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PDF Atlas of Endovascular Venous Surgery Almeida Ebook Full Chapter
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ATLAS of
ENDOVASCULAR
VENOUS SURGERY
SECOND
EDITION
ATLAS of
ENDOVASCULAR
VENOUS SURGERY
No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval
system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Details on how to seek permission, further
information about the Publisher’s permissions policies and our arrangements with organizations such
as the Copyright Clearance Center and the Copyright Licensing Agency, can be found at our website:
www.elsevier.com/permissions.
This book and the individual contributions contained in it are protected under copyright by the
Publisher (other than as may be noted herein).
Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and
experience broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or
medical treatment may become necessary.
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in
evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In
using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of
others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility.
With respect to any drug or pharmaceutical products identified, readers are advised to check
the most current information provided (i) on procedures featured or (ii) by the manufacturer of
each product to be administered, to verify the recommended dose or formula, the method and
duration of administration, and contraindications. It is the responsibility of practitioners, relying
on their own experience and knowledge of their patients, to make diagnoses, to determine
dosages and the best treatment for each individual patient, and to take all appropriate safety
precautions.
To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or editors,
assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter of products
liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use or operation of any methods, products,
instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.
Printed in China.
To my mother, Estrella Almeida, who instilled the traditional values of faith, family, and
education, which I strive to maintain every day.
To my father, Jose Almeida, MD, who died on April 16, 2009. He served as the chief
medical officer for the CIA-trained force of Cuban exiles whose unsuccessful attempt to
overthrow the Cuban government of Fidel Castro is now known as the Bay of Pigs Invasion.
After release from his 2-year incarceration as a political prisoner of Cuba, my father went
on to train at the renowned Menninger School of Psychiatry in Topeka, Kansas. He practiced
psychiatry in West Palm Beach, Florida, until he died at home from multiple sclerosis at
the age of 75.
To the memory of Robert Zeppa, MD, Chairman of Surgery at the University of Miami–Jackson
Memorial Hospital, under whom I received my general surgery residency training.
C O N T R I B U T O R S
vii
viii n Contributors
Advances in the field of endovascular venous surgery created the stimulus for a second
edition of this material under the editorship of Jose Almeida following the enthusiastic
reception of the first edition in 2011. This field is undergoing rapid development in
breadth and depth for both diagnosis and treatment of venous disease. These changes
include new techniques and refinements of established procedures that are best expressed
by the visual display afforded in the atlas format. The presentations allow the practitioner
to grasp subtleties that are often poorly appreciated through descriptive formats limited
to the written word.
The need for this atlas presentation is dictated by the requirement for accuracy in
transmitting critical details of technique that are best understood by a visual presentation
to supplement the written word. Just as we understand that the training of the surgeon
requires clinical experience in addition to academic understanding, so there is the need
for visual understanding of the technical steps that are the key to performing successful
procedures in open and minimally invasive endovascular surgery. The strength of the
atlas is that it displays technical procedures in visual steps, and in many instances there
are videos with audio to link the key steps into a full presentation of the procedure.
The picture supplemented by the written explanation provides the nearest thing to the
real-time experience of watching or participating in a technical operation.
Dr. Almeida has chosen recognized experts to join him in detailing the intricacies
of successful technique in the various fields of endovascular procedures. The range of
subjects covers the active endovascular field at this time, making it safe to predict this
atlas will address a basic need for those who are working in the endovascular field.
Robert L. Kistner, MD
xi
P R E F A C E
This book was conceived as a well-illustrated technical guide for the endovascular surgical
management of venous diseases. This second edition of the Atlas of Endovascular
Venous Surgery builds on the first edition; it remains a text atlas, but I hope that it will
eventually grow into an authoritative reference for venous disease. Currently, the best
evidence-based reference of venous disorders is the Handbook of Venous Disorders:
Guidelines of the American Venous Forum, edited by Peter Gloviczki, MD. This second
edition of the Atlas of Endovascular Venous Surgery should serve as a nice companion
to the Handbook of Venous Disorders because it beautifully illustrates the technical
aspects of endovenous vascular surgery through full-color illustrations, photographs,
and radiologic (ultrasound, fluoroscopy, contrast venography, and cross-sectional) images.
We are pleased that the current book is bundled as a print and Web version. It also
contains video presentations.
This second edition includes five brand new chapters covering venous hemodynamics,
new concepts in the management of pulmonary embolus, endothermal heat-induced
thrombosis, deep venous incompetence and valve repair, and nutcracker syndrome. It
features significant updates throughout, including new devices in the management of
thromboembolic disease, aggressive techniques for recanalizing iliofemoral venous
occlusions, new nomenclature and endovascular approach to the treatment of pelvic
venous disorders, new nonthermal devices for saphenous vein ablation, new stents for
treatment of iliac vein obstruction, new devices for clot management, and endovascular
and open repair of deep vein obstruction and reflux.
All this work would not have been possible without the excellent contributions of
the coauthors—all world-renowned experts—who prepared many of the chapters that
make up this book.
A special recognition goes to the beautiful artistic renderings prepared by Tiffany
Davanzo. Her illustrations really make the technical details of the procedures self-explanatory.
Finally, we appreciate the assistance of many individuals at Elsevier, especially Joan
Ryan the Senior Content Development Specialist. Their efforts, combined with those of
many other copyeditors, artists, and printers, helped to assemble this final product.
xiii
CONTENTS
Srshadri Ro)"
Jo<< I. Alm<idn
Jost I. Alnwidd
xv
xvi • Co11r:l!11b
INDEX 731
V I D E O C O N T E N T S
7. Iliocaval Ultrasound
Jose I. Almeida and Jan M. Sloves
xvii
C H A P T E R
1
Venous Anatomy
Jose I. Almeida
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Chronic venous diseases include a spectrum of clinical findings ranging from spider
telangiectasias and varicose veins to debilitating venous ulceration. Varicose veins without
skin changes are present in about 20% of the general population, and they are slightly
more frequent in women.
