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Pia Nicoletta Blossfeld
Changes in Inequality of
Educational Opportunity
The Long-Term Development
in Germany
Changes in Inequality of Educational
Opportunity
Changes in Inequality of
Educational Opportunity
The Long-Term Development
in Germany
Leipzig, Germany
Dissertation University of Oxford, United Kingdom, 2017
ISBN 978-3-658-22521-6 ISBN 978-3-658-22522-3 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-22522-3
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018945187
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Acknowledgements
It is my pleasure to have the opportunity to thank a great number of mentors and

friends for their immeasurable support without whom my book would not have
been possible.
Above all, I would like to thank Colin Mills. Without his thoughtfulness, sug-
gestions, and our partly heated discussions, I would not have succeeded in finish-
ing this book. I will always be grateful for his mentorship and friendship. Moreo-
ver, I wish to particularly thank Prof. Richard Breen (Yale University) and Prof.
Louis-André Vallet (Sciences Po University). I have greatly benefitted from their
expert knowledge. Furthermore, I would like to thank Prof. Jan O. Jonsson, Prof.
Meulemann, Prof. Alexander Janus and Prof. John Ermisch. They provided me
with very valuable suggestions. It has helped to improve my book tremendously.
In addition, I would like to thank Prof. Nan Dirk de Graaf as well as the Warden
Sir Andrew Dilnot for welcoming me so warmly at Nuffield College. I also would
like to thank Prof. Karin Kurz and Prof. Nina Baur.
I would like to thank the Sociology Department at the University of Oxford
as well as Nuffield College for providing such excellent research facilities and
supportive learning environment as well as the travel grants and opportunities for
research exchanges to Yale University and Sciences Po University. Furthermore,
I am indebted to the German National Academic Foundation for awarding me a
scholarship that partly funded my research and living expenses during the last
three years and which has enabled me to write this book.
Special thanks are due to Prof. Duncan Gallie who always had an encourag-
ing word for me. He was also a great source of inspiration. Furthermore, I am
particularly grateful to Prof. Erszebeth Bukodi, who provided me several oppor-
tunities to present my research in her Social Inequality Research Group and who
was always very supportive and open-minded to my ideas.
I also owe special gratitude to Prof. Sandra Buchholz at Bamberg University
and to Dr. Jan Skopek at the European University Institute for sharing with me
their expertise on preparing longitudinal data from the National Educational Panel
Study (NEPS). I also wish to thank Prof. Corina Kleinert for inviting me to present
part of my research at the Leibniz Institute for Educational Trajectories (LIfBi) as
well as Markus Zielonka, Sabine Zinn and other researchers at the FDZ for their
help on the NEPS data. Moreover, I have to thank Maarten Buis, for sharing his
VI Acknowledgements
view on the Mare model discussion and his dofile. In addition, I would like to
thank Götz Rohwer who made many valuable suggestions in regard to statistical
issues. Finally, I have to thank Jonathan Harrow for a final proof-reading of my
book.
I am grateful for the help and friendship I have received from the catering,
scouts, porters, maintenance as well as organizational and library staff at Nuffield
College. Moreover, there are countless friends to whom I am indebted for their
kindness, advice, encouragement, laughs, and support during my research project.
I am very lucky to have made so many gorgeous friends at Nuffield College, such
as Andrea Tartakowsky, Christian Fastenrath, Cecilia Potente, Maria Silva Porto
Diaz, Matthias and Tabea Dilling, Laurin Weissinger, Anchalee Rueland, Lisanne
Van den Berg, Luigi Marini, Pietro Intropi, Katrina and Barry Maydom, Roxana
Mihet, Christiana Kartsonaki, Sarah Wilkins-Laflamme, Luana Goveia, Anja
Krausova, Nico Stawarz, Outi Sirnio just to name a few. In addition, I am also
particularly thankful to Mareike Burger, Anna-Lena Karsten, Rilana Janßen, Karl
Schulz, Stefanie Bach, Ingeborg and Manfred Egner, Tuba Hasir, Sebastian
Schmidt, Miriam Hebeis, Dominik Seuß as well as Philipp Klosa.
Lastly, I owe a debt of gratitude to my family, in particular to my grand-
mother, my parents and my sister for their emotional support and encouragement.

Table of Contents
1 Introduction .................................................................................................. 1
2 Theoretical Perspectives on Educational Careers and Institutions ......... 5
2.1 The Life Course Perspective ............................................................... 5
2.2 The Five Principles of Life Course Research ..................................... 6
2.3 Social Origin Resources ...................................................................... 8
2.4 Educational Decisions ....................................................................... 10
2.4.1 Boudon’s Primary and Secondary Effects...................................... 11
2.4.2 The Integration of Boudon’s Primary and Secondary Effects into
a Rational Choice Model ................................................................ 12
2.5 The Educational Systems in East and West Germany ...................... 15
2.5.1 The West German Education System ............................................. 16
2.5.2 The East German Education System from 1950 until 1990 ........... 21
2.5.3 The East and West German Education Systems after German
Unification in 1990 ........................................................................ 24
2.5.4 The Permeability of the German Education System and the
Decoupling of School Form and Educational Certificate ............... 25
3 Research Design ......................................................................................... 29
3.1 Data and Sample ............................................................................... 29
3.2 Dependent Variables ......................................................................... 33
3.3 Methods of Analysis ......................................................................... 35
3.4 Independent Variables ...................................................................... 38
VIII Table of Contents
4 Expansion of the Transition to Upper Secondary School and Its

Consequences for Inequality of Educational Opportunities in East
and West Germany .................................................................................... 45
4.1 Educational Expansion in East and West Germany .......................... 47
4.2 Recent Research on Educational Inequality at the Transition to the
Academic Track ................................................................................ 49
4.3 Theories and Hypotheses .................................................................. 51
4.3.1 The Family as the Unit of Social Origin and Mother’s Education . 51
4.3.2 Conceptualizing and Measuring Social Origin .............................. 53
4.3.3 Hypotheses on the Effects of Parental Education .......................... 54
4.3.4 Hypotheses on the Effects of Parental Class .................................. 55
4.3.5 Hypotheses on the Effects of Parental Status ................................. 57
4.3.6 Hypotheses on the Effects of Gender in the FRG and GDR .......... 58
4.4 Results............................................................................................... 61
4.4.1 Description of Changes in the Transition Probabilities to the
Academic Track ............................................................................. 61
4.4.2 The Impact of Different Dimensions of Social Origin on the
Transition Rate to the Academic Track in West and East
Germany ......................................................................................... 62
4.4.3 The Associations of Social Origin and Gender with the
Transition to the Academic Track .................................................. 87
4.5 Summary ........................................................................................... 91
5 Social Origin, Between-Track Mobility, Early Dropout, and the
Attainment of ‘Atypical‘ Degrees in the General Education System
in East and West Germany ........................................................................ 95
5.1 Educational Reforms and the Changing Permeability in the
General Education System ................................................................ 96
5.2 Review of Previous Research Findings ............................................ 98
5.3 Theories and Hypotheses ................................................................ 100
Table of Contents IX
5.3.1 Dropping out of the General Education System without any

Educational Degree ...................................................................... 100
5.3.2 Downward Mobility to the Non-Academic Track........................ 101
5.3.3 Upward Mobility to the Academic Track..................................... 103
5.3.4 Changes of Mobility Rates between Tracks Across Birth
Cohorts ......................................................................................... 106
5.3.5 East-West German Differences in Track Mobility ....................... 106
5.3.6 Gender Patterns of Track Mobilities ............................................ 107
5.3.7 Leaving the General Education System with an ‘Atypical’
Degree .......................................................................................... 108
5.4 Results............................................................................................. 110
5.4.1 Dropping Out from the Educational System without any
Educational Degree ...................................................................... 110
5.4.2 Inequality of Educational Opportunity and Upward and
Downward Track Moves .............................................................. 114
5.4.3 ‘Atypical’ Educational Degrees on the Non-Academic and
Academic Tracks.......................................................................... 119
5.5 Summary ......................................................................................... 124
6 Social Origin, Mobility Flows between Vocational and Academic
Tracks and Highest Level of Educational Attainment .......................... 129
6.1 Educational Reforms Creating New Alternative Pathways to
Higher Education ............................................................................ 131
6.2 Current State of Research ............................................................... 133
6.3 Theories and Hypotheses ................................................................ 136
6.3.1 Students Who Have Attained a ‘Hauptschulabschluss’ or
‘Mittlere Reife’ and Their Further Educational Careers .............. 137
6.3.2 Students Who Have Attained a ‘Fachhochschulreife’ or an
‘Abitur’ and Their Further Educational Trajectories.................... 138
6.3.3 Transition to Higher Education After Completion of Vocational
Training ........................................................................................ 141
X Table of Contents
6.3.4 Changes in Vocational Training and Higher Education across

