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FOURTH EDITION
OUR ORIGINS
ii
4th
EDITION
OUR ORIGINS
DISCOVERING PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
n
W. W. N O RTO N & COM PA N Y
N E W YO R K • LO N D O N
W. W. NORTON & COMPANY has been independent since its founding in 1923, when William Warder Norton and Mary D.
Herter Norton first published lectures delivered at the People’s Institute, the adult education division of New York City’s C
ooper
Union. The firm soon expanded its program beyond the Institute, publishing books by celebrated academics from America
and abroad. By midcentury, the two major pillars of Norton’s publishing program—trade books and college texts—were firmly
established. In the 1950s, the Norton family transferred control of the company to its employees, and today—with a staff of
four hundred and a comparable number of trade, college, and professional titles published each year—W. W. Norton & Company
stands as the largest and oldest publishing house owned wholly by its employees.
Copyright © 2017, 2014, 2011, 2008 by W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.
Fourth Edition
W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 500 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10110-0017
www.wwnorton.com
W. W. Norton & Company Ltd., Castle House, 75/76 Wells Street, London W1T 3QT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0
To Chris and Spencer,
with my deepest thanks for their help,
encouragement, and (unwavering) patience
vi
BASIC TABLE
OF CONTENTS
vii
TABLE OF
CONTENTS
Dedication v
About the Author vi
Basic Table of Contents vii
Table of Contents ix
List of Two-Page Spreads xx
To the Instructor xxii
Tools for Teaching and Learning xxv
Who Helped xxvi
To the Student xxx
CHAPTER REVIEW 21
Answering the Big Questions 21
Key Terms 21
Study Quiz 21
Evolution Review: Physical Anthropology as Science 22
Additional Readings 22
ix
PART I The Present: Foundation for the Past 23
CHAPTER 2 Evolution: Constructing a Fundamental Scientific Theory 25
BIG QUESTIONS 25
2.1 The Theory of Evolution: The Context for Darwin 28
Geology: Reconstructing Earth’s Dynamic History 29
Paleontology: Reconstructing the History of Life on Earth 29
Taxonomy and Systematics: Classifying Living Organisms and Identifying Their Biological Relationships 31
Demography: Influences on Population Size and Competition for Limited Resources 33
Evolutionary Biology: Explaining the Transformation of Earlier Life-Forms into Later Life-Forms 33
CONCEPT CHECK Darwin Borrows from Malthus 35
2.2 The Theory of Evolution: Darwin’s Contribution 35
HOW DO WE KNOW? Catastrophes in the Past: Their “Impact” on Evolution 36
CONCEPT CHECK Pre-Darwinian Theory and Ideas: Groundwork for Evolution 38
2.3 Since Darwin: Mechanisms of Inheritance, the Evolutionary Synthesis, and the Discovery of DNA 42
Mechanisms of Inheritance 42
The Evolutionary Synthesis, the Study of Populations, and the Causes of Evolution 43
DNA: Discovery of the Molecular Basis of Evolution 46
ANTHROPOLOGY MATTERS Ebola: The Evolution of a Crisis 50
CHAPTER REVIEW 52
Answering the Big Questions 52
Key Terms 52
Study Quiz 52
Evolution Review: Past, Present, and Future of a Fundamental Scientific Theory 53
Additional Readings 53
x | Table of Contents
3.8 Polymorphisms: Variations in Specific Genes 79
Genotypes and Phenotypes: Genes and Their Expression 82
3.9 The Complexity of Genetics 82
CHAPTER REVIEW 86
Answering the Big Questions 86
Key Terms 86
Study Quiz 86
Evolution Review: Insights from Genetics 87
Additional Readings 87
Table of Contents | xi
So-Called Racial Traits Are Not Concordant 127
Human Variation: Geographic Clines, Not Racial Categories 128
5.2 Life History: Growth and Development 129
ANTHROPOLOGY MATTERS Is Race Real? 130
The Growth Cycle: Conception through Adulthood 132
Prenatal Stage: Sensitive to Environmental Stress, Predictive of Adult Health 132
