Professional Documents
Culture Documents
DOI: 10.1002/tesj.667
E M P I R I C A L F E AT U R E A RT I C L E
1 | I N T RO DU CT ION
Central to critical pedagogy (CP) is that educators foster dialogues with learners to raise critical conscious-
ness of, and transform, unjust realities like inequalities, discrimination, and oppression (Freire, 2000) in
terms of gender, race, sex, social class, religion, or other identity markers (Liu, 2022). CP in language
education has flourished since the late 1970s (Crawford-Lange, 1981). It has also been theoretically ex-
panded beyond the Freirean perspective (Kubota & Miller, 2017) in English language classrooms and
English language teacher education programs globally (e.g., Akbari, 2008; Crawford & Filback, 2022;
Crookes, 2013, 2021; Gray, 2019; Khatib & Miri, 2016; Pessoa & de Urzêda-Freitas, 2012; Sharma &
Phyak, 2017), including in Indonesia (Gustine, 2018; Gustine & Insani, 2019; Mambu, 2018).
Recently CP has also attempted to challenge the worldwide neoliberal logic that commodifies
language education (Gray, 2019). CP is hence pivotal to nurturing the spirit of altruistic or non-
profit service in TESOL. CP is particularly relevant in Indonesia since one of the state principles
(Pancasila) is “social justice for all the peoples of Indonesia” (Britannica, n.d.-b). In a previous
study, I provided space for teacher-learners (TLs) to discuss social justice and ASEAN awareness
as part of my critical ELT curriculum in a CP course at an English language teacher education
program in Indonesia (Mambu, 2018). However, little is known about how TLs, guided by teacher
educators (TEs) in English language teacher education programs, practice developing a critical
ELT curriculum oriented to social justice with English language learners (ELLs). Therefore, the
current study investigated how CP is implemented by TLs when co-constructing a CP-oriented
curriculum with their TE and ELLs. The following section reviews scholars' efforts to integrate
CP as part of the English language teacher education curricula in different parts of the globe.
Subsequently, the theoretical framework that accounts for TLs' co-construction of a critical ELT
curriculum and implementation of CP are elucidated.
Attempts to introduce or incorporate critical approaches into language teacher education pro-
grams have been documented worldwide. Ways to prepare English language TLs in teacher edu-
cation programs to be critically oriented have been proposed (e.g., Crawford & Filback, 2022;
Gray, 2019; Hawkins & Norton, 2009). Some studies have explored TLs' attitudes toward or fa-
miliarity with CP. Al Riyami and Troudi (2020) investigated Omani TLs' understanding and fa-
vorable or resistant attitudes toward CP. Abednia and Crookes (2019) examined to what extent
CP was feasible to be implemented by Iranian TLs. Gustine (2018) found that 21 English teachers
pursuing graduate studies in an English language teacher education program at a university in
Bandung (West Java, Indonesia) were overall unfamiliar with the critical literacy approach to
ELT. Therefore, she recommended that preservice English teachers be introduced to CP.
Empirical studies have also addressed various forms of oppression that may impact learners' different
identities and needs. In the United States, some language TEs trained their TLs to address “superdiver-
sity,” where various forms of racial, cultural, and linguistic oppression are intersectionally intertwined
(Li & Sah, 2020, p. 884). Envisioning English language teachers as “policy makers and active agents of
change,” Usma, Peláez, Palacio, and Jaramillo (2020) encouraged Colombian TLs to adapt an official
language policy in their workplaces by tackling learners' specific needs, instead of merely adopting offi-
cial language policy that favors international standards or “market-based reforms” (p. 509).
Moreover, dialogues between critical language TEs and their TLs have been empirically docu-
mented. Khatib and Miri (2016) demonstrated a dialogic Iran-based English TL. After participating
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MAMBU | 3 of 18
in a CP-oriented teacher education program, the TL fostered “multivocality” (i.e., a state where stu-
dents' multiple voices emerged in classroom discourse) in his class by utilizing first language (L1),
open-ended “referential questions, “delaying error correction,” and “welcoming student initiations”
(p. 98). Informed by the Bakhtinian notion of “ideological becoming,” Sharma and Phyak (2017, p.
