Constantinople and its Hinterland

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CONSTANTINOPLE AND
ITS HINTERLAND
Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies

Publications
3
 CONSTANTINOPLE AND
ITS HINTERLAND

Papers from the Twenty-seventh Spring Symposium of

Byzantine Studies, Oxford, April 1993

Edited by Cyril Mango and Gilbert Dagron

with the assistance of Geoffrey Greatrex

Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
LONDON AND NEW YORK

VARIORUM
1995
 First published 1995 by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2016 by Routledge

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business

Copyright © 1995 by the Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies Hon.
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British Library CIP Data
Constantinople and its Hinterland: Papers from the
Twenty-seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies,
Oxford, April 1993.
(Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies: no. 3)
I. Mango, Cyril. II. Dagron, Gilbert. III. Series.
949.618

U.S. Library of Congress CIP Data

Constantinople and its Hinterland: Papers from the
Twenty-seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies,
Oxford, April 1993/edited by Gilbert Dagron & Cyril Mango,
p. cm. — English and French. Includes bibliographical
references. ISBN 0-86078-487 8
1. Istanbul (Turkey)—History—To 1453—Congresses.
2. Byzantine Empire—Civilization—Congresses.
I. Dagron, Gilbert. II. Mango, Cyril. III. Title.
IV. Series: Publications (Society for the Promotion of
Byzantine Studies [Great Britain]): 3.
DR729.S67 1995 94-12744
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Typeset by Stanford Desktop Publishing Services, Milton Keynes

SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF BYZANTINE STUDIES - PUBLICATION 3

ISBN 13: 978-0-86078-487-6 (hbk)

 Contents

Preface by Cyril Mango vii

List of Abbreviations ix
1. C. Mango Introduction 1

Section I: The land and its products

2. C. Mango The water supply of Constantinople 9
3. J. Durliat L'approvisionnement de Constantinople 19
4. P. Magdalino The grain supply of Constantinople,
ninth-twelfth centuries 35
5. J. Koder Fresh vegetables for the capital 49
6. G. Dagron Poissons, pêcheurs et poissonniers de
Constantinople 57

Section II: Administration

7. C. Morrisson La diffusion de la monnaie de Constantino-
ple: routes commerciales ou routes
politiques? 77
8. I. Sevcenko Was there totalitarianism in Byzantium?
Constantinople's control over its Asiatic
hinterland in the early ninth century 91

Section III: Defence

9. J.G. Crow The Long Walls of Thrace 109
10. G. Greatrex Procopius and Agathias on the defences
of the Thracian Chersonese 125
11. J.D. Howard-Johnston The siege of Constantinople in 626 131
12. J.F. Haldon Strategies of defence, problems of
security: the garrisons of Constantinople
in the middle Byzantine period 143
13. N. Necipoglu Economic conditions in Constantinople
during the siege of Bayezid I (1394-1402) 157

v
vi CONTENTS

14. M. Balard Constantinople vue par les témoins du

siège de 1453 169

Section IV: Comminications between capital and hinterland

15. C. Foss Nicomedia and Constantinople 181
16. M. Kaplan L'hinterland religieux de Constantinople:
moines et saints de banlieue d'après
l'hagiographie 191
17. J. Lefort Les communications entre
Constantinople et la Bithynie 207

Section V: Inhabitants, colonists, conquerors

18. D. Jacoby The Jews of Constantinople and their
demographic hinterland 221
19. C.A. Maltezou Venetian habitatores, burgenses and
merchants in Constantinople and its
hinterland (twelfth-thirteenth centuries) 233
20. J. Shepard Constantinople - gateway to the north:
the Russians 243

Section VI: Manufacture and export

21. N. Asgari
22. J.-P. Sodini
23. R.B. Mason and
M. Mundell Mango
24. J. Henderson and
M. Mundell Mango
The Proconnesian production of architec-
tural elements in late antiquity, based on
evidence from the marble quarries 263
La sculpture médio-byzantine: le marbre
en ersatz et tel qu'en lui-même 289
Glazed 'Tiles of Nicomedia' in Bithynia,
Constantinople and elsewhere 313
Glass at medieval Constantinople:
preliminary scientific evidence 333

Section VII: Cultural relations

25. M.-Fr. Auzépy Les déplacements de l'empereur dans
la ville et ses environs (VIIIe-Xe siècles) 359
26. D. Feissel Aspects de l'immigration à Constantinople
d'après les épitaphes protobyzantines 367
27. I. Hutter Scriptoria in Bithynia 379
28. P. Karlin-Hayter A note on bishops, saints and proximity
to Constantinople 397
Index 411
 Preface