Birth Cohorts ................................................................................ 142
6.3.5 East-West Differences in Vocational Training and Higher
Education ..................................................................................... 142
6.3.6 Gender Differences in Vocational Training and Higher
Education ..................................................................................... 143
6.4 Results............................................................................................. 144
6.4.1 Educational Careers After Obtaining a ‘Hauptschulabschluss’ or
a ‘Mittlere Reife’ as the First School Degree ............................... 144
6.4.2 Educational Careers After Obtaining a ‘Fachhochschulreife’ or
‘Abitur’ ........................................................................................ 152
6.4.3 Which Individuals With a Vocational Training Certificate Go on
to Graduate From Tertiary Education? ......................................... 162
6.5 Summary ......................................................................................... 165
7 Summary and Discussion ........................................................................ 171
7.1 Central Findings and Implications .................................................. 171
7.2 Is There an Overall Decline in Educational Inequality in the
German Educational System? ......................................................... 178
7.3 Limitations of the Book .................................................................. 189
References....................................................................................................... 191
Appendix......................................................................................................... 215
A.1 Appendix Chapter 4 ........................................................................ 215
Figures
Figure 2-1: The East German educational system before German

unification .................................................................................. 22
Figure 3-1: Transition from primary school to the academic or non-
academic track in West and East Germany ............................... 30
Figure 4-1: Change across birth cohorts in the transition probabilities to
the academic track for girls and boys in East and West
Germany .................................................................................... 62
Figure 4-2: Transition probabilities for different educational origin
groups and parental class and parental status are fixed at
different levels ........................................................................... 84
Figure 4-3: Transition probabilities for different parental classes and
parental education and parental status are fixed at different
levels .......................................................................................... 85
Figure 4-4: Transition probabilities for different parental status groups
and parental education and parental class are fixed at
different levels ........................................................................... 86
Figure 5-1: Dropping out of the educational system after the end of
compulsory school age without any educational certificate..... 110
Figure 5-2: Proportion pupils who drop out from the educational system
without any educational degree in East and West Germany
across birth cohorts (from 1944 to 1986) ................................. 111
Figure 5-3: Mobility between the academic and non-academic tracks in
the general education system and ‘atypical’ degrees ............... 117
Figure 6-1: Educational options of students who have obtained a‚
Hauptschulabschluss‘ or a ‘Mittlere Reife’ as their first
school degree ........................................................................... 145
Figure 6-2: Changes across cohorts in the proportions of young people
with ‘Hautschulabschluss’ or ‘Mittlere Reife’ who leave
XII Figures
without any further vocational training/school qualification,

complete vocational training or upgrade their formal degree
to a tertiary entry qualification in East and West Germany ..... 146
Figure 6-3: Educational options of students who have obtained a higher
education entry certificate ........................................................ 154
Figure 6-4: Changes in the proportions of young people with a higher
education entry certificate (‘Fachhochschulreife’ or
‘Abitur’) who acquire no further certificate, complete
vocational training or graduate with a tertiary level
education across birth cohorts .................................................. 155
Figure 7-1: Change across birth cohorts in the probabilities of leaving
the educational system with no qualification, with a
vocational training or higher education entry certificate and
with a tertiary degree ............................................................... 182
Figure 7-2: Probability of leaving the educational system without
qualifications by the six social origin groups........................... 183
Figure 7-3: Probability of obtaining a vocational training or higher
education entry certificate as highest educational degree by
six social origin groups ............................................................ 184
Figure 7-4: Probability of obtaining a tertiary degree by six social origin
groups ...................................................................................... 185
Figure 7-5: Distribution of the six social origin groups across birth
cohorts ..................................................................................... 186
Figure A.1-1: Distributions of parental status in different parental
educational groups ................................................................... 220
Figure A.1-2: Distributions of parental status in different parental classes .... 221
Figure A.1-3: Distributions of parental education (in yrs) in different
parental classes ........................................................................ 222
Figure A.2-1: Changes in the proportions of young adults that age 30 and
over with a higher education entry certificate who do not
additionally acquire further education, who complete a
vocational training certificate, a university of applied
sciences degree or a university education across birth
cohorts ..................................................................................... 226
Tables
Table 3-1: Changes across birth cohorts in the proportion of parents

with tertiary education, from the service classes, and with a
CAMSIS status score of at least 65 in East and West
Germany ...................................................................................... 41
Table 3-2: The 27 social origin combinations of the three family
resources ...................................................................................... 42
Table 4-1: Summary of expected effects on the transition probability to
the academic track in East and West Germany ........................... 60
Table 4-2: Influence of parental education on transition to the academic
track ............................................................................................. 64
Table 4-3: Influence of parental class on transition to the academic track ... 69
Table 4-4: Influence of parental status on transition to the academic
track ............................................................................................. 74
Table 4-5 Influence of parental education, parental class and parental
status on transition to the academic track .................................... 77
Table 4-6: Influence of social origin and gender on the transition to the
academic track in East and West Germany for boys and girls .... 88
Table 5-1: Logistic regression for dropping out of the education system
without any educational degree ................................................. 113
Table 5-2: Binary logistic regressions for downward and upward
mobilities in the general education system ................................ 118
Table 5-3: Leaving the academic track with a ‘Hauptschulabschluss’ or
‘Mittlere Reife’ (binary regression models) .............................. 121
Table 5-4: Leaving the non-academic track with ‘Fachhochschulreife‘
or ‘Abitur’ (binary regression model) ....................................... 123
XIV Tables
Table 6-1: Binary and multinomial logistic regressions for the

educational choices after obtaining a ‘Hauptschul-‘ or
‘Realschulabschluss’ as the first school degree ......................... 147
Table 6-2: Multinomial logistic regressions for individuals with a higher
education entry certificate ......................................................... 157
Table 6-3: Obtaining a tertiary level education after vocational training ... 163
Table 7-1: Obtaining a tertiary degree via the academic track ................... 179
Table 7-2: Obtaining a tertiary degree via the non-academic track ............ 180
Table 7-3: Percentage of members of different social origin groups aged
30 and over attaining a tertiary degree in the oldest (1944–
50) and youngest (1981–83) cohorts and the distribution of
parents across the six social origin groups for the oldest
(1944–50) and youngest (1981–83) birth cohorts for
respondents aged 30 and over ................................................... 187
Table A.1-1: Descriptive Statistics ................................................................. 215
Table A.1-2: Changes in the proportions of fathers, mothers and parents
with tertiary education and educational matching patterns of
mothers in West Germany ......................................................... 216
with tertiary education and educational matching patterns of
mothers in East Germany .......................................................... 217
from the higher service class and class matching patterns of
mothers in West Germany ......................................................... 217
from the higher service class and class matching patterns of
mothers in East Germany .......................................................... 218
Table A.1-6: Changes in the proportions of fathers, motehrs and parents
who have at least a 64 status score and higher status
matching patterns of mothers in West Germany ....................... 218
who have at least a 64 status score and higher status
matching patterns of mothers in East Germany ......................... 219
Tables XV
Table A.1-8: Association between parental education and the transition

probability to the academic track without cohort trend
interaction terms ........................................................................ 223
Table A.1-9: Association between parental class and the transition
interaction term ......................................................................... 224
Table A.1-10:Association between parental status and the transition
interaction term ......................................................................... 225
Table A.1-11:Influence of parental education, parental class and parental
status on the transition to the academic track ............................ 225
Table A.2-1: Multinomial logistic regression for respondents that age 30
and over with a higher education entry certificate..................... 227
Table A.3-1: Making the transition to the academic track for individuals
that age 30 and above ................................................................ 228
Table A.3-2: Obtaining a tertiary degree via the academic track for
individuals that age 30 and above ............................................. 229
Table A.3-3: Obtaining a tertiary degree via the non-academic track for
individuals that age 30 and above ............................................. 230
Table A.3-4: Logit model for the unskilled individuals that age 30 and
above ......................................................................................... 231
Table A.3-5: Logit model for the skilled individuals that age 30 and above .. 232
Table A.3-6: Logit model for the individuals with a tertiary education that
age 30 and above ....................................................................... 233
Table A.3-7: Logit model for the individuals with a tertiary education that
age 30 and above (27 social origin groups) ............................... 234
1 Introduction
Over the last decades, the study of educational inequality has enjoyed a remarkable
revival in many countries. This topic has particularly gained momentum alongside
the evaluations of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) in
2000, which were particularly for Germany, a kind of PISA shock. The overarch-
ing objective of this book is to assess the long-term development of educational
inequalities according to social origin and gender in Germany.
The analysis of educational inequality is of relevance because the position
that individuals attain in society as well as their life chances and well-being are
strongly associated with educational attainment (Erikson and Jonsson, 1996;
Goldthorpe, 2014). Higher education is often connected with higher income, better
career opportunities, as well as lower risks of unemployment and precarious work
(Hausner et al., 2015; Schmillen and Stüber, 2014). Furthermore, higher educated
individuals often live healthier (Jungbauer-Gans and Gross, 2009; Sander, 1995;
Wolfe and Zuvekas, 1997) and experience a higher subjective well-being
(Wernhart and Neuwirth, 2007).
In the empirical Chapters 4 to 7 one major objective is to provide an East-
West German comparison of social origin and gender inequality over children’s,
young peoples’ and adults’ educational careers and their final educational attain-
ment. The distinction between East and West Germany is important because for
about a period of 40 years Germany was separated into two different ideological,
political and economic systems. Although the educational systems in the German
Democratic Republic (GDR) and Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) shared the
same history and culture and remained in some aspects also quite similar, for ex-
ample in terms of the dual vocational training system, there are also major differ-
ences between those two educational institutions. Furthermore, after German uni-
fication, East Germany has taken over in great parts the West German educational
system. However, in this process also some changes for the West German educa-
tion system were introduced, which will be discussed in this book. After about 25
years of reunification, it is interesting to examine whether there are still strong
differences between East and West German educational careers and educational
attainments. Despite numerous research on educational inequality in the West Ger-
man educational system (Blossfeld, 1993b; Henz and Maas, 1995; Müller and