210) provided a case where Nepali TLs internalized CP through materials development, engagement
in a lesson planning workshop, and a postworkshop reflection. In an intense dialogue, two of my for-
mer undergraduate TLs problematized the notion of social justice, thus challenging my earlier over-
confidence that the TLs would unanimously agree with social justice (Mambu, 2018). Nevertheless,
there is still scant attention to how TLs implement CP when developing a critical ELT curriculum
with their TE and ELLs, especially in Southeast Asian countries like Indonesia.
3 | T H EO R ET ICAL F R AM E WORK
utilized” (p. 279), (3) “include more of students' real-life concerns” (p. 280), and (4) “make your
learners aware of issues faced by marginalized groups” (p. 281).
When co-constructing a critical ELT curriculum, TLs can increase critical awareness (Hawkins
& Norton, 2009) to envision transforming English classes (Akbari, 2008) before and during teaching
sessions. Before teaching, TLs can do a critical needs analysis, formulate learning objectives, de-
sign syllabus and lesson plans, and develop materials. While teaching, TLs can engage in dialogues
with ELLs in classroom discourse and co-construct learning materials. Furthermore, it is incum-
bent upon teachers to practice having “critical pedagogical relations” whereby teachers (i.e., TEs or
TLs) and learners (i.e., TLs or ELLs) foster dialogues that contribute to reducing power distance be-
tween them (Hawkins & Norton, 2009, p. 35). As such, relationships between teachers and students
are “structured on equitable terms” (p. 35). In the current study, critical pedagogical relations were
also relevant in co-constructing a critical ELT curriculum before and while teaching. After teaching
ELLs, co-construction of a curriculum continues as TLs evaluate reflexively what they have, and
have not, accomplished, such that they can “[learn] from these experiences to redesign future possi-
bilities” (Hawkins & Norton, 2009, p. 36). The framework is summed up in Table 1.
The current study addressed the following research question: How did undergraduate TLs in an
English language teacher education program at an Indonesian university practice implementing
CP as they co-constructed a critical ELT curriculum?
As a TE, I have been highly invested in CP since the first time I offered the CP course in 2007.
To avoid a biased analysis, I employed data triangulation to help me be open to counterevi-
dence. As such, I did not select only data samples that highlighted my TLs' relatively successful
implementation of CP. Data triangulation also assisted me in ethically having a balanced view,
especially of my TLs, over time. Direct observations of the TLs' two sessions and a member check
with Pamela, a Papuan TL, to clarify the critical needs analysis also enabled me, who grew up in
Central Java, to verify the Papuan ELLs' real concerns during their studies.
4 | M ET H ODOLOGY
A qualitative case study methodology was employed to allow an in-depth and relatively long
investigation of three TLs, their TE, and 10 ELLs as “‘bounded’ entities in situ” (Duff, 2020, p.
145, italics in original) in an Indonesia-based private university. Despite a small number of par-
ticipants, I hope that the case study resonates with English language educators worldwide who
desire to practice applying CP and co-constructing a critical ELT curriculum.
4.1 | Context
The study was situated in a semester-length three-credit Critical Pedagogy and Literacy elec-
tive course at an undergraduate English language teaching education program of Universitas
Kristen Satya Wacana (UKSW), in Salatiga, Central Java, from early January until mid-April
2019. Known as “mini Indonesia,” UKSW is an ethnically diverse private university with a stu-
dent body of around 15,000. The most densely populated island in Indonesia, Java is inhabited
by approximately half of the nation's total population. National political and economic activities
are centered in Java (Britannica, n.d.-a).
In my course, TLs explored various CP-related themes: Sustainable Development Goals (meet-
ing 1; see Mambu [2022] for further details), what critical ELT is (meeting 2), why critical ELT
matters (meeting 3), issues in critical ELT (racism, feminism, religious tolerance, critical multi-
culturalism, and social class; meetings 4 to 6), and how to implement critical ELT (meetings 7 to
12). In the second half of the semester (meeting 7 [February 27, 2019] onward) components of
a critical ELT curriculum were introduced. The curricular components discussed in my course
are as follows: critical needs analysis (Crookes, 2013) facilitated by the photovoice methodol-
ogy (Sutton-Brown, 2014), learning objectives (adapted from Abednia & Izadinia, 2013), sylla-
bus design (by showing a topic syllabus in Auerbach & Wallerstein, 1987); lesson planning (e.g.,
Read, 2017), materials development (Tomlinson, 2012), learning activities (e.g., by integrating
lower and higher order thinking skills in lessons; see A Model of Learning Objectives, n.d.), and
critical assessment (Shohamy, 2004). Based on insights into these critical curricular components,
TLs and ELLs in communities outside campus co-constructed curricula as part of the TLs' service
learning for three sessions (60 to 90 minutes each). Service learning “involves students going into
their communities and using what they learn in class to help people, and then bringing what they
learn in their community service back into the classroom to enhance their academic learning”
(Minor, 2002, p. 10).