The papers collected in this volume were presented at the twenty-seventh

Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies held at Oxford 2-6 April 1993 under
the Honorary Presidency of H.M. Queen Sophia of Spain. As invariably
happens on such occasions the organisers' initial intentions could not be
fully translated into the published product. Some invited speakers were
unable to come; others chose to withhold their contributions for further con-
sideration or publish them elsewhere; certain topics designated for treatment
found no interpreters. We can only hope that this volume will prove both
useful and stimulating while assuring critics that we are not unaware of
the lacunae they are likely to identify.
Along with the main papers, four of the shorter communications (by M.-
F. Auzépy, G. Greatrex, J. Koder and N. Necipoglu) are included here.
Summaries of the others may be found in the Bulletin of British Byzantine
Studies, 20 (1994). The Symposium was accompanied by two exhibitions:
one, The Byzantine Bridge between East and West: Manufacture and
Trade AD 300-1453', was organised by Marlia Mundell Mango, the other
of Greek manuscripts in Christ Church, 'Manuscripts from the Hinterland
of Constantinople', was organised by Irmgard Hutter. Thanks to Francis
Warner it was also possible to present a performance of his play 'Byzantium'
in Exeter College Chapel.
It is our pleasant duty to thank in addition the following persons and
institutions:
H.M. the Queen of Spain for accepting the Honorary Presidency of the
Symposium even if, unfortunately, she was unable to be present.
The British Academy, the Hulme Fund of Oxford University and the
Faculties of Literae Humaniores and Modern History and the Society for
the Promotion of Byzantine Studies for grants towards the cost of the
Symposium.
The Collège de France and CNRS, Paris for grants covering the costs of
the French participants.

vii
viii PREFACE

The Faculty of Medieval and Modern Languages for providing premises

in the Taylorian Institution and Exeter College for accommodation for the
participants at less than market rates.
The A.G. Leventis Fund, Marchessini and Co and Parfums Rochas for
grants towards the exhibition The Byzantine Bridge'; to the Eastern Art
Department of the Ashmolean Museum for providing exhibition space; to
the British Museum, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the Oxford University
Museum of Natural History, the Musée du Louvre, the Cabinet des Médailles
of the Bibliothèque Nationale, and the Library of St Andrews University
for the loan of objects; Christine Hazelwood, loanna Christoforaki and Ida
Johanson for help in mounting the exhibition.
Christ Church and the Maison Française, Oxford for providing receptions.
Geoffrey Greatrex, Theodora Antonopoulou, Barbara Crostini and Benet
Salway for acting as assistants.
Marlia Mundell Mango for help in all aspects of the organisation of the
Symposium.
Dr Greatrex for his invaluable help in editing this volume.

Cyril Mango
Oxford, November 1994
 List of Abbreviations

AA Archaologischer Anzeiger
AASS Acta Sanctorum
ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens
AE L'Année Épigraphique
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
An Boll Analecta Bollandiana
Anna Comnena Anna Comnena, Alexiad, ed. and tr. B. Leib, 3 vols
(Paris, 1937-45)
Att. Michael Attaleiates (or Attaleiotes), Historia, éd. I.
Bekker, CSHB (Bonn, 1853)
Barisic, 'Siege' F. Barisic 'Le Siège de Constantinople par les Avares
et les Slaves en 626', Byz 24 (1954), 371-95.
BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellénique
BiblGeogArab Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, ed. M.J. de Goeje
(Leiden, 1873-9)
BR-GK Bericht der Romisch-Germanischen Kommission
BSI Byzantinoslavica
ByzF Byzantinische Forschungen
ByzSt Byzantine Studies/Études byzantines
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CahArch Cahiers Archéologiques
Chron. Pasch. Chronicon Paschale, ed. L. Dindorf, CSHB (Bonn, 1832)
CJ Codex Justinianus in Corpus luris Civilis, vol.2, ed. P.
Kriiger, 15th ed. (Dublin-Zurich, 1970)
Const. Porph., TT Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Three Treatises on
Imperial Military Expeditions, ed. tr. and comm. J.F.
Haldon, CFHB 28 (Vienna, 1990)
CTh Codex Theodosianus, éd. Th. Mommsen and P. Meyer
(Berlin, 1905)
Dagron, Constantinople G. Dagron, Constantinople Imaginaire (Paris, 1984)
Dagron, Naissance G. Dagron, Naissance d'une capitale. Constantinople et ses
institutions de 330 à 451 (Paris, 1974)

IX
X ABBREVIATIONS

DAI Constantine VII, De Administrando Imperio, éd. and tr.