References to varicose veins are found in early Egyptian and Greek writings and
confirm that venous disease was recognized in ancient times. A votive tablet in the
National Museum in Athens showing a man holding an enlarged leg with a varicose
vein is frequently featured in many historical writings regarding venous disease.
The venous system originates at the capillary level and progressively increases in
size as the conduits move proximally toward the heart. The venules are the smallest
structures, and the vena cava is the largest. It is critical that all endovascular venous
surgeons understand the anatomic relationships between the thoracic, abdominal, and
extremity venous systems, especially from the anatomic standpoint (Fig. 1.1). Veins of
the lower extremities are the most germane to this book and are divided into three
systems: deep, superficial, and perforating. Lower extremity veins are located in two
compartments: deep and superficial. The deep compartment is bounded by the muscular
fascia. The superficial compartment is bounded below by the muscular fascia and above
by the dermis. The term perforating veins is reserved for veins that perforate the muscular
fascia and connect superficial veins with deep veins. The term communicating veins is
used to describe veins that connect with other veins of the same compartment.
The vein wall is composed of three layers: intima, media, and adventitia. Notably,
the muscular tunica media is much thinner in a vein than in a pressurized artery. Venous
valves are an extension of the intimal layer, have a bicuspid structure, and support
unidirectional flow (Fig. 1.2).
1
C H A P T E R 1 n Venous Anatomy 1.e1
Abstract Keywords
Anatomic variation is the norm within the venous great saphenous vein
system because there are many options for the small saphenous vein
venous channels to develop and flow. Sources anterior accessory saphenous vein
of venous hypertension must be investigated common femoral vein
to determine the appropriate treatment. One femoral vein
should be familiar with the anatomy of the profunda femoris vein
great saphenous vein (GSV), anterior accessory anterior and posterior thigh circumflex veins
saphenous vein (AASV), posterior accessory
saphenous vein (PASV), posterior thigh circum-
flex veins (PTCVs), small saphenous vein (SSV),
vein of Giacomini, and perforating veins of the
thigh and calf if truncal ablation treatment is
under consideration. Deep venous disease
treatment is also developing rapidly; therefore,
a detailed understanding of deep compartment
anatomy is required. It is important to under-
stand which anatomic segments are more prone
to reflux or obstruction—most of this can be
sorted out with duplex ultrasound imaging. Vena
cava therapy continues to expand for congenital,
primary, and secondary disease indications and,
therefore, knowledge of anatomic variants and
collateral flow patterns becomes paramount for
successful patient care. This chapter provides
pictures with written supplementation of venous
anatomy.
VENOUS SYSTEM OVERVIEW
Azygos vein
Hepatic vein
Brachial veins
Inferior vena cava
Basilic vein
Hemiazygos vein
Cephalic vein
Renal vein
Lumbar veins
Gonadal vein
Common iliac vein
Ulnar vein
Medial sacral vein
Radial vein Internal iliac vein
External iliac vein
Posterior accessory
great saphenous vein Profunda femoris vein
Anterior accessory
great saphenous vein Femoral vein
Peroneal veins
Great saphenous vein
Small saphenous vein
■ Fig. 1.1
C H A P T E R 1 n Venous Anatomy 3
VENOUS STRUCTURE
Tunica adventitia
Tunica media
Basement membrane
Tunica intima
Endothelium
Valve
■ Fig. 1.2
4 n A TLA S OF E NDOV A S CU L A R V ENOU S SU R G E R Y
Surgeons who perform thermal or chemical ablation therapy of the great saphenous
vein (GSV) and its related structures must have a good understanding of the saphenous
canal. The importance of the saphenous canal in relation to B-mode ultrasound anatomy
is detailed in Chapter 4. A cross section of the saphenous canal (Fig. 1.3) depicts many
of the critical relationships referable to GSV treatment; the most important is how it
courses atop the muscular fascia in a quasi-envelope called the saphenous fascia. The
saphenous fascia is the portion of the membranous layer of the subcutaneous tissue that
overlies the saphenous veins. Veins coursing parallel to the saphenous canal are termed
accessory veins; those coursing oblique to the canal are called circumflex veins. Compress-
ible structures superficial to the muscular fascia are potential targets for treatment, but
treating those structures deep to the muscular fascia may lead to a disastrous outcome.
Noncompressible structures generally represent major arteries. Perforating veins must
pierce the muscular fascia as they drain blood from the superficial to deep systems.
As diagnostic and therapeutic options for venous disorders expanded, the nomenclature
proposed in 2002 by the International Interdisciplinary Committee1 required revision.
The nomenclature was extended and further refined,2 taking into account recent improve-
ments in ultrasound and clinical surgical anatomy. The term great saphenous vein should
be used instead of terms such as long saphenous vein, greater saphenous vein, or internal
saphenous vein. The LSV abbreviation, used to describe both the long saphenous vein
and lesser saphenous vein, was clearly problematic. For this reason, these terms have
been eliminated. Similarly, the term small saphenous vein, abbreviated as SSV, should
be used instead of the terms short, external, or lesser saphenous vein.
The GSV originates at the medial foot and receives deep pedal tributaries as it courses
to the medial malleolus. From the medial ankle, the GSV ascends anteromedially within
the calf and continues a medial course to the knee and into the thigh. The termination
point of the GSV into the common femoral vein is a confluence called the saphenofemoral
junction (SFJ) (Fig. 1.4).