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4.2 | Participants
Three TLs (out of 11 registered in my class) in their final year of undergraduate studies became
the focal participants. They had completed a teaching practicum in various schools before taking
my elective course. These focal TLs formed a self-selected group to do the service learning project
and decided to teach Papuan ELLs. The focal TLs—Rani, Fitri, and Pamela (pseudonyms)—were
average-to high-achieving TLs in their early 20s with an intermediate to upper intermediate
English level. Pamela was an ethnic Papuan; Rani and Fitri were Javanese. They were selected
because their co-constructed curricula before, during, and after teaching sessions were the most
complete compared to those of other TLs. Besides, I attended two out of three of their teaching
sessions. Schedule clashes made it impossible for me to observe directly the multiethnic ELLs in
an orphanage and a child development center taught by my other TLs.
The four female and six male Papuan ELLs were Pamela's friends who majored in account-
ing, information systems, primary education, and visual communication design. The ELLs were
UKSW final-year undergraduate students with a low English proficiency level. Jayapura's local
government funded their studies. With around 1,000 Papuan students at UKSW, their popula-
tion has been the largest among all private universities in Central Java. Jayapura is a kabupaten
(regency) located in a coastal area over 2,000 miles east of Java. Papuan students from Jayapura
are typically more academically and interculturally ready than their counterparts living farther
inland in Papua's mountainous areas. That said, the level of education even in Jayapura is of
lower quality than that in Java. Papuans are also often susceptible to racial discrimination in Java
(Mambor, 2020), mainly because the Papuans belong to a minority group (1.14%) throughout
the nation, compared to the Javanese people, who constitute the largest ethnic group (40.22%) in
Indonesia (Portal Informasi Indonesia, 2020).
Three data sets were collected to triangulate focal TLs' viewpoints, Papuan ELLs' insights, and
each focal TL over time. The first generated data set included audio-recorded interview-like
classroom discourse (in meetings 7–12 of my class). I delved into their progress in and reflection
on co-constructing components of a critical ELT curriculum. The second data set was collected
from my focal TLs' curricular documents (e.g., critical needs analysis, learning objectives, syl-
labi, lesson plans, developed materials) and their typed reflections, which were submitted on
Schoology (an online learning management system). Three video-recorded sessions of the female
TLs' group in the Papuan ELLs' rented house (March 19, April 3, and 5, 2019) constitute the third
generated data set. Rani, Fitri, and Pamela were in charge of the first, second, and third sessions,
respectively. I attended, video-recorded, and acted as a participant-observer in the first two ses-
sions. The co-constructed curriculum is a product of the short service learning program and is
gleaned from the three data sets. The curriculum did not replace but supplemented the formal
English curricula in various departments at UKSW.
The theoretical framework (see Table 1) facilitated the process of doing “narrative analy-
sis” (Barkhuizen, 2020, p. 195) and coding data that were transcribed (from my class and
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5 | F I NDI N G S
5.1 | The TLs' collaborative inquiry into ELLs' locality and concerns
before teaching
At the beginning of their service learning project, the focal TLs did a critical needs analysis. They
triangulated what they viewed as problematic, thus needing a transformation (Benesch, 1996;
Crookes, 2013), and what the Papuan ELLs themselves thought were troublesome. The ELLs'
concerns became the needs that the TLs addressed. Reporting on their preliminary findings after
interacting with some Papuan ELLs (in meeting 8 of my class on March 6, 2019), Rani said that
“blending with the new culture” in Java was the ELLs' concern in their new locality. Besides,
Papuan ELLs in the Faculty of Economics and Business indicated that English was extensively
used and “[they find it difficult to understand the English materials].” Pamela added, from her
viewpoint as a person who spent her primary and secondary education in Papua: “[Here in
Java, even senior high school students have learned how to deliver a proper presentation. Not in
Papua, when I was still there].”