G. Moravcsik and R.J.H. Jenkins, CFHB 1, 2nd. éd.
(Washington, 1967)
De Cer. Constantine VII, De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae, éd. I.I.
Reiske I, CSHB (Bonn, 1829); Book I éd. and tr. A.
Vogt, Le Livre des Cérémonies, Texte, 2 vols.;
Commentaire, 2 vols. (Paris, 1939^0)
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers
EEBS Epeteris Hetaireias Byzantinon Spoudon
EO Échos d'Orient
Guilland, Topographie Études de topographie de Constantinople byzantine, I-II
(Berlin, 1969)
Hommes et richesses Hommes et richesses dans l'Empire byzantin (2 vols., Paris,
1989-1991), V. Kravari, J. Lefort et C. Morrisson, éds.
IG Inscriptiones Graecae
}DAI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archàologischen Instituts
JGR Jus Graecoromanum, éd. K.E. Zacharia von Lingenthal,
J. and P. Zepos, 8 vols. (Athens 1931, repr. Aalen 1962)
JGS Journal of Glass Studies
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies
Janin, Grands centres R. Janin, Les Églises et les monastères des grands centres
byzantins (Paris, 1975)
Janin, Églises R. Janin, /. Siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat
oecuménique. III Les églises et les monastères L, 2nd. éd.
(Paris, 1969)
Janin, CP byz. R. Janin, Constantinople Byzantine: développement urbain
et répertoire topographique, 2nd. éd. (Paris, 1964)
JOB Jahrbuch der ôsterreichischen Byzantinistik
JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology
JSav Journal des Savants
LRE A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602
(Oxford-Norman, 1964)
MAMA Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiquae
Mango, Développement Le développement urbain de Constantinople (IVe-VIIe
siècle), 2nd éd. (Paris, 1990)
MM F. Miklosich and J. Müller, Acta et diplomata Graeca
mediiaevi (Vienna, 1860-1890)
Nie. Brev. Nikephoros, Patriarch of Constantinople, éd., tr. and
comm. C. Mango, CFHB 13 (Washington, D.C., 1990).
N] Justinian, Novellae in Corpus luris Civilis, vol.3, éd. R.
Schôll and W. Kroll, 9th éd. (Dublin-Zurich, 1968)
NRS Nuova rivista storica
ODE Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, éd. A. Kazhdan, 3 vols
(Oxford-New York, 1991)
Oikonomidès, Listes N. Oikonomidès, Les listes de préséance byzantines
(Paris, 1972)
PIRE Prospography of the Later Roman Empire
 ABBREVIATIONS xi

RAC Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana

REA Revue des études Arméniennes
REB Revue des études byzantines
RendAccLinc Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti délia classe ai
scienze morali, storiche e filologiche
Rev. Num. Revue numismatique
RHC Recueil des historiens des croisades, 16 vols (Paris,
1841-1906)
Syn. CP Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, éd. H.
Delehaye, Propylaeum ad AASS Nov. (Brussels, 1902)
Theoph. Theophanes, Chronographia, éd. C. de Boor (Bonn,
1883)
TM Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilization de
Byzance, Travaux et Mémoires
TTH Translated Texts for Historians
Turk Ark. Dergisi Turk Arkeoloji Dergisi
VV Vizantijskij Vremennik
 Arcadiopolis

Druzipera
LONG WALLS

Tzurullon
SELYMBRIA
Raidestos
PERINTHOS
HËRACLEIA

Sea of Marmara
Proconnesos

Pegaé
CYZIKOS
Megas Agros

Lake Apollomas

<200m <600m
The hinterland
 CONSTANTINOPLE
Chalcedon
Rhegion
Prinkipo
Nicomedia
Cape Akritas
Kibotos
Pylai

Kios
Nicaea;
Medikion

Prusa

0 100km
of Constantinople
Constantinople
 1. Introduction

C. Mango

The scholarly study of Constantinople was intitiated 450 years ago by a

Frenchman. He was called Pierre Gilles (Latinized to Gyllius) and was by
avocation a zoologist in addition to being an excellent classicist. Scholarship
often follows in the wake of politics, and so it was in this case: the mission
of Gyllius to the Levant was made possible by the unholy alliance between
the very Catholic king Francis I and the infidel Sultan Suleyman. Even under
these favourable conditions, Gyllius had a hard time. He ran out of funds,
was obliged to join the Turkish army, which was setting out on campaign
against Persia, was rescued at Aleppo by the French ambassador and
eventually shipped back to the West, barely escaping capture by pirates
on his homeward journey. The mission of Gyllius contributed little to the
cause of zoology except a 'new description' of the elephant and the hip-
popotamus,1 but produced another, unforeseen result. Having been allowed
to explore systematically the Ottoman capital and its suburbs, Gyllius set
down his antiquarian notes, which he proceeded to integrate with the
evidence of ancient authorities. He was not, of course, the first westerner
to have described Constantinople, but he was the first to have done so in
the light of Renaissance scholarship, which is still our scholarship. His two
monographs, entitled De Bosporo thracio and De topographia Constantinopoleos
were published posthumously in 1561 and immediately acknowledged as
classics.
The next important step in the study of Byzantine Constantinople was
again taken by a Frenchman, the indefatigable Charles Du Fresne Du Cange,
author of the standard lexicon of medieval Latin and what is still, after 300
years, the best lexicon of medieval Greek. Having read all the Byzantine
texts that were available at the time, Du Cange, who never travelled to the
East, extracted from them a rich harvest of testimonia, which he stuffed,
1
Aeliani de historia animalium libri XVII (Lyon, 1562), 497ff., 515ff.

