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BERESKA
Symbaluk
Sociology In Action
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SOCIOLOGY IN ACTION
A Canadian Perspective
second edition

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SOCIOLOGY IN ACTION
A Canadian Perspective
Second Edition

Diane G. Symbaluk, PhD


Sociology Department
Grant MacEwan University

Tami M. Bereska, PhD


Sociology Department
Grant MacEwan University

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Sociology in Action: A Canadian Perspective, Second Edition
by Diane G. Symbaluk and Tami M. Bereska

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For those who have yet to discover sociology and
those who have already come to appreciate it.

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may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Brief Contents
List of figures, boxes, and tables xii

A Unique Learning System xvii

Preface xx

About the Authors xxix

Part 1 Practising Sociology: Your Sociological Toolkit 1


Chapter 1: Seeing and Acting Through the Lens of Sociology 2
Chapter 2: Applying Sociological Research Methods 22

Part 2 Society and the Self: The Foundations 47

Chapter 3: “I Am Canadian”: What Is “Canadian” Culture? 48


Chapter 4: Socialization: The Self and Social Identity 68
Chapter 5: Social Inequality in Canadian Society 92
Chapter 6: Mass Media: Living in the Electronic Age 118

Part 3 The Micro and Macro of Our Everyday Lives 143

Chapter 7: Sex, Gender, and Sexualities: Deconstructing Dualisms 144


Chapter 8: Race and Ethnicity: Defining Ourselves and Others 168
Chapter 9: Canadian Families: Past, Present, and Future 192
Chapter 10: Learning What Is “True”: Religion, Science, and Education 214
Chapter 11: Social Control, Deviance, and Crime 238
Chapter 12: Health and Illness: Is It “Lifestyle,” or Something More? 260

Part 4 Our Changing World 285

Chapter 13: Social Change: Collective Behaviour and Social Movements 286
Chapter 14: “Going Green”: Environmental Sociology 306
Chapter 15: Globalization: The Interconnected World 330

Glossary 350

IndEX 360

vi NEL

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Detailed Contents
List of figures, boxes, and tables xii SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS 34

A Unique Learning System xvii EXPERIMENTS: WHAT IS CAUSING THIS? 34


SURVEYS: WHAT IS YOUR OPINION ON THIS? 35
Preface xx INTERVIEWS: WHAT CAN YOU TELL ME
About the Authors xxix ABOUT THIS? 37
SECONDARY DATA ANALYSIS: WHAT
INFERENCES CAN BE MADE FROM

Part 1 THIS DATA?


ETHNOGRAPHY: WHAT IS IT LIKE TO BE
A MEMBER OF THAT GROUP/DOING THAT?
38

40
Practising Sociology: Your SYSTEMATIC AND PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION:
WHAT IS HAPPENING? 41
Sociological Toolkit 1
Multiple Methods and Mixed Methods 43

Chapter 1: Seeing and Acting

2
Through the Lens of Sociology 2

THINGS ARE NOT WHAT THEY SEEM 3 Part


WHAT IS SOCIOLOGY? 6 Society and the Self:
COMPARING SOCIOLOGY AND OTHER The Foundations 47
DISCIPLINES 7

BUILDING YOUR SOCIOLOGICAL Chapter 3: “I Am Canadian”:


IMAGINATION: YOUR SOCIOLOGICAL
TOOLKIT 9 What Is “Canadian” Culture? 48

EMPIRICAL RESEARCH METHODS 9 TYPES OF CULTURE 49


SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIZING 9 DEFINING CULTURE 49
critical thinking 16 MATERIAL AND NONMATERIAL CULTURE 50
USING YOUR SOCIOLOGICAL TOOLKIT 17
HOW CULTURE SHAPES OUR
understandings 51
Chapter 2: Applying
LANGUAGE AS A PRECURSOR TO SHARED
Sociological Research Methods 22
UNDERSTANDINGS 51
WHY SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH IS NORMS AS REGULATORS OF SHARED
IMPORTANT 23 BEHAVIOURS 53
COMMON SENSE AND SCIENTIFIC REASONING 23 VALUES AS SHARED IDEAS 56
SOCIOLOGY AS A SCIENTIFIC METHOD 23 Sociology in Theory: Functionalist
SOCIOLOGICAL REASONING 24 and Conflict Perspectives 57
GOALS OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 25
Ideal versus Real Culture 59
THE SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH PROCESS 27 Traditional Beliefs versus Modern
STEPS FOR CONDUCTING SOCIOLOGICAL Practices 59
RESEARCH 27 Subcultures and Countercultures 60

THE IMPORTANCE OF ETHICS HOW IS CANADIAN CULTURE UNIQUE? 60


IN RESEARCH 29 THE ABUNDANCE OF CANADIAN SYMBOLS 60
Human Mistreatment 29 THE PREVALENCE OF HIGH CULTURE AND
THE TRI-COUNCIL POLICY STATEMENT 30 POPULAR CULTURE 61

QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE Sociology in Theory: Critical


METHODS 32 Views of Popular Culture 63

NEL   v i i

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Chapter 4: Socialization: The Self SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY: WHY ARE
THERE CLASSES IN SOCIETY? 110
and Social Identity 68
STRATIFICATION IS BENEFICIAL 110
IDENTIFYING OURSELVES AND STRATIFICATION IS A BYPRODUCT OF
IDENTIFYING OTHERS 69 CAPITALISM 110
the Subjective and social nature of STRATIFICATION PRODUCES SURPLUS VALUE 112
the self 70
MAJOR INFLUENCES ON THE DEVELOPING SELF 70 Chapter 6: Mass Media:
SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY: DEVELOPMENT Living in the Electronic Age 118
OF THE SELF 72
MASS MEDIA PREVALENCE AND FORMS 119
I, ME, AND THE GENERALIZED OTHER 72
SELF-PERCEPTION: THE LOOKING-GLASS SELF 73 MEDIA CONSUMPTION 119
TRADITIONAL FORMS OF MASS MEDIA 119
AGENTS OF SOCIALIZATION 76 THE INTERNET CHANGES EVERYTHING 121
THE FAMILY 76 NEW MEDIA 122
THE SCHOOL 78
SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 125
THE PEER GROUP 79
MEDIA 79 FUNCTIONALIST FRAMEWORK 125
CONFLICT FRAMEWORK 126
The Basic Components of Social
Structure 81 HOW THE MEDIA SHAPES OUR
PERCEPTIONS 130
STATUSES AND ROLES 81
SOCIAL GROUPS 83 THE INTERACTIONIST FRAMEWORK 130
FEMINIST FRAMEWORK 132
SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 85 The Media Reinforces Stereotyped
SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY: MAX WEBER’S Images of Women and Men 132
IDEAL TYPE OF BUREAUCRACY 85 VIOLENCE IS THE NORM IN THE MASS MEDIA 132
RESOCIALIZATION: MORE THAN POSTMODERN FRAMEWORK 136
STARTING OVER 86
CONCLUSIONS 138

Chapter 5: Social Inequality in


Canadian Society
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION: SANCTIONED
92
Part 3
SOCIAL INEQUALITY 93 The Micro and Macro of Our
CLOSED SYSTEMS OF STRATIFICATION 93 Everyday Lives 143
OPEN SYSTEMS OF STRATIFICATION:
THE CLASS SYSTEM 96
Chapter 7: Sex, Gender, and
WEALTH AS A MEASURE OF SOCIAL Sexualities: Deconstructing Dualisms 144
CLASS 98
CANADA’S INCOME-BASED CLASS STRUCTURE 99 ELITE DISCOURSES OF SEX, GENDER, AND
NET WORTH AND CLASS STRUCTURE 102 SEXUALITY 145
POVERTY AND CLASS STRUCTURE 103 MOVING OUTSIDE ELITE DISCOURSES 146
NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF SOCIAL
GENDER: THE CONSEQUENCES OF HAVING
INEQUALITY 106
BEEN BORN FEMALE OR MALE 152
POVERTY AS A FEATURE OF DIFFERENT EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES 153
CANADIAN SOCIETY 107 DIFFERENT OCCUPATIONAL EXPERIENCES 156
POVERTY REDUCTION 108 DIFFERENT ECONOMIC EXPERIENCES 158

v i i i   Detailed Contents NEL

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DIFFERENT FAMILY EXPERIENCES 159 Changing Families 197
SUMMARY 160 Fewer Marriages 197
SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 161 More Common Law Unions 198
More Divorces 198
Functionalist Theories 161
More Lone Parents 199
Conflict Theories 161
More Same-Sex Couples 199
Interactionist Theories 162
Fewer Children 200
Feminist Theories 163
Is “The Family” Declining? 201
Postmodern Theories 164
Difficulties Faced by Some
Chapter 8: Race and Ethnicity: Families 203

Defining Ourselves and Others 168 Sociology in Theory 206


ETHNICITY, RACE, RACIALIZATION, social exchange theory 206
AND VISIBLE MINORITIES 169 family life course development theory 207
functionalist theories 208
CONTEMPORARY ETHNIC PATTERNS 171 conflict theories 209
HISTORICAL IMMIGRATION PATTERNS AND feminist theories 209
POLICIES 172 INTERACTIONIST THEORIES 209

CONSEQUENCES OF ETHNIC
IDENTIFICATION 174 Chapter 10: Learning What
DIVERSE FAMILY EXPERIENCES 174 Is “True”: Religion, Science,
Diverse Economic Experiences 176 and Education 214
Relationships between Groups 177 RELIGION 216
ASSIMILATION 178 RELIGIOUS PATTERNS 217
PLURALISM 180 IMPLICATIONS OF RELIGION 218
SEGREGATION AND POPULATION TRANSFER 181 SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 220
PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION 182 THE TRANSITION TO SCIENTIFIC
The Cognitive Component 182 “TRUTH” 222
The Affective Component 183 SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE AS OBJECTIVE
The Behavioural Component 183 TRUTH 222
SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY: UNDERSTANDING SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE AS CONSTRUCTED 223
PREJUDICE AND RACIALIZATION 185 SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 225

Social Psychological Theories 185 RELIGION AND SCIENCE 226


Interactionist Theories 186 RELIGION, SCIENCE, AND EDUCATION 227
Conflict Theories 186
Critical Race Theory 187 THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN MODERN
SOCIETY 227
SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 228
Chapter 9: Canadian Families:
Past, Present, and Future 192
Chapter 11: Social Control,
Families Are Everywhere 193
Deviance, and Crime 238
What Is a Family? 195 SOCIAL CONTROL 239
Structural, Functional, and Emotional
Definitions 195 WHAT IS DEVIANCE? 240

