PHILIPPE QUINAULT - JEAN-BAPTISTE LULLY

ARMIDE

a cura di / edited by Filippo Annunziata

1
 FOREWORD

If there is a work of musical theater particularly emblematic of a genre (the

tragédie en musique, more commonly known as tragédie lyrique), an age and a taste
(Louis XIV’s political and cultural policy in the Grand Siècle), and which also
projects its own image into a long perspective relating not only to music and the
theater but also aesthetics and the history of ideas, it is undoubtedly Jean-
Baptiste Lully’s Armide. The last of Lully’s works to be completed, Armide, with a
libretto by Philippe Quinault based on Torquato Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata,
was performed for the first time in Paris on 15 February 1686. Its authors,
leading figures on the French theatrical and musical stage in the later
seventeenth century, would die soon after, Lully in 1687 and Quinault the year
after. Performed many times towards the end of the century and then in the
eighteenth, Armide would soon come to be regarded as Lully’s masterpiece, or at
least one of his greatest masterpieces. The subject, moreover, enjoyed a broad
and enduring success in the history of musical theater, and the opera by Lully
and Quinault was itself both a point of arrival as well as providing a frame of
reference if not actually the model for a whole tradition.
Hence a quintessential canonical work, Armide is here the object of multiple
attentions by Filippo Annunziata. Around the unabridged translation into
Italian, with Quinault’s parallel original text, he constructs a substantial
expositional apparatus, characterized by meticulous documentation as well as the
sensibility and acuteness of his interpretation. In his rich and detailed
introduction, Annunziata does not confine himself to presenting the work in the
context of its genre, but places it at the center of a wide-ranging account that
spans centuries, historical seasons, ideological and cultural perspectives, and so
brings his account down to the present, touching on topics and themes that in

3
many cases are ground-breaking. In this account Annunziata brings out with
particular subtlety the dialectical and vital role of the merveilleux as compared to
the rationalistic requirements of verisimilitude and dramatic coherence that left
their imprint on the genre of tragédie en musique ever since its foundation, in its
ambivalent relationship, of integration and opposition, with the contemporary
French theater.
Following the translation, a note on the staging and the reception of the opera
expands into a highly useful catalogue of works and ballets – or at least
compositions of a theatrical nature – on the subject of Armida, comprising
about a hundred titles arranged chronologically and accompanied by a brief
commentary. It ranges from the many seventeenth-century Italian antecedents
(the music of which is unfortunately often lost) by Francesca Caccini (1623)
Monteverdi (1627), Ferrari (1639) and Marazzoli (1641 and 1642), to
Pallavicino’s opera (1687) staged in Venice a year after Lully and Quinault’s
Armide, the treatments of the subject by Philippe d'Orléans (1704), then Handel
(1707 and 1711), Vivaldi (1718), Desmarets (1722 ), Jommelli (1746 and 1770),
Sarti (1759 and 1786), Rodolphe with Noverre (1760), Traetta with Durazzo and
Migliavacca (1761), Salieri (1771), Sacchini (1772, 1780 and 1783), Cimarosa
(1777), Gluck (1777), Cherubini (1782), Haydn (1784) and Zingarelli (1786), and
so down to Rossini (1817), and then again Dvořák (1904), to finally branch out
into the playhouse with Jean Cocteau (1943) and the cinema with Jean-Luc
Godard (1987).
Following out the thread of its countless mutations, transformations and
transmigrations through four centuries, the story of love, magic, war, religious
and cultural conflict, with the Muslim sorceress Armida and the Christian knight
Rinaldo as the protagonists, is thus confirmed as one of the most vital and

4
significant subjects in the history of musical theater – and not musical theater
alone – in the West.

Cesare Fertonani

5
 INSIDE THE TEXT

1. Armide: a canonical text

Naturally there are various ways in which a certain theatrical text may help shape
the canon: its role in the definition of a genre, its historical-aesthetic significance,
the time and modes of its reception, its reference to values with which a certain
community or tradition identifies itself, the fact that it is a model worthy of
imitation, and so forth.
Armide, by Jean-Baptiste Lully and Philippe Quinault (first performed in Paris at
the Académie Royale de Musique, Théâtre du Palais Royal, on February 15,
1686), responds more or less to all these criteria. One need only point to two
features of this work to fully justify its inclusion within the canon. The first is
that it is representative of a whole genre of European musical theater that
gradually developed in the late seventeenth century. The second is that Armide
epitomizes, in a complete form, a whole literary and cultural tradition,
represented by the romance and the epic of chivalry, which acquired yet further
manifestations as it became musical theater, which embodied the more
hedonistic and, above all, what was called the merveilleux. Armide is thus both the
embodiment of a dramatic-theatrical development clearly recognizable in the
European tradition and the point of arrival (but also, as we shall see, a starting
point) for a cultural and literary strand peculiar to that same tradition. On the
one hand, then, the work by Philippe Quinault and Jean-Baptiste Lully is the
6
most accomplished fulfilment of tragédie lyrique, and itself belongs to one of the
most important strands in the whole history of the canon (the French theater).
On the other hand, Armide is the point of arrival, but also an offshoot of a very
long experience of reception, reshaping and transmutation of themes common
to the European literary, historical, and cultural heritage. Hardly any other text
can boast a legacy as rich and enduring, practically lasting until the present day.

2. The genre of tragédie lyrique

It will be best to proceed in order. Primarily, Armide is, as we saw above, a text
that embodies and encodes to perfection the genre of tragédie lyrique in the
France of the Grand Siècle of Louis XIV: a genre that was to characterize and
influence almost the whole of the eighteenth century and leave echoes, traces
and a legacy long after the end of the Ancien Régime. It can be said without
hesitation that since France lacked its own domestic tradition in the field of
musical theater until the codification of the genre in question, the tragédie lyrique
comprises, as it were, the very essence of the French style of musical theater. It
is, however, a genre of musical theater that was born, so to speak, in the
laboratory: the fruit of a specific project, in its turn the outcome of a lucid
cultural policy, developed in the age of Louis XIV. This project was also
identified with a specific theatrical and musical institution: the Académie Royale
de Musique.
The Académie Royale de Musique, with its prestige and exalted tradition,
reflected the massive presence that the French monarchy had occupied on the
art scene ever since the Grand Siècle. But even after the end of the Ancien Régime
the Paris Opéra continued to be identified, albeit in its ever-changing
transformations, with the official culture of the country, maintaining a

7
continuous, privileged dialogue with the institutions of the state, and this
remains true of the Opéra even in the present, when its role is still to represent
the cultural and artistic weight of these institutions.1 In this respect the genre is
identified with the institution, and the institution with a precise cultural project
which in turn issues ultimately from the state.
In 1669 the Académie Royale de Musique et Danse,2 later the Académie Royale
de Musique, was founded at the behest of the Sun King: namely, by the effect
of royal privilege, granted in 1669 to Pierre Perrin (1620-1675) and Michel
Lambert (1610-1696).3 At that time the Académie Royale de Musique was a
fundamental element in the cultural policy of the age of Louis XIV, perfectly
embedded in the activity by which the monarchy constructed its representation
of power, through a continuous and highly articulated interplay of self-
celebration, citations, allusions and confirmations.4 From this perspective, it
seems reductive to relate the institution of the Académie Royale to the broader
phenomenon of academicism: but without underestimating the relationship
between the phenomenon of the Academies (both literary and scientific) and
the privilege granted in 1669 to Perrin and Lambert, the establishment of the
Académie Royale de Musique responded to a broader, or rather different,
design, apparent in a few other similar initiatives.5 It was not, in fact, just a
matter of recognizing or establishing a meeting place that would also promote

1
" See" R." Berenson," The$ Operatic$ State.$ Cultural$ Policy$ and$ the$ Opera$ House," London/New"
York,"Routledge,"2002"and,"ivi,"chapters"2"and"3,"specifically"devoted"to"the"French"case.""
2
"Still"today,"the"official"name"of"the"Opéra"in"Paris"is"Académie"nationale"de"musique.""
3
" See" on" this" topic," D." Blocker," Instituer$ un$ “art”.$ Politiques$ du$ théâtre$ dans$ la$ France$ du$
premier$ XVIIe$ siècle," Paris," Champion," 2009," pp." 333" and" f.;" F.W.J." Hemmings," Theatre$ and$
State$in$France.$1760H1905,"Cambridge,"Cambridge"University"Press,"1994","pp."6"and"f.""
4
"The"first"reference"is"obligatory"to"the"classic"text"by"R."Isherwood," Music$in$the$Service$of$
the$King:$France$in$the$Seventeenth$Century,$Ithaca/London,"Cornell"University"Press,"1973."
5
"A"case"in"some"ways"analogous,"but"to"be"treated"with"great"caution,"may"be"the"Académie"
française:"See"H."Carrère"d’Encausse," Des$siècles$d’immortalité.$L’Académie$francaise,$1635H
...,"Paris,"Fayard,"2011."
8
cultural or scientific ends, but of founding a true institution that, through its
activities, would position itself as the pivot of the great cultural project of the
Grand Siècle and Louis XIV’s absolutism. In order to perform its function, the
institution required the profiles of artistic creation to be seamless integrated
with the mechanisms for the production and distribution of its products, as well
as the public’s access to them, meaning the rules by which it operated internally
and externally, relating, in the latter case, to other cultural institutions and, more
generally, with the milieu in which it operated (in this respect, the “sociological”
dimension of the phenomenon cannot be ignored).
Attaining this goal called for someone who could juggle the many requirements
and demands that inevitably permeated a project of such breadth: a person not
only capable of securing the king’s full support but of developing a cultural-
artistic discourse that would be programmatically superlative, and yet who
would be more than just an artist-courtier, or able impresario of the kind the
courts of Europe were swarming with in the period. It was also necessary to
promote a product that would be equal to the artistic project of magnificence,
splendor and refinement peculiar to the cultural policy of the French monarchy
in the seventeenth century.
The foundation of the Académie Royale de Musique sought from the very
beginning to respond to these complex demands. But Perrin and Lambert were
not capable of realizing such an ambitious project, and they were also victims of
the theater’s disastrous financial management. The upshot was that they soon
(in 1672) left the field to Jean-Baptiste Lully, an Italian, a native of Florence,
who had been taken while still young to Paris. He first attracted notice in court
circles for his skills as a dancer, and rapidly rose to the top of the musical life of
the Kingdom of France. In 1653 Lully was appointed Compositeur de la musique

9
instrumentale, making him the musician of reference at the Court of the Sun
King.
It was with Lully that the Académie definitely took shape, embodying an
institution, a new kind of musical theater and the broader cultural project
underlying both: the tragédie en musique or tragédie lyrique.6 The unique event of the
birth of French opera was both the premise for the historical evolution of a
great cultural and musical institution and the birth of a genre of theater and
music that would always be identified with the institution. In this respect, the
history of musical theater in France differs greatly from its development in
Italy, for instance, where there was no one-to-one correspondence of the kind
found in Paris between the evolution of the genre and a specific theater or
institution, although, also in Italy, opera was born in the early seventeenth
century from the stimulus of the intellectual project promoted by Florentine
intellectuals.
In the years when Lully was active, from 1672 until his death in 1687, the
Académie forged the building blocks of French tragédie lyrique, of which Armide,
the composer’s last work, was, so to speak, the final codification.
With the privilége royal, the Académie received the monopoly of musical theater
in France, reserved exclusively (although not without constant opposition and
difficulty) to the premises of the Opéra: the definition of the stylistic features of
tragédie lyrique this unfolded in a reserved, protected zone, which ensured its
consolidation, protected from the competition of secondary theaters and
circuits. At the same time, the monopoly affected the development of other
genres, forced to move in the narrow spaces left free by the repertoire reserved
for the Académie Royale. The energy with which Lully and his successors

6
"For"the"origins"of"the"two"terms,"and"a"comparison"between"them,"see"C."Kintzler"Poétique$
de$l’opéra$français$de$Corneille$à$Rousseau,"Paris,"Minerve,"1991,"pp."50"and"f.""
10
would attempt to defend the privileges of the Opéra therefore had a clear
impact on the minor theaters, in particular those of the Foire, on the
development of parodies of the grand tragédies, and on the birth and
development of the opéra comique: in short, the whole musical and theatrical
scene,7 laying the foundations for solutions that were to characterize the French
model at least until the end of the nineteenth century, and perhaps beyond. The
artists who worked outside the Académie (in the Foires and other Parisian
theaters, as well as the provinces) developed, not without difficulty, a certain
original language, though often with reciprocal influences, as compared to the
“official” operatic language, and it was only after Lully’s death that their
production could gradually emerge from the restricted areas of circulation to
which they had been confined,8 so giving rise to new and clearly recognizable
genres.
At the risk of some simplification,9 it can be said that the characteristic features
of tragédie lyrique developed out of the French classical theater (meaning the
great repertoire of French seventeenth-century tragedy), in its turn the outcome
of the great cultural project of the Grand Siècle. Tragédie lyrique diverged from the
tradition of classical theater (Racine and Corneille, for instance) in order to
combine its qualifying elements with the need to perform a musical drama, to
the point where it almost became an inverted double of the classical theater.

7
" Giovanni" Morelli," in" Il$ morbo$ di$ Rameau.$ La$ nascita$ della$ critica$ musicale," Bologna," Il"
Mulino,"1989,"p."18,"describes"the"situation"of"the"Foire$as"follows:"“A"musical"theater"always"
subjected" to" restrictions," hampered," by" sudden" and" necessary" changes" of" style," resulting"
from" the" imposition" of" various" royal" decrees" which" from" time" to" time" protected" the"
Académie"Royale"de"Musique,"or"the"Comédie,"or"the"Théâtre/Italien,"compelling"the"Foire,"
to"be"invariably"a" theater$without."Without"songs."Without"mimes."Without"music."Without"
recitative."Without"recitation"(meaning"mute)."Without"this."Without"that.”""
8
"An"example"of"this"is"the"career"of"Marc/Antoine"Charpentier"(1634/1704),"who"succeeded"
in"carving"out"a"significant"space"for"himself"on"the"musical"scene"only"after"Lully’s"death.""
9
"The"identification"of"the"precise"formative"factors"in" tragédie$lyrique"or,"to"use"its"original"
name,"“tragédie$en$musique,”"is"still"the"object"of"discussion.""
11
The history of the emergence of the genre, which tends to be interpreted as
opposed to that of the French classical theater, shows the resistance
encountered by the reception of the genre of musical theater into the category
of high culture in late seventeenth-century France.
The deep bond that tragédie lyrique retained with the tradition of French classical
theater, a bond that, as Catherine Kintzler has shown, is of
10
integration/opposition, stems typically from the predominance of the text,
and therefore of recitative.11 This centrality derives, in turn, from the
importance of déclamation in classical theater, of which musical writing, in the
context of tragédie lyrique, was the “natural” evolution.
The recitative of Lully’s tragédies lyriques, in which, as already mentioned, gender
is fully coded, was the very pivot of this style. It is recitative with typically
declamatory traits, tending towards a melodic structure, with subtle rhythmic
and metrical changes, modulated (in order to follow the structure of the
libretto) in free verse (vers libres), rather than in the form of the wonderful
alexandrine verse typical of French classical theater.12 The overall effect, as has
been noted, is “close to speech, but not speech.”13 The overall effect is to
convey, as a priority, the meaning of the text and with it the action, except at the
times when the tension is eased, entrusted to the divertissements. But even in the

"
10
"C."Kintzler," JeanHPhilippe$Rameau.$Splendeur$et$naufrage$de$l’esthétique$du$plaisir$à$l’age$
classique,"Paris,"Minerve,"20113,"pp."13"and"f.""
11
"On"the"importance"of"the"text"in" tragédie$en$musique"an"essential"reference"(though"now"
somewhat"dated)"is"C."Girdlestone," La$Tragédie$en$musique$(1673H1750)$considérée$comme$
genre$littérarie,$Geneva"/"Paris,"Droz,"1972."
12
"See"on"this"topic"L."Rosow," Structure$and$Expression$on$the$Scènes$of$Rameau’s$Hippolyte$
et$Aricie,"“Cambridge"Opera"Journal,”"X"(1998),"3,"pp."259/273,"here"p."259,"who"notes"that"
this"circumstance"makes"the"libretto"supple"and"adaptable"to"various"musical"forms."Rosow’s"
observations,"though"referring"to"the"libretto"of" Hippolyte$et$Aricie,"can"be"given"a"broader"
application.""
13
" C." Verba," Dramatic$ Expression$ in$ Rameau’s$ “Tragédie$ Musique”:$ Between$ Tradition$ and$
Enlightenment,"Cambridge,"Cambridge"University"Press,"2013,"p."17.""
12
most musical abandonment, the work must strive to “speak”: French opera,
which began as a rib from spoken theater, “devait parler, parler sans cesse; tout
moment du spectacle lyrique, qu’il fût chant, récitatif ou symphonie, devait être
perçu comme signifiant, et pas seulement de façon vague ou métaphorique:
signifiant parce que précisément porteur des propriétés de la langue articulée, y
compris de ses propriétés matérielles.”14
In Lully’s style, the arias, fully embedded in the fabric of the recitative, and
therefore sometimes not even recognizable at first glance as such, meet these
requirements perfectly. They are brief arias, their structure is not complex, and
they almost always occur as a natural development of the recitative that
precedes them, at the same time fulfilling the typical function of bringing out
the particular sentiments of the characters or conveying sentiments or ideas that
emerge in the context of the dramatic development. They may occur either in
isolation or as part of dialogic recitatives, but in either case, at least in intention,
they do not interrupt the narrative or the action, as seems to be characteristic of
Italian opera seria of a typically Metastasian kind. The continuity between
recitative and aria is a distinguishing and typical feature of the structure of
tragédie lyrique: the two components maintain a strong stylistic unity. The libretto
favors this structure by providing rhythmic patterns capable of being adapted to
either recitative or aria. Generally it avoids interrupting the narrative with arias
that are excessively long, with the sole, limited exception of the more elaborate
monologue arias, often placed at the opening of the single acts. The flow of
recitative and short arias, which unfolds almost seamlessly, is interrupted by the
presence of the divertissements, during which the librettos leave more room for
music, and above all for elaborate stage effects as well as ballet.

14
"Kintzler,"JeanHPhilippe$Rameau,"cit.,"p."86."
13
The divertissements were one of the two major points of divergence from the style
of the classical theater, which made tragédie lyrique for many years a genre
considered “impure” by the guardians of tradition.15 The function of the
divertissement was, admittedly, to interrupt the course of the drama, and its
tension, by allowing for moments that tended towards pure hedonism. And it is
in the divertissements that gods, sorcerers or broadly allegorical figures often
reappear in their mutable representations (though also present in the central
body, so to speak, of the narrative structure), and supernatural or magical
events also occur at these points, when the gates are thrown open to the
merveilleux.16 The intervention of elements of the merveilleux is bound up with
various situations, but on the whole can be traced back to schemes that tend to
be repeated: dream scenes, the intervention of terrible monsters or creatures,
often in opposition to a hero or a leading character, furies, magical,
mythological creatures, or phantoms, in many cases associated with contacts
with the afterlife. The merveilleux may also occur in connection with pastoral
scenes, funeral rites, weddings and festivities in general.17
The merveilleux entered into the structure of the tragédie lyrique essentially by
virtue of the bond that it retained with the tradition of spectacle and
entertainments at court: the ballet de cour, typically, but also comédie ballet or
pastorale.18 This element, however, marks the divergence of tragédie lyrique from

15
"The"reference"is"inevitably"to"Boileau," L’Art$poétique"(1674)"and"the" Querelle$des$Anciens$
et$modernes."
16
" For" a" detailed" analysis" of" the" category" of" the" “merveilleux”" see" M./F." Christout," Le$
merveilleux$et$le$théâtre$du$silence,"La"Haye"/"Paris,"Editions"Mouton,"1965,"passim."
17
" See" L." Naudeix," Le$ merveilleux$ dans$ la$ structure$ de$ l’opéra$ français," in" A." Terrier" /" A."
Dratwicki" (ed.),$ Le$ surnaturel$ sur$ la$ scène$ lurique$ du$ merveilleux$ baroque$ au$ fantastique$
romantique,"Lyon,"Symétrie,"2012,"pp."67/75."
18
"For"an"attempt"to"reconstruct"the"broader"role"of"the"supernatural"and"the"imaginary"in"
the"eighteenth/century"European"opera"repertoire"see"D.J."Buch," Magic$Flutes$&$Enchanted$
Forests.$ The$ Supernatural$ in$ EighteenthHCentury$ Musical$ Theatre," Chicago," Chicago"
University"Press,"2008,"passim."
14
the tradition of French classical theater, whose rules it apparently infringes,
because of course it introduced elements opposed to the rule of verisimilitude
into the narrative. It has, however, long been observed that tragédie lyrique, even
when it addressed the issue of the merveilleux, had its own precise inner rules of
verisimilitude, which relate its basic patterns of functioning to canons not
unlike those of Racinian or Corneillian tragedy, although in a certain sense
projected in a different direction: hence as a double of the rules of classical
tragedy, but in some respects inverted.
The tragédie lyrique is, as Catherine Kintzler has shown, perhaps one of the most
important moments of embodiment in an artistic product of the assumptions
derived from Cartesian philosophy and the aesthetic that it gave rise to, in
keeping with a trend that connotes the whole historical parabola of the genre,
from its first affirmation until its alleged “shipwreck” (symbolically identifiable,
though clearly with a major simplification, with the death of Jean-Philippe
Rameau in 1764). It was an aesthetic based on what C. Kintzler terms the
“axiome intellectualiste de la connaissance” and the “fonction de l’illusion
comme artifice révélateur de la vérité.” Tragédie lyrique was founded, as we have
already said, both as a double and as the opposite of dramatic tragedy, to
transport its canons into the “théatre des enchantements”:19 an enchantement that,

C." KIintzler," JeanHPhilippe$ Rameau," cit.," pp." 13" and" f.," according" to" whom" the" aesthetic"
concept"""underlying"the"creation"and"development"of"tragédie$lyrique"“renvoie"à"la"présence"
d’une"conception"du"monde,"de"l’homme"et"de"l’art"qu’il"faut"bien"se"résoudre"à"nommer:"la"
philosophie" de" Descartes." La" thèse" est" donc" que" le" cartésianisme" esthétique" existe," et" que"
l’une"de"ses"figures"les"plus"exemplaires"fut"Jean/Philippe"Rameau”."Sempre"secondo"Kintzler"
“le"cartésianisme"esthétique"existe,"et"précisément"sous"la"forme"d’une"théorie"du"plaisir."Il"
donne"accès"au"jardin"à"la"française,"lieu"général"et"géometrique"dans"lequel"prennent"place"
les"arts"de"l’âge"classique."L’image"du"jardin"français"n’est"pas"prise"ici"dans"sa"banalité"froide"
et"desséchée;"elle"se"veut"très"précise."Au/delà"d’une"façon"de"comprendre"les"phénomènes"
du"monde,"elle"exprime"une"esthétique"paradoxale"qui"oppose"la"réalité"à"la"vérité"et"qui,"par"
la"maîtrise"de"l’illusion,"fait"de"l’artifice"le"révélateur"de"la"nature."Cette"esthétique"eut"pour"
pièces"maîtresses"et"symétriques"deux"formes"de"tragédie:"la"tragédie"dramatique"à"modèle"
15
however, was always presented ultimately as a cognitive instrument of nature.
Seen in this perspective, the role of the apparently hedonistic component of
the merveilleux becomes much more complex, as is demonstrated by the more
recent and sophisticated readings of relevant texts of the tradition (see, for
instance, Rameau’s Castor et Pollux).20
The typical structure of opera in its canonical form envisaged a prologue
(whose function is primarily to celebrate the king, but which sometimes, on a
closer reading, conveys far deeper meanings21) and five acts. Tragédie lyrique,
canonized in this form by Lully, retained this structure until 1749, when Jean-
Philippe Rameau deviated from it with his Zoroastre, which omitted the
prologue.
In terms of the sociology of spectacle, tragédie lyrique aimed to satisfy the taste of
a sophisticated and aristocratic public,22 which clearly cherished the high literary
values of the classical theater of the seventeenth century, but was not averse to
more hedonistic tendencies, conveyed by a theatrical form in which tension and

cornélien" et" racinien" et" la" tragédie" lyrique" inaugurée" par" Lully" mais" qui" fut" portée" à" sa"
perfection"par"Rameau"et"dont"Les"Boréades"est"le"dernier"exemplaire,"bouquet"final"du"feu"
d’artifice”." The" author’s" opinion" that" Les$ Boréades" marked" the" end" of" the" tradition" of"
tragédie$lyrique" is"not,"in"my"view,"accurate"(since"the"genre"actually"continued,"and"there"
are"examples"and"strong"echoes"of"it"in"the"following"years),"yet"there"is"no"doubt"that"what"
Catherine" Kintzler" writes" is" the" clearest" and" most" comprehensive" vision" of" the" aesthetic"
canon" that" presided" over" and" governed" the" whole" machinery" supporting" the" tradition"
inaugurated" by" Lully," whose" legacy" was" collected" and" developed" to" the" full" by" Rameau."
Hence"aesthetic"artifice"is"the"true"key"to"the"genre."
20
"See"the"essays"collected"in"AA.VV," Castor$et$Pollux.$Rameau$JeanHPhilippe,$ “L’Avant/Scène"
Opéra,”"209"(2002)."
21
"See,"in"particular,"A."Th."Downing," Aesthetics$of$Opera$in$the$Ancien$Régime,$1647H1785,"
Cambridge," Cambridge" University" Press," 2002," and," ivi," the" pages" on" the" prologues" to" the"
tragédies$lyriques."
22
" On" the" situation" of" audiences" in" the" eighteenth/century" French" theater," see" the" classic"
work" by" J." Lough," Paris$ Theatre$ Audiences$ in$ the$ Seventeenth$ and$ Eighteenth$ Centuries,"
London," OUP," 1957," especiallly" pp." 227" and" f." More" recently" see" J.S." Ravel," The$ Contested$
Parterre.$ Public$ Theatre$ and$ French$ Political$ Culture$ (1680H1791)," Ithaca/London," Cornell"
University"Press,"1999"especially"pp."99"and"f."
16
relaxation, drama and divertissement, both found a place. The fact that tragédie
lyrique is a hybrid and complex form, resulting from a combination of several
elements derived from tradition, immediately made it an unstable genre,
constantly seeking to strike a balance between the dramatic component and the
more hedonistic one. For Lully and Quinault, however, the solution to the
dilemma continued to be conditioned by the centrality of the text and the
libretto. Subsequent authors would have to seek to identify new and more
unstable equilibriums.

3. Quinault-Lully and their impact

Jean-Baptiste Lully’s output in the genre of tragédie lyrique comprises thirteen

complete works: Cadmus et Hermione (1673); Alceste (1674); Thésée (1675); Atys
(1676); Isis (1677); Psyché (1678); Bellérophon (1679); Proserpine (1680); Persée
(1682); Phaëton (1683); Amadis (1684); Roland (1685), and Armide (1686). Lully’s
last work, Achille et Polyxene (1687), was left unfinished and was completed by
Pascal Collasse after the composer's death.
Of the thirteen titles that make up Lully’s output in this specific genre, twelve
are settings of a libretto by Philippe Quinault; Bellérophon was the only exception
to this enduring partnership.
In a production that spanned some thirteen years,23 the final canonization of
the genre, however, came with Armide. Perhaps because this was the last opera

23
" The" coincidence" between" the" number" of" tragédies$ lyriques" and" the" duration" of" the"
collaboration" between" Lully" and" Quinault" is" not" accidental," because" the" same" Lettres$
patentes"granted"by"the"king"to"the$Académie"and"Lully"involved"the"obligation"to"perform"at"
least"one"new"work"by"Lully"each"year."See."on"this"subject,"most"recently,"S."Serre," L’Opéra$
17
composed by Lully, or because in this work, even more clearly than the
previous ones, the characteristic features of the genre appear: the fact is that it
was Armide that future generations would look to in investigating the aesthetic
canons and principal structures of tragédie lyrique, and it is on this work that
almost all the philosophical and aesthetic disputes of the following years were
centered, until the final change in taste, and the advent of a new sensibility in
the twilight of the Ancien Régime.
The impact of Armide and in general the whole repertoire of tragédie lyrique can
be read, first of all, by starting from a typically historical perspective, hence by
investigating the evolution of the genre in the period after the death of Lully
himself. In this respect, the metamorphosis of the genre can be reconstructed
on the basis of a periodization that – again not without some simplification –
can be identified as follows: a first phase (1687-1733) goes from Lully’s death to
the arrival on the scene of Jean-Philippe Rameau’s Académie Royale de
Musique. A second period (1733-1764) is characterized by the absolutely
predominance of Rameau on the stage of the Opéra, and ended with his death
in 1764. A third period goes from the death of Rameau until the arrival of
Gluck in Paris (1774), hence until the first performance of Iphigénie en Aulis at
the Académie Royale. The fourth period extends from the arrival of Gluck to
the affirmation on the stage of the Opéra of a new, clearly identifiable genre
(Grand Opéra, in about 1820), which was to permanently supplant (at least in the
stated intentions, though the subterranean phenomena were far more complex)
the old genre.

de$Paris$(1749H1790).$Politique$culturelle$au$temps$des$Lumières,"Paris,"CNRS,"2011,"pp."10"
and"f."
18
4. After Lully ... and before Rameau

In the period following Lully’s death (1687) and until the advent of Rameau in
the field of opera (1733), the tragédie lyrique evolved with the work of the so-
called “pré-ramistes”: a highly articulated group of authors who, although not
perfectly convergent in their approaches, developed the genre by seeking, on
the one hand, to disengage themselves progressively from Lully’s operatic
language (inevitably perceived, with the lapse of time, as gradually becoming
obsolete) and, secondly, to meet the new public taste, firstly that of the Régence
and subsequently that of the initial phase of the long, extraordinary reign of
Louis XV. The development of new genres, which were gradually eroding the
space already occupied by tragédie lyrique (opéra- ballet, ballet-opéra, ballet, ballet
lyrique, ballet héroïque, etc.) in general marked a period that witnessed a
progressive widening of the space reserved for the divertissements and component
of the merveilleux in the texts of “tragedy for music.”24 The context was of a
general regression of the old genre in the preferences of the public, given that –
especially in the years of the Regency – the public favor was turning towards
ballet, opéra-ballet, pastorals and cantatas.25
Here it is impossible to give a detailed account of the evolution of the various
forces at work in the period under review, since this was a phase characterized
by multiple authors, each deserving of special attention, but without there being
a truly dominant figure as there had been in the ages of Lully, Rameau and
Gluck. However the whole production of this period still awaits a thorough and
structured historiographical, musicological and aesthetic analysis, although in

24
"See"D.J."BUCH,"Magic$Flutes$&$Enchanted$Forests,"cit."especially"pp."49"and"f."
25
"M."Barthélemy,"Métamorphoses$de$l’opéra$français$au$siècle$des$Lumières,"Paris,"Actes"du"
Sud,"1990,"pp."70"and"f."
19
recent times there has been a gradual rediscovery of at least some areas of this
repertoire, as well as studies, some very rich, of specific composers.
Limiting the field to notably significant authors, who brought tragédies lyriques
onto the stage at the Académie Royale de Musique in the years preceding the
advent of Rameau, we can mention Marc Antoine Charpentier (1643-1704),
André Campra (1660-1774), Michel de Montéclair (1667-1737), André Cardinal
Destouches (1672-1749), Jean-Joseph Mouret (1682-1738), Marin Marais (1656-
1728), Henry Desmarest (1661-1741), Michel Pignolet de Montéclair (1667-
1737), Pascal Collasse (1649-1709), François Rebel (1701-1775), François
Francoeur (1698-1787) and Joseph Nicolas Pancrace Royer (1705-1755).
The evolution of taste seems to have characterized the genre of tragédie lyrique,
to the advantage of a public (that of the Régence) which was certainly more
inclined to appreciate the purely hedonistic element in musical theater than
Lully’s audiences. The expansion of the element of the merveilleux and the more
distinctly hedonistic element naturally did not fail to again arouse the misgivings
of critics of the genre of tragédie lyrique, and constituted a tangible phenomenon,
evident in the increasing number of scenes which – in works composed in the
period from 1687 until the advent of Rameau’s Académie Royale de Musique –
that included supernatural elements, as well as in the increase in the number of
ballets in the body of individual works.26 There were frequently severe but
unavailing criticisms by some theorists active in the first half of the eighteenth
century, who believed they were witnessing a veritable degeneration of the
genre, primarily due to the weakening of the dramatic significance of the text

26
"For"a"particularly"instructive"summary"table"comparing"the"dance"scenes"contained"in"in"
Lully’s"Amadis"(1684),"Campra’s"Tancrède"(1702)"and"Rameau’s"Dardanusi"(edit."1744),"see"J."
Anthony," French$Baroque$Musique:$From$Beaujoyeulx$to$Rameau,"London,"Basford,"1974,"p."
124.""
20
and, in general, of opera (though the critical front, as recent research has
shown, was less compact than was previously believed27).
Another element of progressive innovation, typical of the préramistes, was to
reserve increasing space for the arias, ariettes, orchestral pieces, ballets and
dancing in general, in a style that also differed from the dancing in Lully, often
under the growing influence of the Italian style.

5. Jean-Philippe Rameau

The arrival on the stage of the Académie Royale of Jean-Philippe Rameau’s

Hippolyte et Aricie (1733) in any case marked a break,28 because it revealed the
affirmation, in the panorama of eighteenth-century French opera, of a new
major figure, one capable of rivaling the founder of the genre in the collective
imagination.
Hippolyte et Aricie, staged at the Académie royale on 1 October 1733, caused a
true aesthetic shock. Rameau's music was innovative: its rich harmonic texture, the
tendency of the musical fabric to diverge from the words, the development of
the orchestral part and the use of modulations with a dramatic and expressive
function were all very different from the traditional model handed down by
Lully, though Rameau capitalized on the experience of the composers active on
the stage of the Opéra immediately before his debut. The music of Hippolyte et

27
" D.J." Buch," in" Magic$ Flutes$ and$ Enchanted$ Forests," cit.," p." xvi," however" warns" against"
generalizations,"pointing"out"that"the"panorama"was"more"varied,"and"that"“the"music"of"the"
Enlightenment"even"developed"a"distinct"imaginary"for"the"supernatural.”""
28
" Dill" significantly" uses" the" metaphor" of" the" “monstrosity”" of" Rameau’s" production"
compared"to"Lully’s"model."See"Ch."Dill," Monstrous$Opera:$Rameau$and$the$Tragic$Tradition,"
Princeton," Princeton" University" Press," 1998." On" the" more" strictly" aesthetic" reasons," see" C."
Kintzler,"JeanHPhilippe$Rameau,"cit.,"especially"pp."80"and"f."
21
Aricie was regarded by most of the audience as too difficult. Controversy broke
out with Ramists pitted against Lullists, defenders of tradition against
progressives. But in the end it was the explosive force of his first, magnificent
tragédie lyrique that brought Rameau definitive celebrity. Already in his first
tragédie Rameau sought a new balance between the elements of the genre, in an
attempt to develop both the traditional model and that proposed by the
majority of préramistes. Rameau’s problem, which he had to struggle with
throughout his whole theatrical career, lay precisely in finding a meeting point
between the genre codified by Lully and a new style, capable of following the
changing tastes of the public, yet dramatically effective: a problem that would
drive him to engage in a continuous revision of his work, subjecting it to
sometimes radical adaptations and alterations.
Yet another dispute which broke out in 1752 made him the focus of the so-
called Querelle des Bouffons, which pitted the supporters of the French style and
music against those of Italian music. By the supporters of the Italian style,
Rameau would be attacked as the conservative guardian of a now outworn
French tradition. The proponents of the French style identified him instead as
their tutelary deity, the great guardian of the national tradition. In the debate,
the aesthetic judgment of Lully's Armide became a battleground between
opposing views and differing sensibilities. Hippolyte et Aricie was followed by
Castor et Pollux (1737), Dardanus (1739) and Zoroastre (1749), all presented in an
initial version subsequently subjected to revisions, often so extensive that they
became independent works. Even Voltaire made contact with Rameau, and the
pair tried to work together on a tragédie lyrique (on a biblical subject, titled
Samson, c. 1735) but the project foundered amid disagreements and
misunderstandings.

