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i
Interpreting Epidemiologic
Evidence
ii
iii
Interpreting Epidemiologic
Evidence
Connecting Research to Applications
Second Edition
David A. Savitz
and
Gregory A. Wellenius
1
iv
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
This material is not intended to be, and should not be considered, a substitute
for medical or other professional advice. Treatment for the conditions described
in this material is highly dependent on the individual circumstances. And, while this
material is designed to offer accurate information with respect to the subject matter
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being revised continually, with new side effects recognized and accounted for regularly.
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of any of the contents of this material
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by WebCom, Inc., Canada
v
Contents
Preface xi
1. Introduction 1
Synopsis 1
Learning Objectives 1
Perspective 1
Approach to the Evaluation of Evidence 3
Organization of Book 4
vi Contents
v ii Contents
viii Contents
ix Contents
Index 211
x
xi
Preface
The expectations for epidemiology as a tool to help guide our individual and collec-
tive choices to improve human health have markedly increased since the first edi-
tion of this book was published in 2003. Epidemiologic methods have continued to
improve, with more sophisticated and formal approaches to assessing causality, and
the realms of application have expanded, with a much greater emphasis on using epi-
demiology to inform not just behaviors and environmental and public health policy
but also health services and clinical medicine.
The fundamental goal for the book remains unchanged: provide guidance for
making sound judgments regarding the inferences that are warranted by the prod-
ucts of epidemiologic research. This judgment requires a balance in recognizing the
considerable power of epidemiology, the study of human experience in the real world,
with its many pitfalls, calling for careful, objective reasoning. The intent of this book
is to provide guidance in the art of interpretation, seeking a methodical and objec-
tive assessment of epidemiologic evidence. One of the most difficult connections for
those new to the field (and even for experienced investigators) is reconciling the tech-
nical aspects of research methods with their application to real-world challenges.
In the course of training and the ever-growing depth and breadth of epidemiologic
technology, we need to reemerge at some point to apply what we have learned in order
to extract the appropriate message to relay to the consumers of our research as well
as to colleagues who are less familiar with the topic. The use of this book requires
grounding in fundamental epidemiologic methods, at least a solid introductory level
course, but not necessarily command of advanced quantitative methods.
The new edition was revised with several specific improvements in mind. We
strived to make it more useful to a broader audience, including public health prac-
titioners, physicians and other health professionals concerned with evidence-based
practice, and experts in health policy and healthcare, for whom a second course fol-
lowing introductory epidemiology may well be their final one. Many of our readers
may never be expected to independently design or conduct epidemiologic studies,
yet they will clearly be making use of epidemiologic evidence quite extensively in the
course of their professions.
For those pursuing doctoral degrees in epidemiology and likely to go on to design
and conduct studies as well as use the information obtained, the challenges of in-
terpretation and application should be introduced periodically through training to
complement courses in quantitative and conceptual methods at the intermediate or
advanced level. Delving deeply into quantitative methods for several years without
resurfacing to assess what it all means can perpetuate an unhealthy separation of the
xi
xii
xii Preface
technology from its purpose. Including the material in this book at some point in the
quantitative methods course sequence may help to prevent methodologic knowledge
from becoming untethered to its purpose. We have had some experience in present-
ing this material to both audiences—students that have completed the full methods
course sequence and those who were in a second course following an introduction to
the field—and this second edition is intended to continue and improve our ability to
serve these two audiences.
We have made a number of significant changes to make the book more useful as
a course text, not just a reference, providing a synopsis and learning objectives at the
beginning of the chapters and discussion questions for consideration at the end of
the chapters. The intent is for each chapter to provide an orientation to the distinctive
issues that should be considered in addressing a particular challenge in interpreta-
tion, for example, assessing the impact of exposure measurement error, and use ex-
amples from the literature to draw out thoughtful discussion of the issue. In that way,
those who are interested in a particular application of epidemiology, for example, for
environmental regulation or clinical guidelines, could choose articles for the discus-
sion that are salient to that specific audience.
Another important feature of the revision is to draw on important and useful
methodologic developments that have occurred over the years since the first edition
was published. The intent is not to provide a menu of intellectually exciting new con-
cepts and tools, but to selectively zero in on those that have the most immediate
value in refining interpretation and application. The repertoire of quantitative and
conceptual tools in epidemiology is vast and well reflected in excellent texts (par-
ticularly Modern Epidemiology, 3rd edition; Rothman et al., 2008), but not all of
those tools are commonly needed to answer the question, “What have we learned
about this issue from epidemiology?” or “How credible are the findings?” We drew
selectively on the technology based on our assessment of the frequency with which
the tool will be useful and the ability to internalize the methodological principle for
routine application.
A dimension of the book that has been strengthened is the relationship between
the attempt to apply epidemiologic findings and the need for new research to expand
knowledge. When we try to use epidemiology to answer an important practical ques-
tion and understand the specific ways in which it falls short, we have defined the
frontier for new studies. The more effectively we can pinpoint why the current evi-
dence falls short, the closer we are to being able to specify the studies that would fill
the gap. There is a growing impatience with epidemiology, a desire to more quickly
inform critical decisions, and we have emphasized the connection between applica-
tions, identification of shortcomings, and the research agenda. This strategy should
be useful to those who set research agendas at the institutional level as well as indi-
vidual investigators who need to argue ever more persuasively in grant proposals for
the importance of initiating new studies.