NEL Detailed Contents  i x

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CRIME 242 POSTMODERN PERSPECTIVES: KNOWLEDGE,
TYPES OF CRIMES AND LAWS 242 POWER, AND DISCOURSE 279
CRIME CLASSIFICATIONS AND STATISTICS 243

4
CONTROLLING CRIME: THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE
SYSTEM 246
PUNISHMENT AS SOCIAL CONTROL 247 Part
ALTERNATIVE MEASURES OF CRIMINAL
CONTROL 248 Our Changing World 285

SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY: EXPLAINING


DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CONTROL 250 Chapter 13: Social Change:
EXPLAINING DEVIANCE 250 Collective Behaviour and Social
EXPLAINING OUR PERCEPTIONS OF, Movements 286
AND REACTIONS TO, BEHAVIOURS AND
CHARACTERISTICS 253 SOCIAL CHANGE AND SOCIAL PROGRESS 287

DEFINING COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR 287


Chapter 12: Health and Illness: Is COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR IN LOCALIZED
It “Lifestyle,” or Something More? 260 CROWDS 288
THE SOCIOLOGY OF HEALTH AND SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 290
ILLNESS 261 EXPLAINING COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR IN
CROWDS 290
PATTERNS OF HEALTH AND ILLNESS 262
DISPERSED FORMS OF COLLECTIVE
HISTORICAL PATTERNS 262 BEHAVIOUR 291
CONTEMPORARY PATTERNS OF MORTALITY IN
CANADA 263 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 297
CLAIMS AND CLAIMS MAKING 297
THE “ACTUAL” CAUSES OF ILLNESS:
DIMENSIONS OF SOCIAL CHANGE 298
THE ROLE OF LIFESTYLE 264
TYPES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 298
TOBACCO USE 264
ALCOHOL USE AND MISUSE 265 SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 300
POOR DIET AND PHYSICAL INACTIVITY 267 VALUE-ADDED THEORY 300
SUMMARY 269 RESOURCE MOBILIZATION THEORY 301
NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY 301
THE “FUNDAMENTAL” CAUSES OF HEALTH
AND ILLNESS: SOCIAL INEQUALITY 269
SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS 270 Chapter 14: “Going Green”:
ETHNIC INEQUALITY AND HEALTH 271 Environmental Sociology 306
HEALTH CARE SYSTEMS 274 SOCIAL FACTORS POSING ENVIRONMENTAL
THE HEALTH CARE SYSTEM TODAY 275 CHALLENGES 307
SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 277 Human Overpopulation 307
INDUSTRIALIZATION 310
FUNCTIONALIST PERSPECTIVES:
URBAN SPRAWL 311
THE SICK ROLE 277
OVERCONSUMPTION OF RESOURCES 311
INTERACTIONIST PERSPECTIVES: THE CULTURAL
MEANINGS OF HEALTH AND ILLNESS 277 GROWING AWARENESS OF
CONFLICT PERSPECTIVES: THE CONSEQUENCES ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES 314
OF POWER AND INEQUALITY 278 The First Wave of Environmentalism 316
FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES: WOMEN’S HEALTH The Second Wave of Environmentalism 316
AND ILLNESS 278

x   Detailed Contents NEL

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Sociology in Theory 319 CHARACTERISTICS OF
Environmental Sociology 319 GLOBALIZATION 334
HUMAN EXEMPTIONALISM AND TECHNOLOGICAL DIMENSION 334
THE NEW ECOLOGICAL PARADIGM 319 ECONOMIC DIMENSION 334
Functionalist Perspectives: Ecological POLITICAL DIMENSION 335
Modernization 320 CULTURAL DIMENSION 336
Critical Perspectives: The Treadmill of
THE VISION OF GLOBALIZATION
Production 320
AND ITS REALITY: THE GOOD,
STRATEGIES FOR BETTER THE BAD, AND THE UGLY 337
ENVIRONMENTAL CHOICES 322 THE GOOD 337
Living Green: Changing the Behaviour of THE BAD AND THE UGLY 337
Individuals 322
Global Justice Movements 344
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: CHANGING
PRACTICES IN GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS 323 SOCIOLOGY IN THEORY 345
A GLOBAL CALL TO ACTION: BRINGING
Modernization Theory 345
EVERYONE ON BOARD 324
Dependency Theory 345
World Systems Theory 345
Chapter 15: Globalization: Post-Colonial Theories 346
The Interconnected World 330 Feminist Theories 346

DEFINING GLOBALIZATION 331 Glossary 350

THE EMERGENCE OF GLOBALIZATION 332 Index 360

NEL Detailed Contents  x i

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List of Figures, Boxes, and Tables
List of Figures Chapter 7: Sex, Gender, and Sexuality:
Deconstructing Dualisms
Chapter 1: Seeing and Acting Through Figure 7.1: Elite Discourses of Sex, Gender,
the Lens of Sociology and Sexuality 146
Figure 1.1: Personal Choices and Social Forces 5 Figure 7.2: The Good Wife’s Guide 149
Figure 1.2: What Can I Do with a Degree in Figure 7.3: Sexual Scripts 151
Sociology? 8 Figure 7.4: Occupational Profiles of Men and
Figure 1.3: The Core Theoretical Frameworks of Women (ages 25–34) (2011) 156
Sociology 17 Figure 7.5: Share of Women
Figure 1.4: The Beginners’ Guide on the Boards of Listed
to Critical Thinking 18 Companies, 2009: Canada and
Select OECD Countries 157
Chapter 2: Applying Sociological
Research Methods Chapter 8: Race and Ethnicity: Defining
Figure 2.1: Deductive and Inductive Reasoning 24 Ourselves and Others
Figure 2.2: Steps in a Research Process 29 Figure 8.1: Proportion of the Aboriginal
Identity Population Who Speaks an
Figure 2.3: An Important Note to Students 36
Aboriginal Language 172
Figure 8.2: Canada—Permanent Residents,
Chapter 4: Socialization: The Self and
1860–2012 173
Social Identity
Figure 8.3: Bicultural Adaptation Patterns 176
Figure 4.1: Mead’s Stages in the Development
of the Self 73 Figure 8.4: Annual Income (2005) for
Persons of Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal
Figure 4.2: Mead’s Representation of the Self: Ancestry, 2006 Census, Ages 25–44 176
The “I” and the “Me” 74
Figure 8.5: Annual Income (2005) for
Figure 4.3: Cooley’s Looking-Glass Self 74 Immigrant and Non-Immigrant Persons,
Figure 4.4: The Bullying Problem in Canada 2006 Census, Ages 25–44 176
(in percentages) 79 Figure 8.6: Relationships Between
Figure 4.5: Asch’s (1956) Experiment on Group Prejudice and Discrimination 184
Conformity 84
Chapter 9: Canadian Families: Past,
Chapter 5: Social Inequality in Present, and Future
Canadian Society
Figure 9.1: Marriage Rates, 1975–2008
Figure 5.1: They’re Richer Than You Think 100 (per 1,000 population ages 15+) 198
Figure 5.2: Regional Variation in Annual Family Figure 9.2: Common Law Unions as a
Income, Canada, 2011 102 Percentage of All Census Families 198
Figure 5.3: Food Prices in Nunavut 103 Figure 9.3: Divorce Rates, 1960–2008
(per 100,000 population, ages 15+) 199
Chapter 6: Mass Media: Living in the Figure 9.4: Percentage of Families Headed by
Electronic Age a Lone Parent, 1966 and 2011 199
Figure 6.1: Frequency of Second Screening Figure 9.5: Average Number of Children
Using Tablets and Smartphones 121 Born per Woman, 1959 and 2011 200

xii NEL

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Chapter 10: Learning What Is “True”: Chapter 15: Globalization:
Religion, Science, and Education The Interconnected World
Figure 10.1: Belief Systems 216 Figure 15.1: Early Trade Routes 332
Figure 10.2: Religious Affiliation, Figure 15.2: The International Monetary Fund,
Canada (2011) 217 World Bank, and World Trade Organization 333
Figure 10.3: Religiosity among Canadians Figure 15.3: Walmart’s Revenues versus Nation-
(Age 15 and over) 218 States’ Gross Domestic Products 335
Figure 15.4: Proportion of the World’s Wealth
Chapter 11: Social Control, Deviance, Owned by Each Quintile 338
and Crime
Figure 11.1: Types of Law 243
Figure 11.2: Police-Reported Crime Rates, List of Boxes
Canada, 1962–2012 244
Figure 11.3: Police-Reported Crime Severity
Chapter 1: Seeing and Acting Through
Index, by Province and Territory, 2012 245 Sociological Lenses
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
The Impact of Life Chances 5
Chapter 12: Health and Illness: Is It
“Lifestyle,” or Something More? Sociology Online: The Critical Thinking
Community 19
Figure 12.1: The Epidemiological Transition 262
Figure 12.2: Top 10 Causes of Death in
Canada (2011) 263 Chapter 2: Applying Sociological
Research Methods
Figure 12.3: Youth Smokers, by Age and
Sex (2012) 265 Sociology on Screen: Acres of Skin:
Medical Abuse Behind Bars 30
Figure 12.4: Alcohol Use by Sex (2012) 266
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in
Figure 12.5: Life Expectancy at Birth, by Sex, Action: Decolonization and Indigenous
Neighbourhood Income Quintiles, 2005–2007 270 Research 33
Figure 12.6: Projected Life Expectancies (2017), Sociology in Deeds: Insight into Participant
by Aboriginal Identity 272 Observation 41

Chapter 13: Social Change: Collective Chapter 3: “I Am Canadian”: What Is


Behaviour and Social Movements “Canadian” Culture?
Figure 13.1: Historical Events with Origins in Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My
Collective Behaviour 288 Community: Gendered Language Quiz 54
Figure 13.2: Typology of Social Movements 299 Sociology on Screen: Iron Man:
No Gang Signs 55
Chapter 14: “Going Green”: Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
Environmental Sociology The Canadian Multiculturalism Act 57
Figure 14.1: The Ecological Wealth of Nations 309 Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking
Figure 14.2: The Demographic Transition in Action: Is Diversity Supported in Canada? 58
Model of Development 310 Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life: In
Figure 14.3: Map of the Golden Horseshoe 312 What Ways Do You Influence Popular Culture? 64