Communicating
vein
Epidermis
compartment
Superficial
Dermis Accessory
saphenous vein
Subcutaneous
tissue Posterior
accessory
great saphenous
vein
compartment
Saphenous
canal
Deep
Muscle Saphenous
fascia
Great
saphenous vein
Femoral artery Femoral vein Perforating vein Anterior accessory great saphenous vein
■ Fig. 1.3
C H A P T E R 1 n Venous Anatomy 5
Saphenofemoral junction
Pudendal vein
■ Fig. 1.4
6 n A TLA S OF E NDOV A S CU L A R V ENOU S SU R G E R Y
The terminal valve of the GSV is located within the junction itself. A subterminal
valve can often be identified approximately 1 cm distal to the terminal valve. From the
upper calf to the groin, the GSV is usually contained within the saphenous compartment.
Visualization of this fascial envelope is an important landmark in identifying the GSV
with duplex ultrasound. The saphenous compartment is bounded superficially by a
hyperechoic saphenous fascia and deeply by the muscular fascia of the limb.
At the groin, the GSV drains blood from the external pudendal, superficial epigastric,
and external circumflex iliac veins just before it enters the common femoral vein conflu-
ence. As in all human anatomy, variations are crucial to recognize, to guide the correct
diagnosis and treatment. Historically, the GSV has been reported to be duplicated in the
thigh in as many as 20% of subjects. However, recent examinations have demonstrated
that true duplication, with two veins within one saphenous compartment, occurs in less
than 1% of cases. Large extrafascial veins, which are termed accessory saphenous veins,
can run parallel to the GSV and take on the characteristics of duplicated veins.
The accessory saphenous veins are venous segments that ascend in a plane parallel
to the saphenous veins. They may be anterior, posterior, or superficial to the main trunk.
The term anterior accessory great saphenous vein describes any venous segment ascending
parallel to the GSV and located anteriorly, both in the leg and in the thigh. The term
posterior accessory great saphenous vein (PAGSV) is consistent with any venous segment
ascending parallel to the GSV and located posteriorly, both in the leg and in the thigh.
The leg segment corresponds to the popular terms Leonardo’s vein or posterior arch
vein. The term superficial accessory great saphenous vein is considered to be any venous
segment ascending parallel to the GSV and located just superficial to the saphenous
fascia, both in the leg and in the thigh.
Circumflex veins, by definition, drain into the GSV from an oblique direction. The
posterior thigh circumflex vein is present in virtually every case; however, the anterior
thigh circumflex vein is less common.
The SSV originates in the lateral foot and passes posterolaterally in the lower calf.
The SSV lies above the deep fascia in the midline as it reaches the upper calf, where it
pierces the two heads of the gastrocnemius muscle and courses cephalad until it enters
the popliteal space. In approximately two-thirds of patients, the SSV drains entirely into
the popliteal vein just above the knee at the saphenopopliteal junction (SPJ). In as many
as one-third of patients, the cranial extension of the SSV drains into a posterior medial
tributary of the GSV or directly into the GSV (vein of Giacomini) or into the femoral
vein via a thigh perforating vein.
In variant drainage, a standard SPJ may or may not be present. The SSV is truly
duplicated in 4% of cases; most often, this is segmental and primarily involves the midpor-
tion of the vein (Fig. 1.5).
C H A P T E R 1 n Venous Anatomy 7
PERFORATING VEINS
Femoral vein
Inguinal perforator
Thigh perforators
Perforating veins
of the femoral canal
Paratibial perforators
Upper
Great saphenous vein Leg perforators
Posterior
Posterior accessory tibial
great saphenous vein perforators
Middle
Lower
■ Fig. 1.6
10 n A TLA S OF E NDOV A S CU L A R V ENOU S SU R G E R Y
Deep Veins
Below the knee, there are six named axial veins that are generally paired and are located
on either side of a corresponding named artery. The names of the three pairs of deep
veins in the leg are the anterior tibial, posterior tibial, and peroneal veins. In addition,
venous sinusoids within the deep calf muscle coalesce to form the nonaxial soleal and
gastrocnemius venous plexi, which ultimately drain into the peroneal veins at the level
of the midcalf. In the lower popliteal space, the anterior and posterior tibial veins join
with the peroneal veins to become the popliteal vein.
At the upper margin of the popliteal fossa, above the adductor canal, the femoral
vein originates from the popliteal vein. The “superficial femoral vein” terminology was
clearly problematic and has been abandoned because the femoral vein is a deep structure.
The deep femoral vein (profunda femoris) drains the deep muscles of the lateral thigh,
communicates with the popliteal vein, and serves as a critical collateral vessel in cases
where the femoral vein occludes with thrombus. The common femoral vein runs from
the confluence of the femoral vein and the deep femoral vein to the external iliac vein
at the level of the inguinal ligament (Figs. 1.7 and 1.8).
Above the inguinal ligament, the external iliac vein represents the final common
pathway of lower extremity venous drainage. The external iliac vein is joined by the
internal iliac vein (hypogastric), which drains pelvic blood to form the common iliac
vein. The union of the right and left common iliac veins forms the inferior vena cava
(IVC) at about the level of the fourth lumbar vertebrae.
The IVC continues the journey in a cephalad direction as it leaves the pelvis, enters
the abdomen, and terminates in the thoracic cavity. In the abdomen, the IVC picks up
paired lumbar veins, the right gonadal vein, the right and left renal veins, and the entire
hepatic venous drainage (right, middle, and left hepatics). The IVC is joined by the
superior vena cava (SVC), the azygos vein, and the coronary sinus as all four structures
empty into the right atrium of the heart.