A component of “application” that has been given more emphasis and a new chap-
ter concerns communication with a variety of nontechnical audiences. That would
include policy makers, the media, attorneys, and more generally, the educated public.
xiii
x iii Preface
Refining our ability to be the bridge between the arcane world of epidemiologic re-
search and the needs and even just curiosity of others would serve the discipline
of epidemiology and society well. Perhaps the most demanding and complete level
of understanding is the ability to accurately convey the state of the science to a lay
audience, and the tools and concepts provided here are intended to strengthen that
capability.
The overarching goal is to draw on and internalize epidemiologic methods to the
point that they become part of our instinctive approach to research—developing epi-
demiologic “common sense.” The separation between the world of complex tools and
jargon, on the one hand, and the way thoughtful people function in the real world,
on the other, can be substantial. When we are talking with a trusted colleague or an
informed friend and they ask, “What’s really going on with X?” or “Should I make
changes in my life based on the research?” we distill a large body of evidence to come
to the bottom line. This book is intended to make that distillation as thoughtful,
informed, transparent, and valid as possible. To put it in its most ambitious form,
the goal is to help readers to develop wisdom in evaluating epidemiologic research.
Reference
Rothman KJ, Lash TL, Greenland S. Modern Epidemiology, 3rd edition. Philadelphia: Lippin
cott, Williams & Wilkins, 2008.
xiv
1
1
Introduction
SYNOPSIS
This chapter provides an introduction to this book’s approach to examining
and interpreting epidemiologic evidence. A distinction is drawn between an
approach that uses formal rules or guidelines and a more nuanced interpreta-
tion based on specific methodologic concerns bearing on a particular study. It
previews the themes the book addresses to assess the validity of epidemiologic
studies for drawing causal inferences, and describes the way the book has been
organized for that purpose.
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
• Become oriented to the art and process of applying methodological principles
to the evaluation of the quality and implications of epidemiologic evidence.
• Appreciate the value and the challenges in using the full array of methodo-
logic considerations and subject matter knowledge to reach an integrated
judgment.
PERSPECTIVE
This book was written both for those who generate epidemiologic research (the
producers) as for those who make use of it (the consumers). In either case, a basic
understanding of epidemiologic principles is necessary at the outset. We will not
introduce novel methods or assume an extensive background in advanced quantita-
tive techniques. The material is intended for those who wish to make the transition
from viewing epidemiology as a purely academic exercise to a means of making wise
decisions about health drawing on epidemiologic evidence, including public health
practitioners, healthcare providers, risk assessors, policy analysts, and laboratory sci-
entists in such disciplines as toxicology or microbiology. The ability to intelligently
characterize the certainty of our knowledge or the strength of the evidence for or
against a specific hypothesis can be of great value to those who must make judgments
among policy alternatives. Where the scientific evidence is incomplete, as it almost
always is, applying the principles presented in this book will not bring certainty or
end controversy, but the approaches we describe will yield a more informed, objec-
tive assessment of the underlying reasons for ambiguity and convey a sense of the
1
2
Box 1.1 Bradford Hill Criteria for Assessing Causality (Hill, 1965)
Strength of association: The larger the association, the more likely that it is to be
causal.
Consistency: Observing the same association in different populations and settings
makes it more likely the association is causal.
Specificity: If there is a single disease associated with the exposure it is more likely to
be causal than if many, unrelated diseases are associated with exposure.
Temporality: The exposure must precede the disease for it to be causal.
Biological gradient: A larger amount of should cause a higher incidence of disease.
Plausibility: A biological pathway that could explain a link between exposure and
disease supports causality.
Coherence: Convergent evidence from both epidemiological and laboratory findings
increases the likelihood of causality.
Experiment: Where feasible, experimental evidence linking exposure to disease sup-
ports causality.
Analogy: A causal effect of exposure is supported by evidence that similar exposures
cause the disease.
3
3 Introduction
how to identify the key considerations, and most importantly, offer a variety of strat-
egies to determine whether a potential methodologic problem is likely to be influ-
ential, and if so, what magnitude and direction of influence it may have. The critical
distinction is between what might occur and a judgment about how likely it is to have
affected the results in a material way. The methodologic literature, particularly the
recent synthesis by Rothman et al. (2008), provides the starting point for that evalua-
tion. This book applies methodological principles in specific and practical ways to the
assessment of research findings in an effort to help reach sound judgments.
The fundamental questions about study validity and bias apply to individual re-
ports, so that the approach described in this book can be applied to ask the question
of how much confidence we should place in a particular finding, what the sources of
uncertainty are and how likely they are to have had a material effect on the results.
As we expand the source of information from a single study to a collection of studies,
we have the opportunity to learn from patterns of methods and results. The results
of one study can help to inform the interpretation of another, for example, where a
particular study addresses a potential source of confounding and the insights re-
garding confounding can improve our assessment of the potential for confounding
in another study. As discussed in detail in chapter 13, a set of studies pertaining to a
given topic provides an enhanced opportunity to assess a possible causal relationship
and biases.