NEL List of Figures, Boxes, and Tables  x i i i

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Chapter 4: Socialization: The Self Sociology in Music: Violence in Music 133
and Social Identity Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
Sociology in the News: The case of Ng Chhaidy— Managing Children’s Exposure to Violence 135
Who Lived in the Forest for 38 Years 72 Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in Media Literacy in Action 137
Action: Self-Tracking and the Creation of a
Virtual Self 76
Chapter 7: Sex, Gender, and Sexualities:
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Deconstructing Dualisms
Community: Parents Matter 77
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Sociology on Screen: Modern Family 78 My Gender 146
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice: Sociology Online: Advocacy for
Children’s Rights in Canada 80 Intersexed Persons 147
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life: Sociology on Screen: Hypermasculinity in
What is Your Status Set? 82 the Media 150
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My
Chapter 5: Social Inequality in Canadian Community: Supporting Spectrums of Sex,
Society Gender, and Sexuality 152
Sociology in the News: No Running Water 94 Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Sociology on Screen: Enslaved and Exploited 95 Imagining My Life Differently 152
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
in Action: Blaming the Poor for Their Plight 98 The Impact of Gendered Norms in My Life 160
Sociology on Screen: Poor No More 101 Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in
Sociology Online: The Growing Gap Project 101 Action: Parental Leave Benefits 161
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life: Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
Are You Above LICO? 105 Patriarchy in Canada’s Census 162
Sociology on Screen: Four Feet Up 108 Sociology on Screen: Codes of Gender 163
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My
Community: Make Poverty History Campaign 109 Chapter 8: Race and Ethnicity: Defining
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice: Ourselves and Others
An Act to Eliminate Poverty 112 Sociology Online: Understanding Race 170
Sociology on Screen: Ethnic Diversity in Brooks,
Chapter 6: Mass Media: Living in the Alberta 171
Electronic Age Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Sociology on Screen: Her 122 My Ethnicity 172
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking Sociology on Screen: Bloodline, Culture, and
in Action: Mass Media as a Social Institution 126 Identity 174
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice: Sociology in Words: The Voices of Residential
Canadian Radio-Television and School Students 180
Telecommunications Commission 128 Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Multiculturalism in Canada 181
Community: Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting 129 Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Sociology on Screen: Consuming Kids 131 Has Racism “All But Disappeared”? 184

x i v   List of Figures, Boxes, and Tables NEL

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Sociology Online: The Canadian Anti-Racism Chapter 11: Social Control, Deviance,
Education and Research Society 185 and Crime
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Action: Framing Ethnicity 186 Are You Socially Controlled? 240
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
Community: The International Day for the Changing Views of Prostitution 246
Elimination of Racial Discrimination 187 Sociology Online: Criminal Justice in Canada 247
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
Chapter 9: Canadian Families: Past, The Office of the Correctional Investigator 249
Present, and Future
Sociology on Screen: Restorative Justice:
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life: Hollow Water 250
My Family 194
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life: My Community: Reducing the Stigma of
Defining My Family 197 Mental Illness 254
Sociology on Screen: The Perfect Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in
Family Dinner 202 Action: Deviance and Social Control on
Sociology Online: Seeing the Family Decline Campus 255
Debate in Action 202
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in Chapter 12: Health and Illness: Is It
Action: Patriarchy and Patrilineality Today 204 “Lifestyle,” or Something More?
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My
Community: Strengthening Aboriginal Community: The Thumbs Up! Thumbs Down!
Families 205 Project 266
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice: Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Parental Leave Benefits 208 How Does Alcohol Affect Your Life? 267
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in
Chapter 10: Learning What Is “True”: Practice: WHO Framework Convention on
Religion, Science, and Education Tobacco Control 269
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life: Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in
Religion in My Life 216 My Community: Canadian Mental Health
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Association 272
Community: Religion in the Lives of Canadians 218 Sociology in the News: From the Davis Inlet to
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in Natuashish 273
Action: Shifting Paradigms 223 Sociology Online: Population Aging in Action 276
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice: Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in
Universal Declaration on the Human Genome Action: Improving the Health of the Nation 276
and Human Rights 224 Sociology on Screen: Pink Ribbons, Inc. 279
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
Education in Canada 228 Chapter 13: Social Change: Collective
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Behaviour and Social Movements
Community: Supplemental School Fees 230 Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
Sociology in Music: Education as Control 231 Crowds and Entertainment 289
Sociology in Words: IQ as Oppression 232

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Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in
Community: The Rumour Process 293 Action: Millennium Development Goals and
Sociology Online: Debunking Urban Legends 294 Beyond 347
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My
Community: Chiropractic Folk Devils 295
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice: List of Tables
Chiropractic Delisting 295
Chapter 2: Applying Sociological
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in
Action: Idle No More: A Peaceful Revolution or a Research Methods
Resistance Movement? 300 Table 2.1: Sociological Research Methods 42

Chapter 14: “Going Green”: Chapter 5: Social Inequality in Canadian


Environmental Sociology Society
Sociology Online: Environment Canada 308 Table 5.1: Income Range and Share of Total, by
Quintile, 2011 99
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life:
How Big Is Your Carbon Footprint? 313 Table 5.2: Canada’s 10 Richest Families by Net
Worth (in Billions), 2014 104
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in
My Community: World Wildlife Fund Canada 316 Table 5.3: Hourly Minimum Wages in Canada,
2013 105
Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking in
Action: Global Warming: The Great Climate
Change Debate 318 Chapter 7: Sex, Gender, and Sexualities:
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Deconstructing Dualisms
Community: Discussing Environmental Issues 320 Table 7.1: Average Earnings by Sex and Work
Sociology on Screen: Tipping Point: Pattern (Full-Time Workers) 158
The Age of the Oil Sands 321
Chapter 13: Social Change:
Chapter 15: Globalization: The Collective Behaviour and Social
Interconnected World Movements
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in My Life: Table 13.1: Differentiating between Collective
What Role Do You Play in Globalization? 336 Behaviour and Social Movements 298
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Practice:
The ILO Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Chapter 14: “Going Green”:
Globalization 339 Environmental Sociology
Sociology Online: The Fight to Save Thompson, Table 14.1: A Sample of Eco-Label
Manitoba 341 Names 315
Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in Table 14.2: Global Challenges Aligned with
My Community: A 12-Year-Old Boy Changes One Planet Living Principles, Goals, and
the World 343 Strategies 325

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A Unique Learning System
The Sociological Toolkit
The essence of sociology lies in the sociological imagination, a cognitive skill that enables individuals
to identify the links between the micro level of individual experiences and choices and the macro level
of larger sociocultural forces. This textbook highlights the tools that are necessary to develop that skill:
empirical research methods that create verifiable knowledge; sociological theories that explain that
knowledge, and critical thinking that enables us to evaluate and to extrapolate from that knowledge.

Empirical Research Methods and Sociological Theories. Representative of the discipline of sociology, aca-
demic research based on empirical research methods and sociological theories constitute the foundation
for each chapter.

Your Sociological Toolkit: Critical Thinking


in Action. Research has found that critical
thinking does not automatically develop with
a postsecondary education—it requires prac-
tice. In each chapter, a box titled Your Socio-
logical Toolkit: Critical Thinking in Action
provides students with specific opportunities
to think critically about particular issues by
evaluating, questioning, or deconstructing
certain pieces of knowledge or claims to
truth, or by extrapolating from the mate-
rial addressed in the body of the chapter to
a broader question or social problem. For
example, in the chapter on sex, gender, and sexualities, students are presented with data showing that few
fathers actually take advantage of the opportunities provided by parental leave policies (and those who do
take parental leave do so for only a few weeks). Students are asked to draw upon the earlier chapter material
on elite discourses of sex and gender, and on the differential educational, occupational, and economic expe-
riences of males and females, to explain why this pattern exists. They are also asked to consider the conse-
quences of these patterns—at the micro level for parents and their children, and at the macro level for social
patterns and institutions, as well as for larger discourses of sex and gender. Finally, students are asked what
would have to change in society for more fathers to take advantage of the parental leave they are entitled to.

Four distinct but complementary ways of practising sociology. Unique to this textbook, four different
settings within which the sociological toolkit can be used are highlighted: in theory, in practice, in my
community, and in my life. This approach is especially effective for helping students understand how
sociology relates to their everyday lives and how academic sociology (i.e., based in theoretical and empir-
ical research) applies to real life. For example, students can more readily evaluate theoretical assumptions
when they can see how they translate into actual policy recommendations on particular issues, or how
they are communicated to the public in various forms. Students are especially able to understand the
contributions of a sociological perspective when issues are discussed using personal examples they can
consider in the context of their own lives.

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Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology
in Theory sections highlight certain
pieces of research by formally trained
academics.

Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology in


Practice boxes consist of applications
of sociological concepts for policy
development.

Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology


in My Community boxes
demonstrate how sociological
principles can be transmitted to
nonacademic audiences.

Your Sociological Toolkit: Sociology


in My Life boxes are applications of
sociological knowledge to one’s own
personal life experiences.

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Additional Features
The Sociological Toolkit is the organizing framework of the text. The following special features also char-
acterize it:
● Learning Objectives and Outcomes are numbered statements about the intended knowledge and/
or skills students should be able to demonstrate following a thorough reading of the chapter. The
Learning Objectives and Outcomes run throughout the body of the chapter to encourage critical,
focused reading.
● Opening quotations begin each chapter; they are well-known quotes intended to spark the reader’s
interest and set the tone for the chapter by highlighting a central concept, issue, or paradox that is
pertinent to the topic covered in that chapter.
● Sociology on Screen discusses documentaries and/or fictional films that illustrate key concepts and
processes.
● Sociology in Music includes lyrics from songs that illustrate the importance of sociological concepts
in everyday practices.
● Sociology Online details various sources of information at particular websites that demonstrate key
concepts and provide in-depth examples of topics discussed in the chapters.
● Sociology in the News contains media coverage illustrating how sociological concepts and processes
are presented in statements made to the public.
● Sociology in Words includes either the testimony of people who experience sociological concepts
first-hand or in-depth explanations by theorists who study sociological issues.
● Sociology in Deeds highlights actions of others that demonstrate sociological principles.
● Chapter Summaries are succinct examples of the kinds of responses students are expected to
provide in relation to the learning objectives and outcomes.
● Time to Review questions at the end of each main section highlight key points and provide students
with a built-in test of their mastery of the material before they proceed to the next section.
● Margin Definitions provide definitions conveniently located in the text margin beside the section
where the term is first introduced. Students can practise their understanding by accessing the
interactive flashcards online.
● Recommended Readings provide references for additional resources on specified aspects of the issues
pertinent to a given chapter.
● For Further Reflection questions present opportunities to examine chapter content in more detail
and to demonstrate a personal understanding of the key concepts and processes discussed in the
chapter.
● A Glossary of all key terms is included at the end of the text.