Postnatal Stage: The Maturing Brain, Preparing for Adulthood 133
ANTHROPOLOGY MATTERS Coronary Heart Disease Starts Early: Prenatal Origins of a Common
Killer 134
Adult Stage: Aging and Senescence 138
HOW DO WE KNOW? Life on the Margins: The Case of the East African Turkana Pastoralists 140
Evolution of Human Life History: Food, Sex, and Strategies for Survival and Reproduction 142
CONCEPT CHECK Life History Stages in Humans: Prenatal, Postnatal, and Adult 142
Prolonged Childhood: Fat-Bodied Moms and Their Big-Brained Babies 143
Grandmothering: Part of Human Adaptive Success 143
5.3 Adaptation: Meeting the Challenges of Living 143
Climate Adaptation: Living on the Margins 144
Heat Stress and Thermoregulation 144
Body Shape and Adaptation to Heat Stress 145
Cold Stress and Thermoregulation 146
Solar Radiation and Skin Color 147
Solar Radiation and Vitamin D Synthesis 148
Solar Radiation and Folate Protection 150
High Altitude and Access to Oxygen 150
Nutritional Adaptation: Energy, Nutrients, and Function 151
Macronutrients and Micronutrients 151
CONCEPT CHECK Adaptation: Heat, Cold, Solar Radiation, High Altitude 152
Human Nutrition Today 154
Overnutrition and the Consequences of Dietary Excess 154
ANTHROPOLOGY MATTERS Life in an Obesogenic World:
Understanding the Obesity Pandemic in an Evolutionary Perspective 156
CONCEPT CHECK Nutritional Adaptation 160
Workload Adaptation: Skeletal Homeostasis and Function 160
Excessive Activity and Reproductive Ecology 161
CHAPTER 9 Primate Origins and Evolution: The First 50 Million Years 273
BIG QUESTIONS 273
9.1 Why Did Primates Emerge? 275
9.2 The First True Primate: Visual, Tree-Dwelling, Agile, Smart 276
Primates in the Paleocene? 276
Eocene Euprimates: The First True Primates 277
The Anthropoid Ancestor: Euprimate Contenders 280
HOW DO WE KNOW? The Fayum Depression: Heartland of Anthropoid Ancestors 282
The First Anthropoids 284
9.3 Early Anthropoids Evolve and Thrive 285
CONCEPT CHECK When Were They Primates? Anatomy through Time 288
9.4 Coming to America: Origin of New World Higher Primates 289
How Anthropoids Got to South America 290
9.5 Apes Begin in Africa and Dominate the Miocene Primate World 292
9.6 Apes Leave Africa: On to New Habitats and New Adaptations 296
Apes in Europe: The Dryopithecids 296
Apes in Asia: The Sivapithecids 298
Dead End in Ape Evolution: The Oreopithecids 299
Climate Shifts and Habitat Changes 299
CONCEPT CHECK The First Apes: A Remarkable Radiation 300
Miocene Ape Survivors Give Rise to Modern Apes 300
9.7 Apes Return to Africa? 301
9.8 Monkeys on the Move 301
ANTHROPOLOGY MATTERS Fine Motor Skills: Are They Uniquely Human? 302
Table of Contents | xv
HOW DO WE KNOW? The Lesson of Piltdown: Science as a Way of Knowing 316
CONCEPT CHECK What Makes a Hominin a Hominin? 319
10.2 Why Did Hominins Emerge? 319
Charles Darwin’s Hunting Hypothesis 319
Peter Rodman and Henry McHenry’s Patchy Forest Hypothesis 321
Owen Lovejoy’s Provisioning Hypothesis 322
Sexual Dimorphism and Human Behavior 322
Bipedalism Had Its Benefits and Costs: An Evolutionary Trade-Off 323
10.3 What Were the First Hominins? 323
The Pre-Australopithecines 323
Sahelanthropus tchadensis (7–6 mya) 323
Orrorin tugenensis (6 mya) 325
Ardipithecus kadabba and Ardipithecus ramidus (5.8–4.4 mya) 325
CONCEPT CHECK The Pre-Australopithecines 331
The Australopithecines (4–1 mya) 332
Australopithecus anamensis (4 mya) 333
Australopithecus afarensis (3.6–3.0 mya) 334
Australopithecus (Kenyanthropus) platyops (3.5 mya) 337
Australopithecus deyiremeda (3.5–3.3 mya) 337
Diversification of the Homininae: Emergence of Multiple Evolutionary Lineages
from Australopithecus (3–1 mya) 338
Australopithecus garhi (2.5 mya) 338
The First Toolmakers and Users: Australopithecus or Homo? 339
Evolution and Extinction of the Australopithecines 341
ANTHROPOLOGY MATTERS Finders of the Ancestors 342
CONCEPT CHECK The Australopithecines 346
xx
A N T H R O P O L O G Y M AT T E R S
IS RACE REAL?