In meeting 9 (March 13, 2019), Rani suggested: “[The Papuan ELLs' main concerns relate to
technology, people, and English materials].” Regarding “people,” Rani thought it was possible
to frame the main theme for Papuan ELLs in light of achieving Sustainable Development Goal
10: reduced inequalities (United Nations, 2020). Instead of inequalities among countries, Rani
focused on the Papuan ELLs' struggle in dealing with stigma when living in Java. Rani indicated
that the stigma caused Papuan ELLs to withdraw from involvement in committees for organizing
student activities. They were also reluctant to make friends with Javanese students in UKSW. The
TLs also submitted their written critical needs analysis in English on Schoology. The “SHOWeD”
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technique facilitated their analysis as a photovoice methodology: “What do you See here? What
is really Happening here? How does this relate to Our lives? Why does this situation, concern,
or strength exist? What can we Do about it?” (Sutton-Brown, 2014, p. 176). Pictures depicting a
community's concerns are central to the photovoice methodology.
Each picture being analyzed with the SHOWeD technique focused on one of these issues: (1) re-
lationships with the Javanese, (2) English necessary for operating software, and (3) difficult English
in textbooks. The ELLs seemed to have solutions for issues 2 and 3. For example, a Papuan ELL
studying visual communication design said, responding to the “What can we Do about it?” prompt:
“I learned to use software … through YouTube since the lecture[r] just taught about the theory. In
YouTube, the language used [is] English. … If I get confused, I turn on the subtitle.” Papuan account-
ing students attended assistant lecturers' tutorials to compensate for their English deficiency.
Figure 1 provides some details of the Papuan ELLs' relationships with the Javanese (issue
1). Some Papuan students metaphorically depicted their preoccupation with playing games
on their smartphones as a withdrawal due to feeling stigmatized and alienated in a predomi-
nantly Javanese-speaking community. Culturally, Papuans are typically more straightforward
and bolder than (and hence are considered “bad” or “rude” by) many Javanese. Seemingly in
revenge for being regarded as “bad,” the Papuan ELLs thought: “Javanese people are weak.”
Pamela (in a personal communication on January 5, 2022) clarified the statement, saying that
many Javanese were considered physically and economically weak by the Papuan ELLs. That
is, if challenged to have a physical fight, the Papuans doubted that the Javanese would with-
stand them. Also, Pamela continued, there were a lot of ethnic Javanese beggars and garbage
scavengers, so the Papuans implied the Javanese should not underestimate them as a minority
FIGURE 2 Determining learning objectives based on the triangulated critical needs analysis.
group. Despite this tension, the ELLs felt the need to better socialize with people from differ-
ent ethnic groups, especially by “joining the [student] organizations” on campus.
Against this backdrop, the TLs determined specific learning objectives for students (see
Figure 2). Based on the triangulated TLs' and ELLs' viewpoints (see the left and right boxes),
Pamela, Rani, and Fitri proposed some learning objectives (see the bottom box). These learning
objectives were then integrated into the TLs' syllabus, to which I now turn.
The focal TLs' syllabus, submitted on Schoology on March 22, 2019, did not explicitly mention
the type of syllabus. Upon reading their submitted work and attending their teaching sessions
(see the next section), I categorized it as a topic syllabus; the themes were inferred and recon-
structed from the culminating activities for each session (see Table 2). In the submitted syllabus,
my TLs' learning objective(s) for each session was edited from those stated in Figure 2: objective
1 for session 1, objectives 2 and 3 for session 2, and objective 4 for session 3. Objective 4 is vague,
however, so I have modified it based on the outcome of the culminating activity in session 3. The
syllabus has been edited to improve clarity and grammatical accuracy.
To structure the sequence of each lesson plan in every session, the TLs utilized the lower
order and higher order thinking skills scheme, which was introduced in the second session
of my course (January 23, 2019) when I discussed critical thinking as part of CP (Banegas &
Villacañas de Castro, 2016). Under this scheme, a learning process transitions from remember-
ing, the lowest order thinking skill, to creating, the highest order thinking skill (see Table 2).
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TABLE 2 The focal TLs’ syllabus as part of a working critical ELT curriculum
A Syllabus for Papuan ELLs
Overarching Theme: Reduced Inequalities (Sustainable Development Goal 10)
Session 1 Session 2 Session 3
Topics Inequality on campus Finding ways to reduce
Identifying fairness and unfairness inequality on campus
Learning objectives • Ss can show their awareness Ss can portray inequality-
Students (Ss) can discuss some forms of inequality between ethnic related themes (using
of inequality in general and in their groups in the university. photographs or
contexts. • Ss can identify inequality pictures) and explain
regarding access to facilities, them to their friends.
materials, and technology in
the university.