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Preface
Introduction by the time they finish a course in introductory soci-
ology. The following nine themes emerged as overall
Sociology is about the real world. It can be thought directives for what students should learn about in an
of as the most comprehensive social science1—one introductory sociology course:
that provides a systematic means for understanding
the interconnectedness among people, among insti- 1. The “social” part of sociology, or learning to
tutions, and between individuals and the society in think sociologically
which they live. A major objective of our textbook is 2. The scientific nature of sociology
to give you the tools to help you develop your socio- 3. Complex and critical thinking
logical imagination2 so that you can see how you (and 4. The centrality of inequality
other people) influence and are influenced by society; 5. A sense of sociology as a field
so that you can view social issues from a variety of 6. The social construction of ideas
different perspectives and critically evaluate those 7. The difference between sociology and other
perspectives (including your own); and so that you social sciences
can extrapolate from the empirical and theoretical 8. The importance of trying to improve the world
research presented in this textbook to the real world 9. The important social institutions in society
issues you or that others experience every day. The Our goal as authors was to provide a founda-
sociological imagination is not merely an intellectual tion on which those objectives can be met by those
exercise; it is the foundation for social action. We hope teaching introductory sociology, whether in class-
that by the time you finish this textbook, you will be rooms, online, or in other distance learning environ-
better equipped to engage in effective social action in ments. The feedback of our reviewers was invaluable
the context of your own families, communities, and to our efforts.
professions, as well as in the context of larger social
problems such as social inequality and environmental
degradation.
Organization
Part 1: Practising Sociology: Your Sociological
Toolkit provides students with a framework for
Overall Goal of how to think sociologically. Beginning in Chapter 1,
this Book: Helping you will start to see the fundamental connection
between individual choices and larger social forces,
Students Acquire a connection that lies at the heart of the sociological
imagination. Chapter 1 explains why the sociological
the Fundamentals imagination is important—in the 21st century, per-
of Sociology haps more important than ever before—and outlines
the tools that will help you build your own sociolog-
Persell, Pfeiffer, and Syed3 surveyed 44 pre-eminent ical imagination (empirical research methods, socio-
leaders in sociology (including ASA presidents, logical theories, critical thinking). Empirical research
regional presidents, and national grant recipients in methods are presented in detail in Chapter 2. These
sociology), asking them what students need to know methods help us move beyond commonsense ideas to
appreciate the scientific nature of sociology as a dis-
1G. Delanty, Social Science: Philosophical and Methodological cipline that provides answers to important questions.
Foundations, 2nd ed. (Buckingham: Open University Press, 2005); G. Part 2: Society and the Self: The Foundations
Delanty, “Sociology,” in Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology, ed. G. Ritzer
has four chapters that constitute a foundation of soci-
(Malden: Blackwell, 2007), http:// www.blackwellreference.com.
ology as a discipline. Chapter 3 highlights the cul-
2C.W. Mills, The Sociological Imagination, 40th anniversary ed., ed. C.W.
Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 3–24.
tural context of our social experiences and outlines
the basic components of culture. Chapter 4 addresses
3C.H. Persell, K.M. Pfeiffer, and A. Syed, “What Should Students
Understand After Taking Introduction to Sociology?” Teaching Sociology the role of socialization in the emergence of our own
35, no. 4 (2007): 300–14. identities and the identities we ascribe to others, as

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well as the social structure within which socializa- However, they tend to treat the sociological
tion occurs. Chapter 5 discusses social inequality as imagination as an end in itself rather than as
a challenge for many people and as a stable feature of a means to an end. When Mills spoke of the
Canadian society. In the 21st century, the mass media sociological imagination, he emphasized its
are a key source of information and have come to play centrality in creating informed and active citi-
a central role in connecting members of society to zens. By focusing on the sociological imagina-
one another. So this section of the textbook ends with tion and social action, this textbook provides
a chapter about the mass media, including a critical the impetus for students to become more
look at how they shape our perceptions. socially aware and more active as citizens in
Part 3: The Micro and Macro of Our Everyday their communities, in society, and in the world.
Experiences has six chapters that focus on various Whether they become parents, teachers, com-
aspects of students’ own experiences. Chapters 7 munity league soccer coaches, entrepreneurs,
and 8 consider the implications of sex, gender, and or social activists trying to create meaningful
sexualities, as well as ethnicity, for who we are and social change, students will see the value in
who others say we are, as well as for socioeconomic utilizing their own sociological imaginations.
status, discrimination, and family life. Chapter ● The prevalence of social inequality. From the
9 helps us appreciate the influence, diversity, and stratification of Canadian society into distinct
changing nature of Canadian families. Chapter 10 and unequal social classes, to the differential
focuses on the various ways we come to know what treatment of men and women based on socially
is “true”—through religion, science, and the modern constructed gender differences, this book
education system—and the ways in which all three teaches students about the centrality of social
are socially constructed. Chapter 11 explores the inequality. Throughout, we emphasize how
myriad ways that people (including ourselves) are social inequality is built into Canadian society
subjected to measures of social control on a daily and how various processes and structures lead
basis, such that we are identified as deviant— to its reproduction in subsequent generations.
sometimes in noncriminal ways, other times in ●● The socially constructed nature of society.
criminal ways. Chapter 12 describes patterns of Whether we are debating how to define the
health and illness, with an emphasis on “lifestyle” family, how to describe deviance, how to
factors and social determinants of health, as well measure poverty, or even how many sexes
as the prevention and treatment of illness in the exist, this book highlights ways in which key
broader context of health care systems. concepts we tend to take for granted are actu-
Part 4: Our Changing World, discusses the ally social constructions contingent on specific
importance of collective action, social movements, historical contexts and the needs or interests of
and globalization for effecting widespread change. particular groups.
Chapter 13 discusses social change as brought about ●● Ways to engage students and instructors. Stu-
by various forms of collective behaviour and social dents need to see the relevance of sociology in
movements. Chapter 14 focuses on environmental their everyday lives as well as how this trans-
sociology as part of a global call to action on ecolog- lates into related careers. Similarly, instruc-
ical issues. Chapter 15 describes historical precursors tors need to find ways to embed sociological
to globalization; outlines technological, economic, concepts in students’ interests and course
political, cultural, and social characteristics of glo- curriculum paths. We include particular peda-
balization; and assesses the relative merits and draw- gogical features to help bring sociology alive;
backs of globalization. we then translate social issues from theory into
practice and finally into the public and per-
sonal domains. A variety of boxes are included
Underlying Themes to help students and instructors see the links
between individuals and society and the
●● The impetus for social action. All introduc- overall applicability of the discipline of soci-
tory sociology textbooks mention C. Wright ology as a means for facilitating social change.
Mills’s concept of the sociological imagination.

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These boxes highlight films, music lyrics, web- students enter university with lower order
sites, media stories, the first-hand testimonies, thinking skills and that a significant number
and the actions of individuals or groups. graduate without having had sufficient oppor-
●● Built-in skill development tools for students. In tunities to develop higher order thinking
each chapter we begin with a set of learning skills. Critical thinking skills require practice,
objectives and outcomes and end with a and this chapter outlines for students how this
chapter summary that refers back to those textbook will give them opportunities for that
objectives and outcomes. Throughout the practice.
chapter, indicators draw students’ attention to
which learning objective is being addressed
in any given section. We also provide Time
to Review questions throughout each chapter
Chapter 2: Applying Sociological
so that students can see if they understand Research Methods
the main points before moving on to a new ●● Goals of sociological research
section. We end each chapter with a set of ●● Steps for conducting sociological research
recommended readings and critical reflection ●● Ethical conduct for research involving humans

questions. ●● Distinguishing between qualitative and quanti-

tative methods

Chapter Highlights New to the Second Edition . . .


and What’s New to This chapter has been expanded to include
a wider array of approaches to research.
This Edition It now includes discussions of evaluation
Listed below are some of the topics and issues covered research, empowerment research, decoloniza-
in specific chapters along with descriptions of key tion research, participant action research, dis-
changes integrated into the second edition. course analysis, and more. There is also a new
section on establishing rigour in qualitative
research through triangulation, credibility,
Chapter 1 Seeing and Acting and the use of audit trails.
Through the Lens of Sociology
●● What is sociology? Chapter 3: “I Am Canadian”:
What can I do with a degree in sociology?
What Is “Canadian” Culture?
●●

●● Comparing sociology and other disciplines

●● The value of the sociological imagination ●● Language as a precursor to shared understand-


●● The beginner’s guide to critical thinking
ings
●● Norms as regulators of shared behaviours

New to the Second Edition . . . ●● Values as shared ideas

●● Popular culture and high culture

This chapter introduces the idea of the socio-


logical toolkit. Just as a hammer and a saw New to the Second Edition . . .
enable an individual to build a shed in the
backyard, empirical research methods, socio- The existing material on the social structure
logical theories, and critical thinking enable has been removed from this chapter (and
students to develop their sociological imagi- placed in Chapter 4). This allows for greater
nations. The section on critical thinking has discussion of some aspects of culture in this
been expanded to include research on crit- chapter, such gender neutral, gender inclusive,
ical thinking itself, which shows that most and non-prescriptive language. It also enables

x x i i   Preface NEL

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may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Nelson Education reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
new topics to be introduced, such as the con- on slavery in Canada’s past and human traf-
troversial Charter of Values in Quebec. ficking in Canada’s present.

Chapter 4: Socialization: Chapter 6: Mass Media:


The Self and Social Identity Living in the Electronic Age
●● The self and its connection to socialization and ● “Being alone together” in public spaces
social interaction ●● Agenda setting: The media are not neutral
●● Primary agents of socialization ●● Violence is the norm in the mass media

●● Master status and the looking-glass self ●● Media literacy: Thinking critically about the

●● Components of the social structure media


●● Social institutions and bureaucracy

New to the Second Edition . . .