ORGANIZATION OF BOOK
The book has been organized to the extent possible in the order that issues arise.
Chapter 2 sets the stage for evaluating epidemiologic evidence by clarifying the ex-
pected product of epidemiologic research, defining the benchmark against which
studies can be judged. A new chapter addresses causal modeling as a means of clear
expression of hypothesized causal relationships to be evaluated through epidemio-
logic research, focusing particularly on directed acyclic graphs (DAGs) (chapter 3).
Next, we propose an overall strategy and philosophy for considering the quality of
epidemiologic research findings (chapter 4).
Confounding is fundamental to interpreting epidemiology; c hapter 5 provides a
conceptual orientation and c hapter 6 focuses on practical approaches to evaluating
confounding. Selection bias has distinctive manifestations in cohort (chapter 7) and
case-control (chapter 8) studies. The specific pathway of selection bias resulting from
loss of study participants is so ubiquitous and important that it calls for a separate
chapter (chapter 9). Measurement error in both exposure (chapter 10) and disease
(chapter 11) is addressed next. A discussion of random error follows the discussion
of systematic biases (chapter 12). Specific issues arising in the interpretation of a set
of studies are considered in chapter 13, and the final chapter addresses the descrip-
tion and communication of conclusions (chapter 14). The order of the chapters was
chosen with some care, moving from the framework to confounding as a central
principle and concern, through specific biases, and then back to a broader perspec-
tive. Nonetheless, the chapters are largely freestanding, referring to one another but
5
5 Introduction
not demanding that the reader retain knowledge from the earlier ones to be able to
understand the later ones.
References
2
The Nature of Epidemiologic Evidence
SYNOPSIS
Assessing the contribution of epidemiologic studies starts with an appreciation
of the goal. In addition to a purely descriptive goal of characterizing disease in
the population, we are often interested in quantifying the causal relationship
between exposure and disease. Study methods and results are scrutinized to
assess the extent to which that goal has been attained. The causal question
can be somewhat challenging to define clearly but should involve some hypo-
thetically modifiable influence on disease to yield practically useful informa-
tion. While epidemiology can contribute to the ultimate goals of improving
health or guiding policy, this cannot be defined as the goal for epidemiologic
research, as it can only do so in combination with other lines of scientific evi-
dence, ultimately dependent on practical considerations as well.
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
• Recognize the connection between the goals of epidemiologic research,
quantifying the causal relation between exposure and disease, and the study
design, execution, results, and interpretation.
• Understand the role of epidemiology in guiding policy and improving
health in the context of other lines of scientific evidence and nonscientific
considerations.
• Be able to provide an evaluation of epidemiologic evidence tailored to differ-
ent audiences and varying applications.
• Recognize the strengths and limitations of epidemiology as a discipline rela-
tive to other scientific approaches to assessing causal relationships between
exposure and disease.
7
8
Study execution involves the implementation of the design that was selected. This
includes constituting the study population, which may involve recruitment, ascertain-
ment through records, sampling, or other means of engaging the study participants.
Information may be ascertained on those study participants on the exposures, out-
comes, and covariates (potential confounders or effect modifiers) through a variety of
means such as records (paper or electronic), interviews, clinical examinations, biological
assessments, or environmental monitoring. The effectiveness at this stage is combined
with the soundness of the design to determine the validity of the results that are gener-
ated. Even with an optimal design, if the study execution falls short through such famil-
iar pitfalls as unsuccessful recruitment of participants or poor quality measurement of
key information, the validity of the results will suffer. On the other hand, an elegantly
executed but poorly conceived study will also suffer from loss of validity. An apt but
unoriginal guiding principle is that “If it’s not worth doing, it’s not worth doing well.”
Clarity of results refers to the degree to which the results generate a simple story,
internally consistent and easily summarized. This would be the case when a study is
clearly positive, with strong associations, dose-response gradients, demonstrably free
of confounding, and so forth. Or it may mean that the results are unambiguously null.
This is not under the control of the investigator, and the temptation to present mixed
or ambiguous results as clear and convincing should be avoided. A good design and
execution of the study may assure validity but does not guarantee that the data will
cooperate and yield clear information, nor does a flawed study design or execution
mean that the results will be ambiguous in appearance. Much of this book pertains to
thoughtful, informative approaches to characterizing ambiguous evidence.
The final step determining the success of epidemiologic research is to ask whether
it contributes meaningfully to applications that ultimately yield improvements to
public health. Strong research methods and even clear results do not guarantee that
the information will yield benefit to policy makers that translates into improved
health outcomes. Falling short in the earlier steps clearly precludes that possibility,
however. One of the themes in this book is that with a sound study design and effec-
tive study execution, the results, even if inconclusive, should still be contributory to
policy applications. Ambiguous, even internally inconsistent findings, if based on ap-
propriate methods, provide evidence that policy makers should take into account. By
delving more deeply into the evidence to understand it and communicate it clearly,
policy decisions are certain to be wiser.
Epidemiology, like all scientific disciplines, benefits from scrutiny and criticism.