22
 In the years that followed Hippolyte et Aricie, the style of the tragédie lyrique
underwent profound changes of style and aesthetic in Rameau’s hands, not
immune, moreover, to influences from Italian style. His frequentation of
Masonic circles also formed the backdrop to and colored many of the themes
of his later works.29 Rameau’s last tragédie lyrique (Abaris ou Les Boréades, 1763)
was not staged, for reasons that remain unclear, and remained in oblivion until
the 1970s. It is, however, a surprising opera, a true link to the future,
foreshadowing a number of the stylistic and aesthetic innovations that were to
follow, up to and beyond Gluck. Moreover, until Gluck arrived in Paris (1774),
Rameau would continue, even after his death, to be the composer most
frequently performed on the stage of the Académie Royale de Musique. Yet
even before the Revolution, Rameau would fall into oblivion (Castor et Pollux
was staged, for the last time, in 178430). The aristocratic and elitist style that he
embodied and had inherited from Lully, at one with his baggage of Cartesian
aesthetics, no longer possessed legitimacy.

29
"Rameau,"however,"did"not"limit"himself"to"the"supremely"noble"genre"of" tragédie$lyrique:"
his"production"was"also"broad"in"different"areas,"in"which"he"often"attained"absolute"heights,"
as"in" Les$Indes$Galantes$ (1735),"or" Naïs,"a" pastorale$héroique"perromed"at"the"Peace"of"Aix/
la/Chapelle"(1749)."And"finally,"Rameau"also"knew"better"than"to"take"himself"too"seriously,"
and"could"parody"himself,"as"in"the"astonishing" Platée"(a" balletHbouffon$ in"three"acts"and"a"
prologue," 1745)," and" Les$ Paladins" (1760)," in" which" the" composer," a" few" years" before" his"
death,"cast"an"ironic"and"disenchanted"gaze"at"the"same"noble"genre"of" tragédie$lyrique"that"
he"had"come"to"embody."
30
" See" S." Pitou," The$ Paris$ Opéra.$ An$ Encyclopedia$ of$ Operas,$ Ballets,$ Composers$ and$
Performers,"Vol."II:" Rococo$and$Romantic,$1715H1815,"Westport,"Greenwood"Press,"1985,"pp."
98"and"f."The"text"by"Gentil/Bernard,"written"for"Rameau"in"1737,"was"taken"repeated"in"a"later"
period."A"first"time"in"1791,"with"music"by"M."Candeille:"the"opera"was"a"great"success"and"was"
performed" 120" times." In" 1806," the" composer" Pierre" de" Winter" and" the" librettist" Morel" de"
Chédeville"revised"the"original"text"of"the"libretto"by"Gentil/Bernard,"and"staged"a"new"version"
of" the" story" (August" 19," 1806)." After" an" initial" warm" welcome," the" work" closed" after" the"
thirteenth"performance,"November"30,"1806."
"
23
6. The nineteenth century and tragédie lyrique

In the nineteenth century, the official rediscovery of the repertoire of tragédie

lyrique would only happen rather belatedly. The emergence of the sensibilities
typical of the age of romantisme left no room for the aesthetics of the old genre.
In a recent study, David Gibbons has, however, shown that, after the bitter
defeat of Sedan (1870), France embarked on a journey of rediscovery of the
national identity, deeply wounded by the events of the Franco-Prussian war,
characterized by the rediscovery of the cultural “glories” of the past. This
phenomenon, which touched on many areas of artistic and, in general, cultural
production, also affected musical theater and led to the rediscovery of Rameau,
together with other artists, most notably the “French” Gluck, and the gradual
revival of his works.
In referring the reader to the study by Gibbons, for a more extensive and
detailed analysis of what he terms the “resurrection” of the two composers, the
phase leading to the rediscovery of Rameau’s music passed through a complex
set of phenomena, each of which deserves a fuller discussion.
Firstly, there was the gradual restoration of Rameau’s dramatic repertoire in the
context of the activities of the Société des Concerts du Conservatoire. These
were initiatives that first emerged – except for some rare earlier performances –
in 1877,31 often fragmentary productions of dubious quality,32 but expressing a
renewed interest in his music and above all his plays.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the decision to proceed with the
publication of Rameau’s Opera Omnia, under the direction of Camille Saint-

31
" For" a" detailed" list" see" W." Gibbons," Building$ the$ Operatic$ Museum.$ EighteenthHCentury$
Opera$in$FinHdeHSiècle$Paris,"New"York,"University"of"Rochester"Press,"2013,"p."150."
32
"Ivi,"pp."151"and"f."
24
 Saëns,33 was a second fundamental factor in the revival of Rameau’s repertoire.
It was not just that it provided the basic material so that his works could be
replicated and begin to circulate again. The Opera Omnia also sought to
legitimate Rameau on the cultural plane as one of the greatest, if not the
greatest, French musician of the eighteenth century. In this respect, the
questionable editorial criteria and the choices made by the authors hardly
mattered. The project involved figures such as Vincent d'Indy, Paul Dukas,
Claude Debussy and Reynaldo Hahn, who in themselves were sufficient to
legitimate the initiative and the process of national glorification which it was
intended to contribute to.
A further stimulus came in the early years of the twentieth century from
scholars’ renewed interest in the Querelle des Bouffons, and its philosophical and
aesthetic implications. Around this reconstruction of the Querelle were
articulated two main areas of investigation: the first was the crucial relationship
between Rameau and Rousseau and the second that between Rameau and
Gluck. The canonization of Rameau and his entry into the Operatic Museum
necessarily entailed taking up a position with regard to his relation to – and
against – Rousseau and Gluck.34 The recent book by William Gibbons shows

33
"See"again" ivi,"pp."152"and"f."The"first"volume"of"the" Opera$Omnia$ appeared"in"1895."The"
publication"continued"until"1914,"and"was"broken"off"with"the"publication"of"a"last"volume"in"
1924."The"Opera$Omnia$was"left"incomplete."
34
" This" is" not" the" place" to" attempt" an" examination," however" partial," of" Gluck’s" drama," of" his"
“reform”"and"its"impact"on"the"scene"of"French"opera."Nor"is"it"compatible"with"the"limitations"
of" this" study" to" provide" an" illustration" of" how" Gluck’s" achievement" has" been" interpreted" by"
historical"and"musicological"studies"to"this"day,"even"if"one"were"to"limit"oneself"to"dealing"with"
the"relations"between"Gluck"and"the"French"tradition."Despite"the"limits"I"have"set"myself,"I"feel"
it"is"still"possible"to"point"out"that"the"reconstruction"of"the"relationship"between"late"Rameau"
and" Gluck" might" lend" itself" to" conflicting" assessments." Two" facts," representative" of" broader"
phenomena,"which"I"have"sought"to"elicit"in"this"work,"are"separated"by"a"period"of"ten"years:"
the" death" of" Rameau" (1764)" and" the" first" performance," at" the$ Académie" royale," of" Gluck's"
Iphigénie"(1774)."Gluck’s"arrival"in"Paris"can"be"seen"as"marking"a"break,"or"as"a"more"complex"
phenomenon."The"evolution"of"the"style"of"French" tragédie$lyrique,"of"which" Les$Boréades"is"a"
25
 how the approach to these two questions by critics and scholars of the time
appears representative of a different interpretation of the historical-
musicological issues. In particular, the crucial point of the relationship between
Rameau and Gluck becomes became the pivot on which to construct a full
French musical identity. For the opponents of Gluck, Rameau stood for the

significant" example," and" the" arrival" of" Gluck" are" actually" phenomena" that" do" not" lend"
themselves"to"a"wholly"unambiguous"interpretation:"rather,"they"are"more"intelligible"if"placed"
in" that" area" astride" the" space" of" experience" and" the" horizon" of" expectation," where" the"
historical"facts"do"not"follow"straight"or"linear"paths."The"image,"handed"down"by"tradition,"of"
Gluck"as"a"profound"reformer"also"of"the"French"repertoire,"has"for"some"time"now"been"partly"
diminished:" Girdlestone" had" already" turned" in" the" opposite" direction," even" advancing" the"
thesis"of"a"Gluck"whose"work"substantially"followed"in"the"wake"(almost"like"an"imitator)"of"the"
modes" of" the" late" Rameau." While" Girdlestone’s" position" may" be" judged" excessive," there" has"
been"an"attempt"to"show"that"many"of"the"ideas"which,"significantly,"gave"rise"to"the"myth"of"
Gluck"as"a"reformer"had"developed"above"all"in"Rameau’s"late"output,"and"more"generally"in"
his" operas" of" the" last" ten" or" fifteen" years" preceding" Gluck's" arrival" in" Paris." Gluck’s" arrival," in"
short,"and"his"reception"by"the"public"cannot"be"explained"except"in"the"light"of"the"fact"that"
the"event"occurred"in"an"environment"and"a"situation"already"prepared"for"the"reception"of"the"
“new.”"A"comparison"between"the"famous"preface"to"Alceste"by"Gluck,"and"the"stylistic"choices"
of" late" Rameau" make" it" possible" to" assess" more" clearly" the" innovative" scope" of" the" changes"
introduced" by" Gluck’s" reform" in" the" context" of" the" French" repertoire." Many" of" the" ideas" put"
forward"by"the"“reform”"had"in"fact"been"to"some"extent"already"anticipated"or"sketched"out"in"
the"“late”"style"of"the"repertoire"of" tragédie$lyrique,"substantially"that"which"established"itself"
from" Zoroastre"on,"and"of"which" Les$Boréades"is"a"poignant"example:"the"overlap,"of"course,"is"
not" perfect," but" fairly" obvious." It" is," therefore," easy" to" identify" the" process" that" led" tragédie$
lyrique" to" evolve" towards" schemes" closer" to" the" solutions" Gluck" theorized" and" applied." The"
points" of" dissent" between" Gluck’s" manifesto" and" the" style" of" the" late" tragédie$ lyrique," as"
embodied"by"Rameau,"and"already"pointed"out"by"Girdlstesone,"were"largely"related"to"the"use"
that"Rameau"made"of"elaborate"melismatic"passages,"seemingly"alien"to"the"style"codified"by"
Gluck."Moreover,"these"were"factors"which,"taken"in"isolation,"failed"to"give"full"consideration"
to"the"aesthetic"and"stylistic"reasons"underpinning"Rameau’s"choices."When"these"reasons"are"
properly"grasped,"the"apparent"distance"even"of"these"factors"from"Gluck’s"theories"is"greatly"
reduced." While" the" devices" used" by" Gluck" are" essentially" aimed" at" ensuring" consistency" and"
dramatic"significance,"he"sought"to"show"how"the"apparent"deviations"from"that"thesis"evident"
in"Rameau’s"repertoire"are"actually"motivated"by"seeking"to"strengthen"the"overall"structure"of"
the" drama:" the" melismatic" passages," in" fact," are" used" by" Rameau" in" order" to" emphasize" or"
reinforce" certain" situations" or" dramatic" nodes." The" complex" harmonic" structure" of" many"
passages"typical"of"Rameau’s"style"opera"reflects"a"highly"articulated"structure,"but"he"tends"to"
use"it"to"support"the"dramatic"situation"and"the"dramatic"expression"reflected"in"the"libretto:"a"
setting," then," that" seeks" to" converge" towards" those" same" goals" that" Gluck" set" up" ten" years"
later."
26
 “true” French tradition, which Gluck had polluted by introducing Germanic
elements, which would then lead to Wagnerism. In an opposing interpretation
(for example that of Saint-Saëns), Rameau anticipated Gluck’s reforms, and
both belong to the great French tradition. The relationship between Rameau
and Rousseau can be seen in two different ways: as opposition, of course, but
Rousseau, because he was opposed to Rameau, may be seen as foreshadowing
Gluck and Berlioz (Masson).35
Finally, the revival of works by Rameau on the stage of the Opéra completed
the process: in 1908 it was the turn of Hippolyte et Aricie, and in 1918, in the
context of the patriotic outbursts following the end of the Great War, of Castor
et Pollux.36
The development that lead to the revaluation of Rameau and his standing in the
Pantheon of the Operatic Museum is interesting, and rich in significance.
Though Félix Clément, in his Histoire de la musique (1885), still declared that “il
ne faut pas espérer qu’on entend jamais à l’Opéra Castor et Pollux, Dardanus o
Zoroastre,”37 within a few years Rameau was the subject of a major operation

35
"So"Masson"wrote"in"“La"Revue"musical”"already"on"July"1912,"p."32,"referring"to"Rousseau:""
in" “La" Revue" musical,”" July" 1912," p." 32," referring" to" Rousseau:" “On" l’accuse" de" n’être" pas"
Français:"qu’on"refuse"donc"le"nom"de"Français"à"tous"ceux"qui"l’ont"suivi"avec"enthousiasmi"
dans"sa"rêverie"aventureuse."Est.ce"bien"comprendre"la"France,"ou"bien"même"l’aimer,"que"de"
prétendre" la" définir" toute" entière" une" fois" pour" toutes…" il" se" sépare" nettement" de" Rameau"
pour"s’orienter"dans"une"direction"toute"autre,"où"il"rencontre"Gluck,"et"où"apparaîtra"Berlioz."
Quoi" qu’on" puisse" penser" de" son" attitude" et" de" ses" tendances," bien" qu’on" ait" le" droit" d’être"
sévère"pour"ses"erreurs,"il"serait"injuste"de"ne"pas"voir"en"lui,"dans"le"domaine"de"la"musique"
comme" dans" beaucoup" d’autres," un" des" plus" féconds" remuneurs" d’idées" qui" aient" jamais"
existé”."
36
" On" the" reception" of" the" two" operas" and" the" different" approaches" that" characterized" the"
restaging"of" Hippolyte$et$Aricie,"first,""and"subsequently" Castor$et$Pollux,"see"again"the"richly"
documented"pages"by"W."Gibbons,"Building$the$Operatic$Museum,"cit.,"pp."190"and"f."
37
"F."Clément,"Histoire$de$la$musique$depuis$les$temps$anciens$jusqu’à$nos$jours,"Paris,"Librairie"
Hachette,"1885.""
27
of cultural recovery, which restored the tragédies lyriques to the stage of the
Opéra.
It is worth mentioning that the style prevalent in the context of fin-de-siècle
France was a far cry from the tradition embodied by Rameau, being polarized
into grand-opéra and the post-Wagnerian style. Why, then, in the process of
selecting national glories, in the construction of the Operatic Museum, did
attention turn to Rameau? Why, for example, not on other composers active on
the musical scene in eighteenth-century France (such as Royer, Rebel-
Francoeur, Mondonville or Mouret, to name only a few, or on later composers
from the end of the eighteenth century)? Why, above all, not on Jean-Baptiste
Lully?
There is no conclusive answer to this question, but some conjectures can be
offered.
First, the choice of Rameau rather than other French eighteenth-century
composers can be explained by virtue of the persistence and prevalence of his
works on the opera stage for an uninterrupted period running from the first
performance of Hippolyte et Aricie (1733) down to the early 1780s. No other
composer, apart from Lully, could boast a curriculum comparable to that of
Rameau. Then no other composer could boast a theoretical standing as high as
Rameau’s. But it is the comparison with Lully that provides some further food
for thought, paying closer attention to the critical-aesthetic evaluation that the
two highest representatives of the great tradition of tragédies lyrique might have
received in late nineteenth-century France. For the construction of a clear
national identity in the dramatic-musical field, Lully might well have served as
an absolute point of reference, as the founder of the very genre with which it
was intended to restore close ties, but his work embodied a style too remote
from the fin-de-siècle sensibility: it could certainly have been staged again, in the

28
late nineteenth century, as the product of an elevated tradition, but it was really
far too antiquated to be reassimilated by audiences accustomed in those years to
the sensibility of grand-opéra or post-Wagnerism.
The evolution that the style of tragédie lyrique underwent in the eighteenth
century, under the impulse of Rameau, and which characterized a period of the
history of French music and theater that lasted almost three decades,
transformed Lully’s style into something partially new, but still closely related to
the schemes of the original model. If we view the matter in this perspective, the
circumstance by which, in addition to Rameau, Gluck was chosen as a further
representative of traditional French opera, was a fact in itself significant. This is
not the place to seek, even briefly, to offer a comparison between Rameau and
Gluck and, in particular, to investigate the impact of Gluck’s reforms on the
system of tragédie lyrique, as it was left by Rameau on his death. It is sufficient to
note here that the relation between the two composers could again be
reconstructed – much as their contemporaries had already done with Lully in
appreciating the aesthetic shock of Rameau – in terms of a marked opposition
or continuation of a path. Now, in a possible reading of the dialectic relation
between Rameau and Gluck, which can lead one to see the two composers as
bearers of almost antithetical instances and aesthetic models, or on the contrary
as closely connected in terms of style, we find one of the possible reasons for
which Rameau, and not Lully, was the object of desire of the Operatic Museum.
Rameau and Gluck, then, far more than Lully and Gluck, were the two points
of reference, antithetical but concomitant, who to some extent explained and
justified each other in the late nineteenth-century rediscovery of tragédie lyrique.
Note, however, that the critical reassessment of Rameau’s work in fin-de-siècle
France, and the rediscovery of the national tradition in the period, was justified
by clear nationalistic considerations. The revival of Rameau’s works (and so of

29
 the tradition of tragédie lyrique) passed essentially through two main points: on
the one hand, the attempt to domesticate a genre and a tradition that were now
old, in order to make them again presentable to the public in late nineteenth-
century France; on the other, the need to identify the cultural tradition and
national identity in France in this period. Because of this, Rameau was hailed as
the champion of the national tradition, capable of representing its glory,
grandeur and magnificence. Referring to the new production of Castor et Pollux
in 1918 (significantly at the end of the Great War), Edmond Epardaud
expressed it like this: “La réalisation de M. Rouché est une fête somptueuse et
charmante. On sent qu’il a voulu faire sur le nom de nôtre plus grand musicien
classique une manifestation éclatante et il a pleinement réussi dans cette louable
tentative de glorification nationale.”38 Hence a nationalist Rameau, more useful
to convey a message of a (broadly speaking) political kind, rather than a genuine
rediscovery of the aesthetic canon.
Granted the foregoing, it is nevertheless desirable to show how the legacy of
tragédie lyrique was also expressed by subterranean currents, which in turn
resurfaced in a ways that were partly unconscious, even at the height of the
Romantic period. The spectacular element, peculiar to the eighteenth-century
genre, survived in the nineteenth-century heritage, and this clearly influenced
the predilection, typical of nineteenth-century grand opera, for passed crowd
scenes, and explains the constant presence of ballet in the French opera
repertoire. Naturally, with the advent of grand-opéra, the focus was wholly on
historical drama, while the element of the merveilleux (a fundamental ingredient
of tragédie lyrique) had long since faded or receded far into the background.
However, a love of spectacle and dramatic works characterized by a remarkable

38
" My" underlining." The" passage" is" taken" from" La$ Presse," March" 23," 1918," and" is" cited" in" W."
Gibbons,"Building$the$Operatic$Museum,"cit.,"p."190."
30
 eclecticism in their combinations of different elements, seems very evident.
Some works, such as Berlioz’s Les Troyens (first performed in Paris at the
Théâtre Lyrique on November 4, 1863) revealed some of these undercurrents,
with more explicit allusions and references to the genre’s later style.

7. Tragédie lyrique today

Our attitude to the tradition of tragédie lyrique today and our critical assessment
of that tradition are certainly remote from the ideals that underpinned the
process of rediscovery of Rameau’s repertoire in France at the turn of the
century.
Firstly, the complex and varied discovery and revival of what is called Early
Music, and the problems associated with it, have also affected the field of
tragédie lyrique, starting, of course, from Lully and Rameau. The works in that
repertoire, after a new period of neglect, again began to be revived and analyzed
in the 1970s and 80s.39 This had nothing to do with nationalism, but was part
of the recovery of the early repertoire. In this broad and varied process, which
went far beyond the tradition of French opera, the revisitation of tragédie lyrique
acquired a fairly specific scholarly, cultural and aesthetic dimension, and it has
by now been widely investigated.40

39
" For" instance," the" famous" revival" of" Lully’s" Atys," directed" by" Jean/Marie" Villégier" and"
conducted" by" William" Christie," a" true" " Ramist" (re)birth" dates" from" 1987." There" was" another"
production" in" 2011" at" the" Opéra" Comique" and" at" Versaille," of" which" a" DVD" and" Blu/Ray"
recording"was"made.""
40
"The"bibliography"on"Early"Music"and"the"connected"issues,"with"particular"reference"to"the"
noted" debate" about" authenticity," is" immense." For" a" first" reference," particularly" useful" as"
representative"of"the"position"of"those"(musicians"and"scholars)"who"have"actively"participated"
in"it,"see"B.D."Sherman," Inside$Early$Music:$Conversations$with$Performers,$ Oxford"University"
Press,"New"York,"2003."
31
 Also on many other planes, recent years have seen a marked revisitation of the
problems connected with tragédie lyrique, and its relations with the French
classical theater and musical theater in France. The prospect, which initially
started from an opposed reading of classical theater in relation to musical
theater, has been almost inverted, thanks to the contributions of Catherine
Kintzler, referred to at a number of points in the present study.41 Starting from
Girdlestone’s studies, in some ways pioneering, of the literary value of the text
and the libretto in the context of tragédie lyrique,42 the subject has been analyzed
and clarified in terms of its relation to the historical and aesthetic setting, which
has changed our perception of it and helped to explain, at least in part, the
growing revival of this repertoire in the programs of theaters (in Europe as well
as further afield) and the renewed attention of critics and scholars, as evidenced
by the considerable number and complexity of the studies, including
monographs, published in recent years.
In all likelihood the character of abstraction, and at the same time rationality,
that connotes tragédie lyrique also means it is closer to the contemporary
sensibility than to the Romantic sensibility, for example, or the currents of
nineteenth and twentieth-century realism, or finally, to the sensibility of Marxist
criticism (to quote some of what might be called extreme cases). After all, the
Cartesian mechanistic aesthetic, of stylization and abstraction of reality and the
appeal to the supernatural, which characterize the genre, can be more easily
understood in a cultural context, such as that in which we live, where these
hybrid influences somehow appear familiar to us (think of the development in
the twentieth century of genres like science fiction, or better still fantasy with
their many different facets and offshoots).

41
"See"in"particular"C."Kintzler"Poétique$de$l’opéra$français,"cit.,"and"Ead.,$JeanHPhilippe$Rameau,"cit."
42
"See"in"particular"C."Girdlestone,"La$Tragédie$en$musique,"cit."
32
 8. The themes of Armide

In the first place Armide has a theme rooted in the whole of European culture,
the conflict between duty and love. The theme is developed in two different
directions, but both are articulated on the same wavelength: the conflict
between fidelity to a rule, and the possible deviations from it as “imposed” by
the passion of love.
The first direction is the more classical, so to speak, and is embodied in the
character of Renaud: the indomitable, seemingly invincible knight, who is in the
Holy Land on a special mission, and who allows himself to be distracted from
his duties by his infatuation for Armide. The sorceress not only belongs to the
ranks of the enemy but, it should be remembered, had even imprisoned
Renaud’s fellow Crusaders, whom he has freed. Armide has therefore
committed serious misdeeds against the Crusaders, which she is justly proud of.
Her sole regret is that she has so far been unable to overcome and capture
Renaud (“Je ne triomphe pas du plus vaillant de tous...” Act I.1). Renaud’s
infatuation or love for Armide therefore creates a particularly serious conflict.
As Armide’s enemy, Renaud would obviously seek to destroy her; as a man, he
is in thrall to her.43
By her catalyzing strength and the fact that she a woman of irresistible charm,
but also a sorceress, Armide can certainly aspire to join the pantheon of great
female characters who have peopled the European theater, naturally ever since

43
" This" aspect" of" the" characterization" of" Rinaldo" was" to" undergo" a" change," sometimes"
decisively,"in"future"versions"of"the"subject."When,"for"example,"it"was"intended"to"lay"greater"
stress"on"the"hero’s"valor"and"integrity,"he"was"represented,"at"least"initially,"as"highly"averse"
to"Armida,"rejecting"her"outright,"only"to"succumb"to"her"spells."
33
 the great creations of Greek tragedy.44 The conflict that Renaud suffers from,
however, receives a highly unusual coloring from the fact that his passion for
Armide is not, in fact, natural, since it is the result of the spell that Armide has
cast over him. In Act II.4, Renaud falls asleep on a meadow by a river bank,
where a troop of demons conjured up by Armide casts a spell over him. The
stage direction in the libretto makes this clear: “Les Démons, sous la figure des
Nymphes, des Bergers et des bergères, enchantent Renaud et l’enchaînent
durant son sommeil avec des guirlandes de fleurs.”
Hence they “enchantent” and “enchainent”: Renaud is overpowered, both
physically (he is chained, albeit with garlands of flowers) and emotionally. He is
bewitched, and the nature of the spell already leaves no doubt about the
outcome of the magic, if one rightly understands the words sung by a
shepherdess (actually a demon) and the chorus while Renaud is still sleeping
(Act II.4):

UNE BERGÈRE
On s’éstonneroit moins que la saison nouvelle
Revinst sans ramener les fleurs et les zephyrs,
Que de voir de nos ans la saison la plus belle
Sans l’amour et sans les plaisirs.
Laissons au tendre amour la Jeunesse en partage.
La Sagesse a son temps, il ne vient que trop tost:
Ce n’est pas estre sage,

44
" For" the"significance" of" the" captions" that" accompany" Armide’s" famous" monologue" in" the"
original" text," see" L." Naudeix," Le$ jeu$ du$ chanteur$ dans$ l’esthétique$ spectaculaire$ de$ l’opéra$
lulliste,"in"J."Waeber"(ed.)," Musique$et$geste$en$France$de$Lully$à$la$Révolution.$Études$sur$la$
musique,$ le$ théâtre$ et$ la$ danse,$ Bern," Peter" Lang," 2009" (“Publikationen" der" Schweizerischen"
Musikforschenden"Gesellschaft."Serie"II"/"Publicatons"de"la"Société"Suisse"de"Musicologie."Série"
II,”"Vol."C),"pp."43/54."
34
D’estre plus sage qu’il ne faut.

LES CHOEURS
Ah! quelle erreur, quelle folie
De ne pas jouïr de la vie!
C’est aux Jeux, c’est aux Amours,
Qu’il faut donner les beaux jours.

The outcome is then confirmed by Armide herself who, at the end of her
monologue (Act II.5), turns the devils into “charming Zephyrs,” so sanctioning
her submission to Renaud’s charm (“Venez seconder mes désirs/ Demons,
transformez-vous en d’aimables zephirs./ Je cede à ce vainqueur, la pitié me
surmonte,/ Cachez ma foiblesse et ma honte/ Dans les plus reculez deserts”).

The state of submission in which Renaud finds himself is commented on by

Ubalde in Act IV.1. The knight, who has come to his friend’s rescue, observes:

UBALDE
On voit d’icy le sejour enchanté
D’Armide & du Heros qu’elle aime.
Dans ce Palais Renaud est arresté
Par un charme fatal dont la force est extréme;
C’est là que ce Vainqueur, si fier, si redouté,
Oubliant tout, jusqu’à luy mesme,
Est reduit à languir avec indignité
Dans une nouvelle oisivité.

35
The situation is further emphasized by his companion, the Danish Knight, who
replies:

LE CHEVALIER DANOIS
En vain tout l’Enfer s’intéresse
Dans l’Amour qui seduit un cœur si glorieux:
Si sur ce Bouclier Renaud tourne les yeux,
Il rougira se da foiblesse,
Et nous l’engagerons à partir de ces lieux.

In Act V.3, the spell is broken by the intervention of Ubaldo and the Danish
knight, and Rinaldo realizes his “error”:

RENAUD
Ciel! qu’ele honte de paraistre
Dans l’indigne estat où je suis!

UBALDE
Nostre General vous r’appelle.
La Victoire vous garde une Palme immortelle.
Tout doit presser votre retour.
De cent divers Climats chacun court à la Guerre;
Renaud seul, au bout de la Terre
Caché dans un charmant séjour,

36
Veut-il suivre un honteux Amour?

RENAUD
Vains ornements d’une indigne mollesse,
Ne m’offrez plus vos frivoles attrait:
Restes honteux de ma foiblesse,
Allez, quittez-moy pour jamais.

It is useful to note that, despite everything, in this scene, set almost at the end
of the opera, Renaud feels shame at his situation: he speaks of his “foiblesse”
and invites his friends to leave him where they found him. Renaud’s reaction
lends itself to conflicting interpretations: certainly, the hero, having regained full
possession of his faculties, realizes he is in a predicament. However, because
the situation is the result of a spell, his reaction might well have been anger,
rage, and rebellion against Armide. The guilt that Renaud feels may therefore
betray a sense of weakness and vulnerability, from which it could be
understood that Renaud has actually allowed himself to be beguiled by
Armide’s seductive arts.
The summons to duty, represented by the shield of diamonds that his friends
show him, breaks the spell, but leaves the hero alone, as he becomes aware of
the strength of the passion that had engulfed him. In this sense, Armide’s spell
can be understood not only in the literal sense, but in a broader, figurative sense
as a manifestation of the potentially overwhelming power of love. Besides, if
this had not been the case, the text of Armide would be reduced to a banal
representation of the effects of a spell cast by a sorceress over the psyche of a
handsome and valiant young man.

37
The second direction taken by the theme of the conflict between duty and
passion turns, moreover, on the figure of Armide herself. In this case, the
conflict does not affect the orthodox values handed down by the tradition
(loyalty, honor, chivalry, etc.), as is the case with Renaud, but reacts onto
heterodox values. Armide is evil, but in her own way she is always required to
comply with her own code. Renaud has challenged her strength, he is an enemy
to be fought. He is an invader of her land, and the stratagem of the spell is
designed to destroy him, to annihilate him. The device, however, fails, and
Armide in a sense falls victim to her own passions: she falls in love with
Renaud, and the love she feels is contrary to the laws and morals that Armide is
required to respect. Armide’s famous monologue (Act II.5) sees the sorceress
transformed, torn by inner conflicts, from an executioner into a woman
passionately in love:

ARMIDE
Enfin il est en ma puissance,
Ce fatal Ennemy, ce superbe Vainqueur.
Le charme du sommeil le livre à ma vengeance.
Je vais percer son invincible cœur.
Par luy tous mes Captifs sont sortis d’esclavage.
Qu’il éprouve toute ma rage.

Armide va pour frapper Renaud et ne peut exécuter le dessein qu’elle a de lui ôter la vie.

Quel trouble me saisit? qui me fait hésiter?

Qu’est-ce qu’en sa faveur la pitié me veut dire?
Frapons… Ciel! qui peut m’arrester?

38
Achevons... Je fremis! Vangeons-nous... Je soûpire!
Est-ce ainsi que je doy me venger aujourd’huy?
Ma colère s’éteint quand j’approche de luy.
Plus je le vois, plus ma fureur est vaine;
Mon bras tremblant se refuse à ma haine.
Ah! quelle cruauté de luy ravir le jour!
A ce jeune Heros tout cede sur la Terre.
Qui croirait quil fust né seulement pour la Guerre?
Il semble estre fait pour l’amour.
Ne puis-je me vanger à moins qu’il ne perisse?
Hé! ne suffit-il pas que l’amour le punisse?
Puisqu’il n’a pu trouver mes yeux assez charmants,
Qu’il m’aime au moins par mes enchantements,
Que, s’il se peut, je le haïsse.
Venez, secondez mes desirs,
Demons, transformez-vous en d’aimables zephirs.
Je cede à ce vainqueur, la pitié me surmonte;
Cachez ma foiblesse et ma honte
Dans les plus reculez deserts.
Volez, conduisez-nous au bout de l’Univers.

The stubbornness with which Armide seeks to resist falling in love with Renaud
(“Quel trouble me saisit! qui me fait hésiter! Qu’est-ce qu’en sa faveur la pitié
me veut dire? Frapons… Ciel! qui peut m’arrester?”) is not sufficient to enable
her to accomplish her revenge. Armide evidently feels the same sense of shame
as Renaud when he awakes from his spell and fully understands his situation

39
 (“Cachez ma foiblesse et ma honte dans le plus reculez deserts. Volez,
conduisez-nous au bout de l’Univers”).
But Armide, unlike Renaud, is torn between duty and passion in a more lucid
and rational way, as befits one who, after all, is not the victim of a spell.45 Her
femininity, however, cannot be satisfied simply by deception, and throughout
the opera she is in a deeply unstable emotional state: she wishes Renaud to love
her with a true, natural, spontaneous love, yet knowing this cannot be, she
suffers a profound inner conflict, which leads her to desire, despite everything,
to kill her beloved. To this end, she unleashes (Act III.2) demonic forces to
destroy Renaud and with him the unnatural love that binds them:

ARMIDE
Il m’aime? Quel amour ! Ma honte s’en augmente.
Dois­je être aimé ainsi? Puis­je en être contente?
C’est un vain triomphe, un faux bien.
Hélas ! que son amour est différent du mien!
J’ai recours aux Enfers pour allumer sa flamme, C’est l’effort de mon art qui
peut tout sur son âme
Ma faible beauté n’y peut rien.
Par son propre mérite il suspend ma vengeance;
Sans secours, sans effort, même sans qu’il y pense
Il enchaîne mon cœur d’un trop charmant lien.
Hélas ! que mon amour est différent du sien!
Quelle vengeance ai­je à prétendre
Si je le veux aimer toujours?

45
"On"the"figure"of"the"“woman"warrior”"in"the"tradition"of"the"chivalric"epic"see"P."Rajna,$Le$
fonti$dell’$“Orlando$furioso,”"Florence,"Sansoni,"19752,"pp."47"and"f."
40
Quoi céder sans rien entreprendre?
Non, il faut appeler la Haine à mon secours.
L’horreur de ces lieux solitaires
Par mon art va se redoubler.
Détournez vos regards de mes affreux mystères,
Et surtout, empêchez Renaud de me troubler.

