation of some new states. One may mention
that whole of North-east India had tobe linguistically reorganised
to pacify these diversities. One may, therefore, note that ethnic
aspirations coupled with economic, political and social factors are
responsible for giving birth to many protest movements in India.

The parliamentary elections of 1971, 1977 and 1980 have been

particularly responsible for radicalising the Indian electorate as
they were fed with new promise of "Garibi Hatao" (vanish
poverty) and other progressive measures. Mrs Indira Gandhi
adopted a socialist oriented programme to demolish the suprem-
acy of the Syndicate group in the Congress. In the process of
consolidating her hegemony in the political system, she systema-
tically destroyed all the institutions of democratic functioning.
She treated the demands raised by diverse identities as posing
challenge to her authority. The cumulative result was the
creation of more repressive state. In 1977, the Janata con-
glomerate assured delegation of power to the people, to end
dynastic rule, restoration of democracy in place of dictatorship
and authoritarianism in our country The dismal performance
of the Janata government brought Mrs Indira Gandhi back in
power. Soon after assumption of power, Mrs Indira Gandh.
again adopted her traditional style of functioning and revived
her old congress culture of monopolising all power in her handi
India, as usual, came to be governed from Delhi - more so
through Prime Minister's Secretariat. She refused to respect the
federal structure of our country and antagonised ethnic groups
who were raising their voice for having rightful place in the
polity of India. This led to resentment and dissatisfaction among
the people of Assam and Punjab and India had to witness two
very powerful protest movements in these two states.

Rajiv Gandhi as Prime Minister (contrary to his public pro-

nouncements) did nothing to assuage the feelings of have nots

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 PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 455

(the down trodden social groups and minorities) and failed to

meet the new demands emanating from these sections. The
power hungry leaders refused to share power with them. In the
words of Rajni Kothari, "The state was highjacked by a coterie
of elite and used it for special rights and perquisites for self
agrandisement". For resolving some conflicts and tensions pre-
vailing in the political system, Rajiv signed several accords (i.e.
the Rajiv- Longo wal Accord, the Assam Accord and the Mizo
Accord) but failed to honour them dueto political greed and
Machiavellian consideration. Hence, ethnic secessionist move-
ments continued to operate with more vigour and intensity.

The installation of V.P. Singh as Prime Minister of minority

National Front govrnment of Janata Dal (being supported by
the B.J.P. and C.P.M.) opened a new chapter in Indian politics.
Forced by the political exigencies, V.P. Singh evolved his own
path of survival by adopting a "national consensus approach9''
for running the affairs of the state.

The infighting in the Janata Dal resulted in the ouster of

Deputy Prime Minister Devi Lai (one of the main architects ot the
formation and victory of the Janata Dal in November 1989 Lok
Sabha elections). Mr Devi Lai decided to demonstrate his
strength and popularity as a leader of rural peasantry by organi-
sing massive rally at the Boat Club, New Delhi on August 9, 1990.
Fearing danger to his survival as Prime Minister, V.P. Singh out-
manoeuvered Devi Lai by announcing the acceptance oí the
recommendations of the Mandai Commission report on August
7, 1990 by making reservation ot 27 percent jobs ior other back-
ward classes. In taking this decision, V.P. Singh did not care to
evolve national consensing by seeking the prior approval oí the
supporting parties. The opponents of V.P. Singh, maintained
that he resorted to this political decision to create his sale "Vote
Bank" in order to reassure his victory in the next parliamentary
elections. Mr V.P. Singh justified the reservation policy to ensure
social justice to the backward classes. The reservation policy has
evoked sharp reaction from the upper castes and urban elite
(including the rural rich peasantry belonging to higher castesj.
Anti-reservation movement has spread in various parts of the
country. Some students have resorted to self-immolation to
demonstrate their anguish and protest.
P- 3

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456 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POUTICAL SCIENCE

The experiment of minority governments (one headed by

V. P. Singh and the second headed by Chandra Shekhar) has
disenchanted the people about their performance. The dispute
over the Ram Janma Bhoomi and Babri Masjid case shook the
very secular foundation of our polity. The Rath Tatra of L. K*
Advani of the B. J. P. added fire to the fuel. It resulted in wide-
spread communal riots in many parts of our country. The role
of Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar and many enlightened reli-
gious leaders among the two communities (i.e. Hindus and
Muslims were able to open dialogue for an amicable settlement
without injuring the religious suspectibilities. Even Prime
Minister Chandra Shekhar had a dialogue with Mr. Simaranjit
Singh Mann for finding a solution to the secessionist movement
going on Punjab over the past ten years. Much progress could
not be achieved as the Congress High Command did not like to
allow Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar to earn credit for resolving
such complicated problems which the Congress party including
(B.J.P. and Left parties) have been using as communal card on
the eve of every election.

Numerous protest movements are going on in our country

and no serious effort has been made to find solution to them. In
many cases, it is cause of economic exploitation of the resources
of the state by the people belonging to other states or even by
the Union Government. In several cases the ethnic identity of
the minorities and sometimes the people desire to preserve their
distinctive cultural and tribal heritage become the sole source of
tension and agitation. Currently the Bodo movement, Jharkhand
Movement, G.N.L.F. Movement, movement for the creation of
Telangana and State of Vidharbha are demanding creation of new
states and many of them are aspiring for more autonomy. How-
ever, the secessionist Movements going on in Punjab, Jammu and
Kashmir and in Assam and the leaders of these movements want
separate homeland as independent sovereign states. In addition
to these movements, protest movements from several segments
of the Indian Society are raising their voice of anguish and
resentment for being ignored by the ruling elite. The Peasant
Movements in India, the Tribal Movements, Student Movements*
Trade Union Movements, Caste inspired Movements and the
anti-Reservation Movements have caused their profound impact
on our society. So long as feeling of discrimination, injustice and

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 PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 457

denial of fair treatment to the genuine demands of such groups

continue to exist, the phenomenon of protest in one form or the
other will continue to operate.

For a meaningful analysis of the protest movements one has

to confine one's attention to some of the basic issues and para-
meters governing this phenomenon. These may be summarised
as (i) the motivational factors germinating into protest move-
ments (ii) objectives of the movement (iii) ideology of the move-
ment (iv) leadership style (v) modus operandi or techniques of
protest (vi) support base and material help and other linkages.

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