New to the Second Edition . . .
In the 21st century, the media are in a constant
At the request of reviewers, a new chapter state of evolution. So in the second edition, this
on socialization has been included. It avoids chapter provides important updates regarding
the developmental psychology approach the nature of contemporary media. Several new
that permeates many introductory sociology topics have been introduced, such as simulta-
­textbooks—the approach that outlines stages neous second screening, the virtual currency
of cognitive development, moral develop- bitcoin, augmented reality, issues of privacy
ment, and so on. Instead, the chapter takes a and regulation, and the changing face of
distinctly sociological approach that focuses “television” via the streaming company Netflix.
on how identity emerges (one’s own, as well
as the identities we attribute to other people)
and is embedded in social interaction and the
social structure.
Chapter 7: Sex, Gender, and
Sexualities: Deconstructing
Chapter 5: Social Inequality Dualisms
Elite discourses of sex, gender, and sexuality
in Canadian Society
●●

●● Spectrums of sex, gender, and sexualities


●● Connections between social stratification and ●● Hypermasculinity in the media

social inequality ●● The educational, occupational, economic, and

●● Slavery in the past and human trafficking in familial consequences of being born male or
the present female
●● Blaming the poor for their plight

●● Consequences of social inequality


New to the Second Edition . . .
New to the Second Edition . . . This chapter includes expanded discussions of
the spectrums of sex, gender, and sexualities,
Existing topics such as stratification systems, as well as the educational and occupational
wealth, net worth, poverty, and poverty reduc- segregation of males and females. New topics
tion remain; however, the chapter’s overall include the stigmatization of LGBT persons in
structure has been modified. Its overarching a heteronormative culture, Germain Greer’s
frame is social stratification, and social ine- criticism of the feminist movement, and a
quality is pointed to as an outcome of strati- critique of the concept of “transgendered” as
fication. Of particular note are new topics reinforcing traditional dualisms of sex and
gender.

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Chapter 8: Race and Ethnicity: bioethical issues surrounding new reproduc-
tive technologies; and patterns of family
Defining Ourselves and Others ­violence.
●● Ethnicity, race, racialization, and visible
­minorities
●● Contemporary ethnic patterns

●● Bicultural adaptation patterns


Chapter 10: Learning What
●● Media frames of ethnicity Is “True”: Religion, Science,
●● Prejudice and discrimination
and Education
The origins and meaning of “truth”
New Second Edition . . .
●●
to the
●● Implications of religious affiliation
●● The transition to scientific truth
There is an expanded discussion of the concept
●● Scientific knowledge as constructed
of race, demonstrating its origins in structures
●● The role of education in modern society
of power and social inequality. New concepts,
such as racialization and racialized groups,
are introduced. A distinction is made between New to the Second Edition . . .
voluntary assimilation (in the case of immi-
gration) and involuntary assimilation (in the The chapter now includes expanded discus-
case of colonization). Discussed in some detail sions of Durkheim’s notions of the collective
are policies that were intended to forcibly conscience and collective effervescence, and
assimilate Aboriginal peoples, such as resi- the ways in which socialization within fami-
dential schooling. The section on theories of lies of different classes may perpetuate class
prejudice and racialization has been expanded differences in the education system. New topics
to include critical race theory. include the effects of current immigration pat-
terns on religious affiliation in Canada.

Chapter 9: Canadian Families:


Past, Present, and Future Chapter 11: Social Control,
●● Contemporary trends in Canadian families Deviance, and Crime
●● Is the family declining? ●● Are you socially controlled?
●● The commodification of children arising from ●● Social control and deviance
new reproductive technologies ●● Cybercrime

●● The effects of colonization on Aboriginal ●● Racialization within the criminal justice system

families ●● Strain and the pursuit of fame

New to the Second Edition . . . New to the Second Edition . . .


The most recent census data on families The concept of social control serves as the
(2011) have been included. For the first time, frame for this chapter, emphasizing the myriad
the prevalence of stepfamilies (simple and ways in which we are all subjected to social
complex) has been measured. For this edi- control on a daily basis—and correspondingly,
tion, the material on residential schooling has the ways in which we are all socially typed as
been moved to Chapter 8, enabling an array of deviant in some way. The socially constructed
new topics to be introduced: challenges faced nature of deviance, which was highlighted
by stepfamilies; the effects of the baby boom; in the first edition, is emphasized even more

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strongly in this edition. Of particular note is ●● Dimensions of social change
a more critical approach to the discussion of ●● Social media and social movements
criminalized forms of deviance. The definition
of crime is tied more explicitly to subjective New to the Second Edition . . .
views of deviance. Racialization within the
criminal justice system (and especially the This chapter has been extensively updated to
prison system) is discussed in some detail, and provide recent examples of various forms of
the debates over the federal government’s new collective behaviour. The section on the “col-
prostitution legislation are highlighted. Other lective trauma” arising from natural disas-
new topics include the application of Merton’s ters has been expanded. New topics include
strain theory to the pursuit of fame, the stig- the role of framing processes in creating the
matization of mental illness as an example of collective identity necessary for successful
social control, and the use of performance- social movements, and whether the Idle No
enhancing drugs by competitive cyclists. More movement is best considered a revolu-
tionary movement or a resistance movement.

Chapter 12: Health and


Illness: Is It “Lifestyle,” Chapter 14: “Going Green”:
or Something More? Environmental Sociology
●● Social factors posing environmental challenges
●● Patterns of health and illness
●● “Lifestyle” behaviours and health
●● Growing awareness of environmental issues
●● Strategies for better environmental choices
●● Social inequality and health

●● Health care systems

New to the Second Edition . . .


New to the Second Edition . . . This chapter includes important updates to
environmental issues and patterns of environ-
Several sections of the chapter have been
mental degradation. A number of concepts are
expanded, including the ones about patterns of
clarified and expanded on (e.g., the ecological
health and illness in Aboriginal populations,
footprint), and new topics are introduced,
the costs of mental illness, and changes in the
such as debates over global warming and cli-
health of immigrants over time. A number
mate change, and ecological overshoot.
of new topics have been introduced, such as
the nature of the epidemiological transition,
the effects of images of smoking in movies on
youth smoking behaviours, the role of alcohol Chapter 15: Globalization:
in university culture, and food insecurity in
Canada’s North.
The Interconnected World
●● Neoliberalism and its implications
●● The vision of globalization and its reality: the
good, the bad, and the ugly
Chapter 13: Social Change: ●● Global justice movements

Collective Behaviour and


Social Movements New to the Second Edition . . .
●● Crowd behaviour In this chapter, the material on neoliberalism
●● Fads and fashions and its implications for patterns of social ine-
●● Debunking urban legends
quality has been expanded. A number of new

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topics have been introduced, including the The NETA Test
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In speaking thus of the midshipmen’s birth, and of their occasional
ruggedness of manners, I should be doing wrong to leave an
impression that they were a mere lawless set of harumscarum
scamps. Quite the contrary; for we had a code of laws for our
government, which, for precision and distinctness of purpose, might
have rivalled many of those promulgated by the newest-born states
of the world, in these days of political parturition. I observe, that
young countries, like young people, whether in a midshipman’s
mess, or any where else, delight in the indulgence of the fond and
false idea, that it is easy to regulate the fluctuations of human nature
exactly as they please, by the mere force of written constitutions.
They always ‘remember to forget,’ that institutions, to be in the
smallest degree effective in practice, must be made to fit the existing
state of society, and that society cannot possibly be made to fit them.
They almost all run away, however, with the vainest of vain notions,
that established habits, old prejudices, with all the other fixed and
peculiar circumstances of the time and place in which they find
themselves, have become, of a sudden, so pliable, that they can be
essentially and speedily modified by artificial legislation alone! On
this fallacious principle we framed a set of regulations for our mess,
of which I recollect only one, giving, I admit, rather a queer idea of
the state of things in our maritime world. It ran thus:—“If any member
of the larboard mess shall so far forget the manners of a gentleman
as to give the lie direct to one of his messmates, he shall be fined
one dollar.”
This fine, it must be observed, was intended purely as a
propitiation to the offended dignity of the mess, and was quite
independent of the personal arrangements which, on such
occasions, generally took place in the cock-pit outside. These battles
royal were fought across a chest,—I don’t mean with pistols, but with
good honest fisty-cuffs. The only difficulty attending this method of
settling such matters consisted in the shifts to which the parties were
compelled to resort, to conceal the black eyes which, in most cases,
were the result of these single combats. It would, of course, have
been quite incorrect in the commanding officer to have overlooked
such proceedings—even supposing the parties to retain a sufficiency
of optics to do their duty. The usual resource was to trust to the
good-nature of the surgeon, who put the high contending parties on
the sick list, and wrote against their names “Contusion;” an entry he
might certainly make with a safe conscience!
This innocent way of settling disputes was all very well, so long as
the mids were really and truly boys; but there came, in process of
time, a plaguy awkward age, when they began to fancy themselves
men, and when they were very apt to take it into their heads that, on
such occasions as that just alluded to, their dignity, as officers and
gentlemen, would be compromised by beating one another about the
face and eyes across a chest, and otherwise contusing one another,
according to the most approved fashion of the cock-pit. Youths, at
this intermediate age, are called Hobbledehoys, that is, neither man
nor boy. And as powder and ball act with equal efficacy against
these high-spirited fellows as against men of more experience, fatal
duels do sometimes take place even amongst midshipmen. I was
once present at a very foolish affair of this kind, which, though it
happily ended in smoke, was so exceedingly irregular in all its parts,
that, had any one fallen, the whole party concerned would most
probably have been hanged!
A dispute arose between three of these young men, in the course
of which, terms were bandied about, leaving a reproach such that
only the ordeal of a duel, it was thought, could wipe out. It was late in
the day when this quarrel took place; but as there was still light
enough left to fire a shot, the party went on deck, and quietly asked
leave to go on shore for a walk. I happened to be the only person in
the birth at the time who was not engaged in the squabble, and so
was pressed into the service of the disputants to act as second.
There would have been nothing very absurd in all this, had there
been another second besides me, or had there existed only one
quarrel to settle—but between the three youths there were two
distinct disputes!
One of these lads, whom we shall call Mr. A, had first to fight with
Mr. B, while Mr. C was second to Mr. B; and then Mr. A, having
disposed of Mr. B, either by putting him out of the world, or by
adjusting the matter by apologies, was to commence a fresh battle
with Mr. C, who, it will be observed, had been second to his former
antagonist, Mr. B! The contingency of Mr. A himself being put hors
de combat appears not to have been contemplated; but the strong
personal interest which Mr. C (the second to Mr. A’s first antagonist)
had in giving the affair a fatal turn, would have been the ticklish point
for our poor necks, in a court of justice, had Mr. A fallen. Poor fellow!
he was afterwards killed in action.
More by good luck than good management, neither of the first
shots took effect. At this stage of the affair, I began to perceive the
excessive absurdity of the whole transaction, and the danger of the
gallows, to which we were all exposing ourselves. I therefore
vehemently urged upon the parties the propriety of staying further
proceedings. These suggestions were fortunately strengthened by
the arrival of a corporal’s guard of armed marines from the ship,
under the orders of an officer, who was directed to arrest the whole
party. There was at first a ludicrous shew of actual resistance to this
detachment; but, after some words, the affair terminated, and the
disputants walked off the field arm in arm, the best friends in the
world!
CHAPTER VIII.
MAST-HEADING A YOUNG GENTLEMAN.