If you asked the question “Is race real?” as part of an on-campus poll, nearly
all would say with certainty that yes, race is real. Some might even go so far as
399
biological variation is patterned. For example, a large obesity, and cardiovascular disease. Unfortunately, and animals could be
category is very real indeed. But does this popular consensus mean that racial and growing body of evidence exists showing very few
genetic differences between human groups and no
these differences are typically biologized, often based
on the assumption that these differences come from
placed into distinctive
biological types.
categories do, in fact, exist? consistent pattern of genetic differences between what underlying genetic patterns (which they do not). In fact,
WATCH are popularly called races. The fact that the distribu- these differences are environmentally based: strongly
419
were typed into “subgroups” or “races” on the basis of icans create categorizations of humans from observed consequences for millions of Americans and others old, unfounded, centuries-old taxonomic models of
their visible phenotypic characteristics. Blumenbach’s traits in similar ways to other cultures and societies around the world who have experienced negative social race make the path toward addressing social inequal-
main criteria were skin pigmentation, cranial form, around the world. From a psychological perspective, outcomes because of or at least strongly influenced ity a rough one. We are responsible as a society to
and geography, although other characteristics were such typological thinking may be why we are so tied to by their “race,” including but not limited to income understand that human biological variation cannot
considered. The existing scientific community rapidly categorizing human variability. This also may explain disparities, discrimination, and inequality that limits be reduced to types and to understand the social and
421
130 131
How Do We Know?
Anthropology Matters Anthropology Matters Finders of Bioarchaeochemistry: Reconstructing
Ethnoprimatology: Understanding the Ancestors 342–343 Past Diets and Inferring Nutrition 454–
Human-Nonhuman Primate Co- 455
How Do We Know? Underground
Adaptation and Conservation in Astronauts: Finding Early Homo in Anthropology Matters First
Indonesia 222–223 South Africa 360–361 Warfare: The Massacre at
How Do We Know? The Fossil Kilianstädten 460–461
Figure 11.14 Homo erectus at 1
Record: The Timing and Tempo of Million Years Ago: The Daka Landscape How Do We Know? Bones and
Evolution 240–241 of the Middle Awash, Ethiopia 368– Behavior 466–467
Figure 8.7 What Did They Look 369 Figure 13.26 Biological
Like? Bringing Fossils to Life through How Do We Know? Giving Birth to Consequences of the Agricultural
Reconstruction 244–245 Big-Brained Babies: The Evolutionary Revolution 476–477
Anthropology Matters The Atomic Benefits of Rotational Birth 380–381 How Do We Know? Global Climates
Bomb: Radiocarbon Dating: The Anthropology Matters Tracking Are Rapidly Changing 486–487
Development of the Atomic Bomb Human Evolution: Fossils Are the Anthropology Matters Biodiversity
Produces Insights Into the Past 258– Record of Transition and Process Downturn: The Human Role 490–491
259 384–385
How Do We Know? The Fayum
Depression: Heartland of Anthropoid
10.20
Ancestors 282–283 4 UNDERSTANDING ARDI:
HEAD TO TOE
From Discovery Skull and teeth The skull is very similar to those of other
294–295
hominins.