Culminating activities
Spidergram KWL chart Photovoice
Language focus
• Expressing opinions (I think...; I believe...; Comparative adjectives: more, (None)
It seems to me...; It’s obvious that…) less, better off/worse off,
• 5W 1H questions more/less important
Remembering
• Teacher (T) shows the word fair on the • T asks Ss to list inequalities • T asks Ss to recall the
laptop screen. A and asks Ss to think between ethnic groups on ethnic-related inequality
about what it means without dictionaries campus. they experienced on
or smartphones. • Ss share their list and campus that they
• Ss look up the word fair in online produce a group list. discussed in the previous
dictionaries. • Ss exchange their lists with meeting.
• In groups, Ss from different faculties are another group.
asked to recall some examples of (un) • T asks Ss how they feel
fairness they know or have experienced. about inequality.
T reminds them of ways of expressing an
opinion and encourages them to ask as
many questions as possible.
• T asks Ss how they feel about unfairness.
Understanding
• Ss watch a video about fairness and • Ss look at a picture of a rich • Ss watch a video about
unfairness (https://m.youtube.com/ person having a feast with racial inequality
watch?v=vX_Vzl-r8NY): The Unequal many small people holding (https://www.youtube.com/
Opportunity Race. plates beside the rich watch? v=q0qD2
• Ss summarize the video. person’s table, begging for K2RWkc): I Am NOT
• Ss compare the video to real contexts/ bread crumbs. Black, You Are Not White
life. • Ss make sense of the (by Prince Ea).
picture. • Ss compare the video to
• Ss compare the picture to their own real contexts/life.
real contexts/life.
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MAMBU | 11 of 18
TABLE 2 (Continued)
Applying
Ss work in groups to explain what they Ss work in groups and Ss work in groups then
understand about fairness. Ss give an discuss whether they have write down some ways
example they have experienced in their experienced/witnessed or steps to reduce
faculties. inequalities on campus. inequality among
students on campus.
Analyzing
Ss differentiate the points regarding Ss differentiate the points T asks Ss to find out the
fairness from different faculties. concerning inequality most useful way for
regarding facilities, reducing ethnic-related
materials, social life (or inequality on campus.
relationships with people),
and technology on campus.
Evaluating
Ss decide whether people in different Ss decide which inequality • T asks Ss to group
faculties in the university are already is worse on campus: themselves based on
aware of unfairness. Facilities? Materials? whether they totally
Technology? Social life? agree, agree, disagree, or
totally disagree with two
statements related to
today’s topic:
1. Some inequalities
happen on campus.
2. People (students, staff,
and lecturers) need to
raise their awareness
about inequality issues
in the university.
• Ss explain the reasons
why they agree or
disagree with the
statements.
Creating
• Ss in each group create a spidergram Ss create a KWL chart about • Ss draw/take a picture
about fairness. inequality among ethnic describing a situation of
• Each group presents its spidergram in groups in their faculty. inequality among ethnic
front of others. groups.
• Ss explain how to reduce
it or what people need to
do about that problem.
• Ss present their pictures
to their friends.
Apart from the focus on language (e.g., how to express opinions, comparatives, and superlatives;
see Table 2), the TLs also prepared two authentic materials from YouTube (for sessions 1 and 3) and
a picture to be interpreted by the ELLs (for session 2). Furthermore, the “creating” parts contain
culminating activities for each session (i.e., using spidergrams [Read, 2017], a KWL [Know—Want
to Know—Learned] chart [Theologidou, 2017, p. 127], and photovoice, respectively). These parts
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allowed the TLs to assess the extent to which Papuan ELLs made sense of their specific real-life
concerns, especially those related to inequality, and how they expressed the concerns.
In three sessions of teaching the Papuan ELLs, the TLs and Papuan ELLs used L1 extensively as
a resource for dialogues. Three ELLs' concerns related to unfairness or inequality emerged in the
TLs' teaching sessions: (1) cultural discrimination by non-Papuans, (2) problems associated with
academic life, and (3) interethnic tensions (see Table 3).