That provides the basis for improvements in the methods of our discipline and
strengthens the quality of the research that results. However, there are reasons to
resist looking to public health impact as the definitive criterion for evaluating re-
search, particularly individual studies. This may seem defensive—particularly as the
ultimate goal of epidemiologic research is in fact public health benefit—but we have
to focus on measurable, attainable indicators of success as the building blocks that
lead to improved health. Generating valid results informing important substantive
questions is sufficiently ambitious and a more honest representation of what epide-
miology has to offer. Overreaching into claims that such research “improves health”
10
not only sets the bar beyond what is attainable but also has some unintended adverse
consequences for both the field of epidemiology and policymaking in public health.
While epidemiology is a powerful approach to understanding and improving
health, we must guard against epidemiologic chauvinism that undervalues other re-
search approaches that inform policy as well as important considerations unrelated
to research such as ethics and politics. Focusing on “improving health” as the goal
of epidemiologic research may tempt investigators to overinterpret or underinterpret
their data rather than seeking to provide the clearest, most unbiased interpretation at-
tainable. Beyond the unquestionable desire for researchers to exaggerate the certainty
of their findings to elevate the stature of the study, upgrade the journal in which it
appears, and thus advance their careers, the ostensibly altruistic motive of improv-
ing public health can also intrude on objectivity. Researchers need to focus single-
mindedly on generating valid information and communicating that information
clearly, not exaggerating or downplaying results to “help” reach the “right” decision.
The most profound, lasting contributions from epidemiology come from carefully de-
signed and executed studies addressing well-chosen topics, properly analyzed, and
explained to researchers and policy makers in an articulate and unbiased manner.
At the other extreme, the bar for successful epidemiologic research can be set
so low that success is guaranteed even if there is little actual value to the product.
We could define the goal of epidemiology as the mechanical process of gathering
and analyzing data and generating statistical results, such as odds ratios or regres-
sion coefficients, divorced from potential inferences and applications. Theoretical
and logistical challenges disappear one by one as the benchmark is lowered suc-
cessively. If a study’s intent is defined as assessment of the association between
the boxes checked on a questionnaire and the reading on the dial of a machine for
those individuals who are willing to provide the information, then success can be
guaranteed. We can undoubtedly locate pencils, get some people to check boxes,
find a machine that will give a reading, and calculate measures of association.
Focusing on the mechanical process of the research is conservative and modest,
traits valued by scientists, and averts the criticism that comes when we attempt to
make broader inferences from the data. While in no way denigrating the impor-
tance of study execution (sharp pencils may actually help to reduce errors in coding
and data entry!), these mechanical components are only a means to the more in-
teresting and challenging end of extending knowledge that has the potential for
biomedical and societal benefit.
At a slightly less ridiculously low level of aspiration, expectations for epidemi-
ology are sometimes couched in such vague terms as “measuring statistical asso-
ciations” or “producing leads,” recognizing that scientific advances typically require
corroborative research from other disciplines, often basic biomedical or clinical sci-
ences. Convergent evidence from multiple disciplines is essential in many cases and
always valuable, but the suggestion that epidemiology only sets the stage for others
is mistaken. Appropriately ambitious epidemiologic studies should be pursued and
held to a high standard, not evading our responsibility through lowering expecta-
tions. Epidemiologists can and do go well beyond making agnostic statements about
11
challenges to inferring causality, and focusing on only one (albeit an important one)
distorts the evidence. The cliché that “epidemiologists study associations, experi-
mental sciences study causation” is wrong on both accounts.
With measurement of causal relations as the goal, assessment of epidemiologic
evidence focuses on the aspects of study design, conduct, and analysis that may in-
troduce distortion or enhance the accuracy of measurement. We work to identify
and eliminate, where possible, causes of deviation between what we measure and
the causal relationship of interest. Error, a deviation between the measured result
and the true causal relation between exposure and disease, arises from both random
and systematic processes. There is no fundamental distinction between accurately
measuring a null association and any other association, despite the framework of
statistical hypothesis testing that focuses on the deviation (or lack thereof) between
the study results and those predicted under the null hypothesis. The null hypothesis
or lack of association is just another possible state of nature that a valid study seeks to
identify. Measurement of a causal relation between exposure and disease focuses on
the quantitative index that characterizes the strength of association, which can be a
ratio or difference measure, or a regression coefficient in which disease is the depen-
dent variable, but a p-value is not a quantitative measure of a potential causal effect.
Causal inference would be easier if there were a simple algorithm for doing so
accurately, but there is no methodical process that generates a definitive (or even
a probabilistic) conclusion. Despite not having been designed for that purpose, the
Bradford Hill considerations for inferring causality are sometimes used in that
manner (Hill, 1965). Neither those nor any other algorithmic approach will lead to
an unambiguous conclusion regarding the extent to which the measured association
accurately reflects the magnitude of the causal relationship of interest. In practice, a
series of uncertainties preclude doing so with great confidence, with the list of alter-
native explanations limited only by the imagination of critics. Judgment regarding
whether a particular alternative explanation has truly been eliminated (or confirmed)
is itself subjective. Hypotheses of bias may be more directly testable than the hypoth-
esis of causality, but they remain challenging to definitively prove or disprove. The
culmination of the examination of candidate contributors to bias is a judgment of
how plausible or strong the distortion is likely to be and how confidently such an as-
sertion can be made rather than a simple dichotomy of present or absent. Thus, the
answer to the ultimate question of whether the reported association correctly mea-
sures the etiologic relationship will at best be “maybe,” with the goal of accurately
characterizing where the evidence fits within that spectrum.