On the 8th of January, 1804, we sailed from Halifax, and, after a long
and tedious passage, arrived at Bermuda. The transition from the
intense frost of a Nova Scotian winter, during which the mercury was
generally below zero, to a temperature of 70° or 80°, was
exceedingly agreeable to those who had constitutions to stand the
sudden rise of more than half a hundred degrees of the
thermometer. After a few days’ stay at Bermuda, we set off for the
United States, where we were again frozen, almost as much as we
had been at Halifax. The first land we made was that of Virginia; but
owing to calms, and light foul winds, we failed in getting to Norfolk in
the Chesapeak, and therefore bore up for New York, which we
reached on the 19th of February, and there anchored about seven
miles from that beautiful city.
It was not thought right to let any of us young folks visit the shore
alone; but I was fortunate in being invited to accompany one of the
officers. To the friendship of this most excellent person, at the
periods of most need, I feel so much more indebted than I can
venture to express without indelicacy, that I shall say nothing of the
gratitude I have so long borne him in return. Perhaps, indeed, the
best, as being the most practical, repayment we can ever make for
such attentions is, to turn them over, again and again, to some other
person similarly circumstanced with ourselves at those early periods.
This would be acting in the spirit with which Dr. Franklin tells us he
used to lend money, as he never gave it away without requiring from
the person receiving such assistance, a promise to repay the loan,
not to himself, but to transfer it, when times improved, to some one
else in distress, who would enter into the same sort of engagement
to circulate the charity. On this principle, I have several times, in the
course of my professional life, rather surprised young middies by
giving them exactly such a lift as I myself received at New York—
shewing them strange places, and introducing them to the
inhabitants, in the way my kind friend adopted towards me. These
boys may perhaps have fancied it was owing to their own uncommon
merit that they were so noticed; while all the time I may have merely
been relieving my own conscience, and paying off, by indirect
instalments, a portion of that debt of gratitude which, in spite of these
disbursements, I find only increases in proportion as my knowledge
of the world gives me the means of appreciating its value.
That it is the time and manner of doing a kindness which constitute
its chief merit, as a matter of feeling at least, is quite true; and the
grand secret of this delicate art appears to consist in obliging people
just at the moments, and, as nearly as possible, in the particular way,
in which they themselves wish the favour to be done. However
perverse their tastes may be, and often, perhaps, because they are
perverse, people do not like even to have favours thrust upon them.
But it was my good fortune on this, and many other occasions in life,
early and late, to fall in with friends who always contrived to nick the
right moments to a hair’s-breadth. Accordingly, one morning, I
received an invitation to accompany my generous friend, one of the
lieutenants, to New York, and I felt, as he spoke, a bound of joy, the
bare recollection of which makes my pulse beat ten strokes per
minute quicker, at the distance of a good quarter of a century!
It would not be fair to the subject, nor indeed quite so to myself, to
transcribe from a very boyish journal an account of this visit to New
York. The inadequate expression of that period, compared with the
vivid recollection of what I then felt, shews, well enough, the want of
power which belongs to inexperience. Very fortunately, however, the
faculty of enjoying is sooner acquired than the difficult art of
describing. Yet even this useful and apparently simple science of
making the most of all that turns up, requires a longer apprenticeship
of good fortune than most people are aware of.
In the midst of snow and wind, we made out a very comfortless
passage to New York; and, after some trouble in hunting for
lodgings, we were well pleased to find ourselves snugly stowed
away in a capital boarding house in Greenwich Street. We there
found a large party at tea before a blazing wood fire, which was
instantly piled with fresh logs for the strangers, and the best seats
relinquished for them, according to the invariable practice of that
hospitable country.
If our hostess be still alive, I hope she will not repent of having
bestowed her obliging attentions on one who, so many years
afterwards, made himself, he fears, less popular in her land, than he
could wish to be amongst a people to whom he owes so much, and
for whom he really feels so much kindness. He still anxiously hopes,
however, they will believe him when he declares, that, having said in
his recent publication no more than what he conceived was due to
strict truth, and to the integrity of history, as far as his observations
and opinions went, he still feels, as he always has, and ever must
continue to feel towards America, the heartiest good-will.
The Americans are perpetually repeating, that the foundation-
stone of their liberty is fixed on the doctrine, that every man is free to
form his own opinions, and to promulgate them in candour and in
moderation. Is it meant that a foreigner is excluded from these
privileges? If not, may I ask, in what respect have I passed these
limitations? The Americans have surely no fair right to be offended
because my views differ from theirs; and yet, I am told, I have been
rudely enough handled by the press of that country. If my motives
are distrusted, I can only say I am sorely belied; if I am mistaken,
regret at my political blindness were surely more dignified than anger
on the part of those with whom I differ; and if it shall chance that I am
in the right, the best confirmation of the correctness of my views, in
the opinion of indifferent persons, will perhaps be found in the
soreness of those who wince when the truth is spoken.
Yet, after all, few things would give me more real pleasure than to
know that my friends across the water would consent to take me at
my word; and, considering what I have said about them as so much
public matter—which it truly is—agree to reckon me in my absence,
as they always did when I was amongst them—and I am sure they
would count me if I went back again—as a private friend. I differed
with them in politics, and I differ with them now as much as ever; but
I sincerely wish them happiness individually; and as a nation, I shall
rejoice if they prosper. As the Persians write, “What can I say more?”
And I only hope these few words may help to make my peace with
people who justly pride themselves on bearing no malice. As for
myself, I have no peace to make; for I have studiously avoided
reading any of the American criticisms on my book, in order that the
kindly feelings I have ever entertained towards that country should
not be ruffled. By this abstinence, I may have lost some information,
and perhaps missed many opportunities of correcting erroneous
impressions. But I set so much store by the pleasing recollection of
the journey itself, and of the hospitality with which my family were
every where received, that, whether it be right, or whether it be
wrong, I cannot bring myself to read any thing which might disturb
these agreeable associations. So let us part in peace! or rather, let
us meet again in cordial communication; and if this little work shall
find its way across the Atlantic, I hope it will be read there without
reference to any thing that has passed between us; or, at all events,
with reference only to those parts of our former intercourse which are
satisfactory to all parties.
After leaving the American coast, we stood once more across the
gulf stream for Bermuda. Here I find the first trace of a regular
journal, containing a few of those characteristic touches which, when
we are sure of their being actually made on the spot, however
carelessly, carry with them an easy, familiar kind of interest, that
rarely belongs to the efforts of memory alone. It is, indeed, very
curious how much the smallest memorandums sometimes serve to
lighten up apparently forgotten trains of thought, and to bring vividly
before the imagination scenes long past, and to recall turns of
expression, and even the very look with which these expressions
were uttered, though every circumstance connected with them may
have slept in the mind for a long course of years.
It is, I believe, one of the numerous theories on the mysterious
subject of dreams, that they are merely trains of recollections,
touched in some way we know not of, and influenced by various
causes over which we have no sort of control; and that, although
they are very strangely jumbled and combined, they always relate,
so exclusively, either to past events, or to past thoughts, that no
ideas strictly new ever enter our minds in sleep.
Be this true or false, I find that, on reading over the scanty notes
above alluded to, written at Bermuda more than six-and-twenty years
ago, I am made conscious of a feeling a good deal akin to that which
belongs to dreaming. Many objects long forgotten, are brought back
to my thoughts with perfect distinctness; and these, again, suggest
others, more or less distinctly, of which I possess no written record.
At times a whole crowd of these recollections stand forward, almost
as palpably as if they had occurred yesterday. I hear the well-known
voices of my old messmates—see their long-forgotten faces—and
can mark, in my memory’s eye, their very gait, and many minute and
peculiar habits. In the next minute, however, all this is so much
clouded over, that by no effort of the imagination, assisted even by
the journal, can I bring back the picture as it stood before me only a
moment before. It sometimes also happens in this curious
retrospect, that a strange confusion of dates and circumstances
takes place, with a vague remembrance of hopes, and fears, and
wishes, painful anticipations, and bitter passing thoughts, all long
since gone. But these day dreams of the past sometimes come
rushing back on the fancy, all at once, in so confused a manner, that
they look exceedingly like what is often experienced in sleep. Is
there, in fact, any other difference, except that, in the case of
slumber, we have no control over this intellectual experiment, and, in
the other, we have the power of varying it at pleasure? When awake
we can steer the mental vessel with more or less precision—when
asleep our rudder is carried away, and we must drift about at the
capricious bidding of our senses, over a confused sea of
recollections.
It may be asked, what is the use of working out these
speculations? To which I would answer, that it may often be highly
useful, in the practice of life, for people to trace their thoughts back,
in order to see what have been the causes, as well as the effects, of
their former resolutions. It is not only interesting, but may be very
important, to observe how far determinations of a virtuous nature
had an effectual influence in fortifying us against the soft
insinuations, or the rude assaults of temptation; or how materially
any original defect or subsequent omission in such resolutions may
have brought us under the cutting lash of self-reproach.
It would probably be very difficult, if not impossible, for any person
to lay open his own case so completely to the view of others, that the
rest of the world should be enabled to profit, as he himself, if he
chooses, may do, by his past experience in these delicate matters. I
shall hardly attempt such a task, however; but shall content myself
with saying, that, on now looking back to those days, I can, in many
instances, lay my hand upon the very hour, the very incident, and the
very thought and feeling, which have given a decided direction to
many very material actions of the intervening period. In some cases,
the grievous anguish of remorse has engraved the lesson so deeply
on the memory, that it shews like an open wound still. In others, it
has left only a cicatrice, to mark where there has been suffering. But
even these, like the analogous case of bodily injuries, are liable to
give their twitches as the seasons vary.
It is far pleasanter, however, and a still more profitable habit, I am
quite sure, to store up agreeable images of the past, with a view to
present and future improvement, as well as enjoyment, than to
harass the thoughts too much by the contemplation of opportunities
lost, or of faculties neglected or misused. Of this cheerful kind of
retrospect, every person of right thoughts must have an abundant
store. For, let the croakers say what they please, ‘this brave world’ is
exceedingly fertile in sources of pleasure to those whose principles
are sound, and who, at all times and seasons, are under the
wholesome consciousness, that while, without higher aid, they can
essentially do nothing, there will certainly be no such assistance lent
them, unless they themselves, to use a nautical phrase, ‘bend their
backs like seamen to the oar,’ and leave nothing untried to double
the Cape of their own life and fortunes. It is in this vigorous and
sustained exertion that most persons fail—this ‘attention suivie,’ as
the French call it, which, as it implies the absence of self-distrust,
gives, generally, the surest earnest of success.
It has sometimes struck me as not a little curious, that, while we
have such unbounded faith in the constancy of the moon’s motions,
and rest with such confidence on the accuracy of our charts and
books, as to sail our ships, in the darkest nights, over seas we have
never before traversed; yet that, in the moral navigation of our lives,
we should hesitate in following principles infinitely more important,
and in which we ought to have a faith at least as undoubting. The old
analogy, indeed, between the storms of the ocean, and those of our
existence, holds good throughout this comparison; for the half-
instructed navigator, who knows not how to rely on his chart and
compass, or who has formed no solid faith in the correctness of the
guides to whom he ought to trust his ship, has no more chance of
making a good passage across the wide seas, than he whose petty
faith is bounded by his own narrow views and powers, is likely to be
successful in the great voyage of life.
There is a term in use at sea called ‘backing and filling,’ which
consists at one moment in bracing the yards so that the wind shall
catch the sails in reverse, and, by bringing them against the masts,
drive the ship stern-foremost; and then, after she has gone far
enough in that direction, in bracing up the yards so that the sails may
be filled, and the ship again gather headway. This manœuvre is
practised in rivers when the wind is foul, but the tide favourable, and
the width of the stream too small to admit of working the vessel
regularly, by making tacks across. From thus alternately approaching
to the bank and receding from it, an appearance of indecision, or
rather of an unwillingness to come too near the ground, is produced,
and thence the term is used to express, figuratively, that method of
speaking where reluctance is shewn to come too near the abrupt
points of the subject, which yet must be approached if any good is to
be done. I confess, accordingly, that, just now, I have been ‘backing
and filling’ with my topic, and have preferred this indirect method of
suggesting to my young friends the fitting motives to action, rather
than venturing to lecture them in formal terms. The paths to honour,
indeed, every man must trace out for himself; but the discovery will
certainly be all the easier if he knows the direction in which they lie.
The following brief specimen of a midshipman’s journal will shew,
as well as a whole volume could do, the sort of stuff of which such
documents are made. The great fault, indeed, of almost all journals
consists in their being left, like Chinese paintings, without shading or
relief, and in being drawn with such a barbarous perspective, that
every thing appears to lie in one plane, in the front of the picture.
“Bermuda, Sunday, April 22.
“Wind south. Last night I had the first watch. Turned out
this morning at seven bells. Breakfasted on a roll and
some jelly. Wind blowing pretty hard at south. Struck lower
yards and top-gallant masts. After breakfast read one or
two tales of the Genii. Dressed for muster, and at six bells
beat to divisions. I asked leave to go on shore to dine with
Capt. O’Hara, but was refused. So I dined upon the Old
thing—salt junk and dough. The captain landed in the
pinnace. Employed myself most of the afternoon in
reading Plutarch’s Lives. Had coffee at four o’clock.
Blowing harder than ever, and raining very much. Read
the Bible till six; then went on deck. At nine went to bed.
Turned out at four in the morning.
“Monday, 23d April.—Made the signal for sailing. At
noon, the same old dinner—salt horse! The two pilots,
Jacob and Jamie, came on board. Employed getting in the
Admiral’s stock.”