From Constantinople and its Hinterland, ed. Cyril Mango and Gilbert Dagron. Copyright ©
1995 by the Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies. Published by Variorum, Ashgate
Publishing Ltd, Gower House, Croft Road, Aldershot, Hampshire, GU11 3HR, Great Britain.

1
2 C. MANGO

duly categorized, into a large folio volume entitled Constantinopolis Christiana

(1680). Gyllius and Du Gange constituted the twin pillars of the study of
Constantinople until the latter part of the nineteenth century.
In view of the decisive French contribution to this topic, a contribution
that was further enriched in the past hundred years by scholars such as
Pargoire, Ebersolt, Janin and others, it seemed only proper that this
symposium should be an Anglo-French effort, and I should like to thank
our French colleagues for their willingness to bring their lumières across
the Channel.
Gyllius and Du Cange defined Constantinople as the walled city and its
immediate suburbs within a radius of about fifteen miles, i.e. to the northern
mouth of the Bosphorus. That definition would have appeared over-
generous to the medieval Constantinopolitan, who had little inclination to
venture any distance beyond the walls. A ninth-century intellectual, who
had been relegated to a monastery on the Golden Horn, barely a mile or
two outside the city, described himself as dwelling beyond the straits of
Cadiz,2 just as a twelfth-century historian, who had retired to a posh
monastery at modern Tuzla, today well within the suburban belt, referred
to it as being at the extremity of the world.3 It seems that the comforts,
civilized amenities and cultivated company (not to speak of books) that were
available in the city hardly extended beyond the walls. Outside, you found
yourself in the realm of rustic solitude, fit only for peasants, fishermen and
monks.
Yet it is an optical illusion to imagine Constantinople as an isolated
wonder, a city without hinterland; which is why in this symposium we shall
attempt to cast our net a little wider — but how much wider? To this
question I have no clear answer. Whereas every ancient city had its
territorium, an area of land administratively subject to it, Constantinople,
as far as I know, did not have a defined territorium. Its governor, called
Prefect, had in the ninth century jurisdiction over offences committed
within a radius of 100 miles,4 and if we draw on the map a circle of 100
Roman miles, we shall find that in Asia it encompasses the peninsula of
Cyzicus and passes well south of Nicaea, whereas in Europe it reaches the
present Bulgarian frontier while falling considerably short of Adrianople.
That, of course, is a purely arbitrary delimitation, but it may do as a starting
point, especially as it coincides more or less with a definition made on
different grounds by Professor Sevcenko. In his eyes the zone of the capital
extended to a distance of what was then three to four days' journey and

2
Ignatius diaconus, ep.46, ed. M.I. Gedeon, Néa |3i.[3Xi.o9f|KT| eKKXriaLaaTLKUi1 CTuyypa^eui'
(Constantinople, 1903), col.48.
3
Zonaras, Hist., Praef., éd. L. Dindorf (Leipzig, 1868), I, 5; cf. IX.31, Dindorf, II, 339.
4
Epanagoge, IV.4. Cf. L. Bréhier, Les institutions de l'Empire byzantin (Paris, 1949), 188.
 INTRODUCTION 3

was, furthermore, the belt of country in which the richer citizens often owned
property.5
Let us look more carefully at the map to understand some of the
advantages and constraints that geography imposed on the development
of Constantinople. 'A situation unrivalled by any other in the world', The
bridge that unites Europe to Asia', The crossroads of the universe', 'One
of the brightest gems in the diadem of nature' — such expressions have
been repeated over the centuries from one travel book to another. And so
the conviction has grown that Constantinople was destined by virtue of
its setting to become the capital of an empire extending over both Europe
and Asia. By choosing it as his seat, Constantine made not only the right
decision, but the obvious decision. Great men, it seems, have the gift,
denied to lesser mortals, of seeing the obvious.
And yet, was his decision so natural after all? The ancient Greek colony
of Byzantium had existed 1,000 years before Constantine, and although it
had played a notable part in Greek history, never became a really big and
important city. For a shrewd assessment of the matter we may consult the
historian Polybius, who lived in the second century B.C. 'The site of
Byzantium', he writes,
is as regards the sea more favourable to security and prosperity than that of
any other city in the world, but as regards the land it is most disadvantageous
in both respects. For, as concerning the sea, it completely blocks the mouth of
the Pontus in such a manner that no merchant can sail in or out without the consent
of the Byzantines. They have control over the supply of products from the Black
Sea, namely cattle, slaves, honey, wax and preserved fish traded for oil and wine.
As for corn, they sometimes export it and at other times import it.6
The disadvantage of the site in the eyes of Polybius was that it lay at the
mercy of the Thracian barbarians who could devastate, whenever they so
wished, the land owned by Byzantium.
Polybius saw clearly that the natural role of Byzantium was to serve as
the gateway for trade with the Black Sea basin. The current of the Bosphorus
carries all ships to Byzantium whether they like it or not, while it bypasses
the rival city of Chalcedon (modern Kadikóy) situated on the Asiatic shore.
But was trade with the Black Sea an important factor in the fourth century
when Constantine founded his capital? The answer is probably negative,
for the Greek colonies dotted along the northern shore, colonies that had
prospered earlier on, had collapsed in the third century under the onslaught
of the Goths. Paradoxically, it was only at infrequent intervals that Con-
stantinople was able to fulfil its natural trading role. This may have
5
'Constantinople Viewed from the Eastern Provinces', Harvard Ukrainian Studies 3/4, pt.2
(1979-80), 718ff. = Ideology, Letters and Culture in the Byzantine World (London, 1982), Study VI.
6
Polybius IV.38.lff.
4 C. MANGO