Epidemiology is well suited to address a wide range of exposures and diseases,
not just the prototypic chemical or drug causing a well-defined disease. Exposure
includes any potential disease determinant, encompassing age, gender, time period,
social conditions, geographic location, and healthcare in addition to more conven-
tional individual exposures such as diet, stress, or exposure to chemical pollutants.
Conceptually, there is an important difference between potential disease determi-
nants that are clearly modifiable at least in principle (exposure to exogenous agents
such as chemicals or microorganisms, behaviors such as tobacco use or physical
13
activity, social conditions such as poverty or discrimination) and those that are
not. Nonmodifiable characteristics include traits such as sex, age, and ethnicity as
well as geographic setting and time period. Conceptually it may be of interest to
contemplate the causal effect of such nonmodifiable attributes in the abstract (e.g.,
“What if the Hispanics in our study had instead been Anglo?”) to understand the
etiologic process, but the public health value may not always be so clear. Observing
patterns of risk in relation to nonmodifiable factors can, of course, suggest etiologic
hypotheses regarding modifiable risk factors. Insofar as we find differences associ-
ated with Hispanic ethnicity, for example, we might ask about an etiologic impact of
discrimination, cultural practices, healthcare, or other modifiable determinants of
the observed pattern. Anticipating the application of what we learn can help to refine
the study goals so we are not just examining the effect of “sex” or “race” on disease
but rather seeking to understand the effect of levels of steroid hormones or racism,
potentially modifiable influences.
More subtle is the distinction between endogenous attributes, which may be inter-
mediate on the pathway from exposure to disease, and their exogenous determinants.
Body mass index (BMI) is modifiable, of course, but we cannot envision a hypothetical
experiment in which BMI is assigned randomly. We can readily conceive of studies in
which diet and physical activity are randomly assigned, with consequences for BMI,
but not BMI itself. Epidemiologic studies of theoretically modifiable determinants are
conceptually clearer and of greater public health value than those in which the expo-
sure is only indirectly related to a potential cause of disease. Focusing on causal effects
helps to anchor the research on questions of practical value in improving health.
Similarly, disease is used as shorthand for all health conditions of interest, includ-
ing clinical disease, disability, physiologic alterations, and social disorder. To fit within
the framework of epidemiologic inquiry applied in this book, the health measure
should be of some ultimate clinical or public health relevance. We would probably ex-
clude from the scope of epidemiology efforts to predict cigarette brand preference, for
example, even though it is important to public health, or voting patterns or migration,
for example, even though the tools used by marketing researchers, political scientists,
and sociologists are very similar to those of epidemiologists. Once the realm of health
is defined, exposure constitutes everything that potentially influences it.
The exposures and diseases we wish to study are often abstract constructs that
cannot be directly measured. Thus, the data that are collected for study are not direct
assessments of the exposure and disease but only operational measures based on
available tools such as questionnaires, biological measurements, and findings from
physical examination. Some such measures come closer than others to capturing the
condition or event of ultimate interest. Nevertheless, it is important to keep in mind
that the operational measures are not the entities of interest themselves (e.g., deposi-
tion of graphite on a form is not dietary intake, a peak on a mass spectrometer print-
out is not DDT exposure, an income level is not social class), but serve as indirect
indicators of broader, often more abstract, constructs.
A key issue in evaluating epidemiologic evidence is how effectively the opera-
tional definitions approximate the constructs of ultimate interest. The concept of
14
misclassification applies to all the sources of error between the operational measure
and the constructs of interest. The most obvious and easily handled sources of mis-
classification are clerical error or faulty instrumentation, whereas failure to properly
define the relevant constructs, failure to elicit the necessary data to reflect those con-
structs, and assessment of exposure or disease in the wrong time period illustrate
the more subtle and often more important sources of misclassification. Studies can
only yield a measure of association between an operational measure of exposure and
disease, and the nature and magnitude of our ultimate interests and what we actually
achieved calls for careful scrutiny.
More simple cases of the separation of the body into two parts, sexual and
asexual, occur also in some of the Serpulidae. Thus in Filigrana and Salmacina
the generative elements make their appearance in the hinder segments, as they
do throughout the Sabelliformia; and this hinder part of the body separates from
the anterior region after the formation of a new head between the two regions.[336]
Moreover, not only can new segments arise at the hinder end, but a new head
can be formed at the anterior end, as has been observed in worms belonging
to many families—in the less modified Syllidae,[338] in others of the
Nereidiformia, and even in Sabellids, where the greatly specialised gill
filaments can be reproduced. Thus Sir J. Dalyell[339] noted in Dasychone that
the crown of branchiae was regenerated in about a month in springtime, while
in winter the process occupied 116 days. He cut a Dasychone into three
pieces; the hindermost produced a head, the anterior piece developed an
anus, and the middle portion formed both a head and tail!