C H A P T E R 1 n Venous Anatomy 11
Femoral vein
Profunda femoris
vein
Profunda
femoris vein Femoral
vein
Anterior
tibial veins
Anterior tibial veins
Posterior
tibial veins
Posterior tibial veins
■ Fig. 1.8
■ Fig. 1.7
12 n A TLA S OF E NDOV A S CU L A R V ENOU S SU R G E R Y
Venous blood from the hand drains into the forearm via the deep radial and ulnar veins
and the superficial cephalic and basilic veins. In the upper arm, deep drainage from the
paired brachial veins enters the axillary vein at the shoulder. The axillary vein also drains
the superficial tissues via the cephalic vein (which enters the deltopectoral groove) and
the basilic veins of the medial arm. The subclavian vein is protected by the clavicle as
it carries upper extremity blood from the axillary vein. The subclavian vein then picks
up drainage from the head and neck via the jugular veins and ultimately empties into
the innominate veins of the thoracic cavity. Right and left innominate veins drain into
the SVC and enter the right atrium of the heart. The SVC also receives venous blood
from the azygos system, which drains the thoracic cage via intercostal veins and ultimately
enters the SVC (Fig. 1.9).
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[669] Thirty-eight palmos long. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iii.
[670] According to Bernal Diaz this commission was arranged by the combined
influence of Olmedo and Duero, during Olmedo’s second visit to the camp. The
friar appears, however, to have been there but once, when he was expelled.
Knowing Salvatierra to be a blusterer, Bermudez, the alguacil mayor, proposed
that he should join the commission, but his intended victim, not caring to trust
himself within the power of Cortés, pleaded sickness and a dislike to speak with a
traitor. ‘Señor Veedor,’ chimed in Olmedo, ironically, ‘best it is to be prudent, and
you may have him prisoner before long.’ Hist. Verdad., 93.
[671] Duero was to receive the share of treasures claimed, a command in the
expedition equal to that of Cortés, and after the conquest a grant of towns similar
to his own. As a further inducement, sufficient gold was given to load his two
Cuban servants. On taking leave of the general, on pentecost morning, Duero
asked: ‘What has your worship to say, before I leave?’ ‘God be with you,’ was the
reply, ‘and see to it, Señor Duero, that it be done as arranged, or by my
conscience [Cortés’ favorite oath] I’ll be in your camp within three days, with all my
companions, and the first to receive the lance will be your worship, if I see aught
contrary.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 94. Monjaras states that Duero and Leon
warned Cortés against opposing Narvaez’ army and commission. Cortés,
Residencia, ii. 49.
[672] Cortés to remain governor of the part to be allotted him till the king should
decide. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 588. According to Gomara, who
sends Veedor Álvarez Chico, Juan Velazquez, and Juan del Rio, to carry the
message, Cortés proposed a private interview for the discussion of two points,
whether Narvaez would leave Mexico to him and go to Pánuco or elsewhere,
aided by Cortés with gold and supplies, or whether Narvaez preferred to take
Mexico and give him 300 or 400 men wherewith to pass on to new conquests.
Hist. Mex., 144. The last proposal could only have been a trap to secure Narvaez’
men. Prescott chooses to omit the proposal for an interview, and sends instead
the ultimatum with Duero, a glaring disregard of Cortés’ own text, as confirmed by
others. Cortés, Cartas, 121-2; Oviedo, iii. 314.
[674] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés made the request in a manner that appeared
to Velazquez an attempt to probe his loyalty. He therefore refused to take any
valuables with him, but was finally persuaded. Juan del Rio, Cortés’ equerry, kept
him company.
[675] Bernal Diaz adds that, these efforts being observed by Salvatierra, Narvaez
was urged to seize Velazquez, and this would have been done but for the
representations of Duero and others. During the dinner given in his honor, Captain
Diego Velazquez, nephew of the Cuban governor, alluded in one of his remarks to
Cortés as a traitor. The guest appealed to Narvaez against such expressions.
Diego repeated the term, and added that Juan did not deserve to bear the name
Velazquez. Grasping his sword the latter retorted, calling him a liar. He would
prove himself a better man than either uncle or nephew, if permission was
granted. The others had to interfere to prevent the clashing of swords, and
Narvaez was persuaded to order the turbulent visitor away. At leave-taking the
general showed his annoyance, and said that it would have been better had he not
come. Diego Velazquez, who stood by his side, added a threat, to which Juan
rashly retorted, with a twirl of his beard: ‘Before many days I shall see if your
prowess equals your boast.’ Alarmed at his want of self-control, Duero and other
sympathizers hurried him away before he could utter any more indiscretions. He
and the equerry had hardly left camp before some horsemen appeared, as if in
pursuit, and caused them to increase their pace. Hist. Verdad., 95-6; Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. i.
[676] Cartas, 122. Bernal Diaz assumes that the proposal for an interview came
from Narvaez, through Duero, to whom he also confided the intended treachery.
Olmedo, who had pretended to be won over, was also informed. Hist. Verdad., 93.
Herrera supposes that Sandoval warns Cortés, who, according to Gomara, is still
at Mexico when the proposal comes. Hist. Mex., 144. Solis is more correct in
ascribing the warning to Duero. Hist. Mex., ii. 83.
[677] The fact that he allowed such dangerous men as Velazquez de Leon and
Olmedo to go free indicates that he harbored no treachery.
[678] Gomara sends them with Velazquez de Leon. Hist. Mex., 144. ‘Chico, é
Pedro Hernandez, escribano.’ Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i.
440. Velazquez having gone on a mediatory mission, Chico must have been sent
after his departure.
[679] ‘La respuesta ... fué prender al escribano y á la persona que con mi poder ...
los cuales estuvieron detenidos hasta que llegó otro mensajero que yo envié.’
‘Escribí una carta al dicho Narvaez y otra á los terceros, diciéndoles cómo yo
habia sabido su mala intencion.’ Cortés, Cartas, 122-3. The reference to a
messenger indicates Cortés’ meaning to be that Chico preceded Velazquez de
Leon. Gomara assumes that Cortés’ pretext for withdrawing the proposal for an
interview was that Narvaez had declined to entertain the points to be there
discussed. See note 19. Chico had warned him of the intended treachery. Hist.