Upper limb and hand Especially striking about the upper limb
and hand are their primitiveness. Compared with those of living
humans, the forearm (radius and ulna) is extraordinarily long in
relation to the upper arm. The elbow joint shows no evidence
Human? 302–303
paleoanthropologists, and archaeologists first visited the region near the first to the field camp and eventually to the laboratory at the muscles used in climbing.
village of Aramis, in the Middle Awash Valley, identifying it as a place where National Museum in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, for detailed Lower limb The lower limb and foot are adapted for bipedalism,
Pliocene hominins could be found. Field teams collected intensively in the study. The 109 hominin fossils represented 36 individuals. but they also reveal characteristics that indicate significant time
region from 1995 to 2005, in geological deposits dating to 4.4 mya. During the Among them was a partial skeleton, field number ARA- spent in the trees. For example, the foot has greatly elongated
10-year collection period, scientists and field workers literally crawled across VP-6/500. The oldest fossil hominin skeleton yet found, it toes and a fully divergent big toe for grasping. No later hominin
Almost from the beginning of the discovery of fossils in this locality some
5 IMPLICATIONS FOR HUMAN EVOLUTION
This remarkable hominin skeleton, along with the other fossils found at Aramis, provides us with
years before, it was clear that they needed a new name. Tim White called it a new understanding of the origins and evolution of the human and ape lineages. This new
to Understanding: Constructing a
reconstruction, casts of each of the scores of pieces were made. The insight into behavior and adaptation soon after the divergence. This fossil is the closest yet found
resulting images were combined with digital images to produce a composite to the common ancestor of chimpanzees and humans. Most important, all earlier models
picture (see the upper left corner of the facing page). Various indicators, suggesting a chimpanzeelike ancestor for hominins are incorrect—the first hominin was not
including the size of the body, revealed that the hominin was a female adult, chimpanzeelike.
weighing 50 kg (110 lb) and standing 120 cm (4 ft) high.
How This Book Can Help Your Students professional science journal, called it the “Breakthrough of the
Year” for 2009. The discussions in this textbook of topics familiar
Discover Physical Anthropology and unfamiliar give the student stepping-stones to science and to
the centrality of physical anthropology as a window into under-
standing our world. Whether the students find the material familiar
It Is about Engagement or unfamiliar, they will see that the book relates the discipline to
Teaching is about engagement—connecting the student with human life: real concerns about human bodies and human identity.
knowledge, making it real to the student, and having the student They will see themselves from an entirely different point of view
come away from the course with an understanding of core con- and gain new awareness.
cepts. Our Origins: Discovering Physical Anthropology seeks to In writing this book, I made no assumptions about what the
engage the student in the learning process. Engaging the student is reader knows, except to assume that the reader—the student
perhaps more of a challenge in the study of physical anthropology attending your physical anthropology class—has very little or
than in the study of other sciences, mainly because the student has no background in physical anthropology. As I wrote the book, I
likely never heard of the subject. The average student has prob- constantly reflected on the core concepts of physical anthropology
ably taken a precollege course in chemistry, physics, or biology. and how to make them understandable. I combined this quest for
Physical anthropology, though, is rarely mentioned or taught in both accuracy and clarity with my philosophy of teaching; namely,
precollege settings. Commonly, the student first finds out about the engage the student to help the student learn. Simply, teaching
subject when an academic advisor explains that physical anthro- is about engagement. While most students in an introductory
pology is a popular course that fulfills the college’s natural science physical anthropology class do not intend to become professional
requirement. physical anthropologists, some of these students become inter-
Once taking the course, however, that same student usually ested enough to take more courses. So this book is written for
connects quickly with the subject because so many of the topics are students who will not continue their study of physical anthropology,
familiar—fossils, evolution, race, genetics, DNA, monkeys, forensic those who get “hooked” by this fascinating subject (a common
investigations, and origins of speech, to name a few. The student occurrence!), and those who now or eventually decide to become
simply had not realized that these separately engaging topics come professionals in the field.