happened on a small scale in the ninth and following centuries when Black
Sea navigation was opened up by the Russian Vikings. It happened again
under Genoese control in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, but when
the Genoese had been ousted by the Ottoman Turks, the Black Sea was
practically closed to international commercial traffic and remained so until
the foundation of Odessa by Catherine the Great of Russia.
Maritime links with west and south were a different matter. In the days
of Polybius, as in the days of Demosthenes, Byzantium was a point of trans-
mission of products destined for or originating from the Aegean basin.
Constantine's enormous city created instead a centre of consumption of
goods coming mostly from the south. The all-important problem of pro-
visioning is discussed by Professor Durliat, and it is enough to say now
that the Egyptian corn which fed the population until the early seventh
century not only had to travel a distance of 1,000 miles, but also had to be
conveyed up the Dardanelles during a season when the prevailing winds
were northerly. The pagan Eunapius, referring to the time of Constantine,
observes that 'the site of Byzantium is not adapted for the approach of ships
that touch there, except when a strong wind is blowing due from the
south'7 — which it hardly ever does during the normal season of navigation.
As a result the populace was in constant danger of going hungry until a
highly elaborate infrastructure of storage and unloading facilities had been
built up.
Another consideration may be worth mentioning. In the period of the
Tetrarchy, i.e. at the end of the third century A.D., the Roman emperors
set up a number of provincial capitals in which they periodically resided.
The military importance of the Straits did not escape their attention and
two new imperial residences were established, one at Nicomedia (Izmit)
about 100 km east of Byzantium, the other at Perinthos, renamed Heraclea,
an equal distance to the west. Diocletian, the senior emperor, habitually
lived at Nicomedia, where he initiated important public work, 'striving',
we are told, 'to make it the equal of Rome'.8 Why, we may ask, were
Nicomedia and Heraclea elevated to imperial status and Byzantium passed
over? If Byzantium was perceived as possessing such overwhelming natural
advantages, was Diocletian too blind to see them?
Following Polybius, let us now look at the land. Constantinople is situated
in Thrace, a part of the world that was regarded at the time as being rude
and barbarous. It was on the edge of the civilized world, had a cold climate
by Mediterranean standards and was subject to earthquakes. The tapering
tongue of land, at whose eastern extremity Constantinople lies, is wind-
swept, rolling country with two mountain ranges, both running east-west:

7
Vitae sophistarum, ed. Boissonade (Paris, 1845), 462.
8
Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum, ed. and tr. J.L. Creed (Oxford, 1984), VII.8-10.
 INTRODUCTION 5