These two names, Jacob and Jamie, will recall to people who
knew Bermuda in those days many an association connected with
that interesting island. They were two negroes, pilots to the men-of-
war, who, in turn, took the ships out and in. Their wives, no less
black and polished than themselves, were the chief laundresses of
our fleet; while at their cedar-built houses on shore, we often
procured such indifferent meals as the narrow means of the place
allowed. I only remember that our dinner, nine times in ten, consisted
of ham and eggs. I forget whether or not these men were slaves; I
think not: they were, at all events, extremely good-natured fellows,
and always very kind and obliging to the midshipmen, particularly to
those who busied themselves in making collections of shells and
corallines, the staple curiosities of the spot.
It is needless to quote any more from the exact words of this
matter-of-fact journal. I find it recorded, however, that next morning a
boat came to us from the Boston, a frigate lying near the Leander.
The captain of that ship was then, and is now, one of my kindest and
steadiest friends. And right well, indeed, did he know how to confer a
favour at the fitting season. The boat contained one of the most
acceptable presents, I will answer for it, that ever was made to
mortal—it was truly manna to starved people—being no less than a
famous fat goose, a huge leg of pork, and a bag of potatoes!
Such a present at any other time and place would have been
ludicrous; but at Bermuda, where we had been starving and growling
for many months without a fresh meal—it was to us hungry, salt-fed
boys, the ‘summum bonum’ of human happiness.
Next day, after breakfast, the barge was sent with one of the
lieutenants for the Admiral, who came on board at eleven o’clock.
But while his excellency was entering the ship on one side, I quitted
my appointed station on the other, and, without leave, slipped out of
one of the main-deck ports into the pilot-boat, to secure some conch
shells and corals I had bespoken, and wished to carry from Bermuda
to my friends at Halifax. Having made my purchases, in the utmost
haste and trepidation, I was retreating again to my post, when, as my
ill stars would have it, the first lieutenant looked over the gangway.
He saw at a glance what I was about; and, calling me up, sent me as
a punishment to the mast head for being off deck when the Admiral
was coming on board. As I had succeeded in getting hold of my
shells, however, and some lumps of coral, I made myself as
comfortable as possible in my elevated position; and upon the whole
rather enjoyed it, as a piece of fun.
We then hove up the anchor, and as we made sail through the
passage, I could not only distinguish, from the mast head, the
beautifully coloured reefs under water, but trace with perfect ease all
the different channels between them, through which we had to
thread our winding, and apparently dangerous, course. As the ship
passed, the fort saluted the flag with twelve guns, which were
returned with a like number; after which we shaped our course for
Norfolk, in Virginia.
So far all was well. I sat enjoying the view, in one of the finest days
that ever was seen. But it almost makes me hungry now, at this
distance of time, to tell what followed.
From the main-top-mast cross-trees, on which I was perched for
my misdeeds, I had the cruel mortification of seeing my own
beautiful roast goose pass along the main-deck, on its way to the
cock-pit. As the scamp of a servant boy who carried the dish came
abreast of the gangway, I saw him cock his eye aloft as if to see how
I relished the prospect. No hawk, or eagle, or vulture, ever gazed
from the sky more wistfully upon its prey beneath, than I did upon the
banquet I was doomed never to taste. What was still more
provoking, each of my messmates, as he ran down the quarter-deck
ladder, on being summoned to dinner, looked up at me and grinned;
and one malicious dog patted his fat paunch—as much as to say,
‘What a glorious feast we are to have! Should not you like a bit?’
CHAPTER IX.
KEEPING WATCH.