The next scene (Act III.3), however, brings a change of perspective: after
invoking “la Haine,” calling upon it to destroy Renaud, Armide again relents,
changing her mind:

ARMIDE
Arreste, arreste, affreuse Haine.
Laisse-moy sous les Lois d’un si charmant Vainqueur;
Laisse-moy, je renonce à ton secours horrible,
Non, non, n’acheve pas; non, il n’est pas possible
De m’oster mon amour, sans m’arracher le cœur.

LA HAINE
N’implores-tu mon assistance
Que pour mépriser ma puissance;
Suy l’Amour, puisque tu le veux,
Infortunée Armide,
Suy l’Amour qui te guide
Dans un abysme affreux.

41
In the character of both Renaud and Armide we perceive another recurrent
element in the canon: the inestimable value of “true” love, the natural,
spontaneous intimacy that binds two hearts, and which no artifice can replace.
For Renaud, this lies in the perception of the unnatural character of his passion,
which emerges clearly in Act V, when he is released from Armide’s spell. For
Armide, the value of “true” love is found in the awareness of the distance that
inevitably separates a compelled, artificial love from true love. Only the latter
brings fulfillment. The magic philter that inexorably, fatally causes Richard
Wagner’s Tristan and Isolde to fall in love, to the point where they are driven to
sublimate their love in death, seems to have no true place in the gallant and
chivalrous world of Armide and Renaud.
Renaud’s growing awareness is thus translated into his farewell to Armide,
uttered without regret, because it is the result of his realization of the
unnaturalness of what deceptively appeared to be love (Act V.4):

RENAUD
Armide, il est temps que j’évite
Le peril trop charmant que je trouve à vous voir.
La gloire veut que je vous quitte,
Elle ordonne à l’Amour de ceder au devoir.
Si vous souffrez, vous pouvez croire
Que je m’éloigne à regret de vos yeux.
Vous regnerez toûjours dans ma memoire,
Vous serez aprés la Gloire
Ce que j’aimeray le mieux.

42
ARMIDE
Non, jamais de l’Amour tu n’as senty le charme.
Tu te plais à causer de funestes malhuers.
Tu m’entends soûpirer, tu vois coulez mes pleurs,
Sans me rendre un soûpir, sans verser une larme.
Par les nœuds les plus doux je te conjure en vain;
Tu suis un fier Devoir, tu veux qu’il nous separe.
Non, non, ton cœur n’a rien d’humain,
Le cœur d’un Tigre est moins barbare.
Je mourray si tu parts, & tu n’en peut douter.
Ingrat, sans toy je ne puis vivre.
Mais aprés mon trépas ne crois pas éviter
Mon Ombre obstinée à te suivre.
Tu la verras s’armer contre ton cœur sans foy,
Tu la trouveras inflexible
Comme tu l’as esté pour moi.
Et sa fureur, s’il est possible,
Egalera l’amour dont j’ay brûlé pour toi…
Ah! la lumiere m’est ravie!
Barbare, est-tu content?
Tu joüis en partant
Du plaisir de m’oster la vie.

Armide tombe et s’évanouit.

RENAUD
Trop malhereuse Armide! helas!

43
Que ton destin est déplorable.

Armide, however, has already gained this awareness, in the context of the
dialogue with her confidant Phénice (Act III.2):

ARMIDE
Il m’aime! quel amour! ma honte s’en augmente!
Dois-je estre aimée ainsi? Puis-je en estre contente?
C’est un vain triomphe, un faux bien.
Helas! que son amour est different du mien!
J’ay recours aux Enfers pour allumer sa flame,
C’est l’effort de mon Art qui peut tout sur son ame,
Ma foible beauté n’y peut rien.
Par son propre mérite il suspend ma vengenance;
Sans secours, sans effort, même sans qu’il y pense,
Il enchaîne mon cœur d’un trop charmant lien.
Helas! Que mon amour est différent du sien!
Quelle vengeance ai-je à prétendre,
Si je le veux aimer toujours.
Quoy; ceder sans rien entreprendre?
Non, il faut appeler la Haine à mon secours.
L’horreur de ces lieux solitaires
Par mon art va se redoubler.
Destournez vos regards de mes affreux mysteres,
Et, surtout, empechez Renaud de me troubler.

44
9. The merveilleux

The spectacular element plays a crucial part in Armide: the merveilleux is actually,
as has already been repeatedly pointed out, one of the distinctive characters of
the genre of the tragédie lyrique. Armide, as a perfect codification of the genre,
makes abundant use of it. Recourse to the merveilleux, in the tradition of tragédie
lyrique, performed various functions: naturally it fulfilled the requirement for
spectacle in a theatrical genre that satisfied the tastes of the aristocratic class. It
would be too easy, however, to assimilate this aesthetic feature of tragédie lyrique
to other kinds of Baroque theater and other manifestations of the arts at the
turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth century. It has long been observed that
this profile does not appear in itself to be decisive, or rather that on the
aesthetic plane it captures only a superficial, so to speak, aspect of the genre.
Above all, it does not make it possible to properly frame the relationship
between the genre of tragédie lyrique and French classical tragedy, from which the
merveilleux was practically excluded. The theme of the merveilleux should
therefore be more correctly framed in an aesthetic sensibility of a Cartesian
kind, in which the reception of the message entails, on the one hand, the
audience’s awareness of its imaginary character, while also deriving from it a
true aesthetic pleasure, the result of this awareness, which makes Nature more
clearly intelligible. This is therefore an approach ontologically opposed to realism
and quite incompatible with it, yet also aiming at a representation that allows
the audience to understand Nature. Fiction and realism, two otherwise
irreconcilable approaches, are thus reunited on the plane of the cognitive
functions.

45
The capacity of a theatrical work to achieve a kind of synthesis between forms
of representation and epistemological forms is strictly dependent on the way it
is constructed and the ways it strikes a balance between its components. This is
connected, especially in the case of tragédie lyrique, to the relations between the
merveilleux and the rest of the play, since an excess of the fantastic element
might alter the overall perception of the play, to the detriment of its
effectiveness: in other words it might be resolved into pure hedonism. The
structure of the tragédie lyrique requires and presupposes a precise alternation
between moments of heightened tension and other when the tension is
slackened: the former drive the action forward, the latter involve a slowing, or
even suspension, of the narrative and allow room for moments of pure
entertainment, often related to the incursion of the merveilleux into the context
of the narrative (apparitions of gods, mythical creatures, fabulous elements,
wizards). This arrangement thus raises inevitable problems of balance in the
overall dramatic structure, though at the risk, naturally, of upsetting the balance
in one direction or another.
The typical alternation between narrative and divertissement, according to this
pattern of tension and relaxation is clearly visible in Armide.
In Act IV, however, the fantastic element prevails markedly compared to the
rest of the work. The whole of Act IV is occupied by the skirmishing between
Ubalde and the Chevalier Danois with the evanescent, fantastic creatures that
the two encounter in the desert, where they hope to find Armide, and which
has already served as a backdrop to Act III. The stage direction in the libretto is
eloquent: “Une vapeur s’éleve et se répand dans le Desert qui a paru au
troisième acte. Des antres & des abismes s’ouvrent, & il en sort des bestes
farouches & des Monstres épouvantables.” The appearance and equipment of
the two knights also evokes the fantastic element: “Ubalde porte un bouclier de

46
Diamant, & tient un Sceptre d’or, qui luy ont été donnés par un Magicien pour
dissiper les enchantements d’Armide, & pour délivrer Renaud. Le Chavalier
Danois porte un Epée qu’il doit presenter à Renaud.” Thus everything (1753)
clearly concurs to create a fantastic atmosphere, and the two knights have to
grapple, in this order, with a group of “monstres orribles”, a demon in the guise
of Lucinde (the beloved of the Danish Knight), accompanied by a “Troupe de
Demons transformez en habitants Champestres de l’Isle qu’Armide a choisie
pour y retenir Renaud enchanté”, and another demon in the guise of Mélisse
(Ubaldo’s beloved), who disappears when the Danish Knight touches it with
the golden scepter.
This is a moment of the work that has traditionally aroused debate by its alleged
intrinsic dramatic weakness. In fact, we have here a sort of dilation of the
fantastic element, which comes to take up a whole act instead of being confined
to more limited areas. A particularly critical reading of the text, in this respect,
has sometimes led to its compression or even suppression, in an explicit
attempt to attain a greater dramatic “effectiveness” in the libretto. I may here
be permitted to observe that such an attitude betrays a vision of the genre of
tragédie lyrique that is not in contrast with the more or less purported themes of
“authenticity” of the representation, or “fidelity” to the text and the author’s
“intentions,” but is also at odds with the aesthetic philosophy that inspired the
genre and its constituent elements.

10. The theater as a place of representation of a psychological

“peripeteia”

47
The work of Lully and Quinault, faithful to the canons of the genre to which it
belongs, offers an example of recourse to the theatrical text (in this case of the
musical genre), not only to tell a story, but the psychological peripeteia of a
character, clearly Armide. This is probably one of the strengths of the text, and
it has presumably helped ensure its permanence in time and its transmigration
into various forms essentially down to the present. The peripeteias of Armide,
in this respect, are bound up with the development of her attitude towards
Renaud, her continuous changes of attitude towards an enemy whom she
cannot refrain from loving. In the classical theater, “peripeteia” is essentially
due to events that lead to significant changes in the course of the action,
determining its unfolding and leading to its conclusion, but in Armide the
peripeteia lies in the psyche and affections of the protagonist.
In Armide the structure of the peripeteia/s is characterized by two particular
elements: in the first place, the character undergoes a series of circular
evolutions, so that the function itself of the mechanism of peripeteia is
amplified on the dramatic plane. The character’s outlook changes several times,
continually alternating between love-hate, uncertainty-resolution, repentance-
vengefulness.
A further profile worthy of note is the fact that, as mentioned above, Armide’s
peripeteia is above all affective: it marks the moments of discontinuity in her
loving relationship with and towards Renaud, making this text a sort of
psychological drama. In this way the transitions or peripeteias are marked by
precise moments of inner development of the character, underlined firstly by
the libretto and secondly the structure of the musical discourse that sustains it.

48
11. Armide: an aesthetic model to be canonized or combated. The
Rameau-Rousseau controversy

One of the reasons that make Armide a landmark text, in its general expression
(and therefore not only as a written text but above all as a text in performance),
obviously lies in its musical component. In this respect, its paradigmatic value
lies in its having been treated as a crux in the controversy over the style and
tradition of French music, initially waged between Rameau and Jean-Jacques
Rousseau with specific reference to Armide’s monologue (Act II.5).
The violent querelle, which stemmed from opposing aesthetic evaluations of the
work of Quinault-Lully, was obviously, and we might even say banally, the
expression of the conflict between the reasons of the Cartesian tradition
(embodied, in this case, in Rameau) and the groundswell of the new Romantic,
or proto-Romantic, sensibility, of which Rousseau was the bearer. In this
respect, the aesthetic-philosophical dispute between the two went beyond the
confines of the work (whether libretto or music) and affected the relation
between two sensibilities which, in the period when the controversy broke out
(1753), were clearly out of phase with each other.
This is not the place for a full reconstruction of the theses advanced by the two
authors about Armide’s monologue, nor for a discussion of the more
specifically musicological issues that emerged from that debate. It seems
sufficient for our purposes, to recall, firstly, the locations of the debate and
summarize its most significant points on the aesthetic plane.
As for the locations, Rousseau’s criticism of the monologue was initially
contained in his Lettre sur la musique française (November 1753). Rameau's
remarks appeared in Observations sur notre instinct pour la musique et sur son principe
(1754). The dispute, which was part of a broader discussion engaged in the

49
 Querelle des Bouffons, was somehow sparked by a text published by Diderot in
February 1753.46 Rousseau’s criticism of the style of French opera had its roots

46
" This" was" Au$ petit$ prophète$ de$ Boehmischbroda," one" of" the" many" pamphlets" published" ijn"
the" course" of" the" querelle," and" which" refers" in" particular" to" Le$ Petit$ Prophète$ de$
Boehmischbroda.$Le$correcteur$des$Bouffons$et$la$Guerre$de$l’Opéra"by"Grimm"(1753):"“Si"vous"
n’attendiez"que"l’occasion,"je"vous"la"présente."Voici"deux"grands"morceaux;"l’un"est"français,"
l’autre"est"italien:"tous"deux"sont"dans"le"genre"tragique."La"musique"du"morceau"français"est"
du"divin"Lulli;"la"musique"du"morceau"italien"n’est"ni"de"l’Atilla,"ni"du"Porpora,"ni"de"Rinaldo,"ni"
de" Leo," ni" de" Buranelli," ni" de" Vinci," ni" du" divin" Pergolèse." L’un" comprend" les" trois" dernières"
scènes"du"second"acte"de"l’opéra"d’Armide":"Plus"j’observe"ces"lieux"et"plus"je"les"admire..."Au"
temps"heureux"où"l’on"sait"plaire..."avec"le"fameux"monologue"Enfin"il"est"en"ma"puissance..."
L’autre" est" composé" du" même" nombre" de" scènes." Les" scènes" sont" belles" et" dignes," j’ose" le"
dire,"d’entrer"en"comparaison"avec"ce"que"nous"avons"de"plus"vigoureux"et"de"plus"pathétique."
Elles"se"suivent,"et"la"première"est"connue"par"ces"mots:"Solitudini"amene,"ombre"gradite,"qui"
per" pochi" momenti" lusingate" pietose" i" miei" tormenti..." Les" situations" des" héroïnes" sont" aussi"
semblables"dans"ces"deux"morceaux"qu’il"est"possible"de"le"désirer."Celui"d’Armide"commence"
par" le" sommeil" de" Renaud;" celui" de" Nitocris" par" le" sommeil" de" Sésostris." Armide" a" à" punir" la"
défaite"de"ses"guerriers,"la"perte"de"ses"captifs"et"le"mépris"de"ses"charmes."Nitocris"a"à"venger"
la" mort" d’un" fils" et" d’un" époux." Toutes" les" deux" ont" le" poignard" levé" et" n’ont" qu’un" coup" à"
frapper"pour"faire"passer"leur"ennemi"du"sommeil"au"trépas";"et"il"s’élève"dans"le"cœur"de"l’une"
et"de"l’autre"un"combat"violent"de"différentes"passions"opposées,"au"milieu"duquel"le"poignard"
leur"tombe"de"la"main.""
“L’opéra"d’Armide"est"le"chef/d’œuvre"de"Lulli,"et"le"monologue"d’Armide"est"le"chef/d’œuvre"
de"cet"opéra;"les"défenseurs"de"la"musique"française"seront,"je"l’espère,"très"satisfaits"de"mon"
choix;"cependant,"ou"j’ai"mal"compris"les"enthousiastes"de"la"musique"italienne,"ou"ils"auront"
fait" un" pas" en" arrière" s’ils" ne" nous" démontrent" que" les" scènes" d’Armide" ne" sont" en"
comparaison" de" celles" de" Nitocris" qu’une" psalmodie" languissante," qu’une" mélodie" sans" feu,"
sans"âme,"sans"force"et"sans"génie;"que"le"musicien"de"la"France"doit"tout"à"son"poète,"qu’au"
contraire"le"poète"de"l’Italie""doit"tout"à"son"musicien.""
“Courage,"Messieurs"les"Ultramontains,"picciol"giro,"mà"largo"campo"al"valor"vostro;"ramassez"
toutes"vos"forces;"comparez"un"tout"à"l’autre,"des"parties"semblables"à"des"parties"semblables;"
suivez"ces"morceaux"mesure"à"mesure,"temps"à"temps,"note"à"note,"s’il"le"faut."Et"vous,"mes"
compatriotes," prenez" garde." N’allez" pas" dire" que" la" musique" d’Armide" est" la" meilleure" qu’on"
puisse" composer" sur" des" paroles" françaises." Loin" de" défendre" notre" mélodie" dans" ce"
retranchement," ce" serait" abandonner" notre" langue." Il" faut" s’attacher" ici" rigoureusement" aux"
sons."Il"ne"s’agit"pas"de"commettre"Quinault"avec"le"Métastase."Les"transfuges"du"parti"français"
ne"sont"déjà"que"trop"persuadés"que"ce"Quinault"est"leur"ennemi"le"plus"redoutable."Il"s’agit"
d’opposer" Lulli" à" Terradellas," Lulli," le" grand" Lulli," et" cela" dans" l’endroit" où" son" rival" même," le"
jaloux"Rameau,"l’a"trouvé"sublime."Peut/être"le"morceau"de"Nitocris"n’a/t/il"pas,"comme"celui"
d’Armide," le" suffrage" des" premiers" maîtres" d’une" nation;" mais" n’importe," je" connais" les"
défenseurs" de"la"musique"italienne," ils"se" croiront"assez" forts"pour" négliger"ce"désavantage.”"
The"text"is"available"online"at""http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1080071."
50
in the relation between language and music. For Rousseau, the French language
failed to possess the structural qualities that made it suitable to serve as a
support for musical development: it was not a sonorous, harmonious language,
rich in vowels, and it lacked a clear distinction between long and short syllables.
By contrast, Italian possessed these qualities and could, therefore, produce an
expressive and harmonious musical style. With specific reference to the
monologue, Rousseau’s judgment was clearly unfavorable:

que peut-on penser de plus mal conçu que cette régularité

scolastique dans une scène où l’emportement, la tendresse, et le
contraste des passions opposées mettent l’actrice et les spectateurs
dans la plus vive agitation? Armide furieuse vient poignarder son
ennemi: à son aspect, elle hésite, elle se laisse attendrir, le poignard
lui tombe des mains ; elle oublie tous ses projets de vengeance, et
n’oublie pas un seul instant sa modulation. Les réticences, les
interruptions, les transitions intellectuelles que le poëte offrait au
musicien, n’ont pas été une seule fois saisies par celui-ci. L’héroïne
finit par adorer celui qu’elle voulait égorger au commencement ; le
musicien finit en E si mi, comme il avait commencé sans jamais
avoir quitté les cordes les plus analogues au ton principal, sans
avoir mis une seule fois dans la déclamation de l’actrice la moindre
inflexion extraordinaire qui fît foi de l’agitation de son âme, sans
avoir donné la moindre expression à l’harmonie : et je défie qui que
ce soit d’assigner par la musique seule, soit dans le ton, soit dans la
mélodie, soit dans la déclamation, soit dans l’accompagnement,
aucune différence sensible entre le commencement et la fin de cette
scène, par où le spectateur puisse juger du changement prodigieux

51
 qui s’est fait dans le cœur d’Armide.47

In his reply Rameau tackled Rousseau over the harmonic structure of the
monologue, accusing him of being unable to read the structure of the passage
and accusing him of seeking to confine himself to a purely melodic, and
fragmented analysis of Lully’s writing.
Before Rousseau’s criticisms, however, Rameau had already had occasion to
praise Armide’s monologue in his Nouveau système of 1726, and he would return
to this passage of Armide in his later Code de musique pratique of 1760.48
Hence Rameau’s position was very distant from Rousseau’s: first he saw
expressiveness and musicality as not stemming from the structure of the
language, or the use the author makes of it, but as the consequence of the
harmonic structures used in musical writing. The latter, in turn, have their
foundation and explanation in the wholly Ramist theory of the corps sonore: they
are structures immanent in the configuration itself of natural sound, and as such
they are perceptible by instinct. While Rameau regarded musical expression as
being entrusted to harmony, Rousseau, considered its basic function as being
performed by the melodic structures. The harmonic structure, in Rameau’s
theory, was fundamental in endowing the music with expression; while to
Rousseau expression was attained only when music was capable of expressing
the passions and sentiments naturally and directly, and in this respect what
counted were not the melodic structures.

47
"Jean/Jacques"Rousseau,"Écrits$sur$la$musique,"reprint,""Stock,1979,"p."313."
48
" See" Th." Christensen," Rameau$ and$ Musical$ Thought$ in$ the$ Enlightenment," Cambridge,"
Cambridge"University"Press,"2003,"pp."120"and"f.""
52
 Rousseau’s positions, after the initial exchange that followed the Lettre, were
further developed in his Essai sur l'origine des langues, in the entries prepared for
the Encyclopédie and the Dictionnaire de musique, written between 1755 and 1767.49
The divergence between Rousseau and Rameau rested not only on the
constituent elements of the musical discourse, but gradually took on a broader
dimension, which rested on the aesthetic components and that were given full
exposition, in relation to the musical theater, in his entry on Opéra in the
Dictionnaire.
It is worth recalling that Rameau had no particular philosophical or literary
training: his approach to music was therefore essentially empirical. If Rameau
sought for a rationalist explanation of music, from that explanation he derived
the fundamental reason for the relation between music and sentiment; the
descriptive and imitative capacity of nature, which music possesses, rests on the
mathematical and physical laws that govern it. Rousseau, by contrast, sought for
the natural language of the feelings.
The debate between Rameau and Rousseau ultimately becomes an argument
between two systems of values in opposition to each other: aesthetics and the
system of Cartesian values, on the one hand, and the spirit of pré-romantisme, on
the other, with Rousseau (in Rameau’s eyes) as its dangerous herald.
Hence it was the century’s changing sensibility that explained the two authors’
dispute over Armide and served as the driving force behind it. It reflected a
transitional phase and, on the strictly philosophical plane, shed light on the
evolution of the musical style and, more generally, sensibility in those years,
characterized by rapid changes to the traditional structures of genres (including
49
" On" the" relation" between" the" entries" written" by" Rousseau" for" the" Encyclopédie$ and" the"
Dictionnaire" see" the" observations" by" C." Verba," Music$ and$ the$ French$ Enlightenment:$
Reconstruction$of$a$Dialogue$1750H1764,"Oxford,"Clarendon,"1993,"p."44."The"author"points"out"
that" the" Dictionnaire" is" not" simply" a" collation" of" articles" written" by" Rousseau" for" the"
Encyclopédie,"but"is"an"independent"work"whose"contents"are"broadly"innovative.""
53
 tragédie lyrique), the loss of centrality of the tragic genre to the benefit of other
genres (opéra comique, opéra mélée d’ariettes, balletto), the search for new formal
structures, new theories about the role of the theater, dance, and actors, and
attempts at their practical application. It is, in short, what Charlton terms
“opera in the Age of Rousseau”: the evolving state of musical theater,
characterized by increasingly multifaceted and interrelated styles and genres, in
which can be seen, in a symbolic expression of co-presence between
Erfahrungsraum and Erwartungshorizont, the ferments of a changing world.50 It is
obvious that in such a context, the tradition has sometimes sought to read the
positions of Rameau and Rousseau respectively as an expression of a
sclerotized and by then indefensible tradition and an epiphany of the new. But
as almost always happens in periods of change, and perhaps, as a constant of
every historical phenomenon, the distinctions are certainly less clear.
At any rate, it seems emblematic, and in itself significant, that a debate that
touched, so to speak, on the vertices of the aesthetic issues in music and
theater, should have turned on Armide, a work that, at the time of the
controversy was already nearly seventy years old.

50
"In"the"use"of"these"terms,"the"reference"is,"of"course,"to"R."Koselleck," Vergangene$Zukunft.$
Zur$ Semantik$ geschichtlicher$ Zeiten," Frankfurt" am" Main," Suhrkamp," 1979;" English" trans.,"""
Futures$Past:$On$the$Semantics$of$Historical$Time,"New"York,"Columbia"University"Press,"2004."
54
 NOTE ON THE TEXT

The text of the French libretto of the opera (first performed in Paris at the
Palais Royal on February 15, 1686) is taken from the printed score edition
published by Christophe Ballard (Paris, 1686).51
The translation, by the author of this volume, has a free structure, and sets itself
principally the goal of conveying the meaning of the original, without seeking to
transpose the versification.

ARMIDE

PROLOGUE PROLOGO

51
"The"text"drawn"on"here"is"the"one"published"by"C."Ballard"in"Paris,"1686,"and"available"on"the"
site" of" the" Bibliotèque" nationale" de" France,"
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9062826k/f11.image."
55
Le Theatre represente un Palais
LA GLOIRE, LA SAGESSE,
Suite de la gloire & de la sagesse
LA GLOIRE
Tout doit ceder dans l’Univers
A l’Auguste Heros que j’aime.
L’effort des Ennemis, les glaces des
Hyvers,
Les Rochers, les Fleuves, les Mers,
Rien n’arreste l’ardeur de sa valeur
extréme.
LA SAGESSE
Tout doit ceder dans l’Univers
A l’Auguste Heros que j’aime.
Il sçait l’art de tenir tous les
Monstres aux fers:
il es Maistre absolu de cent Peuples
divers,
Et plus Maistre encor de luy-mesme.
LA GLOIRE & LA SAGESSE
La scena rappresenta un palazzo
LA GLORIA, LA SAGGEZZA, il
seguito della gloria e della saggezza
LA GLORIA
Tutto deve cedere il passo
nell’Universo
All’Augusto Eroe che amo
Lo sforzo dei Nemici, i ghiacci
degl’inverni
Le rocce, i fiumi, i mari,
niente ferma l’ardore del suo valore
estremo.
LA SAGGEZZA
Tutto deve cedere il passo
nell’Universo
All’augusto eroe che io amo.
Egli conosce l’arte di tenere tutti i
mostri in catene,
È signore assoluto di cento popoli
diversi
e in più padrone di se stesso.
LA GLORIA E LA SAGGEZZA
56
Tout doit ceder dans l’Univers Tutto deve cedere nell’universo
A l’Auguste Heros que j’aime. All’augusto eroe che amo.

LA SAGESSE & sa suite LA SAGGEZZA e il suo seguito

Chantons la douceur de ses Loix. Cantiamo la dolcezza delle sue leggi.

LA GLOIRE & sa suite LA GLORIA e il suo seguito

Chantons ses glorieux Exploits Cantiamo le sue gloriose imprese.

LA GLOIRE & LA SAGESSE LA GLORIA E LA SAGGEZZA

ensemble
D’une esgale tendresse, Con eguale tenerezza
Nous aimons le mesme Vainqueur. Amiamo lo stesso vincitore.

LA SAGESSE LA SAGGEZZA
Fiere Gloire, c’est vous, Fiera Gloria, siete voi

LA GLOIRE LA GLORIA
C’est vous, douce Sagesse, Siete voi, dolce Saggezza…

LA GLOIRE & LA SAGESSE LA GLORIA E LA SAGGEZZA

C’est vous, qui partagez avec moy Siete voi, che condividete con me il
son grand cœur. suo grande cuore.

LA GLOIRE LA GLORIA

57
Je l’emportois sur vous tant qu’a
duré la guerre;
Mais dans la paix vous l’emportez
sur moy.
Vous reglez en secret avec ce sage
Roy
Le destin de toute la terre.
LA SAGESSE
Ho avuto la meglio su voi sintanto
che è durata la guerra
Ma durante la pace voi avete avuto la
meglio su di me
Voi reggete in segreto con questo
saggio Re
Il destino di tutta la terra
LA SAGGEZZA
58
La Victoire a suivi ce Heros en tous
lieux;
Mais pour montrer son amour pour
la Gloire,
Il se sert encor mieux
De la paix que de la victoire.
Au milieu du repos qu’il asseure aux
Humains,
Il fait tomber sous ses puissantes
mains
Un Monstre qu’on a creû si
longtemps invincible:
On voit sans se travaux combien il
est sensible
Pour votre immortelle Beauté.
Il previent vos desirs, il passe votre
attente,
L’amour dont il vous aime
incessament s’augmente,
Et n’a jamais tant esclaté.
Qu’un vain desir de preference,
N’altere point l’intelligence
Que ce Heros entre nous veut
former:
Disputons seulement à qui sçait
mieux l’aimer.
La Gloire repete ce dernier Vers avec La Gloria ripete quest’ultimo verso
la Sagesse.
La vittoria ha seguito questo eroe in
ogni luogo
Ma per mostrare il suo amore per la
Gloria
Egli si serve ancor meglio
Della pace che della vittoria
Nel mezzo del riposo ch’egli assicura
agli umani
Fa cadere sotto le sue potenti mani
Un mostro che si è creduto così a
lungo invincibile
Si vede nelle sue opere quanto è
sensibile
Alla vostra immortale bellezza.
Previene i vostri desideri
Va oltre le vostre aspettative
L’ardore con cui vi ama aumenta
senza sosta
E non è mai esploso così tanto.
Che un vano desiderio di preferenza
Non alteri affatto l’intesa
Che questo eroe vuol formare tra
noi:
Discutiamo soltanto di chi sa meglio
amarlo.
59
con la Saggezza.
LA GLOIRE & LA SAGESSE
ensemble
Dés qu’on le voit paraistre,
De quel coeur n’est-il point le
Maistre ?
Qu’il est doux de suivre ses pas!
Peut-on le connaistre
Et ne l’aimer pas?
Les Choeurs repetent ces cinq
dernier vers. Et la Suite de la gloire & quello della Saggezza testimonianco
celle de la Sagesse témoignent par
des Danses la joye qu’elles ont de
voir ces deux Divinitez dans une
intelligence parfaite.
LA SAGESSE
LA GLORIA E LA SAGGEZZA
insieme
Appena lo si vede apparire
Di quale cuore egli non è il maestro?
Com’è dolce seguire i suoi passi!
Si può conoscerlo
E non amarlo?
Il Coro ripete questi ultimi cinque
versi. E il seguito della Gloria e
con danze la gioia che provano nel
vedere queste due divinità unite da
un’intesa perfetta.
LA SAGGEZZA
60
Suivons nostre Heros, que rien ne
nous separe.
Il nous invite aux Jeux qu’on luy
prepare.
Nous y verrons Renaud malgré la
Volupté,
Suivre un Conseil fidele & sage,
Nous le verrons sortir du Palais
enchanté,
Où par l’amour d’Armide il estoit
arresté,
Et voler où la gloire appelle son
courage,
Le grand Roy qui partage entre nous
ses desirs
Aime à nous voir mesme dans ses
Plaisirs.
Seguiamo il nostro eroe, che nulla ce
ne separi.
Ci invita ai giochi che per lui si
preparano.
Lì vedremo Rinaldo nonostante la
voluttà,
Seguire un consiglio fedele e saggio;
Lo vedremo uscire dal palazzo
incantato
Dove dall’amore di Armida era
trattenuto,
E volare là dove la gloria chiama il
suo coraggio.
Il grande Re che divide con noi i suoi
desideri
Ama vederci anche nei suoi
divertimenti.

LA GLOIRE LA GLORIA
Que l’esclat de son nom s’estende au Che lo splendore del suo nome si
bout du Monde, estenda sino alla fine del Mondo
Réünissons nos voix, Que chacun Riuniamo le nostre voce
nous réponde. Che ognuno ci risponda.

LA GLOIRE & LA SAGESSE & les LA GLORIA, LA SAGGEZZA e il

Chœurs coro

61
Chantons la douceur de ses Loix, Cantiamo la dolcezza delle sue Leggi
Chantons ses glorieux Exploits. Cantiamo le sue gloriose Imprese

La Suite de la Gloire & celle de la Il Seguito della Gloria e quello della

Sagesse continüent leur réjoüissance. Saggezza continuano i loro
festeggiamenti.

LES CHŒURS IL CORO

Que dans le Temple de Memoire Che nel tempio della memoria
Son nom soit pour jamais gravé; Il suo nome sia in eterno inciso
C’est à luy qu’il est reservé, A lui soltanto compete
D’unir la Sagesse & la Gloire. Unire la Saggezza e la Gloria.

Fin du Prologue Fine del Prologo

ACTE I ATTO I
Le Theatre represente une grande La scena rappresenta una grande
Place ornée d’un Arc de Triomphe. piazza, ornata da un arco di trionfo.

SCENE I SCENA I
ARMIDE, PHENICE, SIDONIE ARMIDA, FENICE, SIDONIA

PHENICE FENICE

62
Dans un jour de triomphe, au milieu
des plaisirs,
Qui peut vous inspirer une sombre
tristesse?
La gloire, la grandeur, la beauté, la
jeunesse,
Tous les biens comblent vos desirs.
SIDONIE
Vous allumez une fatale flame
Que vous ne ressentez jamais;
L’amour n’ose troubler la paix
Qui regne dans vostre ame.
PHENICE & SIDONIE ensemble
Quel sort a plus d’appas
Et qui peut estre heureux si vous ne
l’estes pas?
PHENICE
Si la guerre aujourd’huy fait craindre
ses ravages,
C’est aux bords du Jourdain qu’ils
doivent s’arrester,
Nos tranquilles Rivages
N’ont rien à redouter.
In un giorno di trionfo, nel mezzo
dei piaceri
Chi può ispiravi una cupa tristezza?
La gloria, la grandezza, la bellezza, la
giovinezza
Ogni bene appaga i vostri desideri.
SIDONIA
Accendete una fiamma fatale
Che non avvertite mai;
L’amore non osa disturbare la pace
Che regna nel vostro animo.
FENICE E SIDONIA
Quale sorte è più bella
E chi può essere felice, se non lo
siete voi?
FENICE
Se la guerra fa oggi temere le sue
rovine
È sulle rive del Giordano che
devono fermarsi,
Le nostre rive tranquille
Non hanno nulla da temere.
63
SIDONIE SIDONIA
Les Enfers, s’il le faut, prendront Gli Inferi, se necessario,
pour nous les armes, prenderanno le armi per noi,
Et vous sçavez leur imposer la loy. E voi saprete imporre loro la legge.

PHENICE FENICE
Vos yeux n’ont eu besoin que de I vostri occhi hanno avuto bisogno
leurs propres charmes, soltanto del proprio incanto
Pour affoiblir le Camp de Godefroy. Per indebolire il campo di Goffredo.

SIDONIE SIDONIA
Ses plus vaillants Guerriers, contre I suoi guerrieri più valorosi, senza
vous sans deffense, difesa contro di voi,
Sont tombez en vostre puissance. Sono caduti sotto il vostro potere.

ARMIDE ARMIDA

64
Je ne triomphe pas du plus vailant de
tous,
Renaud, pour qui ma haine a tant de
violence,
L’Indomptable Renaud échape à
mon couroux.
Tout le Camp ennemy pour moy
devient sensible,
Et luy seul, toûjours invincible,
Fît gloire de me voir d’un œil
indifferent.
Il est dan l’age aimable où sans
efforts on aime;
Non, je ne puis manquer sans un
dépit extréme
La conqueste d’un coeur si superbe
& si grand.
SIDONIE
Qu’importe qu’un Captif manque à
vostre victoire;
On en void dans vos fers assez
d’autres témoins,
Et pour un Esclave de moins
Un triomphe si beau perdra peu de
sa gloire.
Non trionfo del più valoroso di tutti.
Rinaldo, per il quale il mio odio ha
tanta violenza,
L’indomabile Rinaldo sfugge alla mia
ira.
Tutto il campo nemico è sedotto da
me,
E lui solo, sempre invincibile,
Si gloria di guardarmi con sguardo
indifferente.
È nell’età amabile nella quale si ama
senza sforzo…
No, non posso mancare senza uno
scorno estremo
La conquista di un cuore tanto
superbo e tanto grande.
SIDONIA
Cosa importa se un prigioniero
manca alla nostra vittoria:
Nelle vostre catene se ne vedono
molti altri
E per uno schiavo in meno
Un trionfo sì bello perderà poca della
propria gloria.
65
PHENICE
Pourquoy voulez-vous songer
A ce qui peut vous déplaire?
Il est plu seur de se vanger
Par l’oubly que par la colere.
FENICE
Perché volete pensare
A ciò che può dispiacervi?
È più sicura la vendetta
Tramite l’oblio che non con la
collera.