the Yildiz or Istranca daglari, a prolongation of the Rhodope range along

the Black Sea coast, and the Ganos dag, which forms the backbone of the
Gallipoli peninsula and terminates near Rodosto. The direction of these
mountain ranges means that Constantinople had no natural defence against
attack from the west - a most severe disadvantage that may not have been
so evident at the time of Constantine, when no immediate threat loomed
from that quarter, but became acute with the Gothic invasion in the latter
part of the fourth century and remained a grave problem throughout the
Middle Ages. There is simply nothing to stop an invading enemy — hence
the huge works of fortification of which more will be said hereafter.
Another problem on the European side had to do with water supply,
which has always been and remains today very deficient. Constantine
himself appears to have given little thought to it, for we are told that in the
reign of his successor, Constantius II, the city was dying of thirst.9 A Roman
imperial capital needed plenty of water, not only for drinking but also for
public baths and ornamental fountains. To obtain this water proved an
enormous task: it had to be brought by a network of aqueducts over a
distance of over 100 km from the Istranca mountains and the supply
proved, of course, vulnerable to enemy attack. Of that, too, more later.
Furthermore, Constantinople suffered from isolation on the European
side. The Black Sea coast is extemely inhospitable, lacks any indentation
and has no natural harbour until one reaches Sozopolis in what is now
Bulgaria. The south or Marmara coast, though somewhat more agreeable,
is also deficient in harbours, those being limited to Heraclea and Selymbria.
The interior had and still has no sizable towns except for Adrianople,
whose expansion dates from the Ottoman period. Anyone who has travelled
by car from the Greek border to Istanbul knows that crossing European
Turkey is a very long and a very dull trip.
The Asiatic side on the Marmara coast is pleasanter and softer than the
European and remains today the preferred place for summer villas and
country houses for the better off. Its main feature is the very deep gulf of
Nicomedia dominated on its southern shore by a steep mountain range rising
to 5,000 ft. If you wished to travel from Constantinople in a southeasterly
direction to Nicaea and beyond - which became, indeed, a highly important
destination - you either had to go all the way round the gulf or cross it by
ship and then climb over the mountains. That, too, proved a great incon-
venience.10 In the Middle Ages the journey from Constantinople to Nicaea
took about four days and was not free of danger when the weather was rough.
In the light of these geographical imperatives we may begin to see that
Constan tine's 'obvious' decision was in fact quite a gamble. He himself did

9
Themistius, O.13.167d (A.D.377), ed. H. Schenkl and G. Downey (Leipzig, 1965).
10
Cf. our remarks in TM 12 (1994), 143ff.
6 C. MANGO

not pay the price for it, but his immediate successors had to do so in the
form of immensely expensive works of engineering and a diversion of funds
on a huge scale to make sure that the imperial capital was properly supplied
and defended. Great men place great burdens on their descendants. Once
the investment had been made in the fifty to eighty years after Constantine's
death, it was too late to change course, i.e. to relocate the capital. And so
there inevitably grew up a new pattern of relationships both on the micro-
and the macro-geopolitical stage. What these relationships came to be is
the subject we should like to explore in this symposium.
 Section I:

The land and its products

This page intentionally left blank
 2. The water supply of Constantinople

C. Mango

The dependence of Constantinople on its European hinterland is nowhere

more clearly illustrated than in the domain of water supply. For want of
proper archaeological investigation we are not yet in a position to treat this
topic as fully and accurately as it deserves. All I shall attempt, therefore,
is to offer a brief interim statement and to indicate some of the problems
that will need to be addressed in the future.
First, it must be understood that water consumption has more to do with
culture than physical necessity. The amount of water we drink is relatively
small, whereas bathing is a matter of social custom. The same applies to
washing our clothes and other hygienic functions. It has been established
that all over the Mediterranean world from North Africa to Asia Minor and
Syria the construction of costly aqueducts bringing water to cities over con-
siderable distances dated largely from the Roman Imperial period and
had to do with the spread of a certain way of life centred on public baths.1
Previous to that, people living in cities had to depend on other arrange-
ments, namely wells, cisterns that collected rainwater, springs and streams
that happened to be flowing nearby. The positioning of settlements next
to sources of natural supply was a matter of primary concern.
The site of Byzantium happens to be poorly provided in this respect. Next
to the ancient city flowed a small stream called the Lycus that emptied into
a bay, which at the end of the fourth century was transformed into the
Theodosian harbour and is today occupied by vegetable gardens
(Vlanga>Langa). The Lycus is now totally invisible, but it is still marked

1
See P. Leveau and J.-L. Paillet, L'alimentation en eau de Caesarea de Maurétanie et l'aqueduc
de Cherchel (Paris, 1976), 15ff., 166; P.-A. Février, 'Armée et aqueducs' in J.-P. Boucher, éd.,
Journées d'études sur les aqueducs romains (Paris, 1983), 137ff.; B.D. Shaw, The Noblest Monuments
and the Smallest Things' in A. Trevor Hodge, éd., Future Currents in Aqueduct Studies (Leeds,
1991), 66ff.

From Constantinople and its Hinterland, ed. Cyril Mango and Gilbert Dagron. Copyright ©
1995 by the Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies. Published by Variorum, Ashgate
Publishing Ltd, Gower House, Croft Road, Aldershot, Hampshire, GUI 1 3HR, Great Britain.