Mex., 144. ‘Y que supiesse que no auian de cantar dos gallos en vn muladar, y
que aparejasse las manos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xxi. Bernal Diaz sends the
message with Olmedo, ‘since no royal notary dare carry it,’ and gives Narvaez
three days in which to send in any commission he may possess signed by the
king. Without such commission he must leave the country, or Cortés will seize him
and inflict punishment for the outrage on Aillon and on the Indians. This ultimatum
was signed also by the captains and some soldiers, including Bernal Diaz. Hist.
Verdad., 92-3. An answer was demanded through the same messengers. Tapia,
Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 588.
[680] ‘Daria dos mil pesos, a quien matasse a Hernando Cortes, o a Gonçalo de
Sandoual.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i. ‘Traia mandado de Diego Velazquez que
á mí y á ciertos de los de mi compañía que ... nos ahorcase.’ Cortés, Cartas, 121.
‘Hizo proceso en forma contra Cortés, y por su sentencia, le condenó á muerte.’
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 300; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 143, 146.
[681] ‘Dende a dos horas que se partiô el Juan Velazquez,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 95.
[682] Implying that since Narvaez would not listen to reason, Cortés or he should
die. ‘Velazquez dixo al ... Cortés que adonde yva que yva a la carnesceria.’
Testimonio, in Cortés, Residencia, i. 249; ii. 9, 50, 185-6. On the way to Rio de
Canoas, where they arrived the day after leaving camp, two hogs, with navel on
the back, were killed, an incident which many interpreted as a sign of victory.
Velazquez having arrived with the messenger who carried the ultimatum, the army
proceeded. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 95. ‘Anduvimos aquel dia casi diez leguas.’
Tapia, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 588.
[683] Two men were drowned in crossing the stream. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ii.
[684] ‘Dos leguas de los contrarios.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.. ‘Fuimos
a dormir a vn riachuelo, adõde estava en aquella sazon vna puẽte obra de vna
legua de Cẽpoal.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 96. Prescott here evidently follows
the erroneous topography of Solis, who confuses this creek with Rio Canoas. Hist.
Mex., ii. 85; Cortés, Residencia, i. 249; ii. 50.
[685] ‘Como yo deseaba evitar todo escándalo, parecióme que seria el menos, yo
ir de noche, sin ser sentido ... y prenderlo [Narvaez]; ... porque los demás querian
obedecer á la justicia, en especial que los mas dellos venian por fuerza.’ Cortés,
Cartas, 123-4.
[686] He also stated that offers had been made favorable to him alone, not to
them, hence he had declined them. ‘Muera el asno ó quien lo aguija.’ Any other
course will disgrace us, was the concluding remark, whereupon we lifted him upon
our shoulders and carried him round. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 588-
9. ‘Hizo muchas ofertas, y prometimiẽtos, que seriamos todos muy ricos.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 98. It would be his fault, not theirs, if success failed. Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ii.
[688] Herrera writes 3000, 1500, and 1000 pesos de oro. Cortés’ acts are said by
the men of Velazquez to have been prompted by ‘un diabólico pensamiento é
infernal osadía.’ Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 441.
[689] The above agrees chiefly with Herrera, who assigns Sandoval 60 men, and
names a number of the leading members of each party. The parties were to keep
a stone’s throw apart. One of Cortés’ squads was to look to the cacique’s palace,
and another to Alcalde Yuste’s quarters. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iii. He is evidently
confused on many points, and several names are guessed at. Bernal Diaz states
that Pizarro, with 60 young men, including himself, was charged to capture the
artillery; Sandoval received 60 men; Velazquez de Leon also a force of 60,
wherewith to attack Diego Velazquez’ quarters; Cortés remained with a reserve of
20. It is more likely that a higher officer, like Olid, received the order to capture the
artillery, rather than the comparatively unknown Pizarro. Velazquez de Leon does
not appear to have been detailed for his charge till afterward. Cortés names only
Sandoval as the leader of one party of 80 men, he himself following with the
remaining 170. Cartas, 123. Solis reverses Herrera’s order. Hist. Mex., ii. 91-2.
[690] The stout cacique had remonstrated with the general on his carelessness,
assuring him that Malinche with his Teules was far different. ‘When you least
expect it he will be here and will kill you.’ Although the warning was received with
laughter, yet the hint was not lost. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 96.
[691] Eighty horsemen and 500 infantry. ‘Y llegó casi una legua de donde yo
estaba.’ Cortés, Cartas, 123.
[693] Botello, known as the Astrologer, who had made several successful
predictions, had assured Cortés that a night attack would secure him the victory.
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.
[694] Cortés rallied him upon his capture, and addressed him as compadre. After
obtaining certain information, more was demanded. The prisoner declared that he
knew nothing more. ‘Well, then, you will swing,’ said Cortés, half jestingly. The two
pikemen who held the rope round his neck took this for a command, and hoisted
him. Rangel rode up, however, and saved his life, but the compression of the
throat troubled him for some time. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ii.-iii. Carrasco warned him
against attacking the powerful Narvaez. Vetancvrt, Teatro Ecles., pt. iii. 137; Tapia,
Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 589. Prescott says that he with ‘Spartan heroism’
remained silent, Mex., 257-8; but Prescott has evidently not understood his
authorities.
[696] May 28th. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 277. Clavigero and others assume it to
be the night between Saturday and Sunday, but the authorities are pretty clear in
mentioning the following night.
[698] Expressing the belief that Cortés would be foolhardy enough to attack in the
morning. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 589.
[699] ‘Llegamos junto á las centinelas sin que nos sintiesen, é iban huyendo é
diciendo: Arma, arma!’ Id., 590. ‘Auisado Naruaez, y se estaua vistiendo vna cota:
y dixo aqui ẽ le auisò, no tengays pena, y mandò tocar al arma.’ Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. iii.
[700] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 99, calls the flies cocayos.
[701] Prescott, following Herrera, makes Cortés shout the password ‘Espíritu
Santo,’ which Bernal Diaz says was given as a secret word for mutual recognition.