under the umbrella of one discipline, the subject of which is the The book is unified by the subject of physical anthropology. But
study of human evolution and human variability. equally important is the central theme of science—what it is, how
Perhaps drawn to physical anthropology because it focuses on it is done, and how scientists (in our case, anthropologists) learn
our past and our present as a species, the student quickly sees the about the natural world. I wrote the book so as to create a picture of
fundamental importance of the discipline. In Discover magazine’s who humans are as organisms, how we got to where we are over the
100 top stories of 2009, 18 were from physical anthropology. Three past millions of years of evolution, and where we are going in the
topics from the field were in the top 10, including the remarkable future in light of current conditions. In regard to physical anthropol-
new discovery of our earliest human ancestor, Ardipithecus. So ogy, the student should finish the book understanding human evo-
important was this discovery that Science, the leading international lution and how it is studied, how the present helps us understand
xxii
the past, the diversity of organisms living and past, and the nature chapter reinforces the central point: we understand our past via
of biological change over time and across geography. Such knowl- what we see in the living.
edge should help the student answer questions about the world. For Part II presents evidence of the past, covering more than 50
example, How did primates emerge as a unique group of mam- million years of primate and human evolution. Most textbooks of
mals? Why do people look different from place to place around the this kind end the record of human evolution at about 25,000 years
world? Why is it important to gain exposure to sunlight yet unsafe ago, when modern Homo sapiens evolved worldwide. This textbook
to prolong that exposure? Why is it unhealthy to be excessively also provides the record since the appearance of modern humans,
overweight? Throughout their history, what have humans eaten, showing that important biological changes occurred in just the past
and why is it important to know? 10,000 years, largely relating to the shift from hunting and gath-
I have presented such topics so that the student can come ering to the domestication of plants and animals. Food production
to understand the central concepts and build from them a fuller was a revolutionary development in the human story, and part II
understanding of physical anthropology. Throughout the book, I presents this remarkable record, including changes in health and
emphasize hypothesis testing, the core of the scientific method, well-being that continue today. A new subdiscipline of physical
and focus on that process and the excitement of discovery. The anthropology, bioarchaeology, is contributing profound insights into
narrative style is personalized. Often I draw on my own experi- the past 10,000 years, one of the most dynamic periods of human
ences and those of scientists I know or am familiar with through evolution. During this period, a fundamental change occurred in
their teaching and writing, to show the student how problems are how humans obtained food. This change set the stage for our cur-
addressed through fieldwork or through laboratory investigations. rent environmental disruptions and modern living conditions.
Scientists do not just collect facts. Rather, they collect data Part III explores the record of continued evolution and dis-
and make observations that help them answer questions about the cusses the impact of new developments, such as global warming,
complex natural world we all inhabit. Reflecting this practice, Our the alarming global increase in obesity, and the rise of health threats
Origins: Discovering Physical Anthropology is a collection not of facts such as newly emerging infectious diseases, of which there is little
for the student to learn but of answers to questions that help all of understanding and for which scientists are far from finding cures.
us understand who we are as living organisms and our place in the This part looks at the implications of these developments for evolu-
world. Science is a way of knowing, it is a learning process, and it tion and for humans’ future on Earth.
connects our lives with our world. In these ways, it is liberating.
Changes in the Fourth Edition
How the Book Is Organized Reflecting the dynamic nature of physical anthropology, there
The book is divided into three parts. After an introductory overview are numerous revisions and updates throughout this new, fourth
of anthropology and physical anthropology, part I presents the key edition of Our Origins: Discovering Physical Anthropology. These
principles and concepts in biology, especially from an evolution- updates serve to provide content on the new and cutting-edge
ary perspective. This material draws largely on the study of living developments in the discipline, to give new ways of looking at older
organisms, including humans and nonhuman primates. Because findings, and to keep the book engaging and timely for both you and
much of our understanding of the past is drawn from what we your students. Although the core principles of the book remain the
have learned from the present, this part lays the foundation for the same, namely the focus on evolution, the revisions throughout the
presentation in part II—the past record of primate and human evo- book present new insights, new discoveries, and new perspectives.