9
10 C. MANGO

on maps of the city of the beginning of this century, going underground a

short distance west of the Byzantine church of Constantine Lips (Fenari Isa
Camii). Very little is known about its management in the Byzantine period.
In addition to the Lycus there were a few fairly insignificant springs, some
of which became later identified with shrines of the Virgin Mary: that of
Blachernae, which is still flowing, that of the Peribleptos (Sulu manastir)
and that of the Pege (Bahkli) outside the Theodosian walls, the one with
the legendary half-fried fish.2 And that is all.
Two aquiferous areas lay at some distance. The nearer of the two, called
Halkali today, was about fifteen km northwest of the ancient city. The more
distant, at about twenty km, was in the so-called Belgrade forest, whence
flow the two streams, once known as the Sweet Waters of Europe, that empty
into the Golden Horn. In 1922 the yield of the Halkali region was a paltry
6,000 cubic metres per day and that of Belgrade 12,000,3 giving a total of
18,000 as against the 76,000 that has been calculated for Roman Lyon and
over 1,000,000 for ancient Rome.4 The discrepancy is at first sight difficult
to explain unless the sources in the Constantinople area have become
seriously depleted over the centuries.
The first recorded aqueduct of Byzantium was built by the Emperor
Hadrian, who also appears to have constructed one at Nicaea,5 whereas
Nicomedia had started building one before Trajan, as we know from the
Letters of Pliny the Younger.6 Hadrian's aqueduct at Constantinople is
mentioned in a number of legal and other texts, which make it clear that
it later supplied the Imperial Palace, a number of baths, among them that
of Achilles (near modern Sirkeci) and, in particular, the Cisterna Basilica,
built by Justinian.7 In other words, as might have been expected, it fed the
area of the ancient city of Byzantium. It is reasonable to suppose that it was
supplied by the springs of the nearest aquiferous region, that of Halkali.
Along this line, in a deep valley near the modern town of Mahmudiye, lies
an impressive Roman venter bridge known as Mazlum or Maz'ul kemer
(Figure 1). Situated in what is still a military zone, it has never been studied
in detail.8

2
The 'holy fountains' of the city (many of which are wells or cisterns) are listed by N.
Atzemoglou, T" ayiáo\ia-ra TT)? TTóXris1 (Athens, 1990).
3
K.O. Dalman, Der Valens-Aquadukt in Konstantinopel (Bamberg, 1933), 34f.
4
See tables in A. Trevor Hodge, Roman Aqueducts and Water Supply (London, 1992), 347.
5
A.M. Schneider and W. Karnapp, Die Stadtmauer von Iznik (Nicaea) (Berlin, 1938), 44f. and
inscriptions 10 and 18.
6
Ep. 10.37-38, detailing previous attempts and expenditure incurred. Cf. 10.90 regarding
Sinope.
7
CJ XI.43.6 (a.440?); Malalas, ed. L. Dindorf, CSHB (Bonn, 1831), 435-6; Chron. Pasch., 619.
8
Dalman, Der Valens-Aquadukt, 28 ff.; S. Eyice, 'Byzantinische Wasserversorgungslagen in
Istanbul', Leichtweiss Inst. fur Wasserbau Braunschweig, Hft. 64 (1979), 5f., fig.2.
 THE WATER SUPPLY 11

Figure 1. Aqueduct known as Mazlum Kemer near Mahmudiye.

Figure 2. Aqueduct near Karacakôy, Istranca region (photo: German

Archaeological Institute, Istanbul).
12 C. MANGO

The physical configuration of Constantinople dictates that an aqueduct,

entering it at or near its highest point, should do so by the Adrianople gate
(altitude 79 m), i.e. with reference to the city as it was enlarged by Theodosius
II. Hills 1-6 (as they are conventionally numbered) form a nearly continuous
ridge, gradually dropping to 70 m at the summit of the fifth hill, 60 at that
of the fourth, still 60 on the third, 50 on the second and 40 on the first (in
round numbers). Hadrian's conduit had perforce to overcome the deep valley
between the third and fourth hills, a valley whose floor was in antiquity
at least 5 m deeper than it is today, i.e. c.25 m deep.9 That is where we find
the Roman bridge of arches commonly known as the 'aqueduct of Valens'.
Seeing that this bridge forms part of the Halkali system, I suggested a few
years ago that it may with some probability be attributed to Hadrian.10 In
the absence of any serious textual11 or archaeological evidence, I still regard
this hypothesis as not unreasonable, although today I would have formulated
it with more caution. The valley could have been negotiated by means of
a siphon and, furthermore, one may wonder whether an aqueduct intended
for the Greek city (whose maximum altitude was 50 m) would have been
placed in so elevated a position, giving it an excessive final gradient of 10
m over a distance of 1 km.
However that may be, Hadrian's aqueduct soon proved inadequate for
an imperial capital, which is described as dying of thirst.12 Constantine
himself is not recorded to have taken any initiative in that respect, but I
imagine that a long-term plan was drawn up, in the context of which
public baths, cisterns and fountains began to be built. The biggest public
baths of the city, those of Constantius II, situated not far from the modern
Belediye building, were started in 345, no doubt in the expectation of a more
plentiful water supply.13 The great cistern of Modestias, of which more later,
was started in 363. Finally, in 373, in the reign of the Emperor Valens, the
long-awaited water was brought into the city, an event deemed worthy of
being recorded in Jerome's world chronicle.14 Where did that water come
from and what precisely was the aqueduct of Valens ?
Until fairly recently these questions remained without an answer. The
few specialists who took an interest in such matters (starting with Napoleon's