[702] So say all the original authorities that refer to it, except Bernal Diaz, who
claims that four guns were fired, three balls passing overhead and the fourth killing
three men. Cortés acknowledges no casualties from it. Tapia even intimates that
no discharge took place, owing to the fact that to protect the touch-holes from rain
they had been covered with wax and tiles. Confused by the sudden alarm the
artillerists applied the match, forgetful of the wax, and ‘we saw that the charges
failed to go off.’ Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 590. Perhaps he would have
been more correct in saying that the men were confused by the glittering bribes of
Usagre. Bachiller A. Perez testifies: ‘Dixo al artillero poned fuego a estos tiros ...
puso fuego e no salieron los tiros e oyo dezir este testigo que avian puesto cera
en los dichos tiros.’ Cortés, Residencia, ii. 85. This implies that the wax had been
smeared on by accomplices.
[703] With from 40 to 100 men, are the different estimates.
[704] ‘Vinien los contrarios á nuestra gente, creyendo que eran de los suyos, á
preguntar, “¿qué es esto?” é así los prendien.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc., ii. 590. ‘De las otras dos torres ... no le acudierõ, porq̄ dizen algunos que se
hizieron sordos, otros que no pudieron llegar, por el impedimento de las tropas de
Cortes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iii.; Cardona, in Cortés, Residencia, i. 181-2.
[705] ‘Uitoria, vitoria por los del nõbre del Espíritu Sãto, q muerto es Narvaez!’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 98. Even this authority now shouts forth the password!
[706] Solis assumes that Farfan gave also the thrust. Bernal Diaz’ text leads one
to suppose that Narvaez received the thrust before his followers were driven into
the building, but the other authorities state clearly: ‘al salir de su camara, le dieron
vn picaço.... Echaronle luego mano.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 147; Oviedo, iii. 510.
Monjaras states that Narvaez supplicated for his life: ‘Hidalgos, por amor de Dios
no me mateys!’ Testimonio, in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 51, 85, 107; i. 365. ‘Alonso
Dávila le sacó dichas provisiones reales de V. M. del seno, teniéndolo preso é
abrazado el dicho Pero Sanchez Farfán.’ Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc., i. 442. This occurred some time after the capture. Narvaez called upon
his fellow-prisoners to witness the deed, but Ávila shouted that the papers were
merely letters. They were given to Cortés. ‘Las avian quemado.’ Testimonio, in
Cortés, Residencia, i. 345, 365, 250; ii. 52, 187.
[707] He died, however, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 99. Herrera calls him
Diego de Rojas, whom Bernal classes as a captain.
[708] ‘Se retrajeron á una torre alta de un ídolo de aquel pueblo casi cuatrocientos
hombres, é muchos de los de caballo ... salieron al campo.’ Tapia, Rel., in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 590. Herrera says that 300 intrenched themselves till the
morning. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. Cortés reached the battery just in time to prevent a
catastrophe, as Tapia relates. A hot-blooded young companion of the latter,
carried away by excitement, rushed to powder barrels, eight in number, and
shouted, ‘Let us fire the powder and spoil it for the enemy!’ Cleaving a barrel, he
cast a brand into it, and threw himself flat upon the ground, commending his life to
God. It happened, fortunately, that this barrel contained sandals, which by some
mistake had been mixed up with the ammunition. After waiting in vain a while for
the explosion, the madcap discovered the reason and began to open another
barrel. At this moment Cortés came up, and learning of his intention he rushed
forward and snatched away the brand.
May, 1520.
Cortés was exultant. During the last brief hour how completely
had his fortunes changed! Again was his star ascendant, filling the
whole heavens with its brightness. Alas now for Montezuma and
Mexico! And Velazquez; this was his fourth attempt on Mexico, and
in some respects his greatest failure. Instead of annihilating the
outlaw with his grand army, the outlaw in one fell swoop had secured
the grand army, and was now master of all the ships, and men, and
munitions of war, which he so much needed in consummation of his
further designs. It seemed to be the fate of the fat governor out of his
solid substance to feed his enemy with wealth and honors.
Before it was fairly light Cortés had seized and placed in
confinement such persons as might question his rights as victor; the
remainder on surrendering their arms were permitted to go at large.
[711] In order to make more secure his magnificent prize before the
all-searching sun should disclose the paucity and poverty of the
victors, Cortés seated himself in state, arrayed in a wide orange-
colored robe, and ordered the conquered troops to pass before him,
and swear allegiance to the king, and fealty to him as captain-
general and justicia mayor. This was done by nearly all, some
humbling themselves and kissing his hand, while the late hostile
leaders and old acquaintances were recognized with friendly
greetings and embraces.[712]
Meanwhile Olid and Ordaz, each with a corps, set out on the
captured horses to summon stragglers and seek the forty troopers in
the field. Duero and other friends of Cortés being among them, little
persuasion was needed to win the party over, and shortly after dawn
the whole cavalcade came in to the sound of fife and drum, shouting
vivas for Cortés.[713] High above this noise were heard from a
window the voices of two women, named Ordaz, filling the air with
their loud philippics. “Villainous Dominicanos!” they cried to the
soldiers of their own party, “the distaff would better suit you than the
sword. A good account have you given of yourselves! Unfortunate
women we to have come to the wars with such men!” Truly might
Narvaez exclaim with Xerxes, as he beheld his fair ally, Queen
Artemisia, outwit her Athenian pursuers, “My men fight like women,
and my women like men.” The Ordaz women, however, fought only
with their tongues, and that after the issue of battle. And thus
relieved they immediately descended and did homage to the victor.
The general did all he could to check this excess of zeal, which he
feared might engender ill feeling, and he even seized some of the
noisiest enthusiasts, although they were afterward rewarded.