ARMIDE ARMIDA

66
Les Enfers ont predit cent fois
Que contre ce Guerrier nos armes
seront vaines,
Et qu’il vaincra nos plus grands Rois.
Ah! qu’il me seroit doux de l’accabler
de chaînes,
Et d’arrester le cours de ses exploits!
Que je le hay! que son mépris
m’outrage!
Qu’il sera fier d’éviter l’esclavage
Où je tiens tant d’autres Héros.
Incessamment son importune image
Malgré moy trouble mon repos.
Un songe affreux m’inspire une
fureur nouvelle
Contre ce funeste Ennemy:
J’ay creu le voir, j’en ay fremy:
J’ay crû qu’il me frapoit d’une
atteinte mortelle.
Je suis tombée aux pieds de ce cruel
vainqueur;
Rien ne fléchissoit sa rigueur,
Et par un charme inconcevable
Je me sentois contrainte à le trouver
aimable
Dans le fatal moment qu’il me
perçoit le cœur.
L’inferno ha predetto cento volte
Che contro quel guerriero le nostre
armi saranno vane,
E che vincerà i nostri più grandi Re.
Ah! Quando dolce mi sarebbe
incatenarlo
E fermare il corso delle sue imprese!
Come odio! come mi offende il suo
disprezzo!
Come sarà fiero di evitare la
schiavitù
Nella quale tengo tanti altri eroi!
Senza sosta la sua immagine
importuna,
Malgrado me stessa, disturba il mio
riposo.
Un sogno terribile mi ispira un
nuovo furore
Contro questo nemico funesto.
Ho creduto vederlo, e ho fremuto,
Ho creduto che mi colpisse con un
colpo mortale.
Sono caduta ai piedi di questo crudel
vincitore:
Nulla si piegava alla sua forza;
E, per un incanto inconcepibile,
Mi sentivo costretta ad amarlo
67
Nel momento fatale in cui mi
trafiggeva il cuore.
SIDONIE
Vous troublez-vous d’une image
legere
Que le sommeil produit?
Le beau jour qui vous luit
Doit dissiper cette vaine Chimere
Ainsi qu’il a détruit
Les ombres de la nuit.
SCENE II
HIDRAOT, Suite d’HIDRAOT,
ARMIDE, PHENICE, SIDONIE.
HIDRAOT
SIDONIA
Vi turbate per una evanescente
immagine
Prodotta dal sonno?
Il bel giorno che a voi riluce
Deve dissipare questa vana chimera
Come ha distrutto
Le ombre della notte.
SCENE II
IDRAOTE, seguito D’IDRAOTE,
ARMIDA, FENICE, SIDONIA.
IDRAOTE
68
Armide, que le sang qui m’unit avec
vous
Me rend sensible aux soins que l’on
prend pour vous plaire!
Que votre triomphe m’est doux!
Que j’aime à voir briller le beau jour
qui l’éclaire!
Je n’aurois plus de vœux à faire,
Si vous choisissez un Espoux.
Je voy de près la Mort qui me
menace,
Et bientost l’age qui me glace
Va m’accabler sous son pesant
fardeau.
C’est le dernier bien ou j’aspire
Que de voir vostre Himen prometre
à cét Empire,
Des Roys formez d’un sang si beau.
Sans me plaindre du sort je cesseray
de vivre
Si ce doux espoir peut me suivre
Dans l’affreuse nuit du Tombeau.
ARMIDE
Armida, che il sangue che mi unisce
a voi
Mi renda sensibile agli sforzi che si
fanno per compiacervi!
Quanto mi è dolce il vostro trionfo!
Quanto amo veder brillare il giorno
che l’illumina!
Non avrei più desideri,
Se voi sceglieste uno sposo.
Vedo da vicino la morte che mi
minaccia
E ben presto l’età che mi agghiaccia
Mi schiaccerà sotto un pesante
fardello.
È l’ultimo bene al quale aspiro
Di vedere le vostre nozze promettere
a questo impero
Re nati da un sangue sì bello;
Senza lagnarmi della sorte cesserei di
vivere
Se questa dolce speranza può
seguirmi
Nella spaventevole notte della
tomba.
ARMIDA
69
La chaîne de l’Hymen m’estonne,
Je crains ses plus aimables nœuds:
Ah! Qu’un cœur devient mal’hereux
Quand la liberté l’abandonne!
HIDRAOT
Pour vous, quand il vous plaist, tout
l’Enfer est armé:
Vous estes plus sçavante en mon art
que moy-mesme,
Des grands Roys à vos pieds mettent
leur Diadême;
Qui vous void un moment, est pour
jamais charmé;
Pouvez-vous mieux gouster votre
bonheur extrême
Qu’avec un Espoux qui vous ayme,
Et qui soit digne d’estre aymé ?
ARMIDE
La catena dell’imene mi spaventa,
Temo i suoi legami più amabili,
Ah! Come un cuore diviene infelice
Quando la libertà lo abbandona!
IDRAOTE
Per voi, quando vi piace, tutto
l’inferno è armato:
Siete più esperta nella mia arte di
quanto non lo sia io stesso.
Ai vostri piedi, grandi Re depositano
le loro corone;
Chi vi vede un momento, è incantato
per sempre.
Potete meglio godere la vostra
estrema felicità
Se non con uno sposo che vi ama,
E che sia degno di essere amato?
ARMIDA
70
Contre mes ennemis à mon gré je
déchaîne
Le noir Empire des Enfers.
L’Amour met des Rois dans mes
fers,
Je suis de mille Amants Maistresse
souveraine,
Mais je fais mon plus grand bon-heur Ma la mia più grande felicità
D’estre maistresse de mon cœur.
HIDRAOT
Bornez-vous vos desirs à la gloire
cruelle
Des maux que fait votre beauté.
Ne ferez-vous jamais votre felicité
Du bon-heur d’un Amant fidelle.
ARMIDE
Contro i miei nemici a mio
piacimento scateno
Il nero impero dell’inferno.
L’amore mette dei Re nelle mie
catene;
Sono la padrona sovrana di mille
amanti;
È essere padrona del mio cuore.
IDRAOTE
Limitate i vostri desideri alla gloria
crudele
Dei mali che provoca la vostra
bellezza.
Non trarreste piuttosto la vostra
felicità
Dalla gioia di un amante fedele?
ARMIDA
71
Si je doy m’engager un jour,
Au moins devez vous croire
Qu’il faudra que ce soit la Gloire
Qui livre mon cœur à l’Amour.
Pour devenir mon Maistre
Ce n’est point assez d’estre Roy.
Ce sera la valeur qui me fera
connoître
Celuy qui merite ma foy.
Le Vainqueur de Renaud, si
quelqu’un le peut estre,
Sera digne de moy.
SCENE III
Troupes de Peuples du Royaume de
Damas. HIDRAOT, ARMIDE,
PHENICE, SIDONIE
Les Peuples du Royaume de Damas
témoignent par des danses & par des
chants la joye qu’ils ont de l’avantage
que la beauté de cette Princesse a
remporté sur les Chevaliers du Camp
de Godefroy.
HIDRAOT
Se devo impegnarmi un giorno,
Almeno dovete credere
Che dovrà essere la gloria
Che porta il mio cuore ad amare.
Per diventare mio padrone
Non è affatto sufficiente essere Re.
Sarà il valore che mi farà conoscere
Ciò che merita la mia fede.
Il vincitore Rinaldo, se qualcuno può
esserlo,
Sarà degno di me.
SCENE III
I POPOLI del regno di Damasco,
IDRAOTE, ARMIDA, FENICE,
SIDONIA
I rappresentanti dei popoli del regno
di Damasco testimoniano con danze
e canti la gioia per la vittoria che la
bellezza di questa principessa ha
riportato sui Cavalieri del campo di
Goffredo.
IDRAOTE
72
Armide est encor plus aymable
Que’elle n’est redoutable.
Que son triomphe est glorieux!
Ses charmes les plus forts sont ceux
de ses beaux yeux.
Elle n’a pas besoin d’employer l’art
terrible
Qui sçait quand il lui plaist faire
armer les Enfers;
Sa beauté trouve tout possible,
Nos plus fiers Ennemis gemissent
dans ses fers.
HIDRAOT & le Chœur
Armide est encor plus aymable
Qu’elle n’est redoutable.
Que son triomphe est glorieux!
Ses charmes les plus forts son ceux
de ses beaux yeux.
PHENICE & le Chœur
Suivons Armide et chantons sa
victoire.
Tout l’univers retentit de sa gloire.
Armida è ancora più amabile
Di quanto non sia temibile.
Quanto è glorioso il suo trionfo!
I suoi incanti più forti sono quelli dei
suoi begli occhi.
Non ha bisogno di ricorrere all’arte
terribile
Che sa, quando vuole, far armare
l’Inferno;
La sua bellezza trova tutto possibile:
I nostri nemici più fieri gemono nelle
sue catene.
IDRAOTE e il Coro
Armida è ancora più amabile
Di quanto non sia temibile.
Quanto è glorioso il suo trionfo!
I suoi incanti più forti sono quelli dei
suoi begli occhi.
FENICE e il Coro
Seguiamo Armida e cantiamo la sua
vittoria.
Tutto l’universo echeggia la sua
gloria.
73
PHENICE FENICE
Nos Ennemis affoiblis & troublez I nostri nemici, indeboliti e turbati,
N’estendront plus le progrez de leurs Non sentiranno più il progresso delle
armes; loro armi.
Ah! quel bonheur! nos desirs sont Ah, che gioia! I nostri desideri sono
comblez appagati,
Sans nous couster ny de sang ny de Senza costarci né sangue né lacrime.
larmes.

LE CHŒUR LE CHOEUR
Suivons Armide, & chantons sa Seguiamo Armida e cantiamo la sua
victoire, vittoria.
Tout l’Univers retentit de sa gloire. Tutto l’universo echeggia la sua
gloria.

PHENICE FENICE
L’ardent amour qui la suit en tous L’amore ardente, che la segue
lieux dappertutto,
S’attache aux cœurs qu’elle veut qu’il Si attacca ai cuori ch’ella vuole che
enflame. infiammi;
Il est content de régner dans ses È contento di regnare nei suoi occhi
yeux, E non osa ancora penetrare nella sua
Et n’ose encor passer jusqu’en son anima.
ame.

LE CHŒUR LE CHOEUR

74
Suivons Armide, & et chantons sa Seguiamo Armida e cantiamo la sua
Victoire, vittoria.
Tout l’Univers retentit de sa gloire. Tutto l’universo echeggia la sua
gloria.

SIDONIE & le Chœur

Que la douceur d’un triomphe est Quanto è estrema la dolcezza di un
extréme trionfo,
Quand on n’en doit tout l’honneur Quando a se stessi se ne deve
qu’à soy-mesme. l’onore.

SIDONIE SIDONIA
Nous n’avons point fait armer nos Non abbiamo fatto armare i nostri
soldats: soldati:
Sans leur secours Armide est Senza il loro aiuto Armida trionfa.
triomphante. Tutto il suo potere è nel suo dolce
Tout son pouvoir est dans ses doux fascino
appas; Nulla è tanto forte come la sua
Rien n’est si fort que sa beauté bellezza incantevole.
charmante.

LE CHŒUR LE CHOEUR
Que la douceur d’un triomphe est Quanto è estrema la dolcezza di un
extréme, trionfo,
Quand on n’en doit tout l’honneur Quando a se stessi se ne deve
qu’à soy-mesme. l’onore!

75
SIDONIE SIDONIA
La belle Armide a sceu vaincre La bella Armida ha saputo vincere
aisément facilmente
De fiers Guerriers plus craints que le Fieri Guerrieri più temuti del tuono,
Tonnirre, E il suo sguardo ha dato in meno di
Et ses regards ont en moins d’un un istante
moment Le leggi ai vincitori della Terra.
Donné des Loix aux Vainqueurs de
la Terre.

LE CHŒUR LE CHOEUR
Que la douceur d’un triomphe est Quanto è estrema la dolcezza di un
extrème trionfo,
Quand on n’en doit tout l’honneur Quando a se stessi se ne deve
qu’à soy-mesme. l’onore!

Le triomphe d’Armide est Il trionfo di Armida è interrotto

interrompu par l’arrivée d’Aronte, dall’arrivo di Aronte, che era stato
qui avoit été chargé de la conduite incaricato di condurre i cavalieri
des Chevaliers captifs, & qui revient prigionieri e che torna ferito,
blessé, & tenant à la main un tronçon tenendo in mano una lancia spezzata.
d’épée.

SCENE IV SCENA IV

76
ARONTE, HIDRAOT, ARMIDE, ARONTE, IDRAOTE, ARMIDA,
PHENICE, SIDONIE FENICE, SIDONIA
Troupes de Peuples de Damas Popoli di Damasco

ARONTE ARONTE
O Ciel! ô disgrace cruelle! O Cielo! o disgrazia crudele!
Je conduisois vos captifs avec soin; Conducevo i vostri prigionieri con
J’ay tout tenté pour vous marquer cura.
mon zele, Ho tentato di tutto per mostrarvi il
Mon sang qui coule en est temoin. mio zelo
Il mio sangue che cola ne è
testimone.

ARMIDE ARMIDA
Mais, où sont mes captifs? Ma dove sono i miei prigionieri?

ARONTE ARONTE
Un Guerrier indomptable Un guerriero indomabile
Les a délivrez tous. Li ha tutti liberati.

ARMIDE & HIDRAOT ARMIDA E IDRAOTE

Un seul Guerrier! que dites-vous? Un sol guerriero?
Ciel! Cielo!

ARONTE ARONTE

77
De nos Ennemis c’est le plus
redoutable.
Nos plus vaillants Soldats sont
tombez sous ses coups:
Rien ne peut resister à sa valeur
extresme.
ARMIDE
O Ciel! c’est Renaud.
ARONTE
C’est luy-mesme.
ARMIDE & HIDRAOT
Poursuivons jusqu’au trépas
L’Ennemy qui nous offence;
Qu’il n’échape pas
A nostre vengeance.
Le Cœur
Poursuivons jusqu’au trépas
L’Ennemy qui nous offence;
Qu’il n’échape pas
A notre vengeance.
Fin du premier Acte
Dei nostri nemici, è il più temibile.
I nostri soldati più valorosi sono
caduti sotto ai suoi colpi:
Nulla può resistere al suo valore
estremo..
ARMIDA
O Cielo! È Rinaldo.
ARONTE
È lui.
ARMIDA E IDRAOTE
Perseguiamo sino alla morte
Il nemico che ci offende
Che non sfugga
Alla nostra vendetta.
Il Coro
Perseguiamo sino alla morte
Il nemico che ci offende
Che non sfugga
Alla nostra vendetta.
Fine del primo Atto
78
ACTE II ATTO II
Le Theatre change, & represente une La scena cambia e rappresenta una
Campagne, ou une Riviere forme Isle campagna, dove un fiume forma una
agreable. piacevole isola.

SCENE I SCENA I
ARTEMIDORE, RENAUD ARTEMIDORO, RINALDO

ARTEMIDORE
Invincible Heros, c’est par vostre
courage
Que j’échape aux rigueurs d’un
funeste esclavage.
Après ce généreux secours,
Puis-je me dispenser de vous suivre
toujours?
ARTEMIDORO
Eroe invincibile, è grazie al vostro
coraggio
Che sfuggo ai rigori di una schiavitù
funesta.
Dopo questo generoso soccorso,
Come potrei non seguirvi sempre?

RENAUD RINALDO

79
Allez, allez remplir ma place
Aux lieux d’où mon malheur me
chasse.
Le fier Gernand m’a contraint à
punir
Sa temeraire audace:
D’une indigne prison Godefroy me
menace
Et de son Camp m’oblige a me
bannir.
Je m’en esloigne avec contrainte.
Heureux si j’avois pû consacrer mes
exploits
A délivrer la Cité Sainte
Qui gemit sous de dures loix:
Suivez les Guerriers qu’un beau zele
Presse de signaler leur valeur & leur
foy:
Cherchez une gloire immortelle,
Je veux dans mon exil n’enveloper
que moy.
ARTEMIDORE
Andate, andate a prendere il mio
posto
Nei luoghi dai quali la mia sfortuna
mi scaccia.
Il fiero Gernando mi ha costretto a
punire
La sua audacia temeraria:
Goffredo mi minaccia da una
prigione indegna
E dal suo campo mi obbliga a bandir
me stesso.
Me ne allontano a fatica.
Felice, se avessi potuto consacrare i
miei sforzi
A liberare la Città Santa
Che geme sotto dure leggi!
Seguite i Guerrieri che un bello zelo
Preme di segnalare il loro valore e la
loro fede:
Cercate una gloria immortale.
Nel mio esilio non voglio
coinvolgere altri che me stesso.
ARTEMIDORO
80
Sans vous, que peut-on entreprendre
? intraprendere?
Celui qui vous bannit ne pourra se
deffendre
De souhaiter votre retour.
S’il faut que je vous quitte, au moins
ne puis-je apprendre
En quels lieux vous allez choisir
vostre sejour.
RENAUD
Le repos me fait violence.
La seule Gloire a pour moi des
appas.
Je pretends adresser mes pas
Où la Justice & l’Innocence
Auront besoin du secours de mon
bras.
ARTEMIDORE
Senza di voi cosa si può
Colui che vi bandisce non potrà
evitare
Di desiderare il vostro ritorno.
Se devo lasciarvi, almeno non posso
apprendere
In quali luoghi sceglierete il vostro
soggiorno?
RINALDO
Il riposo mi fa violenza,
Solo la gloria ha per me delle grazie:
Pretendo rivolgere i miei passi
Là dove la giustizia e l’innocenza
Avranno bisogno del mio braccio.
ARTEMIDORO
81
Fuyez les lieux où regne Armide
Si vous cherchez à vivre heureux.
Pour le cœur le plus intrépide,
Elle a des charmes dangereux.
C’est une ennemie implacable,
Evitez ses ressentiments.
Puisse le Ciel à mes vœux favorable,
Vous garentir de ses enchantements.
RENAUD
Par une heureuse indifference
Mon cœur s’est dérobé sans peine à
sa puissance,
Je la vis seulement d’un regard
curieux.
Est-il plus mal aisé d’éviter sa
vengeance
Que d’échaper au pouvoir de ses
yeux?
J’aime la liberté, rien ne m’a pû
contraindre
A m’engager jusqu’à ce jour.
Quand on peut mépriser le charme
de l’Amour
Quels enchantements peut-on
craindre?
Fuggite i luoghi dove regna Armida
Se cercate di vivere felice;
Per il cuore più intrepido
Ella ha degli incanti pericolosi.
È una nemica implacabile,
Evitate i suoi rancori.
Possa il Cielo, ai miei voti favorevole,
Proteggervi dai suoi incantesimi.
RINALDO
Grazie ad una felice indifferenza
Il mio cuore si è sottratto senza pena
alla sua potenza;
La vidi soltanto con un sguardo
curioso.
E più arduo evitare la sua vendetta
Che non fuggire al potere dei suoi
occhi?
Amo la libertà, nulla ha potuto
costringermi
A impegnarmi fino a oggi.
Quando si può disprezzare il fascino
dell’amore
Quali incantesimi si possono temere?
82
SCENE II
HIDRAOT, ARMIDE.
HIDRAOT
Arrestons-nous icy: c’est dans ce lieu
fatal
Que la fureur qui nous anime
Ordonne à l’Empire infernal
De conduire nostre victime.
ARMIDE
Que l’Enfer aujourd’huy tarde à
suivre nos loix!
HIDRAOT
Pour achever le charme il faut unir
nos voix.
HIDRAOT & ARMIDE
Esprits de haine & de rage,
Demons, obeïssez -nous.
Livrez à notre couroux
L’Ennemy qui nous outrage.
Esprits de haine & de rage,
Demons, obeïssez-nous.
SCENA II
IDRAOTE, ARMIDA.
IDRAOTE
Fermiamoci qui: è in questo luogo
fatale
Che il furore che ci anima
Ordina all’impero infernale
Di condurre la nostra vittima.
ARMIDA
Come tarda oggi l’inferno a seguire le
nostre leggi!
IDRAOTE
Per compiere l’incanto dobbiamo
unire le nostre voci.
IDRAOTE E ARMIDA
Spiriti dell’odio e dell’ira
Demoni, obbedite a noi.
Lasciate alla nostra furia
Il nemico che ci oltraggia.
Spiriti dell’odio e dell’ira
Demoni, obbedite a noi.
83
ARMIDE
Demons affreux, cachez-vous
Sous une agreable image:
Enchantez ce fier courage
Par les charmes les plus doux.
HIDRAOT & ARMIDE
Esprits de haine & de rage,
Demons, obeïssez -nous.
Armide aperçoit Renaud qui
s’aproche des bords de la rivière.
ARMIDE
Dans le piege fatal notre Ennemy
s’engage.
HIDRAOT
Nos Soldats sont cachez dans le
prochain Boccage;
Il faut que sur Renaud ils viennent
fondre tous.
ARMIDE
ARMIDA
Demoni orribili, nascondetevi
Sotto ad una gradevole immagine.
Ammaliate questo fiero coraggio
Con gli incantesimi più dolci.
IDRAOTE ET ARMIDA
Spiriti dell’odio e dell’ira
Demoni, obbedite a noi.
Armida scorge Rinaldo che si
avvicina alla riva del fiume.
ARMIDA
Nel tranello fatale, il nostro nemico
cade.
IDRAOTE
I nostri soldati sono celati nel
boschetto vicino;
È necessario che calino tutti su
Rinaldo.
ARMIDA
84
Cette victime est mon partage;
Laissez-moy l’immoler, laissez-moy
l’avantage
De voir ce cœur superbe expirer de
mes coups.
Hidraot & Armide se retirent.
Renaud s’arrête pour considerer les
bords du Fleuve, & quitte une de ses
armes pour prendre le frais.
SCENE III
RENAUD seul
Questa vittima è mia:
Lasciatemi immolarla, lasciatemi il
vantaggio
Di vedere questo cuore superbo
spirare sotto i miei colpi.
Idraote e Armida si ritirano.
Rinaldo si arresta per contemplare le
rive del fiume, e lascia una parte delle
sue armi per prendere il fresco.
SCENA III
RINALDO, da solo
85
Plus j’observe ces lieux, & plus je les
admire.
Ce Fleuve coule lentement
Et s’éloigne à regret d’un sejour si
charmant.
Les plus aimables fleurs & le plus
doux zephire
Parfument l’air qu’on y respire.
Non, je ne puis quitter des rivages si
beaux.
Un son harmonieux se mesle au bruit rumore delle acque.
des eaux.
Les Oiseaux enchantez se taisent
pour l’entendre.
Des charmes du sommeil j’ay peine à
me deffendre.
Ce gazon, cét ombrage frais,
Tout m’invite au repos sous ce
feüillage espais.
Renaud s’endort sur un Gazon, au
bord de la Riviere.
SCENE IV
Più osservo questi luoghi e più li
ammiro.
Questo fiume scorre lentamente
E si allontana con rimpianto da un
luogo così incantevole.
I fiori più amabili e i più dolci zeffiri
Profumano l’aria che vi si respira.
No, non posso lasciare delle rive così
belle.
Un suono armonioso si mescola al
Gli uccelli incantati si tacciono per
ascoltarlo.
Fatico a difendermi dalle dolcezze
del sonno.
Questo prato, quest’ombra fresca,
Tutto mi invita al riposo sotto queste
fronde spesse.
Rinaldo si addormenta su di un
prato, sul bordo del fiume.
SCENA IV
86
RENAUD endormy. Un Nayade qui
sort du Fleuve.
Troupe de Nymphes, Troupe de
Bergers. Troupe de Bergeres.
Une Nayade
Au temps heureux où l’on sait plaire
Qu’il est doux d’aimer tendrement!
Pourquoy dans les perils avec
empressement
Chercher d’un vain honneur l’esclat
imaginaire?
Pour une trompeuse chimere
Faut-il quitter un bien charmant?
Au temps heureux ou l’on sçait plaire incantevole?
Qu’il est doux d’aimer tendrement!
Le Chœur
Ah! quelle erreur! quelle folie!
De ne pas jouïr de la vie!
C’est aux Jeux, c’est aux Amours,
Qu’il faut donner les beaux jours.
RINALDO, addormentato; una
Naiade che esce dal fiume; Schiera di
Ninfe, schiera di Pastori e Pastorelle.
Una Naiade
Nell’età felice in cui si sa piacere
Com’è dolce amare teneramente!
Perché cercare con sforzo nei
pericoli
Il lustro immaginario di un vano
onore?
Per una chimera ingannevole
Bisogna lasciare un bene
Nell’età felice in cui si sa piacere
Com’è dolce amare teneramente!
IL CORO
Ah! che errore, che follia
Non gioire della vita!
È ai giochi, è agli amori
Che bisogna dare i giorni belli.
87
Les Demons, sous la figure des
Nymphes, des Bergers et des
Bergeres, enchantent Renaud, &
l’enchaînent durant son sommeil
avec des Guirlandes de fleurs.
Une Bergere
On s’estonneroit moins que la saison
nouvelle
Revinst sans ramener les fleurs & les
zephirs;
Que de voir de nos ans la saison la
plus belle
Sans l’amour & sans les plaisirs.
Laissons au tendre amour la Jeunesse Lasciamo la giovinezza al tenero
en partage,
La Sagesse a son temps, il ne vient
que trop tost:
Ce n’est pas estre sage,
D’estre plus sage qu’il ne faut.
Les Chœurs
Ah! quelle erreur! quelle folie!
De ne pas jouïr de la vie!
C’est aux Jeux, c’est aux Amours,
Qu’il faut donner les beaux jours.
I Demoni, sotto forma di Ninfe,
Pastori e Pastorelle, incantano
Rinaldo e lo incatenano nel sonno
con ghirlande di fiori.
Una pastorella
Ci si stupirebbe di meno che la
nuova stagione
Ritornasse senza portare fiori e
zeffiri,
Piuttosto che vedere la stagione più
bella dei nostri anni
Senza amore e senza piaceri.
amore.
La saggezza ha il proprio tempo, non
viene se non troppo presto.
Non è saggio
Essere più saggi di quanto non sia
necessario.
Il Coro
Ah! che errore, che follia
Non gioire della vita!
È ai giochi, è agli amori
Che bisogna dare i giorni belli.
88
SCENE V SCENA V

ARMIDE, RENAUD, endormy. ARMIDA, RINALDO,

addormentato.

ARMIDE, tenant un dard à la main ARMIDA, con una freccia in mano

89
Enfin il est en ma puissance,
Ce fatal Ennemy, ce superbe
Vainqueur.
Le charme du sommeil le livre à ma
vengeance;
Je vais percer son invincible cœur.
Par luy tous mes Captifs sont sortis
d’esclavage;
Qu’il éprouve toute ma rage.
Armide va pour fraper Renaud, & ne
peut exécuter le dessein qu’elle a de
lui ôter la vie.
Quel trouble me saisit? qui me fait
hesiter?
Qu’est-ce qu’en sa faveur la pitié me
veut dire?
Frapons… Ciel! qui peut m’arrester?
Achevons… je fremis! Vangeons-
nous... je soûpire!
Est-ce ainsi que je doy me vanger
aujourd’huy!
Ma colere s’éteint quand j’approche
de luy.
Plus je le voy; plus ma vengeance est
vaine;
Mon bras tremblant se refuse à ma
haine.
Ah! quelle cruauté de luy ravir le jour! Ah! che crudeltà rapirgli il giorno!
A ce jeune Heros tout cede sur la
Terre.
Qui croiroit quil fust né seulement
Alfine, è in mio potere,
Questo fatal nemico, questo superbo
vincitore.
L’incanto del sonno lo consegna alla
mia vendetta.
Trafiggerò il suo cuore invincibile.
A causa sua tutti i miei prigionieri
non sono più in schiavitù.
Che provi tutto il mio furore…
Armida fa per colpire Rinaldo e non
può compiere il disegno che ha di
togliergli la vita.
Che turbamento mi prende? chi mi
fa esitare?
Che cosa in suo favore, vuol dirmi la
pietà?
Colpiamo… Cielo! chi può
fermarmi?
Finiamo… fremo! Vendichiamoci…
sospiro!
È dunque così che devo vendicarmi
oggi?
La mia collera si spegne quando mi
avvicino a lui.
Più lo vedo, più la mia vendetta è
vana;
90
Il mio braccio tremante si rifiuta al
mio odio.
A questo giovane eroe, tutto cede
sulla terra.
Chi crederebbe che sia nato soltanto
Les Demons transformez en I Demoni, trasformati in Zefiri,
Zephirs, enlevent Renaud & Armide. portano via Rinaldo e Armida.

ACTE III ATTO III

Le Theatre change & represente un La scena cambia e rappresenta un
Desert. deserto.

SCENE I SCENA I

ARMIDE, seule ARMIDA

91
Ah! si la liberté me doit estre ravie,
Est-ce à toy d’estre mon Vainqueur ?
Trop funeste Ennemy du bonheur de Sei tu il mio vincitore?
ma vie,
Faut-il que malgré moy tu regnes
dans mon cœur?
Le desir de ta mort fut ma plus chere
envie;
Comment as-tu changé ma colere en
langueur?
En vain de mille Amants je me
voyois suivie,
Aucun n’a fléchy ma rigueur.
Se peut-il que Renaud tienne Armide
asservie?
Ah! si la liberté me doit estre ravie,
Est-ce à toy d’estre mon Vainqueur ?
Trop funeste Ennemy du bonheur de sottratta
ma vie,
Faut-il que malgré moy tu regnes
dans mon cœur?
SCENE II
Ah, se la libertà deve essermi
sottratta
Nemico troppo funesto della felicità
della mia vita
Devi, malgrado me stessa, regnare
nel mio cuore?
Il desiderio della tua morte fu il mio
desio più forte,
Come hai potuto cambiare la mia
collera in languore?
In vano mi vedevo seguita da mille
amanti,
Nessuno ha indebolito il mio rigore.
E’ possibile che Rinaldo tenga
Armida in suo potere?
Ah, se la libertà deve essermi
Sei tu il mio vincitore?
Nemico troppo funesto della felicità
della mia vita
Devi, malgrado me stessa, regnare
nel mio cuore?
SCENA II
92
ARMIDE, PHENICE, SIDONIE
PHENICE
Que ne peut point votre art? la force
en est extrême.
Quel prodige! quel changement!
Renaud qui fut si fier, vous aime,
On n’a jamais aimé si tendrement.
SIDONIE
Montrez-vous à ses yeux, soyez
témoin vous-mesme
Du merveilleux effet de votsre
enchantement.
ARMIDE
L’Enfer n’a pas encor remply mon
esperance,
Il faut qu’un nouveau charme assure
ma vengeance.
SIDONIE
ARMIDA, FENICE, SIDONIA
FENICE
Cosa non può fare la vostra arte? la
sua potenza è estrema.
Che prodigio! Che cambiamento!
Rinaldo, che fu si fiero, vi ama
Nessuno ha mai amato tanto
teneramente.
SIDONIA
Mostratevi ai suoi occhi, siate
testimone voi stessi
Del meraviglioso effetto dei vostro
incantesimo.
ARMIDA
L’inferno non ha ancora riempito la
mia speranza;
Bisogna che un nuovo incantesimo
assicuri la mia vendetta.
SIDONIA
93
Sur des bords separez du sejour des
Humains,
Qui peut arracher de vos mains
Un Ennemy qui vous adore?
Vous enchantez Renaud, que
craignez-vous encore?
Su rive lontane dal soggiorno degli
umani
Chi può strappare dalle vostre mani
Un nemico che vi adora?
Incantate Rinaldo, cosa temete
ancora?