9
1 owe this information to Professor Dogan Kuban, who has carried out soundings by the
piers of the 'aqueduct of Valens'.
10
C. Mango, Le développement urbain de Constantinople (IVe-VIIsiècle),2nd éd. (Paris, 1990),
20;henceforward Développement.
11
The only statement to that effect, namely that 'the aqueduct of the big arches' was built
by Valens, is found in the highly unreliable Patria in Scriptures originum Constantinopolitanarum,
éd. T. Preger, II (Leipzig, 1907), 188, §69.
12
Themistius, Or.13,167d (a.377).
13
Chron. Pasch., 534.
14
Ed. R. Helm, Griech. christl. Schriftsteller 47 (1956), 247.
 THE WATER SUPPLY 13

ambassador, Count Andréossy) looked to the Belgrade region, which is

indeed dotted with aqueducts, conduits and small dams. One of these
aqueducts (the Maglova Kemeri) has even been christened Justinian's,
although in fact it was built by the architect Sinan. An examination of the
visible remains in the Belgrade area has led to the conclusion that they were
all of Ottoman date, the dams being no earlier than the eighteenth century.
That is not to say that the Byzantines did not use the water resources of
the Belgrade region: we can be sure that they did, and it is quite possible
that these formed part of the network completed under Valens, but only
a part.
A more careful reading of the sources would have put scholars on the
right track. In praising the emperor Valens, the orator Themistius represents
him as welcoming in Byzantium the Thracian nymphs who, undeterred
by rocks, mountains and ravines, skirted those obstacles, burrowed under
them or flew through the air, a distance of over a thousand stades uphill
and downhill, before foregathering at the gates of the city.15 One thousand
stades corresponds to c.185 km and, if measured in a straight line, may
amount to an exaggeration, although, as we shall see, not a gross exag-
geration. In the sixth century Hesychius tells us that the water came from
Bizye (modern Vize),16 i.e. a distance of 120 km as the crow flies. Actual
remains of this network have been mentioned on occasion, the first time,
if I am not mistaken, by the French engineer Viquesnel in the 1840s, who
saw them between Vize and Saray.17 A local Greek source states that the
aqueduct started half an hour's distance west of Vize,18 but another local
Greek asserted that it extended as far as Venice and added a picturesque
detail: the aqueducts, he said, had been invaded by millions of bats. Bats'
dung being considered an excellent fertilizer, an order for its collection was
made under Sultan Abdul Hamid for the flower gardens of the Yildiz
palace. The headman of Istranca, entrusted with this task, gathered 4,000
okes of dung from the aqueducts and sent them to Istanbul.19
During the Balkan Wars a somewhat more systematic survey of the
aqueducts in this region was made by a Bulgarian scholar, whose publication,
being written in Bulgarian, escaped notice.20 Thereafter that whole part of
European Turkey became a military zone, which meant that no foreigners
were allowed to go there, and it was only in the late 1950s that Feridun

15
Or.l3.168a-b.
16
Script, orig. CP, 1,4.13.
17
Voyage dans la Turquie d'Europe (Paris, 1868), II, 291, 302; album, pl.19, fig.2.
18
S.Th. Lakides,'I aropia rf\c eirapxías' BiCúrp KOÙ MiriSetaç (Constantinople, 1899), 30f.
19
Thrakika 12 (1939), 34.
20
P.M. Oreskov, 'Vizantijski starini okolo Carigrad', Spisanie na Bülg. Akad. na Naukite 10
(1915), 71 ff.
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 Transcriber’s Notes
pg 53 Changed: change is produced in the convertion
to: change is produced in the conversion
pg 85 Changed: by forcing one to breath more rapidly
to: by forcing one to breathe more rapidly
pg 89 Changed: bile salts, mucus, animo acids
to: bile salts, mucus, amino acids
pg 126 Changed: his green apples, excrutiating pains
to: his green apples, excruciating pains
pg 127 Changed: are not easly broken
to: are not easily broken
pg 137 Changed: while the herbiverous animals live upon cereals
to: while the herbivorous animals live upon cereals
pg 174 Changed: milk seems to make some people billious
to: milk seems to make some people bilious
pg 191 Changed: resultant happinees of every family
to: resultant happiness of every family
pg 194 Changed: retain the moisure
to: retain the moisture
pg 215 Changed: retain hody heat and furnish energy
to: retain body heat and furnish energy
pg 247 Changed: the secretion of hydrodiloric acid
to: the secretion of hydrochloric acid
pg 287 Changed: Petonized; boiled;
to: Peptonized; boiled;
pg 299 Changed: 30.78 grams, is corbohydrate
to: 30.78 grams, is carbohydrate
pg 305 Changed: Achlochlorhydria, 248
to: Achlorhydria, 248
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