P. N. Blossfeld, Changes in Inequality of Educational Opportunity,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-22522-3_1
2 Introduction
Haun, 1994; Müller and Pollak, 2010), not much is known about educational ine-
quality in the East German educational system before and after German unification
(Solga and Becker, 2012). Accordingly, one of my contributions to the sociologi-
cal literature is examining educational inequality in East Germany.
What makes the inquiry of inequality of educational opportunity in East and
West Germany so interesting? The East and West German education systems dif-
fer notably in many respects from other modern societies:
First, for the historical period of my analyses (from birth cohort 1944 to 1986
in the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) dataset), Germany overall was
already a vanguard of the educational expansion in the early 1960s. Since then
Germany has only experienced a relatively low educational expansion in upper
secondary and tertiary education in comparison to other countries of the Organi-
zation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (Blossfeld et al.
2016).
Second, East and West Germany are characterized by a strong link between
the educational system and the labour market (Müller and Shavit, 1998). This
means that specific educational certificates are required to access and execute a
particular job. Thus, education and vocational training are essential for the posi-
tioning in the stratification systems of East and West Germany.
Third, compared to other modern societies it is often highlighted that a rather
small proportion of East and West Germans attains a tertiary level education so
that the OECD have raised concerns about Germany’s international competitive-
ness (OECD, 2006, p. 79). These OECD experts predict that in the process of oc-
cupational change towards more challenging service jobs and the increasing tech-
nological development more academics are needed. However, the OECD to a large
extent neglects the fact that the German vocational training system, particularly
the dual system, provides an attractive alternative to tertiary level education and
generates a broad basis of qualified employees with occupation specific skills.
Fourth, it is often highlighted that the association between social origin and
educational attainment is particularly strong and persistent in West Germany and
reunified East Germany compared to other OECD countries (Autorengruppe Bild-
ungsberichterstattung, 2016, p. 214). In no other Western country, children are
separated so early into different school tracks (the ‘Hauptschule’, the ‘Realschule’
and the ‘Gymnasium’) (Hovestadt, 2002). In addition, the West German tracking
system is known as very rigid so that it is very hard to correct for this early decision
(Sandra Buchholz and Schier, 2015). Furthermore, half-day schools heavily rely
on parents help with homework and exam preparation (Solga, 2008). However, it
is worth noting that since the last decade, several reforms have been introduced to
expand full-day care in schools and after-school children care services in West
Germany (Autorengruppe Bildungsberichterstattung, 2016, p. 82).
Introduction 3
The situation in the GDR was in some important aspects quite different. There
was a comprehensive school system until the age of 15 or 16. Thus, children have
not been separated into different school tracks so early (Günther and Hammer,
1979). Moreover, the educational system in the GDR was more open, providing
several educational pathways on the academic and vocational tracks to enter
higher education (Huinink et al., 1995). However, at the same time the access to
the ‘Abitur’ and participation in higher education was restricted since the mid-
1960s to avoid overeducation in the socialist economy. Furthermore, the influence
of parents on their children was lower because there existed very well developed
early childhood education and all-day schools (Günther and Hammer, 1979).
Fifth, due to more traditional gender roles, (West) Germany is characterized
by a less strong increase in females’ educational attainment than other modern
societies.
What is very important for this book is the fact that lots of different reforms
have been introduced in the lower and upper secondary school systems as well as
in the system of higher education during the last decades. These reforms have been
aimed to increase the permeability between the academic and non-academic tracks
and to engender more educational equality for girls and boys from different social
origins. First, there has been a huge expansion in the number of upper secondary
schools (including different types of ‘Gymnasien’). In Chapter 4, I therefore focus
on the educational transition from primary to secondary school and study the long-
term changes in the transition probability to the academic track and its associations
with gender and social origin. I am particularly interested whether the social origin
associations have increased, remained stable or even declined across birth cohorts
in the German educational system. Second, there have been reforms introduced to
facilitate the mobility between the academic and non-academic track in the general
school system. Thus, Chapter 5 examines whether these reforms have opened up
the general school system and reduced educational inequality. Third, multiple new
alternative pathways from the vocational track to higher formal educational de-
grees and tertiary education have been created in the vocational education training
system. Chapter 6 addresses whether the traditional separated vocational and aca-
demic tracks have become more integrated and reduced educational inequality.
Fourth, higher education became more differentiated by the introduction of the
universities of applied sciences and ‘Berufsakademien’. In Chapter 6, I investigate
social origin and gender differences for the graduation from the traditional univer-
sities and the universities of applied sciences.
My book aims to contribute to the literature of educational sociology by stud-
ying the associations between various aspects of family background and respond-
ent’s educational histories and final educational attainment. Thus, following Bu-
4 Introduction
kodi and Goldthorpe (2013), I differentiate in my analyses on East and West Ger-
many between parental education, parental class, and parental status resources.
Each of those family resources is connected with specific mechanisms how those
resources influence educational inequality of children, youth and young adults.
The specific resources and mechanisms are explained in detail in my theoretical
Chapter 2.
So, why is it important to disentangle these three social origin resources in
my analyses on East and West Germany? First, I elaborate in Chapter 4 that those
three parental resources point to different mechanisms on educational inequality
(see also Erikson 2016 for a similar approach) in East and West Germany. Second,
I show that these three parental resources play a different role for the successive
transitions in the educational careers of children, youth and young adults (Erikson
and Jonsson, 1996, p. 55).
Considerable progress has been made in the availability of longitudinal data
in recent years, allowing me to use a well-suited dataset from the NEPS (Adult
Cohort (SC6)) for secondary analysis in my book. This dataset provides rich ret-
rospective information on educational careers in Germany, which gives me the
opportunity to study inequality over educational careers in a long-term historical
changing institutional context. Unfortunately, in the Adult Cohort (SC6) of the
NEPS, I do not have detailed longitudinal information on competence levels,
teacher assessments, ability, school performance, aspirations and subjectively ex-
pected success probabilities over the school career. Thus, I cannot explicitly in-
clude those variables in my empirical models. In Chapter 3, I provide a detailed
description of the used dataset, variables and methods.
2 Theoretical Perspectives on Educational Careers
and Institutions
In this chapter, I provide an overview on relevant theoretical perspectives from

life course and educational inequality research. In addition, I describe the educa-
tional systems in East and West Germany.
2.1 The Life Course Perspective

In my book, I take a life course perspective and focus on the educational careers
and the highest educational attainments of successive birth cohorts (Kohli, 1985;
Heinz, 1990, p. 60; Meulemann 1990, p. 109). Already Boudon (1974) notes that
educational attainment is the result of a process of choices and constraints, which
are defined by the educational system. The life course provides therefore a suitable
framework for studying the movement of individuals through the educational sys-
tem. Kerckhoff et al. (1996) suggests using the term educational career as synon-
ymously with educational trajectory or educational history, which is the outcome
of a sequence of individual’s educational choices in an institutional setting. In con-
trast, the term educational pathway refers to the institutionally defined possible
routes in the educational system (Pallas 2003).
I am interested to examine how differences in starting conditions of children
from different family origins shape their educational trajectories until the highest
educational attainment. Furthermore, I want to find out how individuals’ previous
educational histories influence subsequent educational decisions and highest edu-
cational attainments (Blossfeld and von Maurice, 2011, p. 21; Lucas, 1999, p. 92).
I am particularly interested to study how far educational reforms, and the new ed-
ucational pathways they offer, change the opportunity structure over the educa-
tional career. I also assess how social origin resources of individuals are associated
with the participation in alternative educational pathways. For my analyses, I use
detailed longitudinal data on the educational careers of East and West German
children, young people and adults, which is offered by the NEPS.

P. N. Blossfeld, Changes in Inequality of Educational Opportunity,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-22522-3_2
6 Theoretical Perspectives on Educational Careers and Institutions
2.2 The Five Principles of Life Course Research

There are five central aspects of life course research that I address in this book
(Elder, 1998, p. 4; Mayer, 2009, p. 414). These are (1) the principle of embed-
dedness in historical time and place; (2) the principle of timing of events and tran-
sitions; (3) the principle of linked lives, (4) the principle of human agency and (5)
the principle of life span development. In the following, I describe these five the-
oretical perspectives with regard to individuals’ educational careers.
The first principle, the principle of embeddedness in historical time and
place, emphasizes that educational careers are shaped by historical periods and
specific locations. In my book, I take into account the impact of the periods before
and after German unification and the different institutional set-ups in the GDR and
FRG on individuals’ educational careers and highest educational attainments. In
addition, I analyse how the institutional transformation from a socialist to a capi-
talist system has affected educational careers of East Germans. I also explore how
a large number of educational reforms introduced in East and West Germany in
the last decades have changed educational histories and outcomes. Furthermore, I
assess how changes in families’ perception of gender norms have shaped men’s
and women’s educational trajectories and educational attainment across birth co-
horts in 21 countries and in Germany in particular. To conclude, from a life course
perspective, it is important to take into account these different historical and coun-
try contexts to better understand the constraints and opportunities that individuals
face while making educational decisions (Mayer, 1991).
The second principle is the timing of events and transitions. It points out that
the consequences and the impact of educational events and transitions depend
strongly on when they exactly occur during the educational career. In my book, I
examine whether children that make the transition to the academic track straight
away after primary school may experience different later educational opportunities
than children that moved up to the academic track at a later stage or obtained
higher educational certificates via second chance education.
In addition, in the FRG and reunified Germany the most important transition
into different school forms after primary school takes place at a relatively early
age of 10 or 12 (Trautwein and Neumann, 2008) compared to the GDR where
tracking into different school types took place at an age of about 15 (Günther and
Hammer, 1979). Early selection divides children into different school tracks that
differ in their school curriculums, socialization and demands (Lucas, 1999, p. 13;
Müller and Pollak, 2010, p. 309), within which the school environment is rela-
tively homogenous with children having similar educational aspirations, self-con-
cepts, family backgrounds and school performance. The earlier this tracking takes
place the earlier children are exposed to different contexts that might influence
their future educational prospects (Hanuschek and Woessmann, 2010; Müller and
The Five Principles of Life Course Research 7
Pollak, 2010, pp. 309–310). Therefore, in my book I examine whether early track-
ing in the former FRG and reunified Germany is associated with higher social
inequalities for children’s final educational outcomes than in the GDR.
The third principle of life course research is that the lives of individuals are
linked. It means that the educational careers of individuals should not be studied
in isolation from other significant individuals (Mayer and Tuma, 1990). For chil-
dren, youth and young adults the family of origin is an important social context
that has to be taken into account. In my book, I concentrate on the intergenerational
links between parents and their children. Differences in educational, economic and
social resources among families may have a direct influence on educational tran-
sitions and the final educational outcomes.
The fourth principle is human agency, which means that although individuals
are constrained in their decisions via external circumstances, such as institutional
regulations of educational systems and the availability of family resources, they
still make choices within the context of their available options (Dannefer, 1987;
Heinz, 2003, p. 13; Hillmert, 2010; Mayer and Müller, 1989). This means that
educational trajectories are not completely determined by the institutional set-up
and the social structure. Human behaviour can therefore only be predicted on the
basis of probabilistic models. Different educational choice models will be dis-
cussed in more detail in Section 2.4.
The social and institutional constraints, however, give individuals more or
less room to realize their individual agency. In the analysis of education trajecto-
ries in East and West Germany before German unification, one should therefore
keep in mind that under the Socialist Unity Party (SED) in the GDR, individual
decisions were more constrained (Lenhardt and Stock, 2000, p. 523; Mayer, 1998).
In the centrally planned economy of the GDR, educational policies and the educa-
tional system had to serve the demand of the socialist society for education and
qualifications (Huinink et al., 1995; Lenhardt and Stock, 2000). The state had the
control over access and denial to the vocational and academic tracks (Huinink et
al., 1995, p. 100). The access to ‘Erweiterte Oberschule’ was restricted in the mid-
1960s (Trautwein and Neumann, 2008, p. 472). Students at university level were
not free in their study subject choice either (Solga and Becker, 2012, p. 29). In
addition, there was a quota for the access to different school tracks which was
proportional to the size of different social groups (e.g. gender, social origin or
place of residence) (Huinink et al., 1995, pp. 91, 98; Solga, 1995b). After German
unification, East Germans had much more room to make their own educational
decisions. Moreover, in my book, I study how far educational reforms have opened
up new choices for individuals and how those choices are used by individuals with
different family resources.
The last principle of life course research is that there is a life span develop-
ment. This means that subsequent educational decisions and outcomes are highly
contingent on previous educational achievements, educational decisions, and ed-
ucational trajectories (S. Hillmert, 2009, p. 217; S. Hillmert and Jacob, 2010, p.
60). Using the NEPS dataset, I am able to reconstruct how previous educational
decisions for the academic or non-academic track as well as previous educational
certificates influence later educational outcomes. Moreover, I analyse how later
educational corrections of previous educational decisions influence individuals’
final educational certificates.
2.3 Social Origin Resources