As shown in Table 3, Papuan ELLs' responses were meaningful, thanks to TLs' prepared
materials (e.g., the YouTube video clip) and prompts. However, there were also prompts that
came across as condescending. Earlier in her lesson on comparative and superlative adjectives
in session 2, Fitri displayed 10 ethnic groups in Indonesia, and she asked her ELLs: “What do
you think [is] the most valuable [ethnic group] in this [Indonesian] society?” It was shocking
as the lesson plan did not include this question. A Papuan ELL reacted: “All!” Seemingly un-
conscious of this awkward situation, Fitri asked the ELLs to rank the groups from 1 to 10, with
number 1 being the most valuable ethnic group in Indonesia. A female student challenged Fitri:
“Valuable in terms of what?” Fitri replied: “In your society. According to people in Indonesia.”
Her response was still problematic because it ran the risk of misrepresenting ethnic groups.
Notwithstanding the counterevidence that disrupted the CP spirit in Fitri's session, mean-
ingful ELLs' responses were also elicited in written English (see Figure 3). The writing process
was scaffolded by TLs when the ELLs worked in small groups to practice expressing opinions on
fairness brainstormed in L1 earlier in the TLs' session 1.
Reflexivity after the teaching sessions made it possible for the TLs to examine their language use
and pedagogical approaches that needed improvement. In my last class (meeting 12, April 10,
2019), Rani regretted that while teaching the ELLs, she either “focus[ed] on the [CP] materials”
and “forgot about English materials” (i.e., used L1 too excessively) or vice versa. In her written
reflection, Rani continued:
It would be effective if the portion for both materials [i.e., CP and English] could
be balanced. The focus could be on simple English materials or vocabulary then
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associate it with the materials related to [CP] (equality, poverty, injustice). [A learn-
ing] activity could be as simple as translating some main words/main idea/the point
from the students' opinion into English. … [For instance,] what is pasar [market] in
English? Perlakuan yang berbeda [different treatment] in English? (April 12, 2019).
Concerning a pedagogical approach, Fitri pondered how she could have used more precise probing
questions:
There [are] moment[s] when I should [have dug] deeper. … “What did you do after
you were treated unfairly?” “Did you ask the seller [in the traditional market] why
he/she raise[d] the price?” “Did you ask the [assistant lecturer] why he treated [eth-
nic Papuan] unfairly?” (Written reflection, April 12, 2019).
Reflexivity also entails identifying an inspiring pedagogical moment. In my last class (April 10, 2019),
Pamela commented on her teaching session five days earlier: “And then the aha moment I got is when
I told [my Papuan ELLs] to stand in like ‘disagree’ [or] ‘agree’ [groups].” This activity was consistent
with the evaluating part of my TLs' lesson plan for the third session (see Table 2). Pamela continued:
“Do you think in UKSW there is still inequality?” And the girls just say yes, so they
stand in [the] “agree” group. But the boys stand in [the] “disagree” group. … The
boys' reason is [that] if there [were] inequality between ethnic [groups], [in the cul-
tural festival] there [would be] no Papuans. … But the girls' reason [is] because when
the lecturer[s] teach them, they still use Javanese.
Pamela's video-recorded teaching session (April 5, 2019) verifies this and even captures a moment
when a Papuan ELL rebutted her male counterparts: “[I already explained last week that until now
wearing koteka is still in dispute]” (recall the cultural discrimination against the Papuans; see Table 3).
Pamela felt accomplished for having provoked a debate among the Papuan ELLs. An aha moment like
this can inspire improvements in future classes. For instance, Pamela should have reviewed English
grammar lessons on agreeing/disagreeing and giving reasons, which she did not do. Furthermore, in
my last class, responding to Pamela, I said: “[Your example] reminds us of the discussion about critical
multiculturalism. It seems to me that the [Papuan] boys are more interested in the [cultural] celebra-
tion. But the women didn't fail to see the real problem among ethnic groups.” An explicit lesson on
critical multiculturalism (Kubota, 2013) should be relevant for adult advanced ELLs.
6 | DI S C USSION
The current study showcases TLs who attempted to incorporate CP practices and principles
(Akbari, 2008; Crookes, 2013; Hawkins & Norton, 2009) into their critical ELT curriculum,
which was co-constructed based on the TE's guidance and their Papuan ELLs' voices. I provided
guidance to the TLs before they taught the ELLs. It was the TLs themselves, however, who crea-
tively co-developed lesson plans and critical contents by, in line with Tomlinson (2012), adapting
materials not originally designed for the ELT classroom (e.g., YouTube video clips for sessions
1 and 3; see Table 2). While teaching, the TLs and their ELLs co-produced additional materials
highlighting the latter's real-life concerns (e.g., cultural discrimination; see Table 3) and percep-
tions of being treated fairly on campus (see Figure 3). The fact that critical materials were elicited
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MAMBU | 15 of 18
from the ELLs in the TLs' teaching sessions supports Crookes's (2013) argument that “the con-
tent of curriculum arises out of the concerns of students” (p. 57). The TLs also expressed their
post-teaching reflexivity, an essential principle of critical language teacher education (Hawkins
& Norton, 2009). Such reflexivity enabled the TLs and the TE to envision curriculum improve-
ments in terms of language use and pedagogical approaches.