With a few exceptions, every person on board a man-of-war keeps


watch in his turn: and as this is one of the most important of the
wheels which go to make up the curious clock-work of a ship’s
discipline, it seems to deserve a word or two in passing.
The officers and midshipmen are generally divided into three
watches—First, Second, and Third. As the senior lieutenant does not
keep watch, the officer next in rank takes the First, the junior
lieutenant the Second, and the master the Third watch, in ships
where there are not more than three lieutenants. Under each of
these chiefs there is placed a squad of midshipmen; the principal
one of whom is mate of the watch, the next in seniority is stationed
on the forecastle, and after him comes the poop mid. The youngsters
remain on the lee-side of the quarter-deck, along with the mate of
the watch. For it must be observed, that no one but the captain, the
lieutenants, the master, surgeon, purser, and marine officer, is ever
allowed, upon any occasion whatsoever, to walk on the weather
side. This custom has become so much a matter of course, that I
hardly remember asking myself before, what may have been the
origin of the regulation? The chief purpose, no doubt, is to draw a
strong line of distinction between the different ranks; although,
independently of this, the weather side is certainly the most
convenient to walk upon when the ship is pressed with sail: it is also
the best sheltered from wind and rain; and the view both low and
aloft is more commanding than it is from to leeward.
Every person, also, not excepting the captain, when he comes on
the quarter-deck, touches his hat; and as this salutation is supposed
to be paid to this privileged spot itself, all those who at the moment
have the honour to be upon it are bound to acknowledge the
compliment. Thus, even when a midshipman comes up, and takes
off his hat, all the officers who are walking the deck, the Admiral
included, if he happens to be of the number, touch their hats
likewise.
So completely does this form grow into a habit, that in the darkest
night, and when there may not be a single person near the
hatchway, it is invariably attended to, with the same precision.
Indeed, when an officer of the Navy happens to be on board a
merchant ship, or a packet, he finds it difficult to avoid carrying his
hand to his hat every time he comes on deck. I, for one, at least, can
never get over the feeling, that it is rude to neglect this ceremony,
and have often, when on board passage vessels, wondered to see
gentlemen so deficient in good breeding, as to come gaping up the
hatchway, as if their hats were nailed to their heads, and their hands
sewed into their breeches-pockets!
Of course, each person in the watch has a specific duty to attend
to, as I shall endeavour to describe presently; but, first, it may be
well to mention the ingenious arrangement of the hours by which the
periods of watching are equally distributed to all.
In speaking of the three watches, it will perhaps avoid confusion,
and rather simplify the description, to call them, for a moment, not
First, Second, and Third, as they are named on board ship, but to
designate them by the letters A, B, and C.
Let us begin, then, by supposing that A’s watch commences at 8
o’clock in the evening; the officer and his party remain on deck till
midnight, four hours being one period. This is called the First watch.
B is next roused up, and keeps the Middle watch, which lasts from
midnight till 4 o’clock. C now comes up, and stays on deck till 8,
which is the Morning watch. A then returns to the deck, where he
walks till noon, when he is relieved by B, who stays up till 4. If C
were now to keep the watch from 4 to 8, of course A would again
have to keep the First watch on the second night, as he did at first
starting; and all the others, in like manner, would have to keep, over
again, exactly the same watches, every night and day. In order to
break this uniform recurrence of intervals, an ingenious device has
been hit upon to produce a constant and equitable rotation. When or
where this plan was invented, I do not know, but I believe it exists in
the ships of all nations.
The period from 4 o’clock in the afternoon till 8 in the evening,
instead of constituting one watch, is divided into two watches, of a
couple of hours each. These, I don’t know why, are called the Dog
watches. The first, which lasts from 4 to 6 o’clock, belongs, on the
second day, according to the order described above, to C, who is, of
course, relieved at 6 o’clock by A. This alteration, it will be observed,
gives the First watch (from 8 to midnight) to B, on the second night;
the Middle (from midnight to 4) to C; and the Morning watch (from 4
to 8) to A; the Forenoon watch (from 8 to noon) to B; and the
Afternoon (from noon to 4) to C. The first Dog watch (from 4 to 6) will
now be kept by A, the second Dog watch (from 6 to 8) by B, and so
on, round and round. By this mechanism, it will easily be perceived,
the officers, on each succeeding day, have a watch to keep, always
one stage earlier than that which they kept on the day before. Thus,
if A have the Morning watch one night, he will have the Middle watch
on the night following, and the First watch on the night after that
again. The distribution of time which this produces is very unequal,
when the short period of twenty-four hours only is considered; but
the arrangement rights itself in the course of a few days. On the first
day, A has ten hours’ watch to keep out of the twenty-four, B eight,
and C only six. But on the next day, A has only six hours, while B
has ten, and C eight; while, on the third day, A has eight, B six, and
C ten hours’ watching; and so on, round and round, from year’s end
to year’s end.
This variety, to a person in health and spirits, is often quite
delightful. Each watch has its peculiar advantages; and I need hardly
add, that each likewise furnishes an ample store of materials for
complaining, to those discontented spirits whose chief delight is to
coddle up grievances, as if, forsooth, the principal object of life was
to keep ourselves unhappy, and to help to make others so!
The First watch (8 o’clock to midnight) which comes after the
labour of the day is done, and when every thing is hushed and still,
carries with it this great recommendation, that, although the hour of
going to bed is deferred, the night’s rest is not afterwards broken in
upon. The prospect of ‘turning in’ at midnight, and being allowed to
sleep till seven in the morning, helps greatly to keep us alive and
merry during the First watch, and prevents the excitement of the past
day from ebbing too fast. On the other hand, your thorough-bred
growlers are apt to say, it is a grievous task to keep the First watch,
after having gone through all the toil of the day, and, in particular,
after having kept the Afternoon watch (noon to 4 o’clock,) which, in
hot climates, is always a severe trial upon the strength. Generally
speaking, however, I think the First watch is the least unpopular; for,
I suppose, no mortal, whatever he might think, was ever found so
Quixotic as to profess openly that he really liked keeping watch.
Such a paradox would be famously ridiculed on board ship!
The Middle watch is almost universally held to be a great bore;
and certainly it is a plague of the first order, to be shaken out of a
warm bed at midnight, when three hours of sound sleep have sealed
up our eyelids all the faster, and steeped our senses in forgetfulness,
and in repose, generally much needed. It is a bitter break, too, to
have four good hours sliced out of the very middle of the night’s rest,
especially when this tiresome interval is to be passed in the cold and
rain, or, which is often still more trying, in the sultry calm of a smooth,
tropical sea, when the sleepy sails, as wet with dew as if they had
been dipped overboard, flap idly against the masts and rigging, but
so very gently as barely to make the reef points patter-patter along
the canvass, with notes so monotonous, that the bare recollection of
their sound almost sets me to sleep, now.
Nevertheless, the much-abused Middle watch has its advantages,
at least for those ardent young spirits who choose to seek them out,
and whose habit it is to make the most of things. There are full three
hours and a half of sound snooze before it begins, and as long a
‘spell of sleep’ after it is over. Besides which, the mind, being rested
as well as the body, before the Middle watch begins, both come to
their task so freshly, that, if there be any hard or anxious duties to
execute, they are promptly and well attended to. Even if there be
nothing to do but pace the deck, the thoughts of an officer of any
enthusiasm may contrive to find occupation either in looking back, or
in looking forward, with that kind of cheerfulness which belongs to
youth and health usefully employed. At that season of the night every
one else is asleep, save the quarter-master at the conn, the
helmsman at the wheel, and the look-out men at their different
stations, on the gangways, the bows, and the quarters. And except,
of course, the different drowsy middies, who, poor fellows! keep
tramping along the quarter-deck backwards and forwards, counting
the half-hour bells with anxious weariness; or looking wistfully at the
sand-glass, which the sentry at the cabin-door shakes ever and
anon, as if the lazy march of time, like that of a tired donkey, could
be accelerated by jogging.
But the joyous Morning watch is very naturally the universal
favourite. It is the beginning of a new day of activity and enterprise.
The duties are attacked, too, after a good night’s rest; so that, when
the first touches of the dawn appear, and the horizon, previously lost
in the black sky, begins to shew itself in the east, there comes over
the spirits a feeling of elasticity and strength, of which even the
dullest are not altogether insensible. In war time, this is a moment
when hundreds of eyes are engaged in peering all round into the
twilight; and happy is the sharp-sighted person who first calls out,
with a voice of exultation—
“A sail, sir—a sail!”
“Whereabouts?” is the eager reply.
“Three or four points on the lee-bow, sir.”
“Up with the helm!” cries the officer. “Set the top-gallant and royal
studding-sails—rig out the fore-top-mast studding-sail boom!
Youngster, run down and tell the captain there is a stranger on the
lee-bow—and say that we are making all sail. She looks very
roguish.”
As the merry morning comes dancing gloriously on, and other
vessels hove in sight, fresh measures must be taken, as to the
course steered, or the quantity of sail to be set. So that this period of
the day, at sea, in a cruising ship, gives occasion, more perhaps
than any other time, for the exercise of those stirring qualities of
prompt decision, and vigour in the execution of every purpose,
which, probably, form the most essential characteristics of the
profession.
The Morning watch, also, independent of the active employment it
hardly ever fails to afford, leaves the whole day free, from eight
o’clock till four in the afternoon. Many a previously broken resolution
is put off to this period, only to be again stranded. To those, however,
who choose to study, the certainty of having one clear day in every
three, free from the distraction of all technical duties, is of the
greatest consequence; though, it must be owned that, at the very
best, a ship is but a wretched place for reading. The eternal motion,
and the infernal, noise, almost baffle the most resolute students.
For a hungry midshipman (when are they not hungry!) the Morning
watch has attractions of a still more tender nature. The mate, or
senior man amongst them, is always invited to breakfast with the
officers at eight o’clock; and one or two of the youngsters, in turn,
breakfast with the captain at half-past eight, along with the officer of
the morning watch and the first lieutenant, who, in many ships, is the
constant guest of the captain, both at this meal and at dinner.
The officer of the Forenoon watch, or that from eight to noon,
invariably dines with the captain at three o’clock; and as the ward-
room dinner is at two, exactly one hour before that of the captain, the
officer who has kept the Forenoon watch again comes on deck, the
instant the drum beats “The Roast Beef of Old England,” the well
known and invariable signal that the dinner of the officers is on the
table. His purpose in coming up is to relieve, or take the place of his
brother officer who is keeping the Afternoon watch, till three o’clock
arrives, at which hour the captain’s dinner is ready. The same
interchange of good offices, in the way of relief, as it is called, takes
place amongst the midshipmen of the Forenoon and Afternoon
watches. It is material to observe, however, that all these
arrangements, though they have the graceful air of being pieces of
mutual and voluntary civility, have become quite as much integral
parts of the ordinary course of nautical affairs as any other
established ordinance of the ship.
On Sunday, the captain always dines with the officers in the ward-
room; and although ‘shore-going people’ sometimes take upon
themselves to quiz these periodical, and, Heaven knows! often
formal, dinner parties, there can be no doubt that they do contribute,
and that in a most essential degree, to the maintenance of strict
discipline on board ship. Indeed, I believe it is now generally
admitted, that it would be next to impossible to preserve good order
in a man-of-war, for any length of time, without this weekly
ceremonial, coupled, of course, with that of the officers’ dining, in
turn, with their captain.
We know that too much familiarity breeds contempt; but, in
situations where there is of necessity much intercourse, too little
familiarity will as inevitably breed ill-will, distrust, apprehension, and
mutual jealousy. The difficulty lies in regulating with due caution this
delicate sort of intimacy, and in hitting the exact mean between too
much freedom and too much reserve of manner. The proverb points
out the evil clearly enough, but leaves us to find the remedy. In the
Navy, long experience seems to have shewn, that this important
purpose can be best accomplished by the captain and his officers
occasionally meeting one another at table—not capriciously, at
irregular intervals, or by fits and starts of favour, as the humour suits,
but in as fixed an order, as if the whole of this social intercourse were
determined by Admiralty regulation.
It will readily be understood by any one who has attended much to
the subject of discipline, and will be felt, I should think, more or less,
by all persons who have been engaged personally in the
management of a house, a regiment, a ship, a shop, or any other
establishment in which distinctions of rank and subdivisions of labour
prevail, that nothing ever does, or can go on well, unless, over and
above the mere legal authority possessed by the head, he shall carry
with him a certain amount of the good-will and confidence of those
under him. For it is very material, in order to balance, as it were, the
technical power with which the chief of such establishment is armed,
that there should be some heartiness—some real cheerfulness,
between him and those he commands. Accordingly, the obedience
which they yield to him should not be entirely the result either of

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