lution. In putting the record of the living up front, this book departs Other changes are intended to give added focus and clarity and to
from the style of most other introductory physical anthropology increase the visual appeal that supports the pedagogy of engage-
textbooks, which start out with the earliest record and end with ment and learning:
the living. This book takes the position that most of what we learn • New content on race and human variation. The new edition
about the past is based on theory and principles learned from the provides answers to fundamental questions about race in Amer-
living record. Just as all of Charles Darwin’s ideas were first derived ica. This fourth edition explains that while race is a social reality,
from seeing living plants and animals, much of our understanding there is no meaningful biological basis for categorizing human
of function and adaptation comes from living organisms as models. variation. Therefore, while governmental and other institutions
Therefore, this book views the living as the window onto what came use categories to describe “race,” the categories are not biologi-
before—the present contextualizes and informs our understanding cally informed.
of the past. It is no mistake, then, that Our Origins is the title of the • New content on the globalization of diet. The traditional
book. The origins of who we are today do not just lie in the record of low-fat, high-protein diet in many settings around the world is
the past, but are very much embodied in the living. Our origins are rapidly shifting to a high-fat, high-carbohydrate diet, resulting in
expressed in our physical makeup (bones, teeth, and muscles), in an epidemic of obesity globally. This has important consequenc-
our behavior, and in so many other ways that the student taking this es for world health in the twenty-first century.
course will learn about from this book and from you. You can teach • New content on rapidly emerging infectious diseases. New
individual chapters in any order, and that is partly because each infectious diseases—such as those caused by Ebola, bird flu,
and, most recently, Zika—are emerging owing to the evolutionary
De tous les pays que nous avons visités, le Pérou est celui dont
l’histoire primitive est la plus intéressante, d’abord parce qu’elle
porte un cachet d’originalité très remarquable, ensuite parce que la
race actuelle tient beaucoup plus de la race indigène qu’en aucune
autre contrée de l’Amérique du Sud.
Tout porte à croire que le continent américain a été peuplé par
des migrations asiatiques, mais je n’oserais m’engager dans une
discussion sur ce point. Ce qui est considéré comme certain, c’est
qu’avant l’arrivée des Incas, dont le premier, Manco-Capac, est tout
simplement descendu du ciel avec sa femme Mama-Oello, vers l’an
1000 de notre ère, le territoire péruvien était occupé par diverses
tribus dont les plus importantes étaient les Chinchas, les Quichuas
et celle des Aymaraës. Cette dernière avait la singulière coutume de
déformer la tête des enfants, le plus souvent de manière à lui donner
une hauteur tout à fait anormale ; une telle distinction ne s’appliquait
qu’aux personnes bien nées, et sans doute il y avait à cet égard des
règles de convenance absolument obligatoires.
On croit que Manco-Capac, avant de descendre du ciel, avait
passé les premières années de sa jeunesse parmi ces guerriers au
crâne pointu.
Cet homme extraordinaire ne tarda pas à devenir grand prêtre et
empereur incontesté de tous ceux qui entendirent sa parole. Il
mourut paisiblement après avoir régné quarante ans ; son fils
continua l’œuvre commencée, compléta ses lois, agrandit ses
domaines, et, successivement, douze Incas s’assirent sur le trône de
Manco-Capac.
Cet empire théocratique, fondé par un seul homme, se
perpétuant et prospérant pendant quatre siècles et sur l’étendue de
douze générations consécutives, est certainement le fait le plus
étrange de l’histoire du monde. Par quelle mystérieuse influence ces
souverains improvisés ont-ils pu faire respecter leur domination sur
plusieurs peuples très différents, occupant un espace de trois
millions de kilomètres carrés ? Nul ne peut l’expliquer. Bien des
livres donnent, avec force détails, des renseignements sur la religion
fondée par les Incas et principe de leur autorité ; malheureusement,
on ne peut avoir que peu de confiance dans ces récits, parce qu’ils
émanent d’Espagnols fanatiques ou de métis convertis au
catholicisme.