From Bakhtin's (1981) perspective of “ideological becoming” or “the process of assimilating
the words of others” (p. 341), the TLs appropriated CP principles, practices, and insights into el-
ements of CP-oriented curriculum as a foundation or “authoritative discourse” (Bakhtin, 1981,
p. 342) for tailoring a critical ELT curriculum. The TLs' process of assimilating CP was not al-
ways successful. Although Fitri demonstrated reflexivity after the teaching sessions, her gram-
mar lesson of using comparative and superlative adjectives to rank ethnic groups based on
their perceived value did not adhere to CP. Potentially implying that Papuan was not the most
valuable ethnic group contradicted the practice of “critical pedagogical relations” (Hawkins
& Norton, 2009, p. 35) that require power distance between educators and learners to be min-
imized. Recalling Kubota (2014), ethically, I did not want to impose my CP view on Fitri di-
rectly, thus threatening her face. However, I should have discussed the awkward session with
her afterward. Despite Fitri's problematic session, overall the TLs' critical consciousness of
Papuan ELLs' struggles grew over time as they were involved in the critical needs analysis and
exercised “dialogic engagement” (Hawkins & Norton, 2009, p. 36; Khatib & Miri, 2016) with
their ELLs during the teaching sessions. There were also moments when the TLs scaffolded
grammar learning and the production of English expressions (e.g., “It [seems] to me that my
lecture[r] is fair” [see Figure 3]; “when we [smile] … we can be [friends]” [see Table 3]). These
findings corroborate Morgan's (2004) contention that using salient experiences associated with
one's identity, struggle, and hope as a foreigner (e.g., being a Papuan sojourning in Java) is a
desirable starting point to learn English grammar from a CP perspective. English lessons on
grammar, vocabulary, or speaking are potentially transformative when ELLs' real-life concerns
and aspirations, initially brainstormed in L1, take center stage (Akbari, 2008).
7 | F I NA L R E MAR K S
A critical ELT curriculum is not supposed to be set in stone such that it contains dead let-
ters in written curricular documents like static syllabi, lesson plans, and learning materials.
On the contrary, it is dynamically co-constructed over a more extended period with fellow
teachers, TEs and TLs alike, and ELLs to address social injustice the ELLs witness or experi-
ence. Furthermore, TLs committed to implementing CP can reflexively retrieve their earlier
experiences of developing a critical ELT curriculum as bases for (co)expanding their criti-
cal pedagogical repertoires. Such repertoires include, but are not limited to, being more ef-
fective in developing CP-oriented learning materials, preparing questions for ELLs to foster
dialogues with them, selecting English vocabulary words or grammatical items for conveying
critical thoughts, and relating content produced by ELLs (e.g., a debate on whether there is
still inequality in UKSW in Pamela's session) to a theory (e.g., critical multiculturalism). In
future work, attention should be given to how TLs at the graduate level with longer teaching
experiences integrate CP principles when co-constructing critical ELT curricula with a more
significant number of ELLs over a more extended period. It is also interesting to investigate
how TLs develop a critical ELT curriculum that initiates a concrete action together with ELLs
to challenge forms of injustice in society.
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16 of 18 | MAMBU
8 | T H E AUT H OR
Joseph Ernest Mambu completed his PhD in applied linguistics at Arizona State University in
2014. He is now an English language educator at the Faculty of Language and Arts, Universitas
Kristen Satya Wacana, in Salatiga, Central Java, Indonesia. His work on critical pedagogies
in English language teaching and learning has appeared in the Indonesian Journal of Applied
Linguistics, Journal of Asia TEFL, and Critical Inquiry in Language Studies.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank the editor and five anonymous reviewers for their incisive feedback on ear-
lier versions of this article. I also thank my TLs and the Papuan ELLs participating in my study.
ORCID
Joseph Ernest Mambu https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8624-1822
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