ARMIDE ARMIDA

94
Hélas! C’est mon cœur que je crains.
Votre amitié dans mon sort
s’interesse,
Je vous ay fait conduire avec moy
dans ces lieux:
Au reste des Mortels je cache ma
foiblesse,
Je n’en veux rougir qu’à vos yeux.
De mes plus doux regards Renaud
sçeut se deffendre.
Je ne pûs engager ce cœur fier à se
rendre;
Il m’échapa malgré mes soins:
Sous le nom du Dépit l’Amour vint
me surprendre
Lorsque je m’en gardois le moins.
Plus Renaud m’aimera, moins je
seray tranquille;
J’ay resolu de le haïr:
Je n’ay tenté jamais rien de si
difficile:
Je crains que pour forcer mon cœur à Temo che per costringere il mio
m’obeïr
Tout mon Art ne soit inutile.
PHENICE
Ahimé! È’ il mio cuore che temo.
La vostra amicizia si interessa alle
mie sorti:
Vi ho fatto condurre con me in
questi luoghi.
Agli altri mortali nascondo la mia
debolezza,
Voglio arrossirne solo ai vostri occhi.
Rinaldo seppe difendersi dai miei più
dolci sguardi;
Non riuscii a costringere quel cuore
fiero ad arrendersi.
Mi sfugge nonostante i miei sforzi.
Sotto le spoglie del disprezzo,
l’amore mi sorprese
Quando meno me ne curavo.
Più Rinaldo mi amerà, meno sarò
serena;
Ho risolto di odiarlo:
Non ho mai tentato nulla di così
difficile,
cuore a obbedirmi,
Tutta la mia arte non sarà inutile.
FENICE
95
Que vostre art seroit beau! qu’il
seroit admiré!
S’il sçavoit garentir des troubles de la
vie.
Heureux qui peut estre asseuré
De disposer de son coeur à son gré;
C’est un secret digne d’envie,
Mais de tous les secrets c’est le plus
ignoré.
SIDONIE
La Haine est affreuse & barbare,
L’Amour contraint les cœurs dont il
s’empare
A souffrir des maux rigoureux.
Si vostre sort est en votre puissance,
Faites choix de l’Indifference,
Elle assure un repos heureux.
ARMIDE
Come sarebbe bella la vostra arte,
come sarebbe ammirata!
Se sapesse allontanare gli affanni
della vita.
Felice colui che può essere sicuro
Di disporre del proprio cuore a
proprio piacimento!
È un segreto degno di invidia:
Ma, di tutti i segreti, è quello più
ignorato.
SIDONIA
L’odio è orribile e barbaro;
L’amore costringe i cuori di cui si
impadronisce
A soffrire mali tremendi;
Se la vostra sorte è in vostro potere,
Fate scelta dell’indifferenza:
Assicura un riposo felice.
96
Non, non, il ne m’est plus possible
De passer de mon trouble en un
estat paisible;
Mon cœur ne se peut plus calmer.
Renaud m’offence trop, il n’est que
trop aimable,
C’est pour moy desormais un choix
indispensable
De le haïr, ou de l’aimer.
PHENICE
Vous n’avez pû haïr ce Heros
invincible
Lorsqu’il estoit le plus terrible
De tous vos Ennemis.
Il vous aime, l’Amour l’enchaîne;
Garderiez-vous mieux vostre haine
Contre un Amant si tendre & si
soûmis?
ARMIDE
No no, non mi è più possibile
Passare dal mio tormento ad uno
stato piacevole.
Il mio cuore non può calmarsi.
Rinaldo troppo m’offende, è troppo
amabile,
Ormai per me è una scelta
indispensabile
Odiarlo, o amarlo.
FENICE
Non avete potuto odiare questo eroe
invincibile
Quando era il più terribile
Di tutti i vostri nemici:
Vi ama, l’amore lo incatena,
Conservereste meglio il vostro odio
Contro un amante così tenero e
sottomesso?
ARMIDA
97
Il m’aime! quel amour! ma honte s’en
augmente!
Dois-je estre aimée ainsi! puis-je en
estre contente?
C’est un vain triomphe, un faux bien.
Helas! que son amour est different
du mien!
J’ay recours aux Enfers pour allumer
sa flame.
C’est l’effort de mon Art qui peut
tout sur son ame;
Ma faible beauté n’y peut rien.
Par son propre merite il suspend ma
vengenance;
Sans secours, sans effort, mesme
sans qu’il y pense,
Il enchaîne mon cœur d’un trop
charmant lien.
Helas! que mon amour est différent
du sien!
Quelle vengeance ai-je à prétendre
Si je le veux aimer toujours.
Quoy; ceder sans rien entreprendre?
Non, il faut appeler la Haine à mon
secours.
L’horreur de ces lieux solitaires
Par mon art va se redoubler.
Detournez vos regards de mes
affreux mysteres,
Et, surtout, empéchez Renaud de me
troubler.
Egli m’ama! Che amore! La mia
vergogna cresce!
Devo essere amata così ! Posso
esserne contenta?
È un vano trionfo, un falso bene.
Ahimè! Quanto è diverso il suo
amore dal mio!
Sono ricorsa all’inferno per
accendere la sua fiamma,
È lo sforzo della mia arte che può
tutto sulla sua anima,
La mia debole bellezza nulla può.
Per merito proprio egli sospende la
mia vendetta;
Senza aiuto, senza sforzo, perfino
senza che ci pensi,
Incatena il mio cuore con un legame
troppo dolce.
Ahimè! Com’è diverso il mio amore
dal suo!
Che vendetta devo pretendere,
Se voglio amarlo sempre?
Come, cedere senza nulla tentare?
No, bisogna chiamare l’Odio in mio
aiuto.
L’orrore di questi luoghi solitari
Con la mia arte si raddoppierà.
Girate i vostri sguardi dai miei
98
terribili misteri.
E, soprattutto, impedite a Rinaldo di
turbarmi.
SCENE III
ARMIDE seule
Venez, venez, Haine implacable,
Sortez du Gouffre épouvantable
Ou vous faites régner une éternelle
horreur.
Sauvez-moy de l’Amour, rien n’est si
redoutable:
Contre un ennemi trop aimbale
Rendez-moy mon coroux, rallumez
ma fureur.
Venez, venez, Haine implacable,
Sortez du Gouffre épouvantable
Ou vous faites régner une éternelle
horreur.
La Haine sort des Enfers,
accompagnée des Furies, de la
Cruauté, de la Vengeance, de la Rage, Crudeltà, dalla Vendetta, dalla Rabbia
& des Passions qui dépendent de la
Haine.
SCENE IV
SCENA III
ARMIDA da sola
Venite, venite, Odio implacabile,
Uscite dagli abissi spaventosi,
Dove fate regnare un orrore eterno.
Salvatemi dall’Amore, nulla è tanto
temibile.
Contro un nemico troppo amabile,
Ridatemi il mio odio, riaccendete il
mio furore.
Venite, venite, Odio implacabile,
Uscite dagli abissi spaventosi
Dove fate regnare un orrore eterno.
L’Odio esce dagli inferi,
accompagnato dalle Furie, dalla
e dalle Passioni che dipendono
dall’Odio.
SCENA IV
99
ARMIDE, la HAYNE, Suite de la ARMIDA, L’ODIO, il seguito
HAINE dell’ODIO

La HAINE L’ODIO
Je responds à tes vœux, ta voix s’est Rispondo ai tuoi voti, la tua voce si è
fait entendre, fatta sentire
Jusques dans le fond des Enfers. Sino al fondo degli inferi.
Pour toy, contre l’Amour, je vais tout Per te, contro l’Amore, farò tutto;
entreprendre, E quando da lui ci si vuol difendere
Et quand on veut bien s’en Si possono evitare le sue indegne
deffendre, catene.
On peut se garentir de ses indignes
fers.

La HAINE & sa Suite L’ODIO e il suo seguito

Plus on connoist l’Amour, & plus on
le deteste:
Destruisons son pouvoir funeste.
Rompons ses noeuds, dexchirons
son Bandeau;
Brulons ses traits, esteignons son
Flambeau.
Più si conosce l’amore, e più lo si
detesta;
Distruggiamo il suo potere funesto.
Rompiamo i suoi nodi, stracciamo la
sua benda,
Bruciamo i suoi dardi, spegniamo la
sua fiamma.

Le Chœur repete ces quatre dernier Il Coro ripete questi ultimi quattro
Vers. versi.

100
Plus on connoist l’Amour, & plus on
le deteste:
Destruisons son pouvoir funeste.
Rompons ses noeuds, dexchirons
son Bandeau;
Brulons ses traits, esteignons son
Flambeau.
La Suite de la Haine s’empresse à
briser & à brûler les armes dont
l’amour se sert.
La Haine & sa Suite.
Amour, sors pour jamais, sors d’un
coeur qui te chasse:
Laisse-moy règner en ta place.
Tu faits trop souffrir sous ta loy,
Non, tout l’Enfer n’a rien de si cruel
que toy.
La Suite de la Haine témoigne qu’elle
se prepare avec plaisir à triompher de prepara con piacere a trionfare
l’Amour.
La Haine approchant d’Armide
Più si conosce l’amore, e più lo si
detesta;
Distruggiamo il suo potere funesto.
Rompiamo i suoi nodi, stracciamo la
sua benda,
Bruciamo i suoi dardi, spegniamo la
sua fiamma.
Il Seguito dell’Odio comincia a
rompere e a bruciare le armi di cui si
serve l’amore.
L’odio e il suo seguito.
Amore, esci per sempre, esci da un
cuore che ti scaccia
Lasciami regnare al tuo posto.
Fai troppo soffrire sotto la tua legge,
No, tutto l’inferno non ha nulla di
tanto crudele quanto te
Il Seguito dell’Odio mostra che si
sull’Amore.
L’Odio avvicinandosi ad Armide
101
Sors, sors du sein d’Armide, Amour, Esci, esci dal seno di Armida, Amore
brise ta chaîne. rompi la tua catena.

ARMIDE
Arreste, arreste, affreuse Haine.
Laisse-moy sous les Loix d’un si
charmant Vainqueur.
Laisse-moy, je renonce à ton secours
horrible.
Non, non, n’achève pas, non, il n’est
pas possible
De m’oster mon amour, sans
m’arracher le cœur.
ARMIDA
Fermati, fermati, terribile Odio.
Lasciami sotto le leggi di un vincitore
così bello;
Lasciami, rinuncio al tuo aiuto
orribile,
No, no, non concludere; no, non è
possibile
Togliermi il mio amore, senza
strapparmi il cuore.

La Haine L’odio

102
N’implores-tu mon assistance
Que pour mépriser ma puissance;
Suy l’Amour, puisque tu le veux.
Infortunée Armide,
Suy l’Amour qui te guide
Dans un abysme affreux.
Sur ces bords écartéz c’est en vain
que tu cache
Le Heros dont ton cœur s’est trop
laissé toucher.
La Gloire, à qui tu l’arrache
Doit bien-tost te l’arracher.
Malgré tes soins, au mépris de tes
larmes,
Tu le verras échapper à tes charmes,
Tu me rappelleras, peut-estre dés ce
jour,
Et ton attente sera vaine,
Je vais te quitter sans retour;
Je ne puis te punir d’une plus rude
peine
Que de t’abandonner pour jamais à
l’Amour.
La Haine & sa Suite s’abisme.
Non implori tu la mia assistenza
Solo per disprezzare la mia potenza?
Segui l’Amore, poiché lo vuoi,
Sfortunata Armida,
Segui l’Amore che ti guida
In un orribile abisso.
Su queste rive appartate, è in vano
che tu nascondi
L’eroe che troppo ha toccato il tuo
core:
La gloria alla quale lo strappi,
Ben presto te lo strapperà.
Malgrado le tue cure, nonostante le
tue lacrime
Lo vedrai sfuggire ai tuoi incanti.
Tu mi rammenterai, forse, da questo
giorno,
E la tua attesa sarà vana:
Ti lascerò senza ritorno;
Non posso punirti con una pena che
sia più dura
Dell’abbandonarti per sempre
all’Amore.
L’Odio e il suo Seguito si inabissano.
103
ACTE IV
SCENE I
UBALDE & le Chevalier Danois
Ubalde porte un bouclier de
Diamans, & tient un Sceptre d’or,
qui luy ont été donné par un
Magicien, pour dissiper les
enchantements d’Armide, & pour
délivrer Renaud. Le Chevalier
Danois porte une Espée qu’il doit
présenter à Renaud. Une vapeur
s’eleve et se respand dans le Desert
qui a paru au troisiéme Acte. Des
Antres et des Abismes s’ouvrent, et il feroci e mostri spaventosi.
en sort des Bestes farouches et des
Monstres espouvantables.
UBALDE, & le Chevalier Danois.
Nous ne trouvons partout que des
Gouffres ouverts,
Armide a dans ces lieux transportés
les Enfers.
Ah! que d’objets horribles!
Que de Monstres terribles!
ATTO IV
SCENA I
UBALDO e il Cavaliere Danese
Ubaldo porta uno scudo di diamanti
e tiene uno scettro d’oro, che gli
sono stati donati da un mago per
dissipare gli incantesimi di Armida e
per liberare Rinaldo. Il Cavaliere
Danese porta una spada che deve
consegnare a Rinaldo. Si leva un
vapore e si spande nel deserto
comparso nell’Atto III. Si aprono
antri ed abissi e ne fuoriescono bestie
UBALDO e il Cavaliere Danese.
Non troviamo dappertutto altro che
baratri aperti,
Armida ha trasportato l’inferno in
questi luoghi.
Ah! che oggetti orribili!
Che mostri terribili!
104
Le Chevalier Danois attaque les
Monstres, Ubalde le retient, & lui
montre le Sceptre d’or qu’il porte, &
qui leur a été donné pour dissiper les
Enchantemens.
UBALDE
Celuy qui nous envoye a prévu ce
danger,
Et nous a monstré l’art de nous en
dégager.
Ne craignons point Armide ny ses
charmes:
Par ce secours, plus puissant que nos
armes,
Nous en serons aisément garentis.
Laissez-nous un libre passage,
Monstres, allez cacher votre inutile
rage
Dans les gouffres profonds dont
vous estes sortis.
Les Monstres s’abisment, la vapeur
se dissipe, le Desert disparoit, & se
change en une Campagne agreable,
bordée d’arbres chargéz de fruits &
arrosé de Ruisseaux.
Il Cavaliere Danese attacca i mostri,
Ubaldo lo trattiene, e dice,
mostrandogli lo scettro d’oro che
porta, e che gli è stato donato per
dissipare gli incantesimi.
UBALDO
Colui che ci invia ha previsto questo
pericolo,
E ci ha mostrato l’arte di liberarcene.
Non temiamo Armida, né i suoi
incantesimi.
Con questo soccorso, più potente
delle nostre armi
Ne saremo facilmente protetti.
Lasciateci un passaggio libero,
Mostri, nascondete il vostro furore
inutile
Nei baratri profondi dai quali siete
usciti.
I mostri si inabissano e il vapore si
dissipa, il deserto scompare e si
trasforma in una gradevole
campagna, contornata da alberi
carichi di frutti e bagnata da ruscelli.
105
Le Chevalier Danois.
Allons chercher Renaud, le Ciel nous
favorise
Dans notre penible entreprise.
Ce qui peut flater nos desirs
Doit à son tour tenter de nous
surprendre.
C’est desormais du charme des
plaisirs
Que nous aurons à nous défendre.
UBALDE & le Chevalier Danois
ensemble.
Redoublons nos soins, gardons-nous
Des perils agreables.
Les enchantements les plus doux
Sont les plus redoutables
UBALDE
Il Cavaliere Danese.
Andiamo a cercare Rinaldo, il Cielo
ci è favorevole
Nella nostra difficile impresa.
Ciò che può soddisfare i nostri
desideri,
Deve a sua volta tentare di
sorprenderci;
Ormai è dalla bellezza dei piaceri
Che dovremo difenderci.
UBALDO e il Cavaliere Danese.
Raddoppiamo i nostri sforzi,
guardiamoci
Dai pericoli amabili:
Gli incantesimi più dolci
Sono i più temibili.
UBALDO
106
On voit d’icy le sejour enchanté
D’Armide et du Heros qu’elle aime,
Dans ce Palais Renaud est arresté
Par un charme fatal dont la force est
extréme.
C’est la que ce Vainqueur si fier, si
redouté,
Oubliant tout jusqu’à luy mesme,
Est reduit à languir avec indignité
Dans une nouvelle oisiveté.
Le Chevalier Danois
En vain tout l’Enfer s’interesse
Dans l’Amour qui seduit un coeur si
glorieux:
Si sur ce Bouclier Renaud tourne les
yeux
Il rougira se da foiblesse,
Et nous l’engageons à partir de ces
lieux.
SCENE II
Da qui si vede il soggiorno incantato
D’Armida e dell’eroe ch’ella ama.
In questo palazzo Rinaldo è
trattenuto
Da un incantesimo fatale la cui forze
è estrema;
È colà che questo vincitore, così
fiero, così temuto,
Dimenticando tutto, fino a se stesso,
È ridotto a languire con indegnità
In un ozio novello.
Il Cavaliere Danese
Invano tutto l’inferno si interessa
A un amore che seduce un cuore
così glorioso:
Se a questo scudo Rinaldo volge lo
sguardo
Arrossirà della sua debolezza,
E lo incitiamo a partire da questi
luoghi.
SCENA II
107
Un Demon sous la figure de
Lucinde, fille Danoise, aimée du
Chevalier Danois. Troupe de
Demons transformez en habitans
Champestres de l’Isle qu’Armide a
choisie pour y retenir Renaud
enchanté.
UBALDE, le Chevalier Danois
LUCINDE
Voicy la charmante Retraite
De la félicité parfaite;
Voici l’heureux sejour
Des Jeux & de l’Amour.
Le Chœur
Voicy la charmante Retraite
De la félicité parfaite;
Voici l’heureux sejour
Des Jeux & de l’Amour.
Les Habitans Champestres dansent.
UBALDE parlant au Chevalier
Danois
Un Demone con le sembianze di
Lucinda, fanciulla danese amata dal
Cavaliere Danese. Gruppo di
Demoni trasformati in Abitanti
Campestri dell’Isola che Armida ha
scelta per trattenervi Rinaldo, sotto il
suo incantesimo.
UBALDO, il Cavaliere Danese
LUCINDA
Ecco il bel ritiro
Della felicità perfetta;
Ecco il felice soggiorno
Degli occhi e dell’amore.
Il Coro
Ecco il bel ritiro
Della felicità perfetta;
Ecco il felice soggiorno
Degli occhi e dell’amore.
Gli abitanti campestri danzano.
UBALDO, rivolgendosi al Cavaliere
Danese.
108
Allons, qui vous retient encore?
Allons, c’est trop nous arrester.
Le Chevalier Danois
Je voy la Beauté que j’adore:
C’est elle, je n’en puis douter.
LUCINDE & le Chœur
Jamais dans ces beaux lieux nostre
attente n’est vaine,
Le bien que nous cherchons se vient
offrir à nous,
Et pour l’avoir trouvé sans peine,
Nous ne l’en trouvons pas moins
doux.
Le Choeur
Voicy la charmante Retraite
De la félicité parfaite;
Voici l’heureux sejour
Des Jeux & de l’Amour.
LUCINDE parlant au Chevalier
Danois
Andiamo, cosa vi trattiene ancora?
Andiamo, è troppo il fermarci.
Il Cavaliere Danese
Vedo la bellezza che adoro
È lei, non posso dubitarne.
LUCINDA e il Coro
In questi bei luoghi, la nostra attesa
non è mai vana.
Il bene che cerchiamo viene ad
offrirsi a noi,
E avendolo trovato senza fatica
Non lo troviamo per questo meno
dolce.
Il Coro
Ecco il bel ritiro
Della felicità perfetta;
Ecco il felice soggiorno
Degli occhi e dell’amore.
LUCINDA, rivolgendosi al Cavaliere
Danese
109
Enfin, je voy l’Amant pour qui mon Infine, vedo l’amante per il quale il
coeur soûpire, mio cuore sospira,
Je retrouve le bien que j’ay tant Ritrovo il bene che tanto ho
souhaité. desiderato.

Le Chevalier Danois Il Cavaliere Danese

Puis-je voir icy la Beauté Posso vedere la bellezza
Qui m’a soûmis à son Empire? Che mi ha sottomesso al suo
impero?

UBALDE UBALDO
Non, ce n’est qu’un charme No, è solo un incantesimo
trompeur ingannatore
Dont il faut garder votre cœur. Dal quale bisogna proteggere il
vostro cuore.

Le Chevalier Danois Il Cavaliere Danese

Si loins des bords glacez où vous Così lontano dalle rive ghiacciate
pristes naissance, dove nasceste
Qui peut vous offrir à mes yeux? Chi può offrirvi ai miei occhi?

LUCINDE LUCINDA

110
Par une magique puissance
Armide m’a conduite en ces aimables
lieux,
Et je vivois dans la douce esprérance
De voir bien-tost ce que j’aime le
mieux.
Goustons les doux plaisirs que pour
nos coeurs fidelles
Dans cét heureux sejour l’Amour a
preparez.
Le Devoir par des loix cruelles
Ne nous a que trop separez.
UBALDE
Fuyez, faites-vous violence.
Le Chevalier Danois
L’Amour ne me le permet pas.
Contre de si charmants appas
Mon cœur est sans deffense.
Le Chevalier Danois & Lucinde
ensemble.
Con un magico potere
Armida mi ha condotta in questi
luoghi amabili
E vivevo nella dolce speranza
Di vedere presto colui che amo di
più.
Gustiamo i dolci piaceri che per i
nostri cuori fedeli
L’Amore ha preparato in questo
felice soggiorno.
Il Dovere con leggi crudeli
Ci ha fin troppo separati.
UBALDO
Fuggite, fatevi violenza.
Il Cavaliere Danese
L’amore non me lo consente.
Contro bellezze così affascinanti
Il mio cuore è senza difesa
Il Cavaliere Danese e Lucinda
111
Joüissons d’un bonheur extréme,
Hé! quel autre bien peut valoir
Le plaisir de voir ce qu’on aime?
Hé! quel autre bien peut valoir
Le plaisir de vous voir?
UBALDE
Malgré la puissance infernale,
Malgré vous mesme, il faut vous
détromper.
Ce Sceptre d’or peut dissiper
Une erreur si fatale.
Ubalde touche Lucinde avec le
Sceptre d’or qu’il tient, & Lucinde
disparoit aussi tost.
SCENE III
LE CHEVALIER DANOIS,
UBALDE
Le Chevalier Danois
Gioiamo di una felicità estrema
Hé! qual altro bene può valere
Il piacere di vedere ciò che si ama?
Hé! qual altro bene può valere
Il piacere di vedervi?
UBALDO
Malgrado la potenza infernale,
Malgrado voi stesso, è necessario
togliervi dall’inganno.
Questo scettro d’oro può dissipare
Un errore così fatale.
Ubaldo tocca Lucinda con lo scettro
d’oro che tiene, e Lucinda scompare
immediatamente.
SCENA III
IL CAVALIERE DANESE,
UBALDO
IL CAVALIERE DANESE
112
Je tourne en vain mes yeux de toutes
parts,
Je ne voy plus cette Beauté si chère.
Elle eschape à mes regards
Comme une vapeur legere.
UBALDE
Ce que l’Amour a de charmant
N’est qu’une illusion qui ne laisse
apres elle
Qu’une honte éternelle.
Ce que l’Amour a de charmant
N’est qu’un funeste enchantement.
Le Chevalier Danois
Je voy le danger où s’expose
Un cœur qui ne fuit pas un charme si
puissant.
Que vous estes heureux si vous estes
exempt
Des foiblesses que l’amour cause!
UBALDE
Invano volgo i miei occhi da tutte le
parti.
Non vedo più quella bellezza tanto
cara.
Sfugge ai miei sguardi
Come un vapore leggero.
UBALDO
Ciò che l’amore ha di bello
Non è altro che une che lascia dopo
di sé
Soltanto una vergogna eterna.
Ciò che l’amore ha di bello
Altro non è che un incantesimo
funesto.
Il Cavaliere Danese
Vedo il pericolo al quale si espone
Un cuore che non fugge da un
incantesimo tanto potente!
Come sareste felici se foste esenti
Dalle debolezze che provoca
l’amore.
UBALDO
113
Non, je n’ay point gardé mon cœur
jusqu’à ce jour,
Prés de l’objet que j’aime il m’estoit
doux de vivre.
Mais quand la Gloire ordonne de la
suivre
il faut laisser gemir l’Amour.
Des charmes les plus forts la raison
me desgage.
Rien ne nous doit icy retenir
davantage,
Profitons des conseils que l’on nous
a donnez.
SCENE IV
Un demon sous la figure de Melisse
fille Italienne aimée d’Ubalde, le
Chevalier Danois, Ubalde.
MELISSE
No, non ho affatto conservato il mio
cuore sino a questo giorno,
Vicino all’oggetto che amo mi era
dolce il vivere!
Ma quando la gloria ordina di
seguirla,
Bisogna lasciar gemere l’amore.
La ragione mi libera dagli incantesimi
più forti,
Nulla deve trattenerci oltre,
Approfittiamo dei consigli che ci
sono stati dati.
SCENA IV
Un demone sotto le sembianze di
Melissa, una fanciulla italiana amata
da Ubaldo, il Cavaliere Danse,
Ubaldo.
MELISSA
114
D’où vient que vous vous destournez Per quale ragione vi allontanate
De ces eaux & de cet ombrage? Da queste acque e da queste ombre?
Goustez un doux repos, Estrangers Gustate un dolce riposo, stranieri
fortunez, fortunati;
Delassez-vous icy d’un penible Riposatevi qui da un faticoso viaggio.
voyage. Un destino favorevole vi chiama a
Un favorable sort vous appelle au condividere
partage I beni che ci sono destinati.
Des biens qui nous sont destinez.

UBALDE UBALDO
Est-ce vous, charmante Melisse? Siete voi, bella Melissa?

MELISSE MELISSA
Est-ce vous, cher Amant, est-ce vous Siete voi, caro amante? Siete voi che
que je voy? vedo?

UBALDE, & MELISSE ensemble UBALDO E MELISSA

Au rapport de mes yeux je n’ose A quanto mi dicono i miei sensi nulla
adjoûter foy. aggiungo.
Se peut-il qu’en ces lieux l’Amour E’ possibile che l’amore ci riunisca in
nous réünisse? questi luoghi?

MELISSE MELISSA
Est-ce vous cher Amant, est-ce vous Siete voi, caro amante? Siete voi che
que je voy? vedo?

115
UBALDE
Est-ce vous, charmante Melisse?
Le Chevalier Danois
Non, ce n’est qu’un charme
trompeur,
Dont il faut garder votre cœur.
Fuyez, faites-vous violence.
MELISSE
Pourquoy faut-il encor m’arracher
mon Amant?
Faut-il ne nous voir qu’un moment,
Apres une si longue absence?
Je ne puis consentir à vostre
esloignement.
Je n’ay que trop souffert un si cruel
tourment,
& je mourray s’il recommence.
UBALDE & MELISSE ensemble
Faut-il ne nous voir qu’un moment
Aprés une si longue absence?
Le Chevalier Danois
UBALDO
Siete voi, bella Melissa?
Il Cavaliere Danese
No, altro non è che un incantesimo
ingannatore
Dal quale bisogna proteggere il
vostro cuore
Fuggite, fatevi violenza.
MELISSA
Perché bisogna ancora strapparmi il
mio amante?
Non ci si può vedere un momento,
Dopo un’assenza tanto lunga?
Non posso acconsentire al vostro
allontanamento;
Ho troppo sofferto un sì crudele
tormento,
E morirò se ricomincia.
UBALDO E MELISSA
Non ci si può vedere un momento,
Dopo un’assenza tanto lunga?
Il Cavaliere Danese
116
Est-ce là cette fermeté
Dont vous estes tant vanté?
Sortez de votre erreur, la Raison
vous appelle.
UBALDE
Ah! que la Raison est cruelle!
Si je suis abusé, pourquoy m’en
avertir?
Que mon erreur me paroist belle!
Que je serois heureux de n’en jamais
sortir!
Le Chevalier Danois
J’auray soin malgré vous de vous en
garentir.
Le Chevalier Danois oste le Sceptre
d’or des mains d’Ubalde, il en touche
Melisse, & la fait disparoistre.
UBALDE
È questa la fermezza
Di cui tanto vi siete vantato?
Uscite dal vostro errore, la ragione vi
chiama.
UBALDO
Ah! Com’è crudele la ragione!
Se sono abusato, perché avvertirmi?
Come mi pare bello il mio errore!
Come sarei felice di non uscirne mai.
Il Cavaliere Danese
Avrei cura, malgrado voi, di
proteggervi.
Il Cavaliere Danese toglie lo Scettro
d’oro dalle mani di Ubaldo, tocca
Melissa e la fa scomparire.
UBALDO
117
Que devient l’objet qui m’enflame?
Melisse disparoist soudain!
Ciel ! faut-il qu’un fantosme vain
Cause tant de trouble à mon âme?
Le Chevalier Danois
Ce que l’amour a de charmant
N’est qu’une illusion qui ne laisse
apres elle
Qu’une honte éternelle.
Ce que l’Amour a de charmant
N’est qu’un funeste enchantement.
UBALDE & Le Chevalier Danois
Ce que l’Amour a de charmant
N’est qu’un funeste enchantement.
UBALDE
Cosa diventa l’oggetto che mi
infiamma?
Melissa scompare improvvisamente!
Cielo! è possibile che un vano
fantasma
Provochi tanto turbamento al mio
animo?
Il Cavaliere Danese
Ciò che l’amore ha di bello
Non è altro che un’illusione che
lascia dopo di sé
Soltanto una vergogna eterna.
Ciò che l’amore ha di bello
Altro non è che un incantesimo
funesto.
UBALDO e il Cavaliere Danese
Ciò che l’amore ha di bello
Altro non è che un incantesimo
funesto
UBALDO
118
D’une nouvelle erreur songeons à
nous deffendre,
Evitons de trompeurs attraits,
Ne nous destournons plus du
chemin qu’il faut prendre
Pour arriver à ce Palais.
UBALDE & Le Chevalier Danois
Fuyons les douceurs dangereuses
Des illusions amoureuses:
On s’esgare quand on les suit;
Heureux qui n’en est pas seduit!
Fin du quatriéme Acte
ACTE V
Le Theatre change, & represente le
Palais enchanté d’Armide
SCENE I
ARMIDE, RENAUD, sans armes, & ARMIDA, RINALDO, senza armi e
paré de Guirlandes de fleurs
RENAUD
Armide, vous m’allez quitter!
Cerchiamo di difenderci da un nuovo
errore
Evitiamo fascini ingannevoli.
Non abbandoniamo più il cammino
che bisogna prendere
Per arrivare a questo palazzo.
UBALDO e il Cavaliere Danese
Fuggiamo le dolcezze pericolose
Delle illusioni amorose
Ci si sbaglia quando le si segue.
Felice colui che non ne è sedotto!
Fine del quarto Atto
ATTO V
La Scena cambia e rappresenta il
Palazzo incantato di Armida
SCENA I
ornato da ghirlande di fiori
RENAUD
Armida, voi mi lasciate!
119
ARMIDE
J’ai besoin des Enfers, je vay les
consulter;
Mon art veut de la solitude;
L’amour que j’ay pour vous cause
l’inquietude
Dont mon coeur se sent agiter.
ARMIDA
Ho bisogno degli inferni, li
consulterò;
La mia arte vuole la solitudine;
L’amore che ho per voi provoca
inquietudine
Che agita il mio cuore.

RENAUD RINALDO
Armide, vous m’allez quitter! Armida, voi mi lasciate!

ARMIDE ARMIDA
Voyez en quels lieux je vous laisse. Vedete in quali luoghi io vi lascio.

RENAUD RINALDO
Puis-je rien voir que vos appas? Non posso vedere altro che il vostro
fascino?

ARMIDE ARMIDA
Les plaisirs vous suivront sans cesse. I piaceri vi seguiranno senza sosta.

RENAUD RINALDO
En est-il où vous n’estes pas? E ve ne sono, dove non siete voi?

ARMIDE ARMIDA

120
Un noir pressentiment me trouble &
me tourmente,
Il m’annonce un malheur que je veux
prevenir;
Et plus notre bonheur m’enchante,
Plus je crains de le voir finir.
RENAUD
D’une vaine terreur pouvez-vous
estre atteinte,
Vous qui faites trembler le tenebreux
sejour?
ARMIDE
Vous m’apprenez à connoistre
l’Amour,
L’Amour m’apprend à connoistre la
crainte.
Vous brusliez pour la Gloire avant
que de m’aimer,
Vous la cherchiez par tout d’une
ardeur sans esgale:
La Gloire est une Rivale
Qui doit toûjours m’allarmer.
RENAUD
Un nero presagio mi turba e mi
tormenta,
Mi annuncia un malore che voglio
prevenire;
E più mi incanta la nostra felicità,
Più temo di vederla finire.
RINALDO
Da un vano terrore potete essere
colpita,
Voi che fate tremare il tenebroso
soggiorno?
ARMIDA
Mi insegnate a conoscere l’amore;
L’amore mi insegna a conoscere la
paura.
Bruciavate per la gloria, prima di
amarmi,
La cercavate dappertutto con un
ardore senza eguali:
La gloria è una rivale
Che deve sempre allarmarmi.
RINALDO
121
Que j’estois insensé de croire
Qu’un vain Laurier donné par la
Victoire
De tous les biens fût le plus precieux! Di tutti i beni, fosse il più prezioso!
Tout l’Esclat dont brille la Gloire
Vaut-il un regard de vos yeux?
Est-il un bien si charmant & si rare
Que celuy dont l’Amour veut
combler mon espoir?
ARMIDE
La severe Raison & le Devoir
barbare
Sur les Heros n’ont que trop de
pouvoir.
RENAUD
J’en suis plus amoureux plus la raison Più ne sono innamorato, più la
m’esclaire:
Vous aimer, belle Armide, est mon
premier devoir,
Je fais ma gloire de vous plaire,
Et tout mon bonheur de vous voir.
ARMIDE
Com’ero insenato a credere
Che un vano lauro allora donato
dalla vittoria
Tutto lo splendore di cui brilla la
gloria
Vale uno sguardo dei vostri occhi?
Vi è forse un bene così affascinante e
raro
Di quello di cui l’amore vuol
riempire la mia speranza?
ARMIDA
La severa ragione e il barbaro dovere
Su di un eroe hanno fin troppo
potere.
RINALDO
ragione mi illumina.
Amarvi, bella Armida, è il mio primo
dovere.
Piacervi sarà la mia gloria
E vedervi tutta la mia felicità.
ARMIDA
122
Que sous d’aimables loix mon ame A quali leggi amabili la mia anima è
est asservie! sottoposta!

RENAUD RINALDO
Qu’il m’est doux de vous voir Quanto mi è dolce dividere con voi il
partager ma langueur. mio languore.

ARMIDE ARMIDA
Qu’il m’est doux d’enchaîner un si Quanto mi è dolce incatenare un
fameux Vainqueur! vincitore tanto famoso!

RENAUD RINALDO
Que mes fers sont dignes d’envie! Quanto sono degne di invidia le mie
catene!

RENAUD & ARMIDE ensembe RINALDO E ARMIDA insieme

Aimons-nous, tous nous y convie, Amiamoci, tutto ci invita,
Ah! si vous aviez la rigueur Ah, se aveste la forza
De m’oster votre cœur, Di togliermi dal vostro cuore,
Vous m’osteriez la vie. Mi togliereste la vita.

RENAUD RINALDO
Non, je perdray plûtost le jour, No, piuttosto perderei la vita
Que d’esteindre ma flâme. Che spegner la mia fiamma.

ARMIDE ARMIDA
Non, rien ne peut changer mon ame. No, nulla può cambiare il mio cuore.

123
RENAUD
Non, je perdray plutost le jour,
Que de me dégager d’un si charmant
Amour.
Renaud & Armide chantent
ensemble les Derniers Vers qu’ils ont ultimi versi che hanno cantato
chantez séparement.
Non, je perdray plûtost le jour,
Que d’esteindre ma flâme.
Non, rien ne peut changer mon ame.
Non, je perdray plutost le jour
Que de me dégager d’un si charmant
Amour.
ARMIDE
Tesmoins de nostre amour extréme,
Vous, qui suivez mes loix dans ce
sejour heureux
Jusques à mon retour, par
d’agreables jeux;
Occupez le Heros que j’aime.
RINALDO
No, piuttosto perderei la vita
Che liberarmi da un amore sì bello.
Rinaldo e Armida cantano insieme gli
separatamente.
No, piuttosto perderei la vita
Che spegnere la mia fiamma.
No, nulla può cambiare il mio cuore.
No, piuttosto perderei la vita
Che liberarmi da un amore sì bello.
ARMIDA
Testimoni del nostro amore estremo,
Voi, che seguite le mie leggi in
questo soggiorno felice,
Fino al mio ritorno, con lieti giochi
Occupate l’eroe che amo.
124
Les Plaisirs, & une Troupe d’Amants I Piaceri e un Gruppo di Amanti
fortunez, & d’Amantes heureuses, fortunati e di Innamorate felici
viennent divertir Renaud par des giungono a divertire Rinaldo con
Chants et par des Danses. canti e danze.

SCENE II SCENA II
RENAUD, Les Plaisirs. Troupe RINALDO, I Piaceri. Gruppo di
d’Amans fortunez, & d’Amantes Amanti fortunati e di Innamorate
heureuses. felici.