Il est vraisemblable que le Soleil, plutôt que l’idéalité par laquelle
ces historiens ont cherché à le remplacer, occupait le premier rang
dans la mythologie des Incas ; l’empereur n’était rien moins que le
petit-fils du Soleil, ce qui le faisait, dans le fait, l’égal de la plus haute
divinité. La coutume des empereurs Incas était d’épouser une de
leurs sœurs ; l’impératrice devenait ainsi la personnification de la
lune (ainsi que le prouvent les statues des temples de Cuzco), et la
succession au trône était dévolue aux premiers enfants mâles issus
de ces mariages.
Si les Incas s’étaient bornés à ces joies de famille, constamment
isolés au milieu de leur peuple, ils eussent vraisemblablement été
renversés ou abandonnés avant la venue des Espagnols. Mais le
prudent fondateur de la dynastie avait eu le soin de laisser, en
dehors de ses enfants légitimes, une postérité des plus nombreuses,
officielle sinon régulière, en sorte que, imité par ses successeurs, la
famille impériale devint bientôt une nation dans la nation, multipliant
avec une incroyable rapidité, grâce au pouvoir absolu dont
jouissaient tous ces descendants d’Apollon.
Bien que les empereurs fussent, de droit divin, maîtres de leurs
sujets et de leurs biens, législateurs et justiciers, autocrates dans
toute la force du mot, ce n’est pas par la terreur qu’ils avaient assis
et maintenu leur puissance. Leur despotisme allait jusqu’à défendre
de changer de lieu et jusqu’à interdire absolument l’écriture. On ne
peut donc imaginer un esclavage plus étroit que celui de ces
malheureux peuples ; cependant il n’y eut, pendant la domination
des Incas, que peu d’exécutions, et les idoles ne réclamaient que
rarement des sacrifices humains. Ces tyrans ne manquaient jamais
de proclamer bien haut les principes de droit et « d’égalité », de
protester de leur respect pour les anciennes coutumes, de leur
tendresse à l’égard de leurs sujets, du souci qu’ils avaient de leur
bien-être. Mais ce n’étaient là que de vaines déclamations ; leur
fantaisie était la loi, le sol et ses habitants leur propriété ; nul ne
pouvait se mouvoir, parler, trafiquer, aimer, vivre, en un mot, sans la
permission du maître.
Il suffit d’une poignée d’aventuriers pour renverser le colosse.
L’empereur mort ou prisonnier, il ne devait plus rester de ce
monstrueux état social qu’un troupeau d’esclaves à la merci du
premier venu ; aussi ne fut-ce que par précaution qu’après le
meurtre d’Atahuallpa, Pizarre le remplaça par un fantôme
d’empereur, dont il ne s’embarrassa guère, malgré ses tentatives de
révolte. Ce dernier des souverains Incas se nommait, ainsi que le
premier, Manco-Capac.
Après la bataille vint le pillage. L’Espagne, pendant trois siècles,
recueillit avidement le butin que quatre années de combats (1532-
1536) lui avaient acquis. La rapacité brutale des conquérants réveilla
parfois le courage endormi des vaincus ; il y eut des rébellions, qui
furent réprimées avec une terrible cruauté. La race indienne,
écrasée, épouvantée, se mourait ; mais une race nouvelle venait de
naître et grandissait chaque jour : fille des Indiens et des Espagnols,
maîtresse du pays et par droit de naissance et par droit de conquête,
jeune, ardente, impatiente, il lui tardait de venger à son profit les
aïeux opprimés des aïeux oppresseurs.
Les temps de Charles-Quint étaient passés ; l’aigle espagnole
combattait ailleurs, non plus pour sa gloire, mais pour sa vie. Bientôt
le Chili se soulève au nom de la liberté ; l’illustre Bolivar accourt du
fond de la Colombie et vient pousser le cri de l’indépendance jusque
dans les murs de Lima ; le peuple entier prend les armes ; et le
drapeau victorieux du Pérou remplace à jamais celui de la métropole
(1826).