These regenerated heads are of course at first smaller than the rest of the
body, but soon grow to a normal size. Naturally this extensive power of
regeneration is of extreme value to the Polychaetes, for if a fish or other
enemy bites the head off a worm, a new one can form; and it is not difficult to
see in this the origin of the reproduction by fission as a normal process.
CHAPTER XI
All the many hundreds of species of Polychaetes are marine, with a very few
exceptions, which have been in recent years recorded from fresh (i.e.
drinkable) water, viz. a species of Nereis from a lake in Mingrelia, another
Nereis and a Lumbriconereis from running water in Trinidad,[340] a Sabellid,
Manayunkia speciosa,[341] from Philadelphia; and another Sabellid,
Coabangia,[342] from fresh water at Tonquin, which lives in borings in shells of
Melania; and it is by no means improbable that other fresh-water Polychaetes
exist in Lake Tanganyika in Africa, where a Medusa has recently been
discovered.
The majority of the Polychaetes occur "inshore," that is, between tide-marks
and in shallow water down to 20 fathoms; but they occur at all depths more or
less abundantly, and some have been dredged from depths of more than
3000 fathoms.
The nature of the soil composing the shore has a good deal to do with the
number of worms to be found there; thus in calcareous districts they are fewer
than in places where harder rocks, such as granite, form the shore line, for
the chalk or limestone wears away more quickly, and exposes to destruction
the worms which may have sheltered in its crevices: further, it does not give
so permanent a place of attachment to seaweeds, on which many
Polychaetes feed. The calcareous rocks, too, are more likely to be traversed
by springs of fresh water, which is not to the taste of the worms. The sand
resulting from the destruction of the rocks, whether hard or soft, is of itself
unsuitable to the majority of worms, which are most abundant where mud
containing decaying vegetable matter is mixed with the sand: this, which
gives a firmer consistency to the soil, so that the burrows retain their form
better, supplies food for the burrowers.
General Habits.—The division of the Polychaetes into the "Errantia" or free-
swimming and wandering forms, and "Sedentaria" or tubicolous and
sedentary forms, is a misleading mode of classification, for as a matter of fact
only a comparatively few forms are really free-swimming throughout life; the
majority, even if they do not form definite tubes, burrow galleries for
themselves in the soil, and these burrows are in many cases only rarely left;
this is true of both groups. Amongst the "errant" Polychaetes nearly all the
Eunicidae secrete a parchment-like tube, and some Polynoids form mud
tubes. Among the "sedentary worms" there are forms which merely burrow;
while Myxicola readily leaves its gelatinous tube and swims freely; Pectinaria
carries its house with it as it moves about, and Polycirrus, a Terebellid, does
not form any tube at all.
Amongst the rocks may be found loose stones of different sizes; on lifting
them up, various kinds of worms may be brought to light, according to the
locality, the time of year, the position with respect to the sea, and so on.
Polynoë is pretty sure to be present somewhere near low-tide mark; the
number of species is considerable, and their colouring very varied: but as the
worms have a habit of remaining still on the under surface of the uplifted
stone, the observer may easily overlook them.
Other worms occur below the stones, more or less buried in the sand or mud;
for instance, a small Nereis may be lying in its temporary burrow immediately
underneath, and will at once withdraw from the now injured part of the burrow;
while deeper in the mud or sand, especially in rather highly-smelling mud,
little red worms are abundant, such as Scoloplos, Nerine, Capitella, and
others. By digging near low water one may find Nephthys, Glycera, and
others burrowing or hiding in the soil.
In rock pools, or sandy stretches amongst rocks kept moist and cool by
abundant Fucus, one may see under stones the red or yellow gill filaments of
Cirratulus and of Terebellids protruding from their burrows and tubes, while
other worms are to be met with in clefts of the rocks, and amongst the roots of
Laminaria.
Still farther out, below low-water mark, where one must wade, can be seen
the beautiful branchial crowns of various Sabellids protruding from their tubes;
but care is necessary on approaching these worms, as eyes are, in many
cases, present on the branchiae and a shadow is readily perceived; then the
brightly-coloured tuft disappears, and only a piece of sandy or muddy
cylindrical tubing remains to tell where the Sabella has withdrawn. In order to
obtain the worms one must dig quickly and deeply before they have been
disturbed; for the tube is of considerable length, and the inhabitant withdraws
to the bottom of it. Some of these soft-skinned worms have the power of
boring into hard rocks,[343] though by what means they do so is uncertain.
[344] Polydora ciliata makes a tube of mud projecting from the mouth of U-
shaped galleries in chalk, limestone, shells, and even shale; it has no hard
jaws or other structures sufficient to account for the holes, but it is possible
that the specially strong chaetae on the sixth segment may be of some use in
this work. Other lithodomous worms are Sabella saxicava and Dodecaceria
concharum, which is a common little borer, forming galleries in oyster-shells,
etc.
But the process of tube-making is not a simple one, for in many cases, at
least, the worms exhibit definite powers of choice. Thus some species of
Sabella choose only the very finest particles of mud; Terebella conchilega
chooses fragments of shell and grains of sand; Onuphis conchylega employs
small stones more or less of a size; Sabellaria makes use only of sand grains.