Un Amant fortuné & les Chœurs Un Amante fortunato & il Coro

125
Les plaisirs ont choisi pour azile
Ce sejour agreable & tranquile.
Que ces lieux sont charmants
Pour les heureux Amants!
C’est l’amour qui retient dans ses
chaînes
Mille oyseaux qu’en nos bois nuit &
jour on entend.
Si l’amour ne causoit que de peines,
Les oyseaux amoureux ne
chanteroient pas tant.
Jeunes Cœurs, tout vous est
favorable.
Profitez d’un bonheur peu durable.
Dans l’hyver de nos ans, L’Amour ne Approfittate di una felicità poco
regne plus.
Les beaux jours que l’on perd sont
pour jamais perdus.
Les plaisirs ont choisi pour azile
Ce éjour agreable & tranquile;
Que ces lieux sont charmants
Pour les heureux Amants!
I Piaceri hanno scelto per asilo
Questo soggiorno piacevole e
tranquillo.
Come sono incantevoli questi luoghi
Per gli amanti felici!
È l’amore che mi trattiene nelle sue
catene
Mille uccelli che sentiamo notte e
giorno nei nostri boschi.
Se l’amore non provocasse altro che
pene,
Gli uccelli amorosi non canterebbero
tanto.
Giovani cuori, tutto vi è favorevole.
duratura.
Nell’inverno dei nostri anni, l’amore
non regna più.
I bei giorni che perdiamo, sono persi
per sempre.
I Piaceri hanno scelto per asilo
Questo soggiorno piacevole e
tranquillo.
Come sono incantevoli questi luoghi
Per gli amanti felici!
126
RENAUD
Allez, éloignez-vous de moy
Doux Plaisirs, attendez qu’Armide
vous rameine:
Sans la Beauté qui me tient sous sa
loy,
Rien ne me plaist, tout augmente ma
peine.
Allez, éloignez-vous de moy
Doux Plaisirs, attendez qu’Armide
vous rameine.
Les Plaisirs, les Amants fortunez, &
les Amantes heureuses se retirent.
SCENE III
RENAUD, UBALDE, Le Chevalier
Danois
UBALDE
Il est seul; profitons d’un temps si
precieux.
Ubalde presente le Bouclier de
Diamans aux yeux de Renaud.
RINALDO
Andate, allontanatevi da me,
Dolci piaceri, attendete che Armida
vi guidi.
Senza la bellezza che mi tiene sotto
le sue leggi,
Nulla mi piace, tutto aumenta la mia
pena.
Andate, allontanatevi da me,
Dolci piaceri, attendete che Armida
vi guidi.
I Piaceri, gli Amanti fortunati e le
Innamorate felici si ritirano.
SCENE III
RINALDO, UBALDO, il Cavaliere
danese
UBALDO
È solo, approfittiamo di un
momento tanto prezioso.
Ubaldo presenta lo scudo di
diamante agli occhi di Rinaldo.
127
RENAUD
Que vois-je? quel esclat me vient
fraper les yeux?
UBALDE
Le Ciel veut vous faire
connaistre
L’erreur dont vos sens sont
seduits.
RENAUD
Ciel! qu’elle honte de paraistre
Dans l’indigne estat où je suis!
UBALDE
Nostre General vous r’apelle;
La Victoire vous garde une Palme
immortelle.
Tout doit presser vostre retour.
De cent divers Climats chacun court
à la Guerre;
Renaud seul, au bout de la Terre, alla guerra;
Caché dans un charmant sejour,
Veut-il suivre un honteux
Amour.
RINALDO
Cosa vedo! Che bagliore mi colpisce
gli occhi?
UBALDO
Il Cielo vi ha fatto conoscere
L’errore che ha sedotto i vostri sensi.
RINALDO
Cielo! che vergogna apparire
Nello stato indegno in cui mi trovo!
UBALDO
Il nostro generale vi richiama.
La vittoria vi serba una palma
immortale.
Tutto deve accelerare il vostro
ritorno.
Da cento diversi climi, ognuno corre
Rinaldo solo, in capo al mondo
Nascosto in un soggiorno
incantevole,
Vuole seguire un amore vergognoso.
128
RENAUD
Vains ornements d’une indigne
molesse,
Ne m’offrez plus vos frivoles attrait:
Restes honteux de ma foiblesse,
Allez, quittez-moy pour
jamais.
Renaud arrache les Guirlandes de
fleurs & les autres ornemens inutiles
dont il est paré. Il reçoit le Bouclier
de Diamans que luy donne Ubalde,
& une Epée que luy presente le
Chevalier Danois.
Le Chevalier Danois
Desrobez-vous aux pleurs
d’Armide.
C’est l’unique danger dont vostre
ame intrépide
A besoin de se garentir.
Dans ces lieux enchantez la Volupté
preside,
Vous n’en sçauriez trop tost
sortir.
RENAUD
RINALDO
Vani ornamenti di un’indegna
mollezza,
Non offritemi più i vostri frivoli
incanti:
Vergognatevi della mia debolezza,
Andate, lasciatemi per sempre.
Rinaldo afferra le ghirlande di fiori e
gli altri ornamenti di cui è ricoperto.
Riceve lo scudo di diamante che gli
regala Ubaldo e una spada che gli
presenta il Cavaliere Danese.
IL CAVALIERE DANESE
Sottraetevi ai piani di Armida.
È l’unico pericolo da cui il vostro
animo intrepido
Ha bisogno di proteggersi.
In questi luoghi incantanti regna la
voluttà:
Per uscirne non è mai troppo presto.
RINALDO
129
 Allons, hastons-nous de partir.
SCENE IV
ARMIDE; RENAUD, UBALDE,
Le Chevalier Danois
ARMIDE suivans Renaud
Renaud? Ciel! ô mortelle peine!
Vous partez? Renaud! vous
partez?
Demons, suivez ses pas, volez, &
l’arrestez;
Helas! tout me trahit, & ma
puissance est vaine.
Renaud! Ciel! ô mortelle peine!
Mes cris ne sont pas écoutez!
Vous partez, Renaud! vous
partez?
Renaud s’arrête pour êcouter Armide Rinaldo si ferma per ascoltare
qui continue à luy parler.
Andiamo, affrettiamoci a partire.
SCENA IV
ARMIDA; RINALDO, UBALDO, il
Cavaliere Danese
ARMIDA seguendo Rinaldo
Rinaldo! Cielo! o pena mortale!
Voi partite! Rinaldo! Voi partite!
Démoni, seguite i suoi passi, volate e
fermatelo.
Ahimè! tutto mi tradisce, e il mio
potere è vano.
Rinaldo! Cielo! o pena mortale!
Le mie grida non sono ascoltate!
Voi partite ! Rinaldo! voi partite!
Armida che continua a parlargli.
130
Si je ne vous vois plux croyez-vous
que je vive?
Ay-je pû meriter un si cruel
tourment?
Du moins, comme Ennemy, si ce
n’est comme Amant,
Emmenez Armide captive.
J’iray dans les combats, j’iray m’offrir
aux coups
Qui seront destinez pour vous.
Renaud, pourveu que je vous
suive
Le sort le plus affreux me paroistra
trop doux.
RENAUD
Se non vi vedo più, credete che io
viva?
Ho potuto meritare un sì crudel
tormento?
Almeno come nemico, se non come
amante
Portate con voi Armida prigioniera.
Andrò a combattere, mi offrirò ai
colpi
Che saranno destinati a voi:
Rinaldo, purchè io vi segua,
La sorte più orribile mi apparirà
dolce.
RINALDO
131
 Armide, il est temps que j’évite
Le peril trop charmant que je trouve
à vous voir.
La Gloire veut que je vous
quitte,
Elle ordonne à l’Amour de ceder au
Devoir.
Si vous souffrez, vous pouvez
croire
Que je m’éloigne à regret de vos
yeux.
Vous regnerez toûjours dans ma
memoire,
Vous serez aprés la Gloire
Ce que j’aimeray le mieux.
ARMIDE
Armida, è tempo che io eviti
Il pericolo troppo incantevole che
corro nel vedervi.
La gloria vuole che io vi lasci,
Essa ordina all’amore di cedere al
dovere.
Se soffrite, potete credere
Che mi allontano con rimpianto dai
vostri occhi.
Regnerete per sempre nella mia
memoria,
Sarete dopo la gloria
Ciò che amerò di più.
ARMIDA
132
Non, jamais de l’Amour tu n’as senty
le charme.
Tu te plais à causer de funestes
malheurs.
Tu m’entends soûpirer, tu vois couler pianto,
mes pleurs,
Sans me rendre un soûpir, sans
verser une larme.
Par les nœuds les plus doux je te
conjure en vain;
Tu suis un fier Devoir, tu veux qu’il
nous separe:
Non, non, ton cœur n’a rien
d’humain,
Le cœur d’un Tigre est moins
barbare.
Je mourray si tu parts, & tu n’en
peux douter,
Ingrat, sans toy je ne puis vivre.
Mais aprés mon trépas ne crois pas
éviter
Mon Ombre obstinée à te suivre. senza fede,
Tu la verras s’armer contre ton cœur
sans foy,
Tu la trouveras inflexible,
Comme tu l’as esté pour moy,
Et sa fureur s’il est possible
Esgalera l’amour dont j’ai brûlé pour
toy.
Ah! la lumiere m’est ravie!
Barbare est-tu content?
Tu joüis en partant
Du plaisir de m’oster la vie.
No, giammai dell’Amore tu hai
sentito il fascino.
Tu gioisci a provocare funesti dolori.
Mi senti sospirare, vedi colare il mio
Senza rendermi un sospiro, senza
versare una lagrima.
Con i legami più dolci ti scongiuro
invano;
Segui un fiero dovere, vuoi che ci
separi.
No, no, il tuo cuore non ha nulla di
umano,
Il cuore di una tigre è meno barbaro.
Morirò se tu parti, e non puoi
dubitarne.
Ingrato, senza di te non posso vivere.
Ma dopo la mia morte non creder di
evitare
La mia Ombra, che ostinata ti segue.
La vedrai armarsi contro il tuo cuore
La troverai inflessibile
Come sei stato tu per me.
E il suo furore, se possibile
Eguaglierà l’amore del quale bruciai
per te…
Ah! la luce mi è rapita!
133
Barbaro, sei contento?
Tu gioisci, partendo,
Del piacere di togliermi la vita.
Armide tombe & s’évanoüit.
RENAUD
Trop malhereuse Armide! helas!
Que ton destin est déplorable!
UBALDE & le Chevalier Danois
Il faut partir, hastez-vos pas,
La Gloire attend de vous un cœur
inébranlable.
RENAUD
Non, la Gloire n’ordonne pas
Qu’un grand Cœur soit
impitoyable.
UBALDE & le Chevalier Danois
emmenent Renaud malgré lui
Il faut vous arracher aux dangereux
appas
D’un objet trop aimable.
RENAUD
Armida cade e perde i sensi.
RINALDO
Troppo infelice Armida, ahimè!
Com’è deplorevole il tuo destino!
UBALDO e il Cavaliere Danese
Bisogna partire, affrettate i vostri
passi.
La gloria si aspetta da voi un cuore
impietoso.
RINALDO
No, la gloria non vuole
Che un grande cuore sia impietoso.
UBALDO e il Cavaliere Danese,
conducendo via Rinaldo suo
malgrado.
Bisogna strapparvi alle pericolose
insidie
Di un oggetto tropo amabile.
RINALDO
134
 Trop malhereuse Armide! helas! Troppo infelice Armida, ahimè!
Que ton destin est deplorable! Com’è deplorevole il tuo destino.

SCENE V ET DERNIERE SCENA V E ULTIMA

ARMIDE, seule ARMIDA, sola

135
 Le perfide Renaud me fuit,
Tout perfide qu’il est, mon lâche
cœur le suit.
Il me laisse mourante, il veut que je
perisse.
A regret je revoy la clarté qui me luit;
L’horreur de l’éternelle Nuit
Cede à l’horreur de mon suplice.
Le perfide Renaud me fuit,
Tout perfide qu’il est mon lasche
cœur le suit.
Quand le Barbare estoit en ma
puissance,
Que n’ay-je crû la Haine & la
Vengeance!
Que n’ay-je suivy leurs
transports!
Il m’eschape, il s’esloigne, il va
quitter ces Bords,
Il brave l’Enfer & ma Rage;
Il est déjà prés du Rivage,
Je fais pour m’y traisner d’inutiles
efforts.
Traistre, atten… je le tiens… je tiens
son cœur perfide.
Ah! je l’immole à ma fureur.
Que dis-je? où suis-je? Helas!
Infortuneée Armide!
Où t’emporte une aveugle
erreur?
L’espoir de la vengeance est le seul
qui me reste.
Fuyez Plaisirs, fuyez, perdez tous vos Partiamo; e, se possibile, che il mio
attraits.
Il perfido Rinaldo fugge da me;
Per quanto sia perfido, il mio vile
cuore lo segue.
Mi lascia morente, vuole ch’io
perisca.
A fatica vedo il chiaror della luce.
L’orrore della notte eterna
Cede all’orrore del mio supplizio.
Il perfido Rinaldo fugge da me;
Per quanto sia perfido, il mio vile
cuore lo segue.
Quando il barbaro era in mio potere
Perché non credetti all’Odio e alla
Vendetta!
Perché non ho seguito i loro
trasporti!
Mi sfugge, si allontana, lascerà queste
rive;
Sfida l’inferno e la mia ira;
È già presso la riva.
Per trascinarmi compio sforzi inutili.
Traditore, attendi… lo tengo…
tengo il suo cuore perfido.
Ah! l’immolo al mio furore…
Cosa dico? Dove sono? Sfortunata
Armida!
Dove ti porta un errore cieco?
La speranza della vendetta è l'unica
136
che mi resta.
Fuggite, Piaceri, fuggite, perdete tutte
le vostre grazie.
Demoni, distruggete questo palazzo.
amore funesto
Les Démons détruisent le Palais I Démoni distruggono il palazzo
enchanté & Armide part sur un char incantato, e Armida parte su un carro
volant. volante.

137
 ON THE STAGE

1. Armide, by Jean-Baptiste Lully and Philippe Quinault, goes on stage

Armide was first performed on February 15, 1686, in Paris, in the presence of
the Grand Dauphin. The production was set off by the magnificent sets by the
great Jean Bérain (1640-1711). The strained relations between Lully and Louis
XIV at the time explain, at least according to the tradition that has come down
to us, the fact that the opera was presented in Paris and not at Versailles, and at
any rate not before the king. Louis XIV never attended the last tragédie lyrique to
be composed by Lully, to the composer’s disappointment, evident in the
opening words of the dedication printed at the head of the edition by Ballard:

Mais que me sert-t-il, SIRE, d’avoir fait tant d’efforts pour me haster de Vous
offrir ces nouveaux Concerts? VOSTRE MAJESTÉ ne s’est pas trouvée en

138
 estat de les entendre et Elle n’en a voulu prendre d’autre plaisir que celuy de les
faire servir au divertissement de ses Peuples.

All the same, the work was a great success and was immediately added to the
permanent repertoire of the Opéra and other French theaters, where it
remained almost continuously until 176152:

Place Year Notes

Paris, Palais Royal January 1687 In honor of the
Ambassador of
Spain
Avignon September 1687
Paris, Palais Royal April 1688
Lyon, Salla del Jeu de February 1689
Paume, Rue Pizay
Brussels, Opéra du Quai March 1697
au Foin
Brussels, Palais Royal June 1697
Lyon 1698
Marseille and La Haye 1701
Paris, Palais Royal 1703
Brussels, Théâtre de la 1708
Monnaie

52
" For" a" detailed" reconstruction" of" all" the" performances" of" Armide" in" Paris," L." Rosow," Lully’s$
Armide$ at$ the$ Paris$ Opéra.$ A$ Performance$ History,$ 1686H1766," PhD" Dissertation," Brandeis"
University,"1981,"pp."228"and"f."
139
Lunéville 1710 With prologue by
Henri Desmarest
in honor of Duke
Léopold
Paris, Palais Royal 1713
1714
Paris, Palais Royal 1724
Brussels, Théâtre de la 1726
Monnaie
Lyon 1730
Château de 1740
Fontainebleau
Lyon, Salle du Jeu de 1742
Paume de la Raquette
Royale
Château de Versailles 1745
Château de 1746
Fontainebleau
Paris, Palais Royal 1761 The work was
altered by Louis-
Joseph Francoeur,
especially in the
divertissements.
The Prologue was
omitted.
Paris, Palais Royal 1789 The 1789 version
was a further
140
 revision by
Francoeur.53

Armide also enjoyed a certain international popularity. In 1690 it was the first
French opera to be performed in Italy, in Rome to be precise, with a translation
by Silvio Stampiglia (Lanuvio, 1664 - Naples, 1725).
The widespread popularity of the opera is indirectly confirmed by its having
been the subject of several parodic versions,54 the earliest of them practically
coeval with the first performance in 1686. This was the comedy Renaud et
Armide by Florent Carton Dancourt (Fontainebleau, 1661 – Courcelles-le-Roi,
1725),55 staged at the Comédie Française on July 31, 1686. This first parody was,
moreover, presented when its model was at the height of success, after running
for nearly six months at the Académie Royale. Its plot was a satire on Armide:
Mme Jaquinet, a passionate opera-lover, meets Clitandre at the Opéra, and the
relationship between the two develops in the shadow of the characters of
Armide and Renaud. Dancourt gradually introduced quotes from Armide into
the body of work, developing them so that they paralleled the fantasies of the

53
" " "The"1789"edition"of"the"libretto"contains"numerous"annotations"by"Francoeur,"including"the"
following"caption:"“Ce"livre"fut"mis"en"ordre"celon"le"poême"//"de"1761."pour"me"servire"de"model"
lorsque" //" j'arangé" cet" ouvrage" en" 1778" //" en" laissant" l'ancienne" Musique" //" et" refesant" des"
accompagnements"//"nouveaux"sous"le"chant"de"//"Mr"de"luly"et"refis"de"nouveaux"//"air."Ce"qui"
me"fut"ordonné"par"Mr"devismes"[Visme"de"Valgay,"directeur"de"l'Académie"royale"de"musique]”."
54
"On"parodies"see,"most"recently,"J."Le"Blanc," Avatars$d’opéras.$Parodies$et$circulation$des$airs$
chantés$sur$les$scènes$parisiennes$(1672H1745),"Paris,"Classiques"Garnier,"2014."
55
"See"J.S."Powell," The$Opera$Parodies$of$Florent$Carton$Dancourt,"“Cambridge"Opera"Journal,”""
XIII"(2001),"2,"pp."87/114,"now"available"also"on"Internet"at"the"following"address:"
http://www.personal.utulsa.edu/~john/
powell/AngeliqueEtMedor/HTM_files/Introduction.htm."
141
 protagonist, who takes Clitandre for her “petit Renaud.” In the end, she
completely identifies herself with the character of Armide and launches into a
conclusive “mad scene.”
A subsequent parody, staged at the Théâtre des Italiens on June 4, 1692, was the
work of Charles Dufresny (Paris, 1657-1724).56 The success of this work was in
turn shown by Louis Fuzelier’s revision of it produced for the theaters of the
Foire Saint Laurent: his L'Opéra de Campagne dates from 1713. The phenomenon
of parodies based on Armide continued for much of the eighteenth century: an
Armide to a libretto by Jacques Bailly, with music by Jean-Joseph Mouret
(Avignon, 1682 – Charenton-le-Port, 1738), was staged at the Théâtre des Italiens
on March 21, 1725. It was a parodic transposition of Quinault’s text, in which
the original characters took on comic and ridiculous traits.
In 1747, an anonymous text entitled Armide was printed in Paris by Prault fils et
Ballard fils.57
The next Armide by P. Laujon and Francesco Riccoboni was in its turn a parody
in four acts staged at the Théâtre des Italiens on January 11, 1762.58 In this work,
the original characters in Quinault’s libretto were given comic and ridiculous
traits.
A final (anonymous) parody entitled L'Opéra de Province (Parodie nouvelle
d’Armide, en deux actes, en vers, mêlés de vaudevilles), was staged at Versailles by the
Comédiens Italiens on 19 December, 177759 : the story of the young Rigaud,

56
" Of" the" many" see" F." Moureau," Dufresny,$ auteur$ dramatique:$ 1657H1724," Paris," Klicksieck,"
1979."
57
"The"text"is"available"on"Internet"at"the"following"link:"
http://www.theaville.org/kitesite/index.php?r=pieces/afficher&id=240."
58
"The"text,"published"in" Œuvres$choisies$de$P.$Laujon,"t."2,"Paris,"L."Collin,"1811,"is"available"on"
Internet"at"the"following"link:"
http://www.theaville.org/kitesite/index.php?r=pieces/afficher&id=241."
59
"The"text"can"be"downloaded"at"the"following"link:"
http://www.theaville.org/kitesite/index.php?r=pieces/afficher&id=179."
142
 étudiant en droit, and the actress Adélaïde evokes the relationship between
Renaud and Armide. Instead of being “saved” by two knights, Rigaud is led
back to his life as a student by his uncle, Monsieur Jourdain, and his teacher,
Monsieur Mouton.

.
2. The subject of Armide in the musical theater, from the seventeenth
century to the present

The dissemination of Armide in the theatrical context cannot be measured solely

on the reception of the work by Quinault-Lully, as this is only one chapter of a
much broader development that actually preceded the work of the two authors
as well as following it. The iconic value of Armide, in other words, cannot be
measured solely by its reference to tragédie lyrique as a genre, but should be
assessed by taking into account the immense and widespread impact that the
story of the sorceress and the noble knight practically down to the present. The
mutations, alterations and revisions of the original subject over a very long
period of time are therefore proof and confirmation of the full significance of
Quinault and Lully’s opera in the canon.
On the plane of its antecedents, even before Quinault and Lully the story of
Armida was of interest to musical theater. The most notable forerunner was
Claudio Monteverdi’s Armida (1627) – the score has been lost – followed by
L’Armida by Benedetto Ferrari (Venice, 1639, Santi Giovanni e Paolo, and
Piacenza, May 22 and 26, 1650), who was the author of both the libretto and
the music, and L’Amore trionfante dello sdegno (L’Armida) by Marco Marazzoli to a
libretto by Ascanio Pio di Savoia (Ferrara, 1641).

143
After-Lully Quinault, the success and spread of the plot of Armide became a
very rich and highly articulated phenomenon. In this respect, all through the
twentieth century, there continued to appear works that retained much of the
storyline, as recounted in Quinault’s libretto, without major changes, while
some composers, like Gluck, actually belatedly reused Quinault’s libretto. The
plot of Armide was subjected to alterations, enrichments, distortions and
manipulations, in terms of both the narrative – with a time shift in the story
compared to the sequence crystallized in Quinault’s text – or by introducing
other characters or, finally, by changing the point of view and making the
events center more on Renaud instead of Armide. Hence, depending on the
authors’ ideological approach, the themes, profiles, and nodes of the plot were
accentuated or muted.
It is not easy to make a complete list of the reception of the subject of Armide,
with particular reference to the musical theater. Below, and without any claim
to completeness, a possible list is presented, which also draws on other lists,
more or less complete, available in a variety of sources and extremely useful by
the patient work of reconstruction on which they rest.
The titles are listed in chronological order, and are accompanied by a brief
explanatory statement or presentation. With the exception of the text by Jean
Cocteau (1943), and the episode for the film Aria (1987) directed by Jean-Luc
Godard, all the works listed below belong to the genre of musical theater or
ballet (usually, ballet-pantomime or similar forms).

1. GL’AMORI D’ARMIDA
“Favola scenica” by Giovanni Vilifranchi (Volterra – died 1614 while sailing to Naples),
Venice, G.B. Ciotti, 1600

144
 Published together with La fuga Erminia (inspired by Tasso) and La cortesia di
Leone a Ruggiero (inspired by Ariosto),60 this is a “favola scenica” characterized
by a particular technique, namely the inclusion of invented dialogues for
characters that appear in Tasso’s poem, and the direct inclusion of dialogues
taken from the poem, set between quotation marks. The prologue is spoken by
the Shade of Tasso.

2. RINALDO E ARMIDA
Intermezzo by Ottavio Orsucci, Camaiore, 161561
This is an intermezzo in four acts performed during Carnival 1615 at
Camariore. A. Solerti, in Gli albori del melodramma (1904)62 cites it as a work “in
four acts, more intermedi than melodramma, which is preserved in the Biblioteca
Governativa of Lucca, ms. no. 1659.” It contains the text of a letter signed M.
A. Buonarroti, addressed to Orsucci, to which is attached a foreword, which
reads as follows:

I do not know by what means I received the intermedi of your

composition, which until the year 1615 were performed at Camaiore,
60
"According"to"some"scholars"these"are"three"separate"works"but"they"were"conceived"as"a"
unity."The"opening"page"of"Gli$amori$d’Armida"refers"to"the"other"two"works,"and"the"
dedication"(to"Paolo"Maffei"and"Marc’Antonio"Maffei"and"to"Marcello"and"Ascanio"Agostini)"
also"suggests"that"the"works"are"to"be"understood"as"related"to"each"other."See"T."Carter,"The$
Composer$as$Theorist?,"in"A."Giger"–"Th.K."Mathiesen"(ed.),"Music$in$the$Mirror:$Reflections$on$
the$History$of$Music$Theory$and$Literature$for$the$TwentyHfirst$Century,"Lincoln,"University"of"
Nebraska"Press,"2002,"p."97."
61
"Biblioteca"Statale"di"Lucca,"ms."1659."
62
"A."Solerti," Gli$albori$del$melodramma,"Milan/Palermo/Naples,"Remo"Sandron"Editore,"Libraio"
della"Real"Casa,"1904."
145
 subject to this my excellent homeland, on the occasion of Carnival,
which work and function, both for itself and the elevated spirits that
performed it for that place appeared to be highly praiseworthy, and it
was heard with particular delight. I believe that this birth of your high
intellect must have been taken from you by some stealthy hand. I
judged myself greatly obliged to copy it in the form that I present in
order that its restitution may set the thief free, and I may be again
restored to your grace, for whom I wish from our Lord the fulfillment
of that greatness that you desire, and I kiss your hands affectionately.
– January 21, 1633.

3. RINALDO LIBERATO DA GL’INCANTI DI ARMIDA.

Libretto by Silvestro Branchi, music by Ottavio Vernizzi (Bologna, 1569 – 1649),
Bologna, 1623.

This is one of the intermezzos63 composed by Ottavio Vernizzi for L’amorosa

Innocenza, a pastoral fable by Silvestro Branchi performed in Bologna in 1623 to
celebrate the arrival of Duke Horati Ludovisi.64 It is one one the view stage
works by Ottavio Vernizzi, a composer active in Bologna, who was second
organist in the Basilica San Petronio from 1596 and, from 1626, first organist in
the same basilic. Vernizzi, whose figure still lacks a complete study, is especially

63
"The"other"intermezzos"bear"the"titles$Europa$rapita$da$Giove$cangiato$in$toro,"il$Trionfo$della$
fama,"Angelica$legata$allo$scoglio$liberata$da$Ruggiero."
64
" Quoted" by" B." Brumana," Il$ Tasso$ e$ l’opera$ nel$ seicento:$ una$ “Gerusalemme”$ '‘nterrompue’$
nella$ “Comica$ del$ Cielo”$ di$ RospigliosiHAbbatini," in" M.A." Balsano" /" Th." Walker" (ed.)," Tasso.$ La$
musica,$ i$ musicisti," Florence," Leo" S." Olschki,$ 1988" (“Quaderni" della" 'Rivista" italiana" di"
musicologia'"/"Società"Italiana"di"Musicologia,”"XIX),"Appendice"II,"p."164."
146
 remembered for his sacred works and his motets. Recently, the publication of
an Opera Omnia has begun under the direction of Paola Dessì65.

4. RINALDO INNAMORATO
Ballet with music by Francesca Caccini (Florence 1587 - Lucca? 1640), Florence, 1623

This is work for the stage composed by Francesca Caccini, the daughter and
pupil of Giulio Caccini66: a complex and interesting figure as a woman musician
in early seventeenth-century Tuscany. The manuscript has been lost.

5. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA
Music by Claudio Monteverdi, 1627.

Monteverdi appears to have completed Armida abbadonata in 1627.67 The work,

a madrigale rappresentativo, was intended to be performed in Mantua, but was
never presented, probably due to the death of Duke Vincenzo in December
1627. It is not clear whether the score had actually been completed, but the fact
remains that as early as December 1627 Monteverdi wrote to Striggio that
Armida was practically complete. On February 6, 1628, Striggio urged
Monteverdi to send him a copy of Armida, but the request – to the best of our

65 Cfr. O. Vernizzi, Armonia ecclesiasticorum concertuum. Mottetti a 2, 3 e 4 voci con basso continuo op. 2
Venezia 1604, critical edition by Paola Dessì, Padova, Cleup, 2012.
66
" See" the" relevant" entry" in" the" Enciclopedia$ Biografica$ Universale," Istituto" della" Enciclopedia"
Italiana,"Rome,"Vol."IV:"2007."
67
"See"T."Carter,"Monteverdi’s$Musical$Theathre,"New"Heaven,"Yale"University"Press,"2002."
147
 knowledge – was unfulfilled. The music is lost. It is, however, doubtful where it
was an opera or a cantata.68

6. ARMIDA INFURIATA
Orazio Perso, Napoli, per Gio. Domenico Roncagliolo, 1629

This is an intermezzo, recorded in the Drammaturgia di Lione Allacci Accresciuta e

continuata fino all’anno MSCCLV, printed in Venice in 1755 by Giambattista
Pasquali.

7. RINALDO PRIGIONIERIO
By Francesco Miedelchini, Orvieto, Rinaldo Rulli, 1629

A favola boschereccia (“woodland fable”) in three acts, which rather pedestrianly

repeats the classic story of Armida and Rinaldo. Other works published in
Orvieto, Venice and Pesaro between 1623 and 166669 have been attributed to
Francesco Miedelchini. On the title page of the work he describes himself as
“accademico eteroclito.” Dedicated to the “Ill.mo. sig. Pietro Bisensi,” it was
published in Orvieto in 1629. In the brief preface the author apologizes for the
style as not “vago & elegante” (“graceful and elegant”), which he explains by
the fact that the text is intended “to be recited in Music.”

68
" See," for" instance," the" observations" by" D." Stevens," The" Letters$ of$ Claudio$ Monteverdi,"
Cambridge,"Cambridge"University"Press,"1980,"p."310."
69
"See"the"results"available"at"http://www.internetculturale.it/opencms/opencms/it/."
148
 8. RINALDO PRIGIONIERIO
Libretto by Ottavio Tronsarelli (? - 1641), 163170

Included in the collection of Drammi musicali by Tronsarelli, Rinaldo Prigioniero

relates the story of Rinaldo from his arrival on Armida's enchanted island until
he is abducted by Armida in her enchanted chariot. In a rich contribution,
Jonathan Unglaub has explored the similarities and parallels with the celebrated
cycle of paintings by Nicolas Poussin (1594-1665), inspired by Tasso’s poem.71

9. ERMINIA SUL GIORDANO

Libretto by Giulio Rospigliosi (Pistoia 1600-Rome 1669), music by Michelangelo Rossi
(Rome? - Rome c. 1656); Rome, 1633

This is a drama musicale, available in the printed edition of 1637,72 which belongs
to the seventeenth-century genre in the Roman milieu, characterized by a
predominance of the spectacular and “marvelous”73 element. Armida appears in
it together with other mythological figures and deities, without any real

70
" On" Tronsarelli" and" his" best/known" favola$ boschereccia," La$ Catena$ d’Adone$ (1626)," see" S."
Santacroce," “La$ragion$perde$dove$il$senso$abonda”:$La$Catena$d’Adone$di$Ottavio$Tronsarelli,"
available" at" the" following" address:"
https://www.academia.edu/7923797/La_catena_dAdone_di_Tronsarelli."
71
" See" J." Unglaub," Poussin$ and$ the$ Poetics$ of$ Painting.$ Pictorial$ Narrative$ and$ the$ Legacy$ of$
Tasso,"New"York,"Cambridge"University"Press,"2006,"pp."91"and"f."
72
" See" Michelangelo" Rossi," Erminia$ sul$ Giordano," Rome," Paolo" Masotti," 1637;" reprint" in" fac/
simile"by"Forni"Editore,"Bologna,"1970."
73
" See" F." Sabbadini," Scene$ e$ apparati$ nella$ poetica$ della$ “meraviglia,”" “Musicaaa!,”" X" (May/
September"2004),"29,"pp."9/11."
149
 dramatic development of the story. It confirms the dissemination of Tasso’s
poem in the first half of the seventeenth century.74

10. GLI INCANTI DISCIOLTI DA RINALDO

Raggionamento dramatico di Carlo Volpe, Trani, Lorenzo Valeri, 1637

In the Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli by Camillo Minieri-Ricci
(Forni, 1844), Carlo Volpe is indicated as the author of this work,75 about which
no more information is available.

11. L’ARMIDA
Libretto by Benedetto Ferrari (Reggio Emilia 1603 - Modena 1681), music by Benedetto
Ferrari, Venice, Santi Giovanni e Paolo, 1639

This is a work in a prologue and three acts. The music is lost, but the libretto
survives. It was revised in a version for Modena (1644) and Piacenza (1650).76 It
follows Tasso’s poem quite faithfully but inserts some elements peculiar to
74
"See"B."Brumana," Il$Tasso$e$l’opera$nel$seicento,"cit.,"p."149."On"the" mise$en$scnène$ "of"the"
work," see" D." Daolmi," La$ drammaturgia$ al$ servizio$ della$ scenotecnica.$ Le$ “volubili$ scene”$
dell’opera$barberiniana,"“Il"Saggiatore"musicale,”"XIII"(2006),"1,"pp."5/62."
75
" A" reference" in" this" respect" is" already" found" in" L." Allacci," Drammaturgia,$ accresciuta$ e$
continuata$fino$all’anno$MDCCLV,$Venezia,"Giambatista"Pasquali,"1755"e"in"N."Toppi,"Biblioteca$
napoletana," et$apparato$agli$uomini$illustri$in$lettere$di$Napoli$e$del$Regno...,"Naples,"Antonio"
Bulifon,"1678."
76
" The" 1650" version" is" reproduced" in" N." Badolato" /" V." Martorana" (ed.)," I$ drammi$ musicali$
veneziani$di$Benedetto$Ferrari,"Florence,"Leo"S."Olschki,"2013,"pp."257"and"f.","and"is"preceded"
by"notes"relating"it"to"the"previous"editions."
150
 Venetian music dramas in those years: almost at the end of the work, the
personification of Venice appears on stage and receives Armida and Rinaldo,
now married, under her protection.77 The story of Armida and Rinaldo is then
entwined with a secondary plot, a love affair between the nymph Tamburla and
the satyr Fauno, with comic elements.

12. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto by Virgilio Puccitelli (San Severino Marche 1599-1654), music by Marco Scacchi
(Gallese di Viterbo 1602-Viterbo c. 1685) Warsaw, Castle Theatre, 1641

The libretto was composed by Puccitelli after he moved to Warsaw, in 1628 or

1629. Puccitelli was appointed secretary to Ladislaus IV In 1634 with the task
of superintending the magnificent Court Theater and the Royal Chapel. He
would remain in Warsaw until 1649. The music is by Marco Scacchi, who went
to Warsaw in 1623. There he was made Kapellmeister in the service of King
Sigismund III Vasa, occupying this post until his return to Viterbo in 1649. The
three-act drama deals with the unhappy love of Armida and Rinaldo, set in the
perspective of a contention between Lascivious Love and Celestial Love. The
work required an elaborate staging, with frequent scene changes. The stage
design for the first performance, presumably by Agostino Locci (Narni 1601 -
after 1660), created great spectacular effects made possible by the machinery of
the Warsaw Theater, among the most advanced European theaters of the time.

77
"For"further"references"to"the"presence"on"the"stage"of"the"personification"of"the"Serenissima"
see"N."Badolato,"Introduzione,"ivi,"pp."XVIII"and"f."
151
 13. GLI AMORI DI ARMIDA
Libretto by Ascanio Pio di Savoia, music by Marco Marazzoli (Parma, c. 1602 –Rome
1662), Ferrara, 1641

On February 10, 1641, in the Great Hall of Ferrara, the opera Gli Amori di
Armida, with a libretto by Ascanio Pio di Savoia,78 was performed in honor of
the papal legate Cardinal Matteo Ginetti.79 The text was later reused for
L’Amore trionfante dello Sdegno, 1649.

14. L’AMORE TRIONFANTE DELLO SDEGNO

Libretto by Ascanio Pio di Savoia, music by Marco Marazzoli (Parma, c. 1602 – Rome
1662), Ferrara, 1642

This was a “Drama recited in music with the machinery of the city of Ferrara
for the coming of the most excellent prince Signor Taddeo Barberini, prefect of
the General of the Army of the Holy Church.” It was a new production of the
earlier Gli amori di Armida (Ferrara, 1641). On January 11, 1642, to honor Prince
Taddeo Barberini, the nephew of Pope Urban VIII (who was passing through
Ferrara at the head of the papal army), the tournament-opera Le pretensioni del

78
"See"R."Ziosi," I$libretti$di$Ascanio$Pio$di$Savoia:$un$esempio$di$teatro$musicale$a$Ferrara$nella$
prima$metà$del$Seicento,"in"P."Fabbri"(ed.),$Musica$in$torneo$nell’Italia$del$Seicento,"Lucca,"LIM,"
1999,"pp."135/165."
79
" On" Marazzoli" see" in" particular" D." Daolmi," “L’armi$ e$ gli$ amori”.$ Un’opera$ di$ cappa$ e$ spada$
nella$Roma$di$mezzo$seicento,"PhD"thesis,"Università"La"Sapienza"Rome,"2001,$ partly"available"
at" http://www.examenapium.it/armi/" and," ivi," in" particular," the" very" full" annotated"
bibliography."
152
 Tebro e del Po was performed, also with verses by A. Pio di Savoia, in which the
characters of Rome, Ferrara and Jupiter (an allegory of Urban VIII) represented
the confrontation between the Church and the Duchy of Parma. The following
day Gli amori di Armida was restaged with the title L’Amore trionfante dello Sdegno.

15. L’ARMIDA NEMICA, AMANTE E SPOSA

Libretto by Francesco Maria Santinelli (Pesaro, 1627-1697), music lost.

The libretto of this “Drama musicale by the Marquis Santinelli dedicated to the
sacred Caesarean majesty of the Empress Eleonora” was printed in Venice by
Salerni and Cagnolini in 1669.80 Accompanied by various very fine illustrated
plates (placed at the opening of the libretto and the start of the various acts), it
calls for numerous, elaborate scene changes and mingles tragic, comic and
fantastic elements, also reflected in the use of a varied language, with puns,
double meanings and onomatopoeia. Act II is set during a theatrical
performance of a play about Dido and Aeneas, which becomes a paraphrase of
the theme of the abandonment of the beloved that likewise runs through the
story of Armida and Rinaldo. The scene in which Armida gazes at Rinaldo
sleeping represents her as oscillating in her emotional states between Scorn and
Love, who alternately urge her to slay the knight or stay her hand. The four acts
are preceded by an elaborate prologue performed by the nine Muses, Apollo
and Fame.

16. ARMIDE

80
"For"Santinelli,"alchemist,"poet,"man"of"the"theater"and"the"court,"see"Grande"Oriente"d’Italia"
(ed.),"Francesco$Maria$Santinelli.$Alchimista$della$Massa$Trabaria,"Milan,"Mimesis,"2010."
153
 Libretto by Philippe Quinault, music by Jean-Baptiste Lully, Paris, Théâtre du Palais
Royal, 1686

The iconic text of French seventeenth-century musical theater and the

embodiment of the genre of tragédie lyrique, this work testifies to the popularity
of Tasso’s poem in France, where it also influenced other fields of art
(including painting, in particular with Nicolas Poussin’s cycle inspired by
Tasso).81

17. LA GERUSAMME LIBERATA

Libretto by Giulio Cesare Corradi, music by Carlo Pallavicino (1630-1688), Venice,
Teatro SS. Giovanni e Paolo, 1687

The libretto combines two episodes from Tasso’s poem: Rinaldo and Armida,
and Tancredi and Clorinda. The part dealing with Armida is immersed in a
portentously magical atmosphere, including an episode of the collective
transformation of a group of Christian knights into forest dwellers. Ubaldo
saves Rinaldo from Armida with the aid of a magician, and the fury of the
sorceress unfolds in spectacular effects.
The opera, staged in Venice in 1687, was revised for Dresden in 1688 and
Hamburg in 1695. Of this opera there exists a modern edition, published in
1916.82

81
" See" much" of" M." Armellini," Le$ due$ “Armide”.$ Metamorfosi$ estetiche$ e$ drammaturgiche$ da$
Lully$a$Gluck,"Florence,"Passigli,"1991,"pp."5"and"f."
82
"Found"in" Denkmäler$Deutsche$Tonkunst,$Erste$Folge,$ Leipzig,"Breitkopf"und"Härtel,"Vol."CV:"
1916."
154
 18. GLI ARMORI DI RINALDO CON ARMIDA
Music by Antonio Chiocchiolo or Chiochiolo (Brescia 1680-1706?), Rovigo, 1694

This is a musical drama in three acts, “to be performed in the Theater of the
Illustrious Accademia degli Erranti in Brescia in the year 1697, dedicated to the
illustrious ladies Countess Ippolita Gambara Provaglia and Countess Chiara
Gambara.” The opera also exists in a second version for Brescia, Accademia
degli Erranti, in 1697, and Verona (1697), when it was simply renamed
L’Armida.

19. ARMIDA
Libretto by Gottlieb Fiedler, music by Carlo Pallavicino, Hamburg, 1695

This is the German translation of the libretto by G. C. Corradi. The work was
staged at Hamburg’s Theater am Gänsemarkt in 1695.

20. GLI AMORI D’ARMIDA CON RINALDO

Drama for Music by Giovanni Orsato (165? - 172?) and Gerolamo Collatelli, Verona,
1697

This Drama per musica in three acts presents a Rinaldo who is particularly
recalcitrant to Armida’s seductions: until the end of Act II the knight refuses to
have any truck with Armida, telling her: “The appearance of the Gorgon /
Would fill me with less horror./ Your eyes are Comets, / Whose rays appall /

155
 this heart in my breast.” In the end Rinaldo yields and the opera concludes with
the union of the two and a happy ending.

21. LI AMORI E INCANTI D'ARMIDA CON RINALDO

Libretto/music by Teofilo Orgiani (Vicenza, 1650? - Vicenza, 1725), Treviso, 1698.

Teofilo Orgiani appears to have dealt with the theme of Armida and Rinaldo in
a number of operas presented in various theaters on the mainland and in
Venice, starting with a libretto that is attributed to Girolamo Collatelli83: Li
amori e incanti d’Armida con Rinaldo (Treviso, S. Margherita, autumn 1698), Li
avenimenti di Rinaldo con Armida (Udine, Teatro Mantica, December 18, 1698), La
maga trionfante (Este, Teatro Nuovo, October 1, 1700), L’onor al cimento (Venezia,
S. Fantin, Carnival 1703), La fedeltà nell’amore (Vicenza, Nuovo, 1707), Le vicende
d’amore (Brescia, 1707; recorded only by Guerrini, 1934) and Armida regina di
Damasco (Verona, Teatro dei Temperati, autumn 1711). The music of these
operas is lost.

22. RINALDO AND ARMIDA

Libretto by John Dennis (London 1658-1734), music by John Eccles (London 1688-
1735), London, Lincoln's Inn Fields, 169884

83
" See" E." Selfridge/Field," A$ Chronology$ of$ Venetian$ Opera$ and$ Related$ Genres,$ 1660H1760,"
Stanford"(California),"Stanford"University"Press,"2007,"p."255;"F."Colussi,"s.v." Orgiani,$Teofilo,"in"
Dizionario$biografico$degli$italiani,"Roma,"Istituto"dell’Enciclopedia"Italiana,"Vol."LXXIX:"2013."All"
the"entries"in"this"dictionary"are"available"online:"http://www.treccani.it/biografie/."
84
" The" work" is" available" in" a" modern" edition:" J." Eccles," Rinaldo$ and$ Armida," ed.." S." Planck,"
Middletown"(Wisc.),"A/R"Editions"Inc.,"2011."
156
 Dennis and Eccles’ work was largely inspired by Quinault-Lully’s Armide, and
responded to the fashion, quite common by the century’s end, for revisions and
adaptations of works in the repertoires of the London theaters (including,
obviously, the Shakespearean repertoire85). Armida is represented as a tragic
heroine, in keeping with a model common in so-called “she-tragedies.”86 The
tone at some points is moralizing, and aims to bring out the protagonists’
superiority to earthly temptations (see in particular the figures of Ubaldo and
Carlo, and the erotic temptations they are subjected to as they try to find
Rinaldo). On the musical plane, the work seeks to achieve a closer union
between music and drama than in the models of Henry Purcell.

23. SUITE D'ARMIDE OU JERUSALEM DÉLIVRÉE

Libretto by Hillaire-Bernard Requeleyne (1659-1721), Baron de Longpierre, music by
Philippe d'Orléans (1674-1723), Fontainebleau, 1704

The opera was the fruit of a collaboration between the Baron de Longepierre87
and the future regent Philippe d'Orléans, nephew of Louis XIV. In composing
the score, Philippe d'Orléans was assisted by, among others, C.-H. Gervais.88
The work takes up the story of Armida where Lully and Quinault left it,
introducing the characters of Tancredi and Clorinda, among others. It is one of
many examples of a broader tendency to shift the focus of the narrative after

85
"See"in"particular"the"Shakesperian"adaptations"by"William"Davenant"in"the"1660s."
86
"See"J.I."Marsden,"Fatal$Desire:$Women,$Sexuality,$and$the$English$Stage,$1660H1720,"London,"
Cornell"University"Press,"2006."
87
" On" Requeleyne" see" R." Portalis," Bernard$ de$ Requeleyne$ Baron$ de$ Longepierre," Paris," Henri"
Leclerc,"1905."
88
"See"J./P."Montagnier," CharlesHHubert$Gervais:$Un$musicien$au$service$du$Régent$et$de$Louis$
XV,"Paris,"CNRS"Editions,"2001."
157
the conclusion of each of the episodes narrated by Philippe Quinault. The work
is notable for the considerable richness of the music, in which the French style
is combined with a strong influence of musical Italianism (significantly the work
is subtitled an “opéra” and not a “tragédie lyrique”).

24. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA (“DIETRO L’OMBRE FUGACI”)

anonymous libretto, music by George Frideric Handel, Rome, 1707

This is a cantata, the setting of an anonymous text based on Canto XVI of

Gerusalemme liberata. It was composed by Handel in Rome for the Marquis
Francesco Maria Ruspoli. The cantata is structured as three arias, preceded by
recitatives.

25. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto by Francesco Silvani (Venice, c. 1660 - Venice after 1728), music by Giovanni
Maria Ruggieri, first performed in Venice, Teatro Sant'Angelo, 1707

The libretto by Silvani, structured in three acts, like other works inspired by
Gerusalemme Liberata, combines the story of Armida and Rinaldo with that of
Tancredi and Clorinda. It was repeated by Giuseppe Maria Buini in Bologna in
1716, by Michele de Falco in Naples in 1719, and by Antonio Bioni in Prague in
1725.
The work is also remembered because Senesino, one of the most celebrated
and gifted castratos of the eighteenth century, made his debut in it. Together

158
with Armida al Campo by Silvani-Boniventi and Armida in Damasco by Braccioli-
Rampini, it was one of a trio of works inspired by Tasso’s poem performed at
the Teatro Sant'Angelo in the years 1707-1711.

26. ARMIDA AL CAMPO

Libretto by Francesco Silvani, music by Giuseppe Boniventi (Venice, c. 1660 - Venice, post
1727), first performance, Venice, Teatro Sant'Angelo, 1708

The musical drama in three acts by Boniventi to a libretto by Silvani (see above,
No. 23), was staged in Venice during Carnival 1708. It would be repeated by
Domenico Sarro in Naples in 1718, by Antonio Bioni in Wroclaw, in 1726, and
by Annanzio Ruggiero Vona in Prague in 1728.

27. RINALDO
Libretto by Aron Hill after Giacomo Rossi, music by George Frideric Handel, first
performance, London, Queen's Theatre, Haymarket, February 24, 1711

Handel’s opera was one of the composer’s most successful works in his
London period and in general a landmark in the repertoire of opera houses
around the world, as well as of recorded music. If the music was largely worked
up out of borrowings and citations from his own works, the libretto introduced
a new character, not found in Tasso: Almirena, the daughter of Goffredo and
the betrothed of Rinaldo. Rinaldo is no longer torn between the call of duty
and love for Armida, but pursues the goal of military victory, on which depends

159
the hand of his fiancée Almirena. His attempts are thwarted by Armida, until
Goffredo, with the help of white magic, helps him to free himself and lead the
troops to the conquest of Jerusalem.

28. ARMIDA IN DAMASCO

Libretto by Grazio Braccioli (1682-1752), music by Giacomo Rampini (1680 - 1760),
Venice, 1711

In presenting the libretto, Braccioli places the story after Rinaldo’s escape:
“Armida flees from the rout at the Egyptian army and, despairing for her love
scorned and her failure to exact vengeance, wishes to slay herself. She is unable
to do so because Rinaldo arrives to prevent her, and she again becomes his
mistress. Here, at the conclusion of the episode of Armida, the Prince of the
Tuscan Epic poets practically concludes the principal action, and that is all that
I have permitted myself to take from him. To preserve the unity of place, in the
unity of my action, I had to depart from the poem and place Armida in the
vicinity of Damascus, where Rinaldo arrives, since he still feels for her his
former pity and the chivalrous courtesy that he felt on seeing her unconscious,
when he abandoned her.” The play ends with the promise of marriage between
Armida and Rinaldo. In the libretto there also appears Tasso’s character of
Altamoro, King of Samarcante (enamored of Armida), and Ferinda, who is
betrothed to Altamoro.

29. ARMIDA AL CAMPO

160
Libretto by Francesco Silvani (Venice, 1660 - Venice, between 1728 and 1744), music by
Domenico Sarro (Trani, 1679 - Naples, 1744), Naples, 1718

Domenico Natale Sarro is remembered above all for his setting of Didone
Abbandonata, the first melodrama written by Metastasio, and Achille in Sciro, also
by Metastasio, with which the Teatro San Carlo opened in Naples. His interest
in the subject of Armida, in the version by Silvani, again confirms the
remarkable reach of the subject in European musical theater of the early
eighteenth century.

30. ARMIDA AL CAMPO D’EGITTO

Libretto by Giovanni Palazzo, music by Antonio Vivaldi, Venice, Teatro San Moise, 1718

Vivaldi’s opera, in three acts, differs from most of the works inspired by
Armida by the fact that it begins amid the events that precede her war against
the Crusaders. The work was repeated during Carnival, 1738, with the music
extensively rewritten and new arias added by Leonardo Leo. Act II of the
original version of the opera is lost.

31. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto by Francesco Silvani, music by Michele de Falco (Naples c. 1688 - Naples, after
1732), Naples, 1719

161
 Michele de Falco (or Falco, di Falco, or Farco),89 active in Naples in the early
decades of the eighteenth century, hence at a time when Neapolitan musical life
was dominated by Alessandro Scarlatti,90 reused Silvani's libretto to stage the
work on the occasion of the celebrations for the birthday of Charles VI
(October 1, 1719). The opera was performed in the hall of the royal palace and
the lead part was sung by Marianna Benti Bulgarelli (la Romanina). This is the
last record we have of Falco’s activity.

32. ARMIDA DELUSA

Libretto and music by Giuseppe Maria Buini (Bologna, 1680 - Alessandria, 1739),
Venice, Teatro Sant'Angelo, 1720

This is a second opera, written by Buini, on the subject of Armida, following

Armida abbandonata in 1716 (for which Buini wrote the music alone). The work
conforms to the typical Venetian models, being interwoven as usual with spells
and incantations. There appear new names and characters, such as Cleoanta
(Rinaldo’s mistress), Adrastus (the name given to the Danish Prince), and
Telesia. Even the plot differs from the other examples. The foreword to the
libretto states: “Rinaldo having been sentenced to a long and harsh exile for
having killed Gernaldo, he went off wandering for some time. He happened to
come a deserted island, where Armida had built a palace, in which
unsurpassable enchantments defended it. Desirous of seeing these apparent
beauties he was kept there by Armida, who from being his enemy became all at
89
" On" Falco," see" U." Prota/Giurleo" s.v." Falco,$ Michele," in" Enciclopedia$ dello$ spettacolo," Roma/
Firenze,"Le"Maschere,"Vol."IV.:"1957,"coll."1801"and"f.;"F."Agresta,"s.v." Scarlatti,$Alessandro,"in"
Dizionario$biografico$degli$italiani,"cit.,"Vol."XLIX:"1994."
90
" For" relations" between" Falco" and" the" members" of" the" Scarlatti" family" see" C." Sartori," Gli$
Scarlatti$a$Napoli.$Nuovi$contributi,"“Rivista"Musicale"Italiana,”"XLVI"(1942),"pp."384"and"f."
162
once his lover. He passed the time in idleness and love with Armida, when he
was recalled from exile by Goffredo, who to this end sent Ubaldo and Guelfo
with two enchanted shields. He was rapt from Armida’s arms and finding
herself betrayed she gave herself up to despair. She undid the charm of the
Palace and taking refuge in the forest enchanted by her, there she was also
overcome in her wiles by Rinaldo.”

33. DAS EROBERTE JERUSALEM ODER ARMIDA UND

RINALDO
Libretto by Johann Samuel Müller (Braunschweig, 1701 - Hamburg, 1773), music by
Georg Caspar Schürmann (Neustadt am Rübenberge, 1672 - Wolfenbüttel, 1751),
Braunschweig, 1722

The Singspiel in three acts, staged at the Hoftheater of Braunschweig in the

winter of 1722, consists of a German translation of the libretto by G. C.
Corradi, originally written for Carlo Pallavicino.

34. RENAUD OU LA SUITE D'ARMIDE

Libretto by Simon-Joseph Pellgrin, music by Henri Desmarets (1661 - 1741), Paris, 1722.

The tragédie lyrique by Pellegrin-Desmarets is set after the events narrated in

Quinault-Lully's Armide. It retains the classic structure in five acts and a
prologue. Its reception was lukewarm, and following the first performance on

163
 March 5, 1722, had disappeared from the repertoire at the end by the month.91
From this work Leboeuf and Sacchini drew the idea for Renaud in 1783.

35. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto attributed to Francesco Silvani (Venice, 1660 - Venice, between 1728 and 1744),
music by Giuseppe Maria Buini92 (Bologna, 1680 - Alexandria, 1739), Bologna, 1716;
Venice 1723

The story (a musical drama in three acts) focuses on the “magnanimous flight
of Rinaldo from the love of Armida. T action is set in an enchanted palace “a
short distance from Goffredo’s camp on the sea shore.” The story is enriched
with the presence of Tancredi and Erminia. The opera was staged, as far as we
know, in Bologna, at the Teatro Formigliari in 1716 and in 1723 at the Teatro
San Moise in Venice.93

36. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto by Francesco Silvani (Venice, c. 1660 - Venice, between 1728 and 1744), music
by Antonio Bioni (Venice, 1698 - Vienna 1739), Prague, 1725

Bion’s opera, performed in Prague in 1725, reused the libretto already set to
music by Giovanni Maria Ruggeri in 1707 for the Teatro Sant'Angelo in Venice.

91
"See"S."Pitou,"The$Paris$Opera,$1715H1815,"cit.,"p."463."
92
"On"Buini,"see"A."Lanfranchi,"in"the"entry" Buini,$Giuseppe$Maria,"in" Dizionario$biografico$degli$
italiani,"cit.,"Vol."XV:"1972."
93
" See" E." Selfriedge/Field," A$ New$ Chronology$ of$ Venetian$ Operas$ and$ Related$ Genres," 1660H
1760,"cit.,"p."349."
164
 37. IL TRIONFO D’ARMIDA
Libretto by Girolamo Colatelli, music by Tomaso Albinoni (Venice, 1671-1751), Venice,
1726

Albinoni’s opera, to a libretto by Colatelli, was performed at the Teatro

Giustiniano, S. Mosè, in 1726. In the preface to the libretto, the author
addresses the reader, observing that “it is true that you will have seen the
subject staged on other occasions; but equally often you will have given it your
courteous approval.” The subject, therefore, was certainly not new but retained
all its value, especially if given an original turn. “You will see the character of
Armida, in her lascivious being, moderated with all modesty in the story,
adorned and renewed with the songs.” The music of the opera is lost.

38. ARMIDA AL CAMPO

Libretto by Francesco Silvani (Venice, c. 1660 - Venice, between 1728 and 1744), music
by Antonio Bioni (Venice, 1698 - Vienna 1739), Wroclaw, 1727

Bioni’s opera, represented in Wroclaw in 1725, reuses the libretto already set to
music by Giuseppe Boniventi in 1708 for the Teatro Sant'Angelo in Venice.

39. ARMIDA AL CAMPO

Libretto by Francesco Silvani (Venice, c. 1660 - Venice, between 1728 and 1744), music
by Annanzio Ruggiero Vona, Prague, 1728

165
This was a new version, Annanzio Ruggiero Vona’s musical setting of Silvani’s
libretto for the Theater of Count Spock in Prague.

40. L’ABBANDONO DI ARMIDA

Libretto by Giovanni Boldini (169? - 175?), Music by Antonio Pollarolo (Brescia, 1676 -
Venice, 1746), Venice, 1729

This is a “Scenic treatment to be sung in the famous Teatro Grimani of S.

Giovanni Gristostomo on the last night of Carnival of the year 1729,” set to
music by Antonio Pollarolo (son of the better known Carlo Francesco
Pollarolo), active from 1702 in San Marco, where he become Master of Music
in 1746.

41. ARMIDA
Libretto by Cliternestra Pieria (i.e. Elena Virgili de Romanis), music by Niccolò Jommelli,
Rome, 1746

This is a cantata “for two voices by Cliternestra Pieria set to music by Signor
Niccolò Jommelli, Neapolitan master of music of the choir of pious place of
the Incurabili of Venice, and philharmonic academic.” It was presented at the
Teatro Argentina on February 12, 1746.

42. ARMIDA

166
 Libretto by Bartolomeo Vitturi (c. 1710 - after 1753), music by Ferdinando Bertoni (Salo,
1725 - Desenzano del Garda, 1813), Venice, 1747

The composer of 50 theatrical works, in 1747 Bertoni94 composed his first

Armida, in three acts to a libretto by Vitturi for the Teatro S. Angelo in Venice.
The work is considered the nucleus of the subsequent Armida composed for
the 1780-81 season at the Teatro S. Benedetto. In this work, the story of
Armida and Rinaldo is entwined with that of other characters (Erminia and
Tancredi).

43. ARMIDA PLACATA

Libretto by Giovanni Ambrogio Migliavacca (Milan, c. 1718 - Dresden 1795?), Music by
Giovanni Battista Mele (Naples, 1701? - Naples? 1752), Madrid, 1750

Armida Placata by G. B. Mele,95 set to a libretto by Migliavacca, was staged at the

Teatro del Buen Retiro in Madrid in 1750, during the celebrations for the
wedding of the Infanta Maria Antonia Fernanda to Vittorio Amedeo, Crown
Prince of the Kingdom of Sardinia.96 Migliavacca received the commission
through the good offices of Metastasio. The latter, as is evident from some
letters sent to Farinelli, then the director of the theater in Madrid, personally
altered the libretto, making extensive corrections, partly repudiated by

94
" See" the" entry" on" Bertoni," by" F." Fano," in" the" entry" Bertoni,$ Ferdinando," in$ Dizionario$
biografico$degli$italiani,"cit.,"Vol."IX:"1967."
95
" On" the" figure" of" G.B." Mele," see" G." Veneziano," s.v." Mele,$ Giovanni$ Battista," ivi," Vol." LXXIII:"
2009."
96
"For"further"information"about"the"Teatro"del"Buen"Retiro"in"this"period,"see"S."Cappelletto,"La$
voce$perduta:$vita$di$Farinelli,$evirato$cantore,"EDT,"1995,"pp."114"and"f.""
167
 Migliavacca’s further alterations.97 The work is described as the last known
theatrical work by Mele.

44. ARMIDA PLACATA

(Pastiche), music by G. C. Wagensiel, Predier, Hasse, Bonno, Abos, Vienna, 1750

This pastiche adapted from the work of Migliavacca and Mele was staged at the
court theater in Vienna in 1750, with music by J.A. Hasse, G. Abos, G. Bonno,
L.A. Predieri and G. Ch. Wagenseil.

45. L’ARMIDA
Libretto by Leopoldo de Villati (1701 - 1752), music by Carl Heinrich Graun (Uebigau-
Wahrenbrück, 1704 - Berlin, 1759), Berlin, 1751

Villati’s libretto follows Quinault’s model, condensing it into three acts,

reflecting the cultural atmosphere of the period 1747-1756, when the Prussian
court welcomed transpositions of French texts and librettos in Berlin. Unlike
Quinault’s text, however, de Villati’s includes certain passages drawn literally

97
" See" the" letter" to" Farinelli" of" December" 7," 1748," in" P." Metastasio," Lettere," Nizza," " Vol." IV:"
1787,"p."145:"“By"now"you"will"have"Armida"placated:"I"hope"that"you"find"much"that"is"good"in"
it,"particularly"in"the"part"of"the"prima"donna"and"the"male"lead,"the"two"I"was"most"concerned"
about."And"you"would"find"far"fewer"defects"than"those"you"will"find,"if"that"booby"Migliavacca,"
after"I"had"corrected"the"whole"work,"to"my"great"inconvenience,"had"not"taken"it"on"himself"to"
copy"it"and"change,"add,"and"remove"various"parts"in"his"own"way."It"made"me"lost"my"temper"
when"he"told"me"on"my"return"from"the"country:"with"the"excuse"that"they"had"no"time"to"tell"
me"the"doubts"they"had,"to"send"it"by"the"term"you"had"specified.”"
168
 from Tasso's poem (see Act II.3). The position of the divertissement is also
different from Quinault’s version.98

46. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto by Leopoldo de Villati (1701 - 1752), music by Giuseppe Sarti (Faenza, 1729 -
Berlin, 1802), Copenhagen, 1759

Sarti composed Armida abbandonata, to a libretto by de Villati, during his long

period in Copenhagen, from 1753 to 1765, during which he composed over 40
works for the theater of the Italian opera. Sarti would return to the subject in
Rinaldo and Armida, a two-act opera composed for St. Petersburg in 1786 to a
libretto by Coltellini.

47. RENAUD ET ARMIDE

Ballet d'action, Arguments of Jean-Georges Noverre (1727 - 1810), music by Jean
Rodolphe-Joseph (1730 - 1812), Lyon, 1760

Noverre reinterpreted the story of Rinaldo and Armida in one of what he

termed the “ballets d'actions.” A great theorist of dance, and the precursor of
many later movements, in his Lettres sur la danse Noverre was among the first
and most influential supporters of an art of dancing capable of representing

98
"In"all"there"are"thirteen"works,"all"set"to"music"by"Graun."See"N."Eskenazy," Les$adaptations$
des$divertisemments$de$l’Armide$de$QuinaultHLully$dans$trois$drammi$per$musica$de$la$seconde$
partie$du$XVIIIe$siècle,"“Cahiers"d’études"romanes,”"13,"2005,"pp."63/84.""
169
 action and expressing a dramatic content. Renaud and Armide has recently been
revived in Versailles and at the Opéra Comique in Paris (2012).

48. ARMIDA
Libretto by Giovanni Ambrogio Migliavacca and Giacomo Durazzo based on Quinault,
music by Tomasso Traetta, Vienna February 3, 1761

In 1760 Traetta was in Parma and at the height of his career under the guidance
of the minister Du Tillot. He devoted himself to combining the Italian and
French styles, in accordance with the requirements of the court of Parma at the
time. For the marriage of Isabella to Joseph II of Habsburg-Lorraine, Count
Durazzo, Generalspektakeldirektor in Vienna, commissioned an “Italian”
rifacimento of Quinault's Armide-Lully. The opera was reduced to a “theatrical
action for music,” by Durrazzo himself; the verses were by Migliavacca, a
former collaborator of Mestastasio. In its hybridization of the French and
Italian styles, the result recalls Ippolito e Aricia, also by Traetta (Parma, 1759).

49. ARMIDA
Libretto by Marco Coltellini (Livorno, 1719 - St. Petersburg, 1777), music by Giuseppe
Scarlatti (Naples, 1712 or 1718 - Vienna, 1777), Vienna, 1766

The libretto in two acts by Coltellini99 draws on the model of Quinault, but
limits the characters to four (Armida, Ismene, Rinaldo, Ubaldo). The work is

99
" On" Coltellini," see" A.M." Loreto" Tozzi," s.v." Coltellini,$ Marco," in" Dizionario$ biografico$ degli$
italiani,"cit.,"Vol."XXVII:"1982."
170
 part of the theatrical production of Giuseppe Scarlatti (a member of the family,
though his exact relationship is not known100), which spans the period between
1740 and 1770.

50. ARMIDA
Libretto by Jacopo Durandi (Santhià, 1739 - Turin, 1817), music by Pasquale Anfossi
(Taggia, 1727 - Rome, 1797), Turin, 1770

In the introduction to the libretto Durandi states101 that “the fable of Armida,
which forms one of finest episodes of the Gerusalemme Liberata, is in this drama
varied in certain characters as well as its situations and circumstances, so as to
form a single, regular and more probable action, and reduce it to a unity of
place and time; hence, of the ancient fable only that has been taken which was
judged most fitting to give some novelty to the spectacle, the sole reason why
this drama was devised, whose plot will be understood from the work itself.”
The opera was performed at the Teatro Regio in Turin in the Carnival season
of 1770. Durandi’s libretto proved highly successful, and would be set to music
again, after Anfossi’s version, by various other composers.

51. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

100
" See" the" entry" in" A." Basso" (ed.)," Dizionario$ enciclopedico$ universale$ della$ musica$ e$ dei$
musicisti.$Le$biografie,"Turin,"UTET,"Vol."VI:"1999,"p."606."
101
" For" the" interesting" figure" of" Durandi," an" important" jurist" and" author" of" works" for" the"
theater," see" G.F." Vercellone," the" entry" on" Durandi,$ Jacopo," in" Dizionario$ biografico$ degli$
italiani,"cit.,"Vol."XLII:"1993.""
171
 Libretto by Francesco Saverio De Rogatis (Bagnoli, 1745 - Naples, 1827), music by Nicolò
Jommelli (Aversa, 1714 - Naples, 1774), Naples, 1770

The three-act opera, Metastasian in character,102 inserts the figures of Tancredi

and Clorinda into the Armida-Rinaldo story. It follows the vicissitudes of
Rinaldo after he escapes from Armida’s palace, during which he destroys the
sorceress’s enchanted forest. Performed at the San Carlo opera house in Naples
on May 30, 1770, the work was well received,103 though the young Mozart, who
was present at the première, judged it “well-written, but serious and
antiquated,” a judgment justified, in all likelihood, by the work’s still traditional
structure, rather impermeable to the influences of Gluck’s reforms. However, it
enjoyed a degree of success in the following years in Italy and abroad (Naples,
1771 and 1780, Lisbon in 1773, Florence, 1780), and the score circulated
widely, even in separate parts.

52. ARMIDA
Libretto by Jacopo Durandi (Vercelli, 1739 - Turin, 1817, music by Vincenzo Manfredini
(Pistoia, 1737 - St. Petersburg, 1799), Bologna, 1770

102
" In" a" letter" from" Naples" dated" January" 10," 1784," De" Rogatis" stated" he" had" published" the"
libretto" anonymously" in" the" spring" of" 1770." It" was" republished" on" the" occasion" of" the"
performance"at"the"San"Carlo"opera"house"in"Naples."The"librettist,"after"describing"himself"as"
a"“Metastasian”"author,"lamented"the"short"time"he"had"to"write"the"text"and"the"constraints"
imposed" by" the" need" to" respect" the" unities" (Riflessioni$ sul$ dramma$ intitolato$ Armida$
abbandonata"/" pubblicate$ nel"tomo"II"di" Le$odi$di$Anacreonte$e$di$Saffo$recate$in$versi$italiani$
da$Francesco$Saverio$de’$Rogati,"Colle,"Angiolo"Martini,"1783).""
103
"See"A."Romagnoli,"the"entry" Niccolò$Jommelli,"in" Dizionario$biografico$degli$italiani,"cit.,"Vol."
LXII:"2004."
172
 This was a new setting of Durandi’s libretto by Vincenzo Manfredini,
performed in Bologna after the composer’s return from Russia where, from
about 1758 until 1769 he had held the post of maestro di cappella to Tsar Peter III
and Catherine II. During his stay in Russia, Manfredini was also responsible for
the Italian theater at the court, composing numerous operie serie and ballets for
the theater.104 The work is probably mentioned in a letter dated March 27, 1770,
from Leopold Mozart to his wife, during his stay in Bologna with Wolfgang.105

53. ARMIDA
Libretto by Marco Coltellini (Livorno, 1719 - St. Petersburg, 1777), music by Antonio
Salieri, Vienna 1771

Armida, a musical drama in three acts, was Salieri’s first opera which is reliably
recorded as having been performed (June 2, 1771, at the Burgtheater in
Vienna). The style of the score clearly reflects Gluck’s influence. The first
performance was highly successful, as confirmed by Joseph II to his brother
Leopold in a letter dated June 3, 1771.106 Coltellini had originally written the
libretto for Giuseppe Scarlatti. Salieri's work, together with Traetta’s Armida, is

104
" See" G." Fornari," the" entry" Manfredini,$ Vincenzo," in" Dizionario$ biografico$ degli$ italiani," cit.,"
Vol.:"LXVII"2007.""
105
" “We" have" visited" P." Martino" twice" and" each" time" Wolfgang" has" worked" out" a" fugue," for"
which"P."Martino"had"only"written"down"with"a"few"notes"the"ducem"or"la"guida."We"have"also"
visited"Cavaliere"Broschi,"or"the"so/called"Signor"Farinelli,"on"his"estate"outside"the"town."Here"
we" have" met" Spagnoletta," who" is" to" be" the" prima" donna" in" the" opera," which" is" being"
performed" in" May," that" is," instead" of" Gabrielli," who" is" still" in" Palermo" and" has" let" down" the"
people"of"Bologna,"just"as"she"probably"will"let"down"the"people"of"Milan"too.”"The"full"text"can"
be"consulted"on"http://www.letters.mozartways.com."
106
"See"J.A."Rice," Antonio$Salieri$and$Viennese$Opera,"Chicago,"Chicago"University"Press,"1998,"
pp."162"and"f.,"which"contains"a"pervasive"analysis"of"the"work"of"Cotellini"and"Salieri."
"
173
 one example of the growing influence of the French style of opera seria in
Vienna since the early 1760s. Coltellini’s libretto was reused in 1782 by Righini
and again in 1786 by Sarti with the title of Armida e Rinaldo.