In my book, the empirical analyses of the association between social origin and
children’s educational careers and final educational attainments are based on var-
ious concepts and measures of social origin. Using the NEPS data in Chapters 4
to 7, I am able to apply a multidimensional approach of social origin (Bukodi and
Goldthorpe, 2013; Marks, 2011; Weber, 1976) and distinguish parental education,
parental class and parental status. I follow the idea that these various indicators
represent different mechanisms of social origin which should be taken into account
if one wants to understand inequality of educational opportunities (Bukodi and
Goldthorpe, 2013; Chan and Goldthorpe, 2007). Furthermore, I am interested to
study how far the associations of the three social origin measures with educational
transitions and final educational outcomes are changing differently across cohorts
(Buis, 2013; Bukodi and Goldthorpe, 2013).
The first social origin indicator that I am using in all my empirical analyses
is parental education. Many empirical studies have demonstrated that parental ed-
ucation is obviously the most important social origin measure affecting children’s
educational inequality (Baker, 2014; Buis, 2013; Ermisch and Francesconi, 2001;
Mayer et al., 2009). This is the case because parental education comes causally
and temporally before parents achieve their class and status positions and parent’s
education has a strong impact on both of these measures of family background
(Pfeffer, 2008, p. 544). Across cohorts, parental education also seems to have
gained in relative importance because the lengthening of compulsory education,
the general improvement of living conditions and the declining average family size
have led to a reduced influence of economic factors such as parental class on chil-
dren’s educational inequality across birth cohorts (Blake, 1989; Erikson and
Jonsson, 1996a; Breen et al., 2009).
For the empirical analysis of educational inequality in Chapters 4 to 7, paren-
tal education can be particularly considered as a variable that captures parents’
capacity to support their children with homework and to guide them through the
Social Origin Resources 9
educational system (Bukodi and Goldthorpe, 2013, p. 3). I use the CASMIN edu-
cational scheme which was developed in the ‘Comparative Analysis of Social Mo-
bility in Industrial Nations (CASMIN)’ project to define parental education.
Two further concepts of social origin play an important role in social stratifi-
cation. These are class (‘Klasse’) and status (‘Stand’) (Weber, 1976). According
to Goldthorpe (2012, p. 212) these two concepts are relational. This means that
they reflect social relationships in form of employment relationships and superi-
ority or subordination within which individuals possess a more or less advantaged
position (Goldthorpe, 2012, p. 204). I first present the definition of class and then
discuss the mechanisms of how class influences educational inequality in more
detail. According to Weber (Weber, 1976), individuals share the same class posi-
tion if they dispose of similar economic goods or qualifications and skills that can
be translated into income or other benefits on the market (see also Mayer, 1977,
p. 159; Müller, 1977, p. 25). Differences in class positions of individuals have a
strong impact on their life chances and life decisions. Individuals that share similar
market situations are defined as a class. Individuals from different class positions
vary in their possibilities to enforce their economic and political interests (Haller,
1983, p. 38). All the class positions between which inter- and intragenerational
mobility is very likely form a common social class (see also Breen, 2005, p. 32).
For the analysis of educational inequality, Bukodi and Goldthorpe (2013, p. 2)
claim that class is especially an indicator for economic resources that are available
in families to support and help their children in school. I also argue that the class
position is associated with the possibility to make farsighted educational decisions.
In Chapters 4 to 7, I conceptualize and operationalize families’ classes by referring
to one of the most popular international comparable class schemes which was de-
veloped by J. H. Goldthorpe, namely the Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero (EGP)
class scheme.
Another dimension of social inequality which is mentioned by Weber (1976)
is status (‘Stand’). A society is also stratified according to differences in social
deference which become in praxis visible by more exclusive social relations
(Mayer, 1977, p. 155).1 Status groups try to preserve economic advantages on the
market by social inclusion and exclusion. Individuals in society are treated differ-
ently according to their observed distinguishing life styles, socialization and other
ascribed characteristics. These differences in attitudes and life styles define with
whom people interact, who their friends are and whom they marry. In the context
of educational inequality, Bukodi and Goldthorpe (2013, p. 3) posit that parental
1 This definition of status should not be confused with its second meaning. In the American con-
text, (socio-economic) status is namely better understood as a measure to describe the position
of individuals in a social inequality structure (Rössel, 2009, p. 128).
status is an indicator which measures social and cultural resources that are availa-
ble to families such as parental social networks and their cultural tastes which both
are seen as factors that generate educational inequality. As an indicator for meas-
uring status differences in Chapters 4 to 7, I apply the Cambridge Social Interac-
tion and Stratification (CAMSIS) scale (a similar proceeding can be found in
Bukodi et al., 2014 or Erikson 2016 for Sweden).
Weber (1976) makes three remarks on the relationship between class and sta-
tus: First, he claims that class and status are distinct dimensions in societies, but
they are also complementary and highly interwoven. Status can be dependent on
individuals’ economic resources, which are determined by their class position on
the market. However, status differences can also be generated by differences in
other criteria such as education (Mayer, 1977, p. 159). In turn, access to higher
occupations and therefore to a specific class position may be restricted to exclusive
groups such as status groups (Mayer, 1977, p. 169). Second, the importance of
class and status varies across historical contexts: In former feudal societies, status
played a more significant role while in industrial societies class seems to be the
dominant dimension. The same is postulated for capitalist and socialist societies
(Bukodi, 2010; Goldthorpe, 2008; Solga, 1995b). Status is seen as more relevant
in socialist societies and class in capitalist societies. Third, the distinction between
status and class has also an analytical component of different forms of social ine-
quality (Mayer, 1977, p. 160). If one only studies social inequalities using the con-
cept of class, then one only analyses economic inequality on the market. For ex-
ample, Goldthorpe (2008, p. 351) demonstrates that for the analysis of unemploy-
ment risks, career opportunities and income inequality on the labour market, class
captures more than status. Social inequality in a society, however, is more complex
and includes stratification by other qualitatively different forms such as status
(Haller, 1983, p. 45). For instance, in the domain of cultural consumption of music,
theatre or cinema, status can better explain social inequalities than class
(Goldthorpe, 2008, p. 351). Goldthorpe also writes that ‘[…] there is a consider-
able status variation within the classes of the class schema […], although the var-
iation is greater within some classes than others. Hence there is plenty of scope to
get different effects of class and status from one domain of life chances and life
choices to another.’ (Goldthorpe, 2008, p. 351; see also Mayer, 1977, p. 229 for
similar conclusions on Germany).
2.4 Educational Decisions

During the educational career, children and their families are several times con-
fronted to make decisions on which educational branch to choose or whether to
continue education or to drop out (Maaz et al., 2006, p. 299). For example, in the
German educational system families have to make the decision whether to send
Educational Decisions 11
their children to the academic or non-academic track after primary school. If chil-
dren finish lower secondary school, they have to make the decision whether they
should continue into vocational training, obtain a higher entry certificate or di-
rectly make the transition to the labour market (Maaz et al., 2006, p. 299). More-
over, children from the academic track that have a higher education entry certifi-
cate have to decide whether they want to complete tertiary education or vocational
training or directly enter the labour market. The choices families and their children
make, are constrained by the institutional settings and regulations of the educa-
tional system as well as the sociohistorical structures (Blossfeld and von Maurice,
2011, p. 23; Maaz et al., 2006, p. 299). Early educational decisions might also
have long-lasting consequences for the later educational careers of children. In this
section, I will present sociological micro-level theories on individual’s educational
decision making. First, I introduce the concept of primary and secondary effects
which became popular through the work of Boudon (1974). Then, I present a for-
malized model of educational decisions (Esser, 1999; Breen and Goldthorpe,
1997; Erikson and Jonsson, 1996; Halsey et al., 1980).
2.4.1 Boudon’s Primary and Secondary Effects