The cacique of Cempoala, who had been slightly wounded
during the battle, appeared like the rest to offer fealty to the victor by
crowning him with flowers. Cortés received his demonstrations as if
nothing had taken place to mar their intercourse, and took up his
abode with Catalina, whose hand he had accepted during his
previous occupation of the place. The chiefs vied with one another to
obliterate their unfortunate mistake by increased attention and
hospitality, while many among Narvaez’ men thought it necessary to
excuse their tardy surrender by pleading that they had been
deceived by their principals, who had assured them that Cortés was
a traitor. Great was their chagrin in the morning on discovering how
few the victors were and how poorly they were armed. And where
were the much talked of native auxiliaries? At the same time they
could not but admire a leader who had achieved such results with
such means. Narvaez and his supporters declared that the victory
was due wholly to treachery, particularly noticeable in the action of
the artillerists.[714] In this there was much truth, but the consummate
tact and soldierly qualities of Cortés shine no less brightly for all that.
And the cost of this glory and advantage, how insignificant it was!
Four of his own men and fifteen of the enemy, including a captain,
beside a number wounded on both sides; this was all.[715]
In his report to the king Cortés seeks to gloss over the
occurrence by stating that only two men were killed, intimating that it
was on both sides. There was a deeper reason for this and other
falsehoods than the wish to hide the bloody result of fratricidal
conflict. He was still doubtful as to the view taken in Spain of his
conduct, and could not afford to prejudice his case by laying bare
every misfortune. He was aware that even to the impartial observer
he must appear as a defaulter in the duty owing by him to a principal,
and in the agreement or partnership which he had formed, and also
as the usurper of an expedition fitted out in the name and under the
auspices, at least, of Velazquez. His plea rested on his brave and
masterly conquest of a rich country, and on his election to
independent command by a party formed on the pretence that the
superior interests of the sovereign demanded the immediate
subjugation of the country. But his acceptance of that command was
a breach of duty and of contract; the right of the party to act as it did
was doubtful, and its pretence hasty, or perhaps usurped from
Velazquez, who had first entertained it; while the commission to
undertake the conquest had already been conferred on the latter.
Velazquez held besides the right of a discoverer to this coast, and
above all the royal grant to it, vaguely worded though it was so far as
indicating the situation and extent of territory. He had a right to claim
his own; though circumstances had so changed, Cortés claimed, as
to render this perilous to the interests of God, the king, and the
people, which rose above those of individuals; and in ignoring the
orders of the audiencia to desist from war on his countrymen he
followed only natural law and justifiable impulse. In this respect
Cortés was equally guilty, since his duty was to yield to the rightful
claimant. He pleads in his letter to the king, however, that self-
preservation obliged him to resist, for Narvaez had determined to
hang him and several of his followers. Here he again hides the fact
that favorable terms were at one time offered. “Had Narvaez carried
off the victory,” he continues, “it would have been with a great loss,
which must have so weakened him as to surely enable the Indians to
succeed in their meditated revolt. This would have lost the country to
the king and to the faith, and twenty years would not have sufficed to
regain it.”[716] In brief, howsoever we admire Cortés, however much
we would prefer his banner to that of Velazquez or Narvaez, we must
admit that he had hardly a shadow of right on his side, and that no
position in which he could possibly place himself was tenable. He
was a defaulter, pirate, usurper, renegade, traitor, outlaw, hypocrite;
but he was a most lovable villain, an admirable soldier, a rare hero.
On the other hand, Velazquez was right. But, though deeply injured,
he was disagreeable; though foully wronged, he was vanquished.
And the Spanish monarch was not the first or last to smile on
iniquitous success, or turn the cold shoulder to whining, disappointed
virtue.
In the course of the morning the soldier Barrientos, who had
been staying in Chinantla, arrived with the promised Chinantec
warriors, two thousand in number.[717] They had reached the
rendezvous on pentecost day, as ordered, but Cortés had found it
convenient to advance on Cempoala sooner than he had intended.
An imposing sight they presented as they marched by amidst vivas
in a file of three abreast, gorgeous with plumes and shields, the
centre man with bow and arrows, while his companions on either
side carried the formidable pike, tipped with glistening iztli. It was
fortunate that they had failed to arrive in time, since much bloodshed
was saved thereby. In fact the soldiers of Narvaez expressed a fear
that they would have fared badly with such opponents. Cortés was
nevertheless delighted with their coming, since this proved not only
the sincerity of their friendship, but showed the conquered that he
did indeed control native armies. Distributing some beads and
trinkets, he bade them return peaceably under the supervising care
of Barrientos.
One of the first measures after the fight was to secure the fleet;
and for this purpose a suitable force was sent down to the port to
take the vessels to Villa Rica, and remove the sails and rudders, so
as to prevent the escape of any to Cuba.[718] Shortly after, when the
masters and crews had tendered allegiance, the vessels were
placed in charge of Pedro Caballero, captain of one of the vessels
under Narvaez, in whom Cortés had great confidence.[719] The
fortress was again garrisoned, with a larger force,[720] and thither
were sent Narvaez and Salvatierra in chains.[721]
As for the rest, Cortés applied himself with his usual skill to
recompense those who had remained true, and to conciliate the yet
unreconciled. He reminded them that they had come not to risk their
lives for Velazquez, but to gain honor and wealth under the banner of
the king, and he was prepared to aid in this by offering them equal
terms with his veterans. As an earnest he restored within two days
their arms to all except a few leaders, and ordered his men to return
the horses, weapons, and other effects taken by them as spoils of
war.[722] What with their admiration of the liberality and soldierly
qualities of Cortés, and the prospect of speedy advancement, there
were but few who did not immediately and cheerfully accept the
terms. But this was by no means to the taste of the aforesaid
veterans. They had seen with envy that rich presents were made to
the conquered, while they, whose courage and devotion had
achieved such magnificent results, received nothing, and were even
told to return what they regarded as lawful spoils; and, further, to
share with these late comers and intended despoilers the fruits of
their years of toil and victories. A general murmur arose, and many
soldiers refused to surrender the appropriated effects. Captain Ávila
and Father Olmedo being requested to remonstrate, did so
earnestly, and told Cortés that he acted like Alexander, who honored
more the conquered than those who won the battle. He and all he
possessed belonged to his comrades, was the reply, but at present it
was necessary to conciliate their invaluable acquisition, whose aid
was needed to overcome the threatening danger in Mexico, and who
being the more numerous party might otherwise rise against them.