Whilst some worms, like Terebella, Nicomache, and others, make a very
irregular tube, Pectinaria builds a most remarkably neat house, open at each
end, which it carries about with it, the narrow end uppermost (Fig. 152); the
grains of sand are nearly all of the same size and only one layer in thickness,
embedded in abundant "mucus," and with the outer surface quite smooth.
Fig. 153.—The upper end of the tube of Terebella conchilega. Slightly enlarged.
(From M‘Intosh.)
"Let a tall and ample crystal jar containing a Sabella be emptied of its
contents and speedily replenished with sea-water; the animal, if in view, has
retreated during the short interval; the orifice of the tube is closed, all is at
rest. But soon after replenishment it rises, to display its branchial plume still
more vigorously than before, and remains stationary, as if enjoying the
freshness of the renovated element, always so grateful—the harbinger of
health and strength to those whose dwelling is there. The passing spectator
would conclude that he now beholds only a beautiful flower, completely
expanded, inclining towards the light like some of those ornaments of nature
decorating our gardens. He pauses in admiration. But if a drop of liquid mud
falls amidst the element from above, disturbing its purity, then, while the
plume unfolds to its utmost capacity, does the animal commence a slow
revolution, the body also passing around within the tube. Now are the
thousands of cilia fringing the ribs [i.e. the secondary filaments] of the
branchiae discovered to be in vigorous activity, and their office to be
wondrous. A loose muddy mass is soon afterwards visibly accumulating in the
bottom of the funnel; meantime the neck or first segment of the body, rising
unusually high above the orifice of the tube, exhibits two trowels beating down
the thin edge as they fold and clasp over the margin, like our fingers pressing
a flattened cake against the palm of the hand. [This refers to the lappets of
the peristomial collar.] During these operations muddy collections are seen
descending between the roots of the fans [right and left gills] towards the
trowels, while another organ, perhaps the mouth, is also occupied, it may be,
in compounding the preparation with adhesive matter. Still does the partial or
complete revolution of the plume above, and of the body within the tube,
continue; the bulk of the muddy mass diminishes, activity abates; it is
succeeded by repose, when the tube is found to have received evident
prolongation."
Fig. 154.—Terebella conchilega Pall. Upper end of the tube (s) showing the
anterior end of the worm. h, Its head; t, tentacles collecting sand grains (y)
in their grooves; x, sand grains in mouth of worm; f, filamentous fringe of
tube. (After Watson.)
The majority of worms are solitary, but there are a few instances of social
worms—not that there is any co-operation or distribution of labour amongst
the individuals, but they merely occur together in quantities; thus the sandy
tubes of Sabellaria may form compact masses of several cubic feet, which,
left uncovered by the receding tide, look like rocks upon the shore; as, for
instance, at Paignton and Torquay. Filigrana implexa and Serpula uncinata
similarly intertwine their calcareous tubes to form masses.
Whereas most worms live at the bottom of the sea, at various depths, a few
are to be found at the surface. Purely pelagic habits are confined to a few
families, viz. Tomopteridae, Typhloscolecidae, and the Alciopids and others
amongst the Phyllodocidae; though Nectochaeta, one of the Polynoidae, and
Ophryotrocha, one of the Eunicidae, are modified for this mode of life.[349]
Several genera become pelagic during the breeding season. All these forms
are excellent swimmers, and many of them are transparent.
When seen in the living and healthy condition, however, these Polychaete
worms vie with the very butterflies in their brilliant and beautiful colourings,
and though our own worms are not lacking in beauty, many tropical and
southern forms exceed them in gayness of tint. Bright reds, orange, yellows,
greens, blues, rich violets, and sombre browns are all displayed.[351]
The handsome Terebella nebulosa of our own coasts is coloured bright red,
sprinkled with white spots. Nicomache lumbricalis is pink, with red girdles.
Eunicids are frequently red or brown, and the red gills along each side,
together with a brilliant iridescence, render these worms very beautiful.
Nereids present a great range of coloration, from light green to sundry tints of
brown and red in various combinations. Amongst the Serpulids our common
S. vermicularis is a very showy little worm, with its orange body, its red gills
splashed with orange, and its orange operculum streaked with red; and a
Southern form, Placostegus coeruleus, occurring at the Cape of Good Hope,
is provided with beautiful lavender-blue gills. Our own Sabellids present
examples of beautiful markings on the gills, in different colours or in different
shades of the same colour. Amongst Polynoids, P. leucohyba, from the
Antilles, has blue elytra; Hemilepidia erythrotaenia, a long worm from the
Cape of Good Hope, has the anterior end of its body covered with light blue
elytra, whilst the uncovered part is orange, with a broad magenta-red band
along the dorsal surface.
The Phyllodocids are mostly very brightly coloured. The common P.
lamelligera of our coast has a bluish-green body, with olive-green parapodia;
but Lopadorhynchus erythrophyllum, from Jamaica, has a blue body with red
parapodia; whilst Notophyllum myriacyclum has a brown body with
longitudinal dark-brown stripes and yellow parapodia. Both these worms live
in coral reefs, where brilliancy of colour is one of the characteristic features of
the fauna. Other worms are of various shades of green: the dark green
Arenicola with red gills; the bright green Eulalia viridis; the deep green
Amphinome smaragdina, from Jamaica; Gnathosyllis diplodonta, with its
green and yellow body, serve as examples.