Boudon (1974) examined in his seminal book ‘Education, Opportunity, and Social
Inequality’, how inequality in educational attainment of children from various so-
cial origin backgrounds is generated by their different educational decisions dur-
ing their educational career. Relying on previous work by Girard and Bastide
(1963), Boudon (1974, pp. 29–30) distinguishes primary and secondary effects of
social origin which generate inequality of educational opportunity.
On the one hand, children from various social origins show differences in
academic ability and performance because families do not dispose of the same
educational, economic and social resources to support their children in school. It
is generally assumed that the normal distributions of academic performance for
children from various family backgrounds differ (Erikson et al., 2005; Erikson and
Jonsson 1996b). On average children from disadvantaged family backgrounds,
show a lower academic performance than children from the intermediate and ad-
vantaged social origin (Erikson et al., 2005, Erikson and Jonsson 1996b). There-
fore, the normal distribution is shifted to the right. In turn, children from an inter-
mediate social origin position are assumed to have on average a lower school per-
formance than children from advantaged family backgrounds (Erikson et al., 2005,
Erikson and Jonsson 1996b). These differences in the normal distributions of aca-
demic performance are known as primary effects (Erikson et al., 2005, Erikson
and Jonsson 1996b).
Secondary effects are those that are expressed by differences in educational
choices made by children and families from different social backgrounds, even if
these children have the same school performance. For each competence level, chil-
dren from advantaged social origin are more likely to make the next educational
transition (Erikson et al., 2005, Erikson and Jonsson 1996b). The differences are
small if school performance is very low or very high. So the biggest differences
between children from advantaged and disadvantaged social origin are in the mid-
dle of the school performance distribution (Erikson et al., 2005, Erikson and Jons-
son 1996b). Boudon (1974, p. 29) states that these differences in educational de-
cisions are produced by differences in subjectively expected cost and benefit cal-
culations of families from different social origin.
2.4.2 The Integration of Boudon’s Primary and Secondary Effects into a

Rational Choice Model
Erikson and Jonsson (Erikson and Jonsson, 1996, p. 10) highlight that not only
primary and secondary effects are important for explaining differences in educa-
tional outcomes. Educational expansion (this means the change in the number of
students making the transition to the next educational level) is important too. In
addition, Becker (2000, p. 458) states that educational decisions are also shaped
by institutional regulations. Several educational sociologists have integrated Bou-
don’s distinction of primary and secondary effects into a formalized rational action
framework (Stocké, 2007, p. 506). In this model, individuals rationally weigh the
costs, benefits, and the success probability of whether to continue or quit education
or the success probability of choosing a certain schooling branch (see Becker,
2000; Esser, 1999; Breen and Goldthorpe, 1997; Erikson and Jonsson, 1996, p. 14;
Halsey et al., 1980, p. 116). Erikson and Jonsson (1996) have formalized the ra-
tional educational decision model in a simple form as follows:
ࢁൌ ࢖‫࡮כ‬െ࡯ (1)
U= utility of staying on in education;

p= probability of success to continue education;
B=benefit of additional education; and
C= costs of additional education
This model allows taking into account how changes in costs of further schooling
or changes in expected benefits of further schooling in the expansion process in-
fluences individual’s educational decisions. Children and their families will make
decisions within a set of different educational pathways. Furthermore, these fam-
ilies judge these opportunities within the context of given constraints (Erikson and
Jonsson, 1996, p. 13).
Educational Decisions 13
Children from higher classes dispose of more economic resources. Therefore,