Ainsi qu’on pouvait le prévoir, ce fut au milieu des troubles et des
désordres politiques, des pronunciamientos, dans le tourbillon d’un
changement perpétuel des hommes et des institutions, que grandit
la jeune république. Elle grandit cependant ; elle a franchi
aujourd’hui l’ère redoutable du travail trop facile et des fortunes trop
rapides ; l’or et l’argent ne sont plus à la surface du sol, et le
président ne pourrait, pour entrer dans son palais, s’offrir la fantaisie
de faire paver toute une rue de Lima en argent massif, ainsi que le fit
le vice-roi espagnol, duc de La Palata. Le Pérou a payé très cher
une chose dont le prix n’est jamais trop élevé : l’expérience, et, s’il
lui en reste à acquérir, il est encore assez riche pour le faire.
Nous voici depuis deux jours installés sur un des beaux steamers
de la Pacific Mail Navigation Company, qui fait le service de l’isthme
de Panama à New-York. Après avoir visité les États-Unis, nous irons
rejoindre la Junon à San-Francisco.
Le lendemain de notre départ du Callao, nous avons eu
l’occasion d’observer un phénomène très curieux et assez rare, que
les marins appellent « la mer de sang. » Quoique la côte ne fût pas
très éloignée, elle était cependant hors de vue, le temps presque
calme, un peu couvert. Aux environs de midi, et sans transaction,
nous vîmes les eaux passer du vert à un rouge peu éclatant, à
reflets faux, mais absolument rouges. La teinte n’était pas uniforme ;
le changement de couleur se produisait par grandes plaques aux
contours indécis, assez voisines les unes des autres. De temps en
temps, l’eau reprenait sa teinte habituelle ; mais, poursuivant
toujours notre route, nous ne tardions pas à entrer dans de
nouvelles couches d’eau colorée, et nous naviguâmes ainsi pendant
plus d’une heure. La couleur primitive, d’un vert pâle, reparut alors
brusquement, et peu de temps après nous avons revu l’eau tout à
fait bleue.
On explique ce phénomène d’une manière aussi claire
qu’insuffisante, en disant que la coloration accidentelle de la mer est
due à la présence d’un nombre infini d’animalcules ; s’ils sont blancs,
on a la mer de lait ; s’ils sont phosphorescents, on a la mer
lumineuse ; s’ils sont rouges, on a la mer de sang. Voilà qui est bien
simple. Mais pourquoi ces petites bêtes sont-elles là et non ailleurs ?
Ah ! dame ! Elles sont là… parce que…
On n’a pas pu m’en dire davantage.
Du Callao à Panama, la distance est d’environ 1,500 milles ;
nous l’avons franchie en six jours et demi. Ce n’était pas trop de
temps pour mettre un peu d’ordre dans nos cerveaux fatigués. Cette
revue du monde entier à toute vapeur laisse tant d’idées et rappelle
tant de souvenirs qu’il est nécessaire de se recueillir un peu pour
classer dans l’esprit et la mémoire ces fugitives images.
Je constate cependant que nous commençons à nous faire à ce
« diorama » de pays et de peuples. Nous voyons mieux, nous nous
attardons moins aux détails ; nos surprises sont moins grandes
lorsque nous nous trouvons en présence de tableaux nouveaux et
en contact avec d’autres êtres ; de même qu’en regagnant le bord
nous possédons le calme du marin qui supporte la tempête avec la
même insouciance que le beau fixe. En résumé, notre éducation de
voyageur est en bonne voie, et j’espère qu’elle sera terminée
lorsque nous atteindrons les rivages asiatiques.
Le 10 novembre, nous avons coupé l’équateur pour la seconde
fois, mais sans aucune fête ni baptême, puisque nous sommes tous
devenus vieux loups de mer et porteurs de certificats en règle,
délivrés, il y a deux mois et demi, par l’estimable père Tropique. Le
charme des magnifiques nuits étoilées nous a fait prendre en
patience la chaleur parfois accablante des après-midi, et, sans
fatigue ni mauvais temps, nous avons atteint, dans la nuit du 13 au
14, les eaux paisibles du golfe de Panama.