54. ARMIDA
Libretto by Jacopo Durandi (Santhià, 1739 - Turin, 1817), music by Antonio Sacchini
(1730 to 1786), Milan, 1772

Sacchini set Durandi’s libretto to music for the Carnival season of 1772 at the
Teatro Regio Ducal in Milan. Sacchini’s score was rich in elements drawn from
the French style, including the massive use of the chorus, the ballet and the
striving for spectacular effects.
Sacchini returned to Tasso’s subject with Rinaldo (London, 1780), which is a
reworking of the 1772 opera, and Renaud (Paris, 1783), with a libretto by
Pellegrin and Leboeuf.

55. ARMIDA
Anonymous libretto set to music by Giuseppe Gazzaniga (Verona, 1743 - Crema, 1818),
Rome, Teatro della Torre Argentina, 1773

Giuseppe Gazzaniga composed an opera seria on the subject of Armida for the
Carnival in Rome in 1773. It would appear107 that the work was a fiasco and it

107
"See"R."Meloncelli,"the"entry" Gazzaniga,$Giuseppe,"in" Dizionario$biografico$degli$italiani,"cit.,"
Vol."LII:"1999;"M."Rinaldi,"Due$secoli$di$musica$al$teatro$Argentina,"Firenze,"Leo"S."Olschki,"1978,"
Vol."I,"pp."197"and"f."
174
 was never performed again. The author of the libretto has not been
identified.108

56. ARMIDA
Anonymous libretto set to music (pastiche) by Johann Christian Bach, Venancio Rauzzini,
Antonio Sacchini, Mattia Vento, London, 1774

This was a pastiche, set to an anonymous libretto based on Armida abbandonata by

De Rogatis and performed at the King's Theatre in the Haymarket on November
19, 1774.

57. ARMIDA
Libretto by Giovanni De Gamerra (Livorno, 1743 - Vicenza, 1803), music by Luigi Gatti
(Lazise, 1740 - Salzburg, 1817), Mantua, 1775

Giovanni De Gamerra109 published a first libretto for Armida in 1771 in Milan,

where the young musician-lieutenant had arrived in 1765, in the pages of the
newspaper Il Mercurio poetico. The text contained an introductory essay entitled
Osservazioni sull’opera in musica, which is of interest for the author’s aesthetic and
dramatic conceptions and in general the debate about opera in the years that
saw the gradual emergence of Gluck’s reforms. In 1772, De Gamerra instead
reprised the text by G. Duranti and, in 1775, his Armida was set to music by
108
"The"score"is"available"online"on"the"site"of"the"library"of"the"Conservatorio"di"Milano"at"the"
address:"
http://bibliotecadigitale.consmilano.it/nav?internalId=495105&resId=&submitType=internal#."
109
"On"De"Gamerra"see"the"ventry"by"G."Romani,"in" Dizionario$biografico$degli$italiani,"cit.,"Vol."
XXXVI:"1988.""
175
 Luigi Gatti for the court of Mantua in 1775,110 where it enjoyed considerable
success.111

58. RINALDO
Libretto by Giusto Ferdinando Tenducci (1736 - 1790), music by Antonio Tozzi (Bologna,
1736-1812), Venice, 1775

Tozzi’s Rinaldo (“Dramma per musica, da rappresentarsi nel teatro

dell’Eccellentissima casa Vendramin in S. Salvatore detto in San Lucca in
Venezia per la fiera dell’Ascensione dell'anno 1775”) was the last, triumphant
success in Italy of the famous castrato Giusto Fernando Tenducci, called
Senesino (Siena, 1736 - Genoa, 1790).

59. ARMIDA
Libretto by Jacopo Durandi (Santhià, 1739 - Turin, 1817), and Francesco Saverio De
Rogatis (Bagnoli, 1745 - Naples, 1827), music by Michele Mortellari (Palermo, c. 1747 -
London, 1807), Modena, 1776

110
"“L’ARMIDA,"dramma"per"musica"del"Tenente"de"Gamerra" dedicato,"all’illustrissimo"signore"
don"Francesco"Berrettini"cornetta,"e"comandante"del"distaccamento"delle"Guardie"del"corpo"di"
s.a.s." il" sig." duca" di" Modena," Aprile" 1771," in" Milano," appresso" Giuseppe" Galeazzi," Regio"
stampatore."Con$licenza$de’$Superiori”."Two"versions,"however,"exist"of"the"libretto,"from"1771"
and"1773:"see"L."Quentin," Les$deux$livrets$d’”Armida”$écrits$à$Milan$en$1771$et$1773:$regards$
sur$ l’esthétique$ du$ poète$ Giovanni$ De$ Gamerra," “Horizons" philosophiques,”" XVI" (autumn"
2005),"1,""pp."112/124.""
111
" See" M.C." Di" Cesare," the" entry" Gatti,$ Luigi$ Maria$ Baldassarre," in" Dizionario$ biografico$ degli$
italiani,"cit.,"Vol."LII:"1999."
176
 The first of the operas by Michele Mortellari112 inspired by the subject of
Armida was composed for the Carnival in Modena in 1776 and performed
there at the Teatro Ducale. Mortellari reprised the subject of Armida in 1785, in
a work called Armida abbandonata for Florence. The libretto is described by J.
Buch as the result of a combination of Durandi’s text with De Rogatis’s.113

60. ARMIDA IMMAGINARIA

Libretto by Giuseppe Palomba (? 1765? -? 1825?), Music by Domenico Cimarosa (Aversa,
1749 - Venice, 1801), Naples, Teatro de’ Fiorentini, 1777

Giuseppe Palomba wrote more than 30 librettos for Cimarosa, including

Armida Immaginaria, a comic opera in three acts.114 Giuseppe Palomba
elaborated Tasso’s storyline extensively, with colorful touches and by mingling
“noble” characters, who express themselves in solemn style, with popular
characters. Cimarosa's score alternates solo arias with ensembles; recitativo secco
serves as the fluid element linking the various parts, thanks to Cimarosa’s
felicitous touch.

61. ARMIDA

112
" On" Mortellari" see" L." Mattei," the" entry" Mortellari,$ Michele," in" Dizionario$ biografico$ degli$
italiani,"cit.,"Vol."LXXVII:"2012."
113
"See"D.J."Buch,"Magic$Flutes,"cit.,"p."378."
114
"Cimarosa’s"Armida$immaginaria"was"restored"to"the"stage"after"two"centuries"at"the"Festival"
di"Montpellier"in"July"1994"and"in"1997"at"the"Festival"della"Valle"d’Itria"at"Martina"Franca."Of"
the"latter"edition"there"is"a"recording"available"on"a"CD"in"the"Dynamic"catalogue"(CDS"205/1/
3)." The" score," in" digital" format," can" be" found" at" the" address"
http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39580121c."
177
 Libretto by Giovanni Ambrogio Migliavacca (Milan, c. 1718 - Dresden 1795?) and
Giacomo Durazzo, music by Gennaro Astarita (Naples 1749? - 1803?), Venice, 1777

Astarita used Migliavacca’s text for the Teatro S. Moise in Venice, at the Fair of
the Ascension; there is also a record of a subsequent performance in Rome,
also in 1777. Armida was composed during the restless composer’s stay in
Venice, before leaving for St. Petersburg (where he remained until 1794).115

62. ARMIDE
Libretto by Philippe Quinault, music by Cristoph Willibald Gluck (Berching, 1714 -
Vienna, 1787), Paris, 1777

Composed in 1776, Gluck’s Armide reused Quinault’s text, naturally without the
Prologue, in the context of the new sensibility that, since his arrival in Paris, he
had brought to the French operatic stage. The choice of the iconic libretto of
Armide entailed a direct comparison between Gluck and the codification of the
very genre of the tragédie lyrique, and required him to take up a specific position
with regard to the typical elements of the genre (divertissements, ballets). The
choice of Lully’s libretto was inserted, moreover, in a broader development,
which characterized the reuse of Quinault’s librettos in those years by the most
representative composers belonging to the Académie royale de musique. Gluck
composed Armide at the height of the controversy between the Gluckists and
Piccinists, which was to be played out, among other things, on Quinault’s
handling of Roland. Gluck, however, preferred to turn to Armide. With this

115
" For" biographical" notes" on" the" composer" see" the" entry" by" U." Prota" Giurleo," the" entry"
Astarita,"Gennaro,"in"Dizionario$biografico$degli$italiani,"cit.,"Vol."IV:1963."
178
 work, Quinault’s text again marked a true turning point in the evolution of the
French tradition.

63. GLI AMORI DI ARMIDA E RINALDO

Libretto by Giovanni Ambrogio Migliavacca (Milan, c. 1718 - Dresden 1795?), Music by
Gennaro Astarita (Naples?, 1749? -? 1803), Livorno, 1778

Staged at the Teatro degli Avvalorati in Livorno during Carnival, 1778,

Astarita’s opera (see above for a previous Armida) reused Migliavacca’s libretto,
which was also used by Traetta in 1761.

64. ARMIDA
Libretto di Giovanni Ambrogio Migliavacca (Milan, c. 1718 - Dresden 1795?), music by
Joseef Mysliveček (Prague, 1737 - Rome, 1781), Lucca, 1778 (?), Milan, 1779

The opera, in three acts, with no fewer than twelve roles, was set to
Migliavacca’s text. It was performed at the Teatro alla Scala in Milan on
December 26, 1779, at the opening of the Carnival season in 1780. Its reception
by the public, permeable to influences from the French “reformed” style, was
unfavorable.116 One of the arias in Act III (Il caro ben, Act III.1) was transcribed
by Mozart for voice and piano, with the text Ridente la calma (K. 152/210a), and
became one of his most celebrated concert arias. The literature preserves a

116
"See"D.E."Freeman," Josef$Myslivecek,$“Il$Boemo”:$The$Man$and$His$Music,"Sterling"Heights,"
(Mich.)," Harmonie" Park" Press," 2009," p." 89;" G." Morelli" /" E." Surjan," Contagi$ d’Armida," in" A."
Buzzoni"(ed.)," Torquato$Tasso$fra$letteratura,$musica,$teatro$e$arti$figurative,"Bologna,"Nuova"
Alfa"Editoriale,"1985,"pp."151/165"p"158."
179
record of a previous version of 1778, performed in Lucca, but this has been
shown to be spurious by more detailed studies of Mysliveček’s life and work.

65. RINALDO
Libretto by G. Stäele, music by Cristoph Rheineck (Memmingen, 1748-1797), Wolfegg,
1779

Stäele-Rheinech’s Rinaldo is described in the Baierisches Musik-Lexikon by F. L.

Lipowsly (1811) as “eine große deutsche Oper,” inspired by the subject taken
from Tasso. The work is quoted regularly in the various biographies of C.
Rheineck (“ein vortrefflicher Tenorist, fertiger Klavierspieler, und gefälliger
Kompositeur”): in 1775 the composer was summoned to Paris by Turgot, who
had heard some of his compositions in Lyon, but he was then forced to return
to Germany after the downfall of the Minister. The choice of the subject of
Rinaldo for his work in 1779 was, in all probability, the result of his direct
contact with the Parisian environment.

66. RHEINOLD UND ARMIDA

Libretto by J.M. von Babo, music by Peter Winter (Mannheim, 1754 - Munich, 1825),
Munich, 1780

The opera in four acts reflects the influence of French models, as is evident
from the subtitle at the opening from the libretto: “ein nach Tasso frei
bearbeitetes Melo-Drama in vier Aufzügen mit Chörenund Tänzen,” and
reflects the taste of others works some inspired by the subject of Armida, in

180
 vogue in Munich in the 1780s (including, see above, Armida by Sertor and
Prati).

67. ARMIDA
Libretto by Giovanni Bertati (Martellago, 1735 - Venezia, 1808), music by Johann
Gottlieb Naumann (Blasewitz, 1741 - Dresden, 1801), Padua, 1773
Revised as ARMIDA, Leipzig, 1780

The libretto by Bertati117 differs from the traditional narrative, as stated in the
foreword. “The fable of Armida, introduced by the celebrated Tasso into his
poem, is so well known that it is superfluous to describe it here. Rinaldo’s love
for her, his release from the enchantment by Ubaldo, sent for that purpose by
Goffredo, form the subject of this drama. The circumstances of the theater in
which it had to be performed then gave rise to the poetic license to vary some
circumstances of the story itself. The action was not set in the Isle of Armida,
but in her Royal City, and consequently Ubaldo’s arrival there differed from
what we read of in the Gerusalemme Liberata, while it also partly differs in the
way Rinaldo’s repentance followed his departure.”

68. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto by Jacopo Durandi (Santhià, 1739 - Turin, 1817), music by Luigi Cherubini
(Florence, 1760 - Paris, 1842) Florence, 1782

117
" On" Bertati," see" the" entry" by" V." Frajese," in" Dizionario$ biografico$ degli$ italiani," cit.," Vol." IX:"
1967."
181
 Armida abbandonata, a three-act opera by Cherubini, was performed at the
Teatro La Pergola in Florence. It was not a great success, probably because of
its marked orchestral and instrumental profile, which tended to overshadow the
pattern of arias and recitatives typical of eighteenth-century Italian opera seria.

69. ARMIDA
Libretto by Marco Coltellini (Livorno, 1719 - St. Petersburg, 1777, music by Vincenzo
Righini (Bologna, 1756-1812), Vienna 1782

Vincenzo Righini118 worked in Prague in Giuseppe Bustelli’s theater group

between 1774 and 1777, before settling in Vienna, where he stayed until 1788.
At that time he composed a version of Armida to the libretto in two acts by
Coltellini, which was performed in the theater of Prince Johann Adam
Auersperg. Righini would return to the subject of Armida in Berlin in 1799.

70. RENAUD
Libretto by Jean-Joseph Leboeuf, music by Antonio Sacchini (Florence, 1730 - Paris, 1786),
Paris, 1783

Antonio Sacchini composed his Renaud (in the “renewed” three-act form of
post-Ramist tragédie lyrique) for the Académie Royale de Musique amid the
controversy between the Gluckists and Piccinists. This was Sacchini’s first work
for the Opéra in Paris, after his arrival from London, but the composer’s third

118
"C."Henzel,"the"entry" Righini,$Vincenzo,$ in" Grove$Music$Online." Oxford$Music$Online,"Oxford"
University"Press,"2001."
182
 encounter with the subject of Armide, after his work in 1772 for Milan, and the
reworking of the latter with the new title Rinaldo for London in 1780. After the
initial disputes between opposing factions, the work was a great success and
was performed 127 times down to 1795. It was repeated three times in 1815. In
Renaud Sacchini displayed all his ability to handle rich strands of melody, set at
the service of the structure of tragédie lyrique and its typically seamless unfolding
between recitative, arioso, and aria proper. The libretto, based by Leboeuf on
the text by Pellegrin,119 has a happy ending. The story is set after the events
narrated in Quinault’s Armide.

71. ARMIDA
Libretto by Nunziato Porta (? 1770? -? after 1790?), music by Franz Joseph Haydn
(Rohrau, 1732 - Vienna, 1809), Eszterháza, 1784

Haydn's work enjoyed considerable success. After its first staging at the
Esterháza Court Theatre on February 26, 1784, the opera was performed there
54 times down to 1788. During Haydn’s lifetime it was also presented at
Pressubrg, Budapest, Turin and Vienna. The libretto by Nunziato Porta divided
the story into three acts. It has six characters: Armida, Rinaldo, Idreno, Zelmira
(the Sultan of Egypt’s daughter, bewitched by Armida), Ubaldo and Clotarco,
both commanders of the Christian army. The story is set slightly later than in
Lully-Quinault’s opera. It begins when Rinaldo and Armida are already united
in the palace of the sorceress, and Rinaldo is already under her spell. The work
has a “refomed” plan, with long accompanied recitatives and arias not always

119
" See" T." de" Lajarte," Bibliothèque$ Musicale$ du$ Théatre$ de$ l’Opéra.$ Catalogue$ historique,$
chronologique,$anecdotique,"Paris,"Librairie"des"bibliophiles,"1878,"Vol."I," ad$nomen,"pp."333/
334."Lebouf"was"assisted"in"the"composition"of"the"libretto"by"Nicolas/Étienne"Framery."
183
 preceded by orchestral introductions. It is widely regarded as among the best of
Haydn’s works for the theater, and the composer himself considered it such.

72. ARMIDA
Libretto by Johann Christoph Boc (Nuremberg, 1752 -?), music by Johann Rudolf Zumsteeg
(Sachsenflur im Umpfertal, 1760 - Stuttgart, 1802), Stuttgart, 1785

This is a Singspiel in three acts, based on Rinaldo by Giovanni Bertati

(Martellago, 1735 - Venice, 1808). Zumsteeg’s score draws on the model of
Italian opera in the 1770s, entrusting broad scenes to accompanied recitative,
and giving the performers elaborate arias.120 The part of Rinaldo was performed
by a castrato.

73. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Anonymous libretto with music by Michele Mortellari (Palermo, c. 1750 - London, 1807),
Florence, 1785

Before moving to London in 1785, Mortellari returned to the subject of Armida

for the Teatro alla Pergola in Florence. The author of the libretto is
unknown.121 In 1786 Mortellari settled in London and began working for the
King's Theatre. On May 25, 1786 the impresario Giovanni Battista Andrea
Gallini commissioned him to recompose the music (in the form of a pastiche)

120
"See"D.J."BUCH,"Magic$Flutes,"cit.,"p."286."
121
"See"ivi,"p."378."
184
 for his earlier Armida, for which he composed replacement arias for the singer
Gertrud Elisabeth Mara.
Charles Burney gives an account of it in his A General History of Music (1789),
observing that the vocal writing in it was “of the most refined and exquisite
sort.”122

74. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Libretto by Gaetano Sertor (1760-1805), music by Alessio Prati (Ferrara, 1750-1788),
Munich, 1785

The opera, in two acts, requires a large orchestra and offers wide scope for the
instrumental music and spectacular effects.123 The work was staged in Munich
in a period when, in the wake of experiences developed earlier in Mannheim
since the late 1770s, the style moved towards a new model of opera seria, capable
of fusing the Italian and French traditions (following the example, among
others, of Traetta’s works for Parma). The libretto lays great stress on the
supernatural elements of the story, particularly with respect to those elements
that have fearsome and terrifying associations: grottos, mirrors, phantoms and
dragons. The work closes with the classic scene of the destruction of the
building, which Armida sets fire to before abandoning it on a carriage drawn by
a dragon. Although the model of the opera is, as mentioned above, a mixture of

122
"" "C."Burney,"A$General$History$of$Music.$From$the$earliest$ages$to$the$present$period,"London,""
""Payne,"1789,"p."526."
123
"For"a"detailed"reconstruction"of"the"opera"by"Sertor"and"Prati"see"M."Petzoldt"McClymonds,"
C.$ Theodor,$ the$ Munich$ Theatrical$ Establishment,$ and$ the$ FrancoHItalian$ Synthesis$ in$ Opera:$
the$ Sertor/Prati$ Armida" abbandonata$ of$ 1785," in" T." Göllner" /" S." Horner" (ed.)," Mozart’s$
Idomeneo$und$die$Musik$in$München$zur$Zeit$Karl$Theodors," Münich," Bayerischen" Akademie"
Wissenschaften,"2001,"pp."143/150."
185
 the Italian and French traditions, Sertor and Prati concentrate the choruses and
ballets at the beginning and end, rather than integrating them in the context of
the narrative.

75. ARMIDA E RINALDO

Libretto by Marco Coltellini (Livorno, 1719 - St. Petersburg, 1777), music by Giuseppe
Sarti (Faenza, 1729 - Berlin, 1802), St. Petersburg, 1786

Sarti’s Armida e Rinaldo, which reused the libretto by Marco Coltellini, premièred
on January 15, 1786, in St. Petersburg, marking the opening of the new
Hermitage Theater. The work was a resounding success and won the praise of
the Empress Catherine II. Sarti’s scoring was broadly varied, giving full play to
complex harmonic constructions, the development of an innovative
instrumental texture and a highly articulated structure of arias and recitatives.

76. ARMIDA
Libretto by Jacopo Durandi and Francesco Saverio de Rogatis, music by Niccolò Antonio
Zingarelli (Naples, 1752 – Torre del Greco, 1837), Rome, 1786

We have little information about this work by Zingarelli, by some regarded as

the last great composer of opera seria.124 It was staged in Rome in 1786, based on
a text made by combining Durandi’s libretto with de Rogatis’s, which were also
widely used by other composers.

124
"So"expressly"by"R.M."Longyear"/"R."Tibaldi," Zingarelli,$Niccolò$Antonio," Grove$Music$Online."
Oxford$Music$Online,"Oxford"University"Press,"2001/."
186
77. RINALDO
Libretto by Carlo Sernicola, music by Pyotr Alekseevich Skokov (St. Petersburg, 1758-
1817), Naples, 1788

This is one of the most important theatrical works by Skokov, active first in
Bologna, then in Naples from c. 1782 down to 1791. The libretto was an
edited version of Leboeuf’s text for Antonio Sacchini’s Renaud. The principal
characters were the same as in Renaud, but the vocal types were different,
including two castratos in in Skokov’s version who were not envisioned in the
French source. The libretto reads as follows: “Il Rinaldo, musical drama. [To
be] represented at the Real Teatro di S. Carlo on the November 4, 1788. To
celebrate the glorious names of his Catholic Majesty, her Majesty our Queen
and HRH the Prince of Asturias. Dedicated to the Majesty of Ferdinand IV our
beloved sovereign.”

78. RINALDO
Libretto by Giuseppe Maria Foppa (Venice, 1760-1845), music by Pietro Alessandro
Guglielmi (Massa, 1728 - Rome, 1804), Venice, Carnival 1789

The opera, in two acts, was staged on January 28, 1789, at the Teatro San
Benedetto in Venice. The librettist, G. M. Foppa, is now best remembered for
his two librettos for Rossini (L’inganno felice, 1813 and Il signor Bruschino, 1814).
The work forms part of the substantial output of Guglielmi, active in many
Italian cities, and also in London (1763-1772). He was much appreciated as a

187
 playwright in his lifetime, to the point where his contemporaries compared him
to Cimarosa and Paisiello.125

79. ARMIDA E RINALDO (La conquista di Sionne)

Music by Salvatore Viganò (1769-1821), choreography by Onorato Viganò (1739-1811),
Venice, 1790

The fruit of a collaboration between Onorato Viganò and his son Salvatore, an
acknowledged master of the Italian art of dance in the later eighteenth century,
Rinaldo and Armida is a ballet (“heroic pantomimic ballet”) inspired by the
models of Jean-Georges Noverre and the ballet d'action. Viganò often personally
composed the music for his choreographies, but in this case it was written by
his father.

80. ARMIDA
Libretto by Giuseppe Maria Foppa (Venice, 1760-1845), music by Felice Alessandri
(Rome, 1747 - Casinalbo Formigine, 1798), Padua, 1794

Before leaving on a journey to Vienna and Berlin, in 1794 Alessandri composed

for the Teatro Nuova in Padua two works: Zemira (for G. Sertor) and Armida
for Giuseppe Foppa, performed at the Teatro Nuovo in Padua during the Fiera
del Santo, respectively on June 12 on 1 July. Armida proved popular and is
considered among Alessandri’s most valuable works.

125
"See"the"entry"on"him"in"the" Dizionario$enciclopedico$universale$della$musica$e$dei$musicisti.$
Le$Biografie,"cit.,"Vol."III:"2000,"which"also"gives"a"list"of"the"composer’s"works."
188
 81. ARMIDA E RINALDO
Music and choreography by Giuseppe Cajani (1774-1821), Lisbon, 1794

We have little information about this ballet, with music and choreography by
Cajani, staged at the Teatro São Carlo in Lisbon in the fall of 1794.126

82. RINALDO E ARMIDA

Libretto by Francesco Gonella (17 ..? – 1812), with music by Giuseppe Mosca (Naples,
1772 - Messina, 1839), Florence, 1799

This is a dramma serio, performed at the Teatro della Pergola in Florence on

December 26, 1799.

83. ARMIDA
Libretto by Antonio de’ Filistri de Caramondani, music by Vincenzo Righini (Bologna
1756-1812), Berlin, 1799

For Carnival 1799, Righini staged a modified version of his 1782 Armida at the
Royal Theatre in Berlin. For this purpose, Coltellini’s libretto by was revised by
Antonio de’ Filistri, “poet of the Royal Court of Prussia and Intendant of the
Royal Spectacles” (as stated in the edition printed by Maude and Spener in

126
"The"work"is"cited"in"the"entry" Armida"in"A."Basso"(ed.)," Dizionario$enciclopedico$universale$
della$musica$e$dei$musicisti.$Titoli$e$personaggi,"Turin,"UTET,"1999,"Vol."I,"p."125."
189
 Berlin, 1799), with the addition of “some variations and integrated ballets and
pantomime.”127 This Armida is characterized by the Franco-Italian hybrid style
that, while remaining faithful to the schemes of Metastasian opera seria,
combines them with elements that are similar to the genre of tragédie lyrique
(divertissements, ballets, etc.).

84. RENAUD
Libretto by Nils Birger Sparrschöld, music by Johann Christian Friedrich Haeffner,
Stockholm, 1801

The libretto by >s a Swedish version of the text by Jean-Joseph Leboeuf, used
by Sacchini for his Renaud in 1783.

85. ARMIDA
Libretto by Lorenzo Da Ponte (Ceneda, 1749 - New York, 1838), music by Francesco
Bianchi (Cremona, post 1750 - London, 1810), London, 1802

The opera, performed in London at the King's Theatre, met with a rather
mixed reception: The Times described it as “certainly one of the worst (operas)
which of late has been exhibited,” although it must have included some songs
suited to vocal display by the prima donna Brigida Banti (Crema, 1757 -
Bologna, 1806).

127
"Munich,"Bayerische"Staatsbibliothek"//"Slg.Her"116.""
190
 86. ARMIDA E RINALDO
Libretto with a dedication by Lorenzo D'Amico, music by Gaetano Andreozzi (Aversa,
1755 - Paris, 1826), Naples, 1802

Gaetano Andreozzi, called Jommellino, led an eventful life128 like many of his
contemporaries, and the catalogue of this very prolific author included a work
for the San Carlo opera house in Naples on Armida and Rinaldo. The libretto,
in two acts, is typically referred to as anonymous,129 although it bears a
dedication to Ferdinand IV by Lorenzo D'Amico. The structure of the libretto
and the characters reflect the traditional approach.

87. ARMIDE ET RENAUD

Ballet, music by Henry Rowley Bishop (London, 1786-1855), London, 1806.

This is an early work by Sir Henry Rowley Bishop, composed two years after
his first opera, titled Angelina, for the Theatre Royal, Margate (1804). The ballet
is preceded by an overture which Bishop rearranged for the piano, and
published, with some success.130

88. ARMIDA

128
"See"the"entry"on"him"by"R."Bonvicini,"in"Dizionario$biografico$degli$italiani,"cit.,"Vol."III:"1961."
129
" See" for" example" the" reference" in" the" entry" Armida," in" A." Basso" (ed.)," Dizionario$
enciclopedico$universale$della$musica$e$dei$musicisti.$Titoli$e$personaggi,"cit.,"Vol."I,"p."125."
130
"See"F."Corder,"The$Works$of$Sir$Henry$Bishop,"“The"Musical"Quarterly,”"IV"(1918),"1,"pp."78"/
97."
191
Libretto by Giovanni Schmidt (Livorno, c. 1774 - Naples, c. 1839), music by Gioachino
Rossini (Pesaro, 1792 - Paris, 1868), Naples, 1817.

The musical drama in three acts was composed by Rossini for the Teatro San
Carlo in Naples, where, for the first performance on November 11, 1817,
Rossini ensured that Amedeo Nozzari and Isabella Colbran would take the two
lead parts. The writing, particularly virtuosic for the role of Armida, includes
three love duets between the protagonists, extensive use of choral parts, and
various ballet numbers. Schmidt’s libretto elaborates on the traditional scheme,
but retains its salient features: the first act takes place in the Crusader camp,
where Armida arrives in search of help and meets Rinaldo. The two fall in love
and Rinaldo, after clashing with Gernando and killing him, flees from the camp
and is abducted by Armida. The hero is freed, as usual, by Carlo and Ubaldo,
and the work ends amid the destruction of Armida’s palace. The structure of
Schmidt’s libretto reveals, however, frequent failures to sustain the dramatic
pitch. Examples are the finale, which is rather hurried, and the dancing, not
fully integrated into the dramatic fabric. Its reception at its first performance
was not particularly favorable: the work did not meet the taste of the
Neapolitan public, even though it contained abundant material later worked up
by Rossini for further operas (such as Moïse et Pharaon, and Il Viaggio a
Reims). Rossini’s Armida was long absent from the stage. Its first modern
performance came in Florence in 1952, with Maria Callas in the title role,
directed by Alberto Savinio. In 2014 it was revived in Pesaro, at the Rossini
Opera Festival, in one of the last performances entrusted to the director Luca
Ronconi.

192
 89. ARMIDA DIE ZAUBERIN IM ORIENT
Libretto by Karl Meissl, music by Franz Joseph Gläser (Horní Jiřetín - Copenhagen,
1861), Vienna 1825

This is a Zauberspiel in two acts, staged for the first time at Josefstädttheater in
Vienna on May 28, 1825. Its belongs to the genre of “magical comedy,” with
the magical and supernatural elements predominating in Gläser’s work, being
treated in a style appropriate above all to a form intended as light
entertainment.

90. GLI AMORI DI ARMIDA E RINALDO

Music by Giovanni Bajetti, choreography by Giuseppe Rota (1822 - 1865), Milan, 1853.

The Loves of Armida and Rinaldo are a “danced mimic action in four scenes,”
performed for the first time at the Teatro della Cannobiana in Milan in the
spring of 1853. In the last fifteen years of his life, Rotal was the leading Italian
choreographer. His preferred style, in ballets on historical or dramatic subjects,
was to strike a balance between pantomime representation and pure virtuosity.
In the comic genre the spectacular element prevailed. 131

92. ARMIDA
Libretto by Jaroslav Vrchlcky (Louny, 1853 - Domažlice, 1912), music by Antonin
Dvorak (Nelahozeves, 1841 - Prague, 1904), Prague, 1904

131
"See"L."Bianconi"/"G."Pestelli"(ed.),"Storia$dell’opera$italiana,"Turin,"EDT,"1988,"Vol."V,"p."291."
193
 The libretto by Vrchlcky for Dvorak’s opera, first performed at the National
Theatre in Prague on March 25, 1904, is more faithful to its source in Tasso
than the model by Quinault. Vrchlcky reintroduced the characters of Goffredo,
Germando and Ismene, and suppressed the allegorical figures in Quinault’s
libretto, as well as Armida’s confidantes. The public reception was
unenthusiastic, though respectful of the great musician: Armida was perceived
as a work somewhat behind the times, remote from contemporary taste.132 The
work’s troubled composition, which required numerous changes to the libretto,
closed the career of the great composer, who died a few weeks after the
première.

92. ARMIDA ABBANDONATA

Text by Apostolo Zeno (Venice, 1669-1750), music by Gennaro Napoli (Naples, 1881-
1943), Naples, 1906

This is a cantata with which Napoli133 in 1906 won the national artistic
scholarship. The verses are by Apostolo Zeno.

93. RENAUD ET ARMIDE

Text by Jean Cocteau (Maisons Laffitte, 1889 – Milly-la-Forêt, 1963), Paris, 1943
132
"This"judgment"is"fairly"common,"even"in"contemporary"criticism."Among"the"many,"see,$ J."
Smaczny," Grand$Opera$among$the$ Czechs,"in"D."Charlton"(ed.)," The$Cambridge$Companion$to$
Grand$Opera,"Cambridge,"Cambridge"University"press,"2003,"pp."366/382."
133
" See" P.P" De" Martino," entry" Gennaro$ Napoli," in" Dizionario$ biografico$ degli$ italiani," cit.," Vol."
LXXVII:"2012."
194
 Unlike other works examined here, Cocteau’s Renaud et Armide is not a text for
the musical theater or ballet: it is a play (tragédie en trois actes) written by Cocteau
in 1943 for the Comédie Française. Its inclusion is justified, however, for at least
two reasons. First, the text, written in alexandrines, is structured in a way that
aims at the utmost musicality of the verses: Cocteau wanted the verses to
“resound” as if they were being sung. The second reason is that incidental
music for Renaud et Armide was composed by Raymond Charpentier (1880-
1960) and in 1962 also by Poulenc, for a production of the tragedy in Baalbek,
Lebanon (the music, however, is lost). Cocteau’s work is enveloped in a
hypnotic and unreal, sometimes hallucinated, atmosphere and ends with
Armide’s death.

94. ARMIDE
Episode in the anthology film ARIA (1987), directed by Jean-Luc Godard

In 1987 Jean-Luc Godard appropriated Armide by Quinault-Lully to make an

episode of the anthology film Aria,134 in which a number of great directors were
called on to reinterpret great pages of the operatic repertoire. This episode,
which incorporates as its backdrop various passages of the work, is set in a gym
during a body building session: under the gaze of two cleaning women, the
athletes train, absolutely indifferent to the obvious sexual urges of the two
young women. Often the music is interrupted by the sound of the exercise

134
" See" E.D." Latham," Physical$ Motifs$ and$ Concentric$ Amplification$ in$ Godard/Lully’s$ Armide,"
“Indiana"Theory"Review,”"XIX"(1988),"pp."55/88,"also"available"at"the"address:"
https://scholarworks.iu.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/2022/3562/LathamPhysicalMotifsV19.p
df?sequence=1."
195
equipment. Godard’s episode, steeped in voyeurism, sexual tensions and
calligraphic complacency is one of the finest examples of the relationship
between film and opera.

196