the subjectively expected direct and indirect costs C of continuing education are
evaluated as lower than for children from lower classes (Jackson, 2013, p. 15).
Parents from the salariat are financially better set to pay for schooling materials,
to provide children with a cognitively stimulating home environment as well as
other cognitively stimulating experiences. They also are more likely to invest in
additional training for their children (Buis, 2013; Erikson and Jonsson, 1996;
Lareau, 2015, p. 21; Luplow and Schneider, 2014). Second, families from higher
classes evaluate longer schooling duration costs as less incisive than families from
lower classes (opportunity costs through foregone earnings). Parents and children
from higher social classes will therefore be more likely to make farsighted educa-
tional decisions for longer school tracks, which promise higher economic labour
market returns as well as higher prestige in adult life. However, parents and chil-
dren from the working class are more reluctant to make long-term educational de-
cisions, because they more often experience episodes of unemployment and work
in precarious jobs, which force them to make short-sighted plans. This is also com-
monly known as the time horizon theory (Hillmert and Jacob, 2003). Nevertheless,
the association of class and children’s educational attainment should decrease
across birth cohorts, because the costs of education have been reduced in Ger-
many (e.g. school fees were abolished and minimum schooling has been length-
ened from 8 to 9 or even 10 years of schooling) (Blossfeld et al., 2015). Further-
more, the general economic living conditions for all families have improved across
birth cohorts in Germany (Breen et al., 2009, p. 147; Müller and Haun, 1994, p.
6,7; Schimpl-Neimanns, 2000, p. 641).
Benefits of further schooling or of a more demanding school track are for
example higher earnings prospects and lower unemployment risks in later life. For
example, over the occupational career, employees with a vocational training cer-
tificate earn on average 243,000 Euro more than unqualified employees in Ger-
many (Schmillen and Stüber, 2014). Individuals with an ‘Abitur’ earn 478,000
Euro more, with a ‘Fachhochschulabschluss’ 920,000 Euro more, and with a uni-
versity degree 1,237,000 Euro more than unqualified employees in Germany
(Schmillen and Stüber, 2014). In addition, in 2013 the unemployment rate for the
unqualified was 20 %, for individuals with a vocational training certificate 5.1 %,
and for academics 2.5 % (Hausner et al., 2015). The benefits of further education
might increase across cohorts because the labour market increasingly demands for
highly qualified manpower (Becker, 2003, p. 5; Becker and Blossfeld 2017).
Model (1) does not cover the case of risk aversion (Erikson and Jonsson,
1996, p. 15). Risk aversion means that not all families and their children aim for
the highest educational attainment or for the most prestigious school track. Instead,
working class families and their children choose for a realistic alternative, which
will avoid social downward mobility (Stocké, 2007, p. 514). They are already sat-
isfied if their children attain a lower or intermediate educational degree
(Dollmann, 2016, p. 205). In contrast, parents from the salariat and their children
choose to continue in the more prestigious school tracks or choose to continue
education to guarantee that their offspring obtains at least the same job position in
life that they themselves have achieved (Breen and Goldthorpe, 1997, p. 283).
Since losses through downward mobility of children from the salariat are seen as
more painful than gains are joyous for children from the working class (see also
the prospect theory of Tversky and Kahneman, 1992), the subjectively perceived
value B of further and more demanding education for salariat families is more
than just the expected labour market returns.
Breen and Goldthorpe (1997) use relative risk aversion to explain persistence
in educational inequality across birth cohorts besides educational expansion. They
come to the conclusion that not only the cost calculations of families have changed
in favour for higher education in the process of educational expansion, but also the
evaluation of benefits have changed across birth cohorts. Educational inequality is
constant across cohorts because the balance between the utilities and costs of
higher education has remained stable among the different classes.
Parents and children evaluate the likelihood of successfully gaining a certain
school level on basis of their children’s previous school performance (Erikson and
Jonsson, 1996, p. 13; Jackson, 2013, p. 3). The better the previous school achieve-
ment of a child, the more likely it will be to succeed continuing in school. This
assessment of school achievement is highly subjective (Halsey et al., 1980, p.
116). Dollman (Dollmann, 2016, p. 205) states that families from different social
origin evaluate the success probability of children differently because these fami-
lies have different possibilities to support their children in school if they face prob-
lems. Higher educated parents are better able to help their children with homework
and exam preparation and they can advise their children on school matters. Fur-
thermore, parents from the salariat dispose of more financial resources to pay for
extra private tuition and higher status parents can ask their family members and
friends for help if they cannot help their children themselves in school. In addition,
children from higher status families are raised in a cultural environment in which
they learn about art, museums and music. They are also socialized to behave and
articulate according to middle-class norms that are expected by teachers and
schools (Bourdieu, 1984; Lareau, 2015; Schimpl-Neimanns, 2000, p. 639). Chil-
dren from lower status families are generally not familiar with these middle-class
rules and therefore their school performance and success probability is evaluated
as lower by teachers and schools (Erikson and Jonsson, 1996, p. 22).
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nail holes; also putty up any of the grain that may appear too open,
or else rub into the grain some lead mixed up very heavy.
The body, after having received three coats of lead, and been
puttied up, may now stand for two or three days. When it is again
taken in hand, sand-paper off any putty that may be above the level
of the surface; dust off, and brush on a level coat of lead, which must
dry hard and firm. Every coat of lead should be laid on as level as
possible, and made to fill up the grain of the wood as much as
possible. These coats are called “rough stuff.” The body may now
stand for three or four days, when it will be ready for the filling up.
There are two very important things to be studied in coach-
painting. First, to form a surface hard enough to hold out the varnish
and disguise the grain of the wood; and second, to have the first and
intermediate coats of paint sufficiently elastic to adhere and yield to
the natural action of the wood without cracking or flaking off. In
effecting one of these results we are apt to affect the other; and
nothing but the utmost care, on the part both of the manufacturer of
the essential ingredients and of the person who prepares them for
use, can insure durability.
The leather-covered portions are usually primed with two coats of
black Japan, reduced with a little turpentine.
A good stopping material for nail holes, &c., is made of dry lead
and Japan gold size. It is called “hard stopper.”
The rough coatings should dry firmly, possessing only sufficient
elasticity to bind them to the surface. The first coat will bear a trifle
more oil than the remaining ones, and should stand about four days
before the others are put on, which can be done every other day.
Five coats of filling up are next added, composed as follows:—
2 parts filling up stuff.
1 part tub lead.
2 parts turpentine.
1 part Japan gold size.
½ „ bottoms of wearing varnish.
The first coat should cover every portion of the lead surface, be
well brushed in, but not allowed to lie heavy at the corners. The
remaining coats may be applied reasonably heavy, but kept from
lapping over the edges or rounding the sharp corners, and thus
destroying the clean sharp lines of the body-maker.
Any defects noticed while filling in should be puttied or stopped,
ever bearing in mind that the perfection in finish aimed at is only
secured by care at every step taken.
The leather-covered parts generally have three additional coats of
filling in.
The time allowed for each coat to dry may be extended as far as
convenient, but there is nothing to be gained by allowing weeks to
intervene between the coatings. When a coat is hard it is ready for
another; and it is far better to have the body filled and set aside than
to divide the time between the coatings, and probably be compelled
to rub out the body before the last coat is firm. Of course, the time
occupied by the coats of filling in to dry varies according to its
composition. If much oil be used, it will take a longer time for each
coat to dry; but the above composition may be applied one coat
every other day.
The first coat may be applied rather thinner than the others, and is
improved by being mixed with a little more white-lead. It should also
be made more elastic than the succeeding ones, as it will then take a
firmer hold on the “dead” lead coat over which it is placed,
contributing a portion of its elasticity to that coat, and also cling more
firmly to the hard drying coats which follow.
The body having been filled in may be set aside to harden, or if the
smith is ready for it this is the best time for him to take it in hand, as
any dents or burns that he may cause can now easily be remedied
without spoiling the appearance of the vehicle. Later on, this is a
matter of great difficulty, if not impossibility. Any bruises should be
puttied; any parts which may happen to be burned must have the
paint scraped off bare to the wood. Prime the bare spots, and putty
and fill them to bring them forward the same as the general surface.
A material has recently been brought into the English market
called “permanent wood filling,” which is confidently recommended
as effecting a saving in time, expense, and labour, and at the same
time more effectually closing the pores of the wood than the ordinary
filling now in use. This invention is due to a Polish exile named
Piotrowski, who took refuge in America, and there introduced it about
1867, since which date it has found its way into the chief carriage
factories in the United States. It is applied to the bare wood, one coat
being given to bodies and two coats to carriage parts. This closes
the pores, holds the grain immovably in its place, and is so
permanent in its effect that neither exposure to dampness, nor
atmospheric changes, nor the vibrations to which a carriage is so
subject can affect the grain. The satisfaction which this material
appears to give to the Americans, who pride themselves on the
superiority of their carriage-painting, ought to induce our English
coach-builders to inquire after it; for if all that we hear of it be correct,
it must assuredly be a valuable acquisition to the paint shop.
In rubbing down use pumice-stone. It is best to begin on top and
follow on down, so that the filling water may not run down on to any
part that has been finished. Water should not stand for any length of
time on the inside of the body; and when the rubbing is completed
wash off clean outside and in, and dry with a chamois kept for the
purpose.
The body, when dry, receives a staining coat, and is to be carefully
sand-papered over, the corners cleaned out, and put on a coat or
two coats of dark lead colour, made of tub lead, lampblack, raw oil,
and a small quantity of sugar of lead, and reduced to a proper
consistency with Japan gold size and turpentine. When dry scratch
over the lead colour with fine sand-paper, which will make it appear
of a lighter colour; we shall then be able to detect any low or sunk
places by reason of the shadow. Putty up any imperfections with
putty made of lead and varnish, and when dry face down with lump
pumice and water. Follow with fine sand-paper, when the surface will
be in a condition to receive the colour coats. Sometimes, after
cleaning off, another coat of dark lead colour is laid on.
Analysing the foregoing, we find we have used—
1 priming coat of lead (or leather parts, 2 coats of
black varnish instead).
2 thin coats lead colour, and stopped up.
5 coats of filling up (8 coats on leather parts).
1 staining coat, rubbed down and cleaned off.
2 coats dark red colour, stopped up, and carefully rubbed down.
1 coat dark lead colour.
—
12 coats, and ready for colour.
So much for the body parts. To the carriage parts two coats of
priming are laid on, which are worked in the same way as those
applied to the body. All cavities are then stopped with hard stopper,
to which a little turpentine is added in order to make it sand-paper
easily. Two coats of quick-drying lead colour are then applied to the
wood parts. The whole is then well sand-papered down, and the
grain should be found well filled and smooth. A thin coat of oil lead
colour is then laid on, and when dry sand-papered down; any joints
or open places between the tire and felloes of the wheels are
carefully puttied up with oil putty. The carriage parts are then ready
for colour. This time we have applied—
2 coats of lead priming, stopped up.
2 coats of lead, thoroughly sand-papered.
1 coat (thin) of lead colour, sand-papered and puttied up.
—
5 coats, and ready for colour.
The colours are to be ground very fine, kept clean, and spread on
with the proper brushes. If the panels are to be painted different from
the other parts, lay on the black first, for if any black falls on the
panel colour it will occasion some trouble by destroying the purity of
a transparent colour. By repeatedly turning the brush over while
using it, there is less liability to accidents of this kind.
The colouring of the body is finished as follows:—For the upper
quarters and roof grind ivory black in raw oil to a stiff consistency,
add a little sugar of lead finely ground as a drier, and bring to the
required consistency with black Japan and turpentine. Lay on two
coats of this, and then two coats of black Japan, and rub down. Then
face off the moulding, and give a thin coat of dead black, after which
apply another coat of black Japan, and flat again. The whole should
then be varnished with hard drying varnish, flatted down, and
finished with a full coat of wearing body varnish. The varnish should
have at least three days to dry; five or six would be better. The first
coat of rubbing varnish may be applied thinner than the others, in
order to avoid staining the colours.
The pencils used on mouldings should be large enough to take in
the whole width at once, and let the colour run evenly along,
avoiding laps or stoppages, except at the corners, where it cannot be
helped. Avoid the use of turpentine in varnish if possible; but if the
varnish be dark and heavy, sufficient turpentine added to make it
flow evenly will not hurt it. The half elastic and fine bristle brushes
are better for working heavy varnish than the sable or badger.
In varnishing a body begin on the roof, bringing the varnish to
within 2 or 3 inches of the outer edges. Next, the inside of doors, &c.,
then the arch. When these are finished, start on the head rail on one
side, lay the varnish on heavy, and follow quickly to the quarter. The
edge on the roof, which was skipped before, is to be coated and
finished with the outside, thus preventing a heavy edge. Continue
round the body, finishing the boot last.
The frames and other loose pieces about a coach should be
brought forward along with the body, and not left as is often done.
The frames are most conveniently handled by a device similar to a
swinging dressing-glass; a base and two uprights stoutly framed
together, allowing space for the frame to swing. It is held in its
position by two pointed iron pins, one fixed and the other movable.
This is very convenient for varnishing, as the painter can examine
his work by tilting it to any angle, and thus detect any pieces of dirt,
&c.
If the body is to be lake in colour, the lake should be ground in raw
oil, stiff, and reduced with turpentine and hard drying varnish. The
same with dross black and Indian red. Over lakes and greens two
coats of hard drying varnish should be applied, and one coat of
finishing.
If the body is to be blue, mix ultramarine blue with one-half raw oil
and turpentine, and bring it to a workable consistency by thinning
with hard drying body varnish. Give the body two coats, and after
each a slight flatting; then give two more coats of the same with
varnish added.
When Prussian blue is used, two coats are applied, and white is
added, if necessary, to bring it to the required shade. The blues will
dry sufficiently well when merely ground in raw oil, stiff, and reduced
with turpentine, and it is better not to add a drier over blues; only one
coat of hard drying body varnish should be given, and one finishing
coat.
In no case should the painter allow his oil colours to dry with a
gloss. He must always flat them and give them the appearance of
dead colour. This is particularly important, in case rough stuff or
quick-drying colour is to be used over it.
The carriage parts are finished as follows:—Two coats of lead
colour are first laid on, composed in the same way as those for the
body before the colour is applied. Then stop all parts requiring it with
hard stopper, a little reduced with turpentine to sand-paper easily. To
the wood parts apply two coats of quick lead, composed of dry lead
and lampblack ground in gold size and thinned with turpentine.
Sand-paper down thoroughly, and the grain will be found smooth and
well filled up. A thin coat of oil lead colour is then applied, and sand-
papered down when dry; and at this stage any open parts between
the tire and felloe of the wheels, &c., should be again stopped up
with oil putty. A coat of colour varnish follows, then a second, with
more varnish added. The parts are then flatted and striped; another
light coat of clear varnish is given, and after being flatted down the
fine lines are added, and the whole is finished with a good coat of
wearing varnish.
The carriage parts are generally painted one or two tones lighter
than the colour of the panels of the body, except where the panel
colour is of a hue that will not admit of it. Certain shades of green,
blue, and red may be used on panels, but would not, when made a
tint or two lighter, be suitable for a carriage part. Dark brown, claret,
and purple lake would not be open to this objection, because, to the
majority of persons, they are colours which are pleasing to the eye,
both in their deep and medium tones.
When the panels are to be painted green, blue, or red, and the
painter wishes to carry these colours on to the carriage part, it is
better to use them for striping only, and let the ground colour be
black.
A carriage part painted black may be made to harmonise with any
colour used on the body, as the striping colours can be selected so
as to produce any desired effect. Brilliant striping can be brought out
on dark colours only, while, if the ground colour be light, recourse
must be had to dark striping colours to form a contrast. The carriage
part should not detract from the appearance of the body; that is,
there should be sufficient contrast between the two to bring out the
beauties of the body. A plainly finished body will appear to better
advantage on a showy carriage, and a richly painted body on one
that is not very ornate.
In striping the carriage parts, the bright colours should be used
sparingly. A fine line placed on the face of the spokes and naves,
and distributed over the inside carriage, would look far better than
when each side of the spokes, the faces, the naves, and felloes, &c.,
are striped on both sides.
The coatings of varnish contribute largely to the durability as well
as beauty of a carriage part. The ground and striping colours are
shown in their purity only after they are varnished and have a good
surface, and the test of wearing depends on the quantity and quality
of varnish applied.
Every carriage part should have at least two coats of clear varnish.
The first coat of varnish to be applied over the colour and varnish;
the second, a good finishing coat, possessing body, and good
wearing qualities. Ground pumice and water must be used to cut
down the varnish, otherwise the finishing coat will be robbed of its
beauty.
In laying on the finishing coat, avoid the extremes of putting it on
too thick or too thin. Lay on a medium coat. A thin one will appear
gritty and rough; and one too heavy will sink in and grow dim.
From the above description, it will be seen that painting a coach is
a tedious operation, and one which consumes a great deal of time in
its execution; but, if well done, the result will certainly be very
satisfactory. In no case should the painting be hurried, for by
allowing each coat of paint or varnish sufficient time to dry its
durability is insured.
A considerable amount of time is generally spent by the painter in
work which does not really belong to him—that of mixing and
grinding his colours. Where the muller and slab are used, they
occasion a great deal of labour, and the tones of the colours are
liable to be injured by the heat generated in the process; and even
where the hand mills are used, the process is by no means so
cleanly as it ought to be. And under the heading of waste, this must
always be a source of loss to the manufacturer, for the painter, for
fear of not mixing up sufficient colour for his use, generally prepares
too great a quantity, and as a rule, the surplus is waste, for it is no
use to employ stale colours in painting vehicles, however well it may
do in house painting.
What we want is to have the colours ready ground for the painter’s
hand, and against this has been urged the objection, that the
delicate colours would lose their purity, and all colours be more or
less affected by it. That this is utterly fallacious is seen by the fact
that paints and colours ready ground and prepared are the rule in
America. The invention of the machinery, &c., for this purpose, is due
to Mr. J. W. Masury, of New York, and he grinds pigments of the
hardest description to the most impalpable fineness without injuring
the tones of the most delicate; and by a process of his own
preserves them, so that the painter has nothing to do but to reduce
them to the consistency he may require for the work in hand. He
says they effect a saving of from 20 to 50 per cent. both of labour
and material. It is difficult to understand why so valuable an invention
is not more general in this country.
Irregularities in Varnish.
Varnish is subject to various changes after having been applied to