The production of the light in these various forms is apparently due to two
different processes. In some cases, e.g. Chaetopterus, Syllids, Terebellids, it
appears to be due to the oxidation of certain cell contents which are
discharged more or less freely on irritation of the nerves; whilst in Polynoids
the phenomenon is due to some purely nervous process, for the elytra have
no glands, but are provided with ganglia and a nervous network.
In the case of deep-sea forms, it is an interesting fact that the intestines are
not unfrequently crammed with Radiolaria and Foraminifera in a fairly fresh,
uninjured condition, indicating that these Rhizopods do not merely sink to the
bottom, but must actually live there.[355]
The economic purposes to which Polychaetes are put are few; they are
used either as bait for fishes or as food for man.
One of the commonest baits used for certain fish, as all who have done any
sea-fishing off the piers of our coasts know, is the common lug-worm
(Arenicola marina), whilst Nephthys caeca and Nereis fucata are also used in
some places; and for whiting Nereis cultrifera and N. diversicolor. Marphysa
sanguinea, known to the fishermen in some parts as "varme," is less
frequently used.
As for species, it can be said generally that the different oceanic areas and
even different coasts present different species, but we know practically
nothing of variation amongst Polychaeta, and many so called species may be
mere local varieties, for frequently the descriptions of "new species" are
scarcely intelligible. At any rate we know that certain species occur at widely
separated localities, for two or three species of Polynoids occur in Japan, and
again at Dinard on the French coast. A considerable number of species are
common to both sides of the North Atlantic ocean, having been obtained off
Norway and in the Gulf of the St. Lawrence. A few of these which are
common on our coasts may be enumerated:—Nereis pelagica, Nicomache
lumbricalis, Glycera capitata, Thelepus cincinnatus, Scoloplos armiger,
Sabella pavonia, Ophelia limacina, Aphrodite aculeata, Trophonia plumosa,
Polynoë squamata, Capitella capitata, Sthenelais limicola.
The "deep-sea" forms are chiefly tubicolous, and since these tubes are fixed
and partially embedded in the bottom, probably comparatively few are
brought up. Some genera occur at very great depths; thus the Terebellid
Leaena abyssorum and the Serpulid Placostegus benthalianus were brought
up from 3125 fathoms—the greatest depth from which Polychaetes were
obtained by H.M.S. "Challenger"; and it is interesting to note that species of
each of these two genera occur in shallow water, the Serpulid being
represented in our own coast fauna by P. tricuspidata.
Amongst our own fauna, a few examples may be given of the "replacement of
species."[361] The littoral Sthenelais boa is represented by S. limicola in
deeper water; Sabellaria alveolata by S. spinulosa; Polynoë imbricata by
several deep-water species. Similarly with genera: the littoral Pomatoceros is
replaced by Serpula in deeper water; and the Hesionid Psamathe by Castalia.
Fig. 159.—Eunicites avitus Ehl. A fossil worm from the lithographic slate of
Solenhofen: the jaws are seen in front, and the acicula along each side.
(From Ehlers.) Natural size.
Amongst the Nereidiformia the remains are fewer, but the acicula and the
hard jaws are preserved in certain rocks, and can be referred to existing
families. Eunicites avitus[363] is represented by a double series of acicula,
indicating the parapodia of the two sides; and by remains of both upper and
lower jaws (Fig. 159). Four different species of the worm have been described
from the lithographic slate of Bavaria, of Jurassic age; and several upper jaws
of other Eunicids have been discovered in the Palaeozoic beds of Canada
and Scotland, and have received the names Lumbriconereites, Oenonites,
and Arabellites, in reference to their nearest allies amongst living genera.
There are, however, numerous remains, in the forms of tracks or casts, in the
earlier rocks, which have been referred to the Polychaeta. The names
Crossopodia, Myrianites, Nereites, Phyllodocites, have been given to some of
these traces, though they are open to numerous other interpretations. Some
of the "tracks" are similar to those made by living Crustacea in walking over
wet sand; others appear to be the casts of some animals. Tubular burrows in
rocks or fossils, some straight, others U-shaped, have received such names
as Arenicolites, Scolithus, Histioderma; whilst under the name Lumbricaria
certain cylindrical, coiled structures, resembling worm "castings," are met with
in this same lithographic stone of Solenhofen. Many of the tubes referred to
Polychaetes by the earlier palaeontologists have been transferred to other
groups; thus Cornulites is now believed to be a Pteropod shell.
This very meagre geological record is quite insufficient to form any basis for a
phylogeny of the group. And this poor supply of remains is not surprising,
when we consider the soft nature of the tissues, the absence, in the majority
of families, of skeleton and of other parts which could have been fossilised;
yet we might have expected a greater abundance of fossilised jaws than is
represented at present. But it must be borne in mind that the conditions of life
of these soft-bodied animals are not conducive to their leaving abundant
fossilised remains.
CHAPTER XII