Their aims effected, the entire resources of a vast and rich country
were theirs. Olmedo was convinced of the wisdom of the course,
although he considered that too great liberality had been shown. The
headstrong Ávila pressed the point with his natural haughtiness,
whereupon Cortés said: “I am for Mexico; those who please may
follow; those who do not, may leave it alone. There are yet women in
Spain to bear soldiers.” “Yes, and captains and governors,” retorted
Ávila. Cortés deemed it discreet to bandy no further words at
present. So spirited a tongue must be curbed with gifts; but Cortés
awaited his opportunity. He never forgot anything.
With a view chiefly to divert the troubled spirits two expeditions
were sent out, each of two hundred men, mostly from the ranks of
the late enemy. One was directed to Goazacoalco, as before, under
the command of Velazquez de Leon, who had already held this
commission, and two vessels were placed at his disposal to send to
Jamaica for live-stock, seeds, and other requirements of the
proposed colony. The other expedition was intrusted to Ordaz for the
occupation of Pánuco, with a view to anticipate Garay. Two vessels
were given him to explore the coast.[723]
While Cortés was thus risking all on the cast of fortune at
Cempoala the troops at Mexico had been exposed to even greater
perils. At the time of his departure for the coast, Toxcatl, the fifth
month, had begun, and with it the most solemn festival of the year. It
was in honor of Tezcatlipoca, the highest of the divinities, and
identified with a supreme god, although less conspicuous in the daily
worship of the people, for they appealed rather to the nearer minor
deities, whom they regarded as intercessors, than to their supreme
divinity, whom they greatly feared, and who was very far away. The
Mexicans had been permitted to hold the celebration in the great
temple, which had been partly dedicated to Christian worship, on
condition that no human sacrifices should take place.[724] A festival
of this prominence could not fail to recall with all its force to the
natives the indignities to which they and their gods had been
subjected. We have seen how narrowly an uprising on account of the
occupation of the great temple by strange religious emblems was
escaped, and how it was restrained only by the promise of the
speedy departure of the Spaniards. Before Cortés had left the capital
he saw the smouldering fire, and it was this that led him to
strengthen the defences of the fort, to obtain extra supplies from
Tlascala, and to enjoin the strictest watchfulness and moderation.
The hostile feeling was by no means diminished by the tidings of
another larger host of invaders with doubtful motives. At a meeting of
native leaders it was admitted that the promises and statements of
the newly arrived Spaniards could no more be relied upon than those
of the deceitful Malinche, and the deferred proposition to drive out or
to kill the Spaniards was renewed with ardor. A better opportunity for
carrying out such a measure could never again be found. The great
Cortés with his cunning controlling mind was absent. There
remained only a small force in charge of the city, and the troops on
the seaboard were divided against each other. On the other hand a
multitude of pilgrims were pouring in for the festival; and what better
subjects to be worked upon for an uprising than these, and what
better incentive than religion? Beside the appeal for vengeance on
the desecrators of their altars came the patriotic call for the release
of an oppressed sovereign, whose influence was still supreme with
many, and the alluring prospect of securing the rich spoils in
possession of the Spaniards and the Tlascaltecs, the latter still more
detested as an inferior race which after years of contest had now
assumed the galling attitude of master. The preparations made
during the late fermentation required only to be perfected. More arms
were made, the people were stirred by passionate appeals, warriors
were enrolled, and other measures taken.[725]
The utmost secrecy had been observed by the conspirators, but
with so many confidants, actuated by race jealousy, by ties of
friendship, by interest, and by one above all others, the love of
woman, that the rumor was whispered in Alvarado’s ear.[726] Yet to
the mistress, who in her devotion to the lover forgot her duty to home
and kindred, must not be charged more than is her due. Sharpened
by the remembrance of past wrongs suffered on battle-field and
stone of sacrifice, the wits of the Tlascaltecs discovered evidence
which their hatred failed not to magnify. Warnings were hardly
required, however, to indicate that something unusual was stirring,
for the demeanor of the Indians had undergone a yet more marked
change. Supplies were further diminished; servants sent to market
were abused and ill-treated, and insolence was shown even to the
Spaniards themselves.[727] A still more alarming sign was the
discovery of an undermined wall,[728] and after obtaining further
particulars from a devoted Tezcucan chief,[729] afterward known as
Don Hernando, Alvarado resolved to inspect the adjacent temple
where the chief celebration was held. Here a number of suspicious
circumstances were noticed, which the Castilians readily wrought
into threatening realities; among them several victims destined for
sacrifice, regardless of the promises given, while some bloody hearts
which they saw testified to the work already done by the knife.[730]
With the victims Alvarado seized their attendants and certain of the
emperor’s courtiers, from some of whom he tortured a confession. In
this manner he learned what he already partially knew, namely, that
many arms were prepared; that during the Incensing of
Huitzilopochtli, as the festival was called, the Christian emblems
would be cast out of the temple, and that the uprising was to take
place at the conclusion of the feast.[731]
A seeming confirmation of the proposed sacrilege came from
Montezuma himself, who sent to request the removal of the Christian
emblems from the summit of the great temple, pleading as high-
priest that the presence of strange images must prove irritating to the
worshippers of other gods. Alvarado indignantly refused; he would
rather fight. The Mexicans did not choose to see their festival broken
up before the appointed time, and so the point was waived. It was
then arranged that the Spaniards should attend the ceremonies, so
as to be assured that no indignities would be offered their images.
[732]