a body or carriage part. It crawls, runs, enamels, pits, blotches,
smokes or clouds over, and in the carriage parts gathers up and
hangs in heavy beads along the centre of the spokes, &c.
These irregularities will happen at times with the very best varnish
and the most skilled workmanship, and surrounded with everything
necessary to insure a perfect job.
The only reason that can be assigned for it is atmospheric
influence. These peculiarities have occupied a large portion of the
time of the trade, and no other solution has been arrived at than the
above.
The defects of varnishes should be divided into two classes: those
which take place while in the workshop and those which show
themselves after the vehicle has left the hands of the maker. The
defects which show themselves in the varnish room are those of
“spotting,” “blooming,” “pin-holing,” “going off silky,” “going in dead.”
Those which take place afterwards are “cracking,” “blooming,” “mud-
spotting,” and loss of surface, sometimes amounting to its almost
total destruction.
The two classes should be considered separately; and assuming
that the workmanship is of the best quality, the latter class of defects,
with the exception of blooming, are in no way attributable to the
varnish; and blooming is caused by the atmosphere being
overcharged with moisture, as would be the case before a storm,
and it is soon remedied. Cracking will arise from too great an
exposure to the sun, just as any other material will be damaged by
unfair treatment. Mud-spotting will arise from using the carriage in
muddy or slushy roads before the varnish is properly dry. The loss of
surface will depend largely on the coachman, who, from ignorance or
negligence, may rub down the panels of a carriage until its glossy
surface entirely disappears; and if the stable is contiguous to the
coach-house this destruction will be assisted by the ammoniacal
vapours arising from the manure, &c.
The other defects belong to the inherent nature of the varnish as
at present manufactured, and admitting the secondary cause to be
atmospheric influence, it is necessary to inquire why it is that varnish
should be subject to such influence. According to the usual way of
making varnishes, we know that various metallic salts and chemical
compounds are used to increase their drying properties. All these will
contain a certain definite amount of water, termed “water of
crystallization.” If deprived of this water they lose their crystalline
form, but they acquire a tendency of again assuming it by attracting
to themselves a proportionate amount of water when it is brought
within their power. Now the heat employed in making varnishes is
sufficient to expel this water; but the presence of the salts is sooner
or later detected, for when the varnish is applied to the work these
salts absorb moisture from the atmosphere, and by becoming
partially crystallized cause what is known as “blooming,” “spotting,”
and “pin-holing.” The tendency to bloom will always remain, even
after the varnish has hardened. But if any of these effects take place
in the varnishing room, while the varnish is drying, it will be fatal to
the appearance of the carriage.
To insure as near perfection as possible we want a substitute for
these objectionable driers, which will not be subject to atmospheric
influence.
CHAPTER XII.
ORNAMENTAL PAINTING.
monograms.
At the present time nearly all possessors of carriages have their
private marks painted on some part of the panels. These take the
form of monograms, initial letters, crests, and heraldic bearings or
coats of arms. The monogram is the commonest. For crests and
coats of arms a duty is levied, from which monograms are free.
A few examples are subjoined. They can be multiplied to any
extent; and designing monograms and initial letters would be
excellent practice for the apprentice.
Fig. 33.—Lay in C with dark blue, light blue,
and chrome yellow, No. 2; lighted with A to be
in Tuscan red, lighted with vermilion and
orange; V with olive green, lighted with a
bright tint of olive green and white. Separate
the letters with a wash of asphaltum.
Fig. 34.—Paint C a tan colour shaded with
burnt sienna, shaded with asphaltum to form
the darkest shades. Put in the high lights with
Fig. 33.—V. A. C.
white toned with burnt sienna. Colour I with
dark and light shades of purple, lighted with
pale orange; N to be lake colour lighted with vermilion. The above
may be varied by painting the upper half of the letters with the
colours named, and the lower portions in dark tints of the same
colour. When this is done, care must be taken
to blend the two shades, otherwise it will look
as if the letters are cut in two.
Fig. 35.—Paint the
upper half of O a light
olive green, and the
lower half a darker
tone of the same
colour; T to be lake,
lighted with vermilion
Fig. 34.—I. N. C.
above the division
made by the letter S,
no high lighting to be used on the bottom
portion of the stem; S to be painted red
Fig. 35.—O. T. S. brown, lighted with orange; or the colours
may be laid on in gold leaf, and the above
colours glazed over it.
Fig. 36.—This combination forms a
pleasing variety, and will afford good
practice in the use of the pencil. Lay in
the letters as indicated by the shading,
the letter V to be darker than A, and T
deeper in tone than either V or A. The
letters may all be laid on with gold leaf,
and afterwards glazed with colours to
suit the painter’s taste. The vine at the
base may be a delicate green tinged
with carmine.
Fig. 37.—This is of French design. Fig. 36.—V. A. T.
The letters furnish an odd yet attractive
style. It will be noticed that the stem of
the letter T covers the centre perpendicularly, and that the outer
lower portions of A and R are drawn to touch on the same line. The
main stems of these letters terminate in twin forms, arranged so as
to cross each other at the centre of the monogram and balance each
other on either side. In the matter of its colouring, it may be
mentioned that the letters in a monogram are
very often painted all in one colour, and
separated at the edges by a streak of white or
high light. Monograms painted in this manner
should be drawn so that the design will not be
confused by ornamentation; that is, the main
outlines of each letter should be distinctly
defined, and the spaces must be so arranged
as not to confuse the outlines. The pattern
here given may be coloured carmine, and the
Fig. 37.—A. R. T.
edges separated by straw colour or blue, and
the letters be defined by canary colour, or a
lighter tint of blue than the bodies of the letters are painted.
Fig. 38.—If the ground colour of the panels
is claret or purple the letters may be painted
with the same colour, lightened up with
vermilion and white, forming three distinct
tints; on brown, coat the letters with lighter
shades of brown; and so on with other
colours.
Fig. 38.—T. O. M.
Initial Letters.
A well painted initial letter is certainly quite equal to a monogram;
but then it must be well painted, because, as it stands alone, it has
only itself to rely upon for any effect, whereas, in a monogram, the
component letters mutually assist each other.
Fig. 39.—This letter possesses all the grace of outline that could
be desired in a single letter. Paint the letter in gold, shaded with
asphaltum and lighted with white. If a colour be used, have one that
agrees in tone with the striping on the carriage part; that is to say, if
blue be used in striping, then use the same kind of blue for the letter,
and so on with other colours.
We may here mention that all this kind of
painting is done on the last rubbing coat of
varnish, so that the letters receive a coat of
varnish when the finishing coat is given.
Fig. 40.—The
natural form of this
letter is graceful,
being composed of
curves bearing in
Fig. 39.—D. opposite directions,
and which blend into
each other, forming a continuous but varied
line. The ornamentation also falls into the
shape of the letter naturally. The upper and
lower ends of the letter terminate in three
stems, covered by three-lobed leafing, and
the main stem of the letter is preserved in Fig. 40.—S.
shape by appearing to grow out naturally from
its outer and inner edges.
Lay in the letter with gold, on which work out the design with
transparent colours. If colours only be employed the panel colour
may be taken as part of the colouring of the letter; for instance, if the
panel be dark brown, lake, blue, or green, mix up lighter tints of
whichever colour it may be, and considering the panel colour as the
darkest shade, lighten up from it.
Fig. 41.—This letter will please by the novelty of its ornamentation.
The body of the letter retains its natural outline almost wholly. From
the upper part of the thin stem springs a scroll, which curves
downward, reaching to the middle of the letter, and from this grows
out a second scroll, serving to ornament the lower portions.
Lay in the colour in harmony with the striping colour, deepening
the tone of the colour on the stem of the letter, as shown by the
shade lines. The leafing should be made out with light, medium, and
dark tints, blended into each other so as to avoid the scratchy
appearance which an opposite method produces.
Fig. 41.—V.
Crests and Heraldic Bearings.

It would be impossible to give anything like a comprehensive
series of these in this, or indeed in a very much larger work, as their
number and variety are so great. The examples subjoined are given
as exercises in colouring; and, if the student desires to extend his
studies in this direction, most stationers will supply him with sheets
of them at a trifling cost, and to them he may apply the principles
enumerated below.
Fig. 42.—This is a small ornament, but it
will disclose to the painter whether he has got
hold of the method of handling the “cutting-up
pencil.” If, in attempting the circular part, the
hand becomes inclined to be unsteady in its
motion, and create a lack of confidence, the
painter should practise until assured that the
hand will obey the will.
The ornamental part to be gold, shaded
Fig. 42.
with asphaltum, and high light with a delicate
pink, composed of flake white and light red.
The wreaths may be painted blue and white. Mix up three lines of
blue, placing the darkest at the bottom or lower part of each band
shown, as shaded in the figure. The white bands should not be of
pure white, but a light grey, made by mixing a little black with the
white colour. For the high light running along the centre of the
wreath, use white tinted with yellow. The space covered with
diagonal lines may either be left plain, showing the panel colour, or
barred across with grey lines made of flake white and black, tinged
with carmine.
Fig. 43.—This is the letter V combined
with a garter. Size in the entire pattern,
and lay the pattern in with gold, and glaze
over the inner part of the garter with a light
blue, the inner and outer edges to remain
gold. The flying ribbon to be pink,
composed of carmine and white, and the
shading to be clear carmine, with carmine
saddened with black for the deeper tones.
The stems of the letter V to be green,
shaded with a reddish brown, and the Fig. 43.
leafing to be the same colours.
Fig. 44.—Paint the cap crimson, the wreath green and grey,
lighted with a delicate pink. The circular part to be gold, shaded with
asphaltum tinted with carmine; the outside border of shield to be gold
also; the upper division of the shield to be red, deep and rich in tone.
The chevron, or white angular band across the shield, to be a grey,
lighted up with pure white. The lower division of the shield to be blue,
and the deep shades to be purple. Paint the leafing at the base with
a colour mixed of burnt umber, yellow, and lake; shade with
asphaltum tinted with carmine, and put in the high lights with orange
or vermilion.
Fig. 45.—This is from a design by Gustave Doré. It is an odd but
still pretty design. Lay in the whole of the pattern in gold; shade the
details with verdigris darkened with asphaltum; put in the high lights
with pink, composed of light red and white. The escutcheon may be
coloured with light brown, carmine, and dark brown. The edges of
the diagonal bar to be dotted minutely with vermilion.
Fig. 45.
Fig. 46.—Outline the garter

with gold; the buckle and slide to
be gold also. Fill in the garter
with light and dark tints of blue,
and put in the high lights with
canary colour. Paint the floral
Fig. 44. gorgons in brown shades, and
light with orange and clear
yellow. A small portion of lake added to
these browns will cause them to bear
out richly when varnished. Let the
medium lights and shades
predominate, and the high lights
added, first carefully considering their
true positions, and then touching them
in with sharp strokes of the pencil,
which will give life and “go” to the
details. The pendent stems with leaves
and berries may be coloured olive
green, and shaded with russet. When
Fig. 46. the painting of this ornament is dry it
will be considerably improved by
glazing.
Fig. 47.—The central pattern is Caduceus, a Roman emblem. On
the rod or centre staff the wings are represented “displayed,” and the
two serpents turning round it signify
power, the wings fleetness, and the
serpents wisdom.
This pattern would look well in
gold, with the dark parts shaded
with black to the depths shown on
the sketch; the lighter tones being
greys, warm in tone. The serpents
may be put in with carmine, as also
the wings and head, and the rod
carmine deepened with black.
Various treatments of colouring
may be applied to this pattern, and
thinking out some of these will be
very good exercise for the ingenuity
of the painter. Fig. 47.
Fig. 48.—
Put the pattern in in gold, separating the parts
where necessary with shadow lines, and
produce the effect of interlacing by a judicious
use of high light lines and deep black lines.
The best pencil suited to this class of
ornament is a “cutting-up” pencil an inch long.
Having traced the pattern on the panel,
commence by painting the crest, and next the
main upper left-hand division of the scroll
part, paying no attention to the leafing or
minor details. It will be noticed that the centre
Fig. 48. line of the heavy leafing is a part of the scroll
line, which passes from the wreath or ribbon
at the top, and is completed at the base; so
that to secure easy curves this line should be laid in through its
whole length, and the leafing or any minor dividing lines be governed
by it. Next lay in the other half of the pattern in the same manner,
and having secured these main curves the subordinate details may
be added.
Where two fine lines cross each other, the effect of one line
passing underneath the other may be produced by simply lighting
one of the lines across the intersection, which by contrast will make
the gold or colour of the other line appear darker, and as though the
lighted line passed over it and cast a shadow.
Paint the wreath blue and white, the crest to be merely lighted with
the colour used for high lighting the other parts.
Fig. 49.—This consists of a species of
dragon, having the head, neck, and wings of
a bird, and the body of a wild beast. He
supports a Norman shield, the “fess” or centre
part displaying a Maltese cross.
In painting this ornament, first get a correct
outline of the whole; then mix up two or three
tints of the colour you design painting it,
having a pencil for each, and a clean pencil Fig. 49.
for blending the edges, so that no hard lines
may appear at the junction of the different
colours. Lay on the shaded portions first, then the half lights, keeping
them subdued in tone, so as to allow for the finishing touches
showing clear and distinct.
On a claret-colour panel the whole may be painted in different
hues of purple and red. On a dark blue panel, varying shades of blue
lighter than the groundwork, and so with other colours. The shaded
portion must be distinct, and gradually connected with the lighter
portions by light tints of the shading colour.
Or the dragon may be painted grey, the high lights with the same
colour warmed up with yellow; the outline of the shield in gold; the
upper division, a light cobalt blue; the lower division, a pale orange;
the cross, brown, shaded with asphaltum; the wreath, blue and
white; and the flying ribbon and leafing in gold.
CHAPTER XIII.
LINING AND TRIMMING.

This is a department which requires great taste as well as skill. The
interior of a carriage should be lined with cloth and silk, or cloth and
morocco, with laces specially manufactured for the purpose. The
colours should correspond to or harmonise with the painting. Light
drab, or fawn colour, used to be a very general colour for the linings
of close carriages, such as broughams, because they at once
afforded relief to and harmonised with any dark colour that might
have been selected for the painting. But a severe simplicity of taste
has prevailed of late years in this country, and the linings of the
carriages have been made mostly dark in colour to correspond to the
colour of the painting. This is often carried to such an extreme as to
present an appearance of sameness and tastelessness. It is no
uncommon thing, for instance, to see a brougham painted dark
green, striped with black lines, and lined with dark green cloth and
morocco, with plain laces to correspond. This to us appears to be
only one degree removed from a mourning coach, and it will be a
great pity if such a taste prevails. On the other hand, violent
contrasts outrage all principles of good taste. Morocco and cloth, or
silk and cloth, of the same colour as the paint may be used for the
linings, but, as the painting should be relieved by lines that
harmonise with it, so should the linings be relieved by the laces and
tufts, which are intended to give life and character to it.
Landau Back, Quarter, and Fall.

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Textbook Changes in Inequality of Educational Opportunity Pia Nicoletta Blossfeld Ebook All Chapter PDF

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Changes in Inequality of Educational

Opportunity Pia Nicoletta Blossfeld

Educational Research Discourses of Change and Changes

Education as a Lifelong Process The German National

Educational Justice: Liberal Ideals, Persistent

Changes in Population Inequality and Human Capital

Visually Situated Language Comprehension Pia Knoeferle

Philosophy in Reality: A New Book of Changes Joseph E.

Pleiadian Earth Energy Astrology Charting the Spirals

Event History Analysis with Stata 2nd Edition Hans-

Dissertation University of Oxford, United Kingdom, 2017

ISBN 978-3-658-22521-6 ISBN 978-3-658-22522-3 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018945187

Printed on acid-free paper

It is my pleasure to have the opportunity to thank a great number of mentors and

Pia Nicoletta Blossfeld

4 Expansion of the Transition to Upper Secondary School and Its

5.3.1 Dropping out of the General Education System without any

6.3.4 Changes in Vocational Training and Higher Education across

Figure 2-1: The East German educational system before German

without any further vocational training/school qualification,

Table 3-1: Changes across birth cohorts in the proportion of parents

Table 6-1: Binary and multinomial logistic regressions for the

Table A.1-8: Association between parental education and the transition

© Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2018

In this chapter, I provide an overview on relevant theoretical perspectives from

2.1 The Life Course Perspective

© Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2018

2.2 The Five Principles of Life Course Research

2.3 Social Origin Resources

2.4 Educational Decisions

2.4.1 Boudon’s Primary and Secondary Effects

2.4.2 The Integration of Boudon’s Primary and Secondary Effects into a

U= utility of staying on in education;

Children from higher classes dispose of more economic resources. Therefore,

Varnish is subject to various changes after having been applied to

Crests and Heraldic Bearings.

Fig. 46.—Outline the garter

LINING AND TRIMMING.

Landau Back, Quarter, and Fall.

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