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Cover illustrations
Front: Beach Group troops wade ashore from landing craft on Queen beach, Sword area,
on the evening of 6 June 1944. (IWM)
Back: Erwin Rommel on an inspection of the Atlantic Wall.

First published 2019

The History Press

The Mill, Brimscombe Port
Stroud, Gloucestershire, GL5 2QG
www.thehistorypress.co.uk

© Nigel West, 2019

The right of Nigel West to be identified as the Author of this work has been asserted in
accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without the permission in writing from the Publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN 978 0 7509 9176 6

Typesetting and origination by The History Press

Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd

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The military organisation that has the most efficient reconnaissance unit
will win the next war.
General Werner von Frisch, 1938

The invasion does not yet appear to be imminent.

Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt, C-in-C West, 5 June 1944

During the night and the early hours of this morning the first of the series of
landings in force upon the European Continent has taken place.
Winston Churchill, House of Commons, 6 June 1944

A considerable degree of surprise was achieved throughout.

Brigadier Edgar Williams, 21st Army Group, 6 June 1944

The Allies scored a great surprise on 6 June 1944 by the imposition of radio
silence.
General Albert Praun, OKW Chief Signal Officer
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgements and Author’s Note

Glossary and Abbreviations
Introduction
Dramatis Personae

1 OVERLORD
2 German SIGINT
3 Luftwaffe Aerial Reconnaissance
4 Protecting OVERLORD
5 The Iberian Front Line
6 BODYGUARD Spies
7 The Intelligence Assessment
8 The Rommel Analysis
9 MUSGRAVE
10 Phase II
11 Stay-Behind

Postscript
Appendix I Führer Directive No. 51, Dated 3 November 1943
Appendix II Baron Oshima’s Inspection of the Atlantic Wall, October
1943
Appendix III FUSAG Components
Notes
Select Bibliography
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AND
AUTHOR’S NOTE

The author acknowledges his debt of gratitude to those who have assisted
his research, among them the late Bill Williams, Roger Hesketh, David
Strangeways, Noel Wild, Juan Pujol (GARBO), Roman Garby-Czerniawski
(BRUTUS), Harry Williamson (TATE); Frano de Bona (FREAK); Ib Riis
(COBWEB) Dusan Popov (TRICYCLE); Elvira de la Fuentes (BRONX),
Lisel Gärtner, Hugh Astor, Christopher and Pam Harmer, Cyril Mills,
Desmond Bristow, Tommy and Joan Robertson, Russell Lee, Bill Luke,
Philip Johns, Cecil Gledhill, Kenneth Benton, John Codrington, Brian
Stonehouse, Tony Brooks, Ladislas Farago, Gunter Peis, David Kahn, Jack
Beevor, Anthony Coombe-Tennant, Vera Atkins, Rob Hesketh and Bill
Cavendish-Bentinck. Also Marco Popov, Jennifer Scherr and Christopher
Risso-Gill.
Many of the documents reproduced in this volume originate from
official files and have been redacted during the declassification process.
Where possible the redactions have been restored, but where this has not
been possible the redaction is indicated thus: [XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX]
The author has retained the convention of printing code names in
capitals but, for ease of reading, has restored capitalised surnames to
ordinary, lower case.
 GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS

AA Anti-Aircraft
Abt Abteilung
AFU Agentfunkgerät
Amt Office
APO US Army Post Office
Army Group B Commanded by Erwin Rommel
B-Dienst Beobachtungdienst
B1(a) MI5 section handling double agents
B1(g) MI5’s Spanish section
BCRA Bureau Central de Renseignements et d’Action
BEF British Expeditionary Force
BJ BLACK JUMBO diplomatic decrypt
CENTRO KO Madrid’s wireless station
COMZ Communications Zone
COSSAC Chief of Staff to the Supreme Allied Commander
CSDIC Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre
CW Continuous Wave
DB Director, B Division MI5
DGS Dirección General de Seguridad
DOWAGER Ops (B) in Italy
DSO Defence Security Officer
FA Reichsluftfahrtministerium Forschungsamt (Foreign
Ministry Research Office)
FAK Nachrichten Fernaufklaerungs Kompanie (Long-range
intercept company)
Feste Feste Nachrichten Aufklärungsstelle (stationary
intercept company)
FHW Fremde Heere West
Fnu First Name Unknown
FSS Field Security Section
FU III Funkabwehr
FUSAG First United States Army Group
GC&CS Government Code & Cipher School
GIS German Intelligence Service
GPO General Post Office
GRT Gross Registered Tonnage
GSP Gibraltar Security Police
H Gp B Heere Group B
Hoeh Kdr D Na Hoeherer Kommandeur der Nachrichten Aufklaerung
(Senior Communications Intelligence Officer)
I-H Eins Heer
I-L Eins Luft
I-M Eins Marine
ISOS Abwehr decrypts
JIC Joint Intelligence Committee
JMA Japanese military attaché decrypts
KO Kriegsorganisation
KONA Kommandeur der Nachrichtenaufklärung
LCI Landing Craft Infantry
LCP Landing Craft Personnel
LCS London Controlling Section
LCT Landing Craft Tank
LN Rgt Luftnachrichten Regiment
MI 14 German order of battle section in the War Office
MI5 British Security Service
MI6 British Secret Intelligence Service
MoI Ministry of Information
MP US Army Military Police
MSS Most Secret Sources
NKVD Soviet intelligence service
OB West Oberbefehlshaber West
OKH/Chi Oberkommando des Heeres, Chiffrierabteilung
OKH/GdNA Oberkommando des Heeres, General der Nachrichten
Aufklaerting
OKL/LN Luftnachrichten
OKM/SKL III Seekriegsleitung III
OKW Oberkommando der Wehrmacht
OKW/Chi Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, Chiffrierabteilung
OSS Office of Strategic Services
PCO Passport Control Officer
Pers Z Chi Personal Z Chiffrierdienst des Auswärtigen Amtes
Pers Z S Personal Z Sonderdienst des Auswärtigen Amtes
PF Personal File
PR Photographic Reconnaissance
PVDE Polícia de Vigilância e de Defesa do Estado
PWE Political Warfare Executive
RHSA Reich Security Agency
RSS Radio Security Service
SD Sicherheitsdienst
SIA Servizio Informazioni Aeronautica
SIGINT Signals Intelligence
SIM Servicio de Información Militar
SIPO Sicherheitspolizei
SIS British Secret Intelligence Service
SIS Italian Speciali Servizio Informazioni
Skl Seekriegsleitung
SOE Special Operations Executive
SOS US Army Services of Supply
V-Mann Verbindungsmann
WOC War Office Cipher
X-2 Counter-intelligence branch, OSS
XX Twenty Committee
Y Wireless interception
 INTRODUCTION

Seventy-five years ago, on 6 June 1944, 168,000 Allied troops stormed

ashore on the beaches of Normandy to begin the liberation of Nazi-
occupied Europe, supported by 12,000 aircraft and nearly 7,000 ships. The
invasion plan, initially code-named OVERLORD and then designated
NEPTUNE and a dozen other subordinate components, was the largest
amphibious assault ever contemplated, and was an extraordinarily high-risk
enterprise.
The daunting requirement to deliver a large number of heavily armed
soldiers, and their supporting weaponry, to a well-defended coastline
imposed significant challenges. The key to success would be the element of
surprise, but the enemy was fully aware that an invasion attempt was
probable sometime during the summer of 1944. The only issues at stake
were the precise timing, and the exact location. If the ultimate Allied
objective was to cross the Rhine, occupy the industrial assets of the Ruhr
and reach Berlin, the most direct route seemed obvious.
Conventional military doctrine dictated that the invading forces should
be at sea for a minimum period, so as to avoid a major naval engagement in
which the convoys of troopships would be bound to suffer heavy losses.
The less time the troops were afloat, the smaller the chance of a U-boat
attack, of convoys blundering into a minefield, or of discovery by an E-boat
patrol, maritime picket or by aerial reconnaissance. These and similar
considerations dictated that the most propitious route would be across the
shortest distance, the 23 miles from the Kent ports to the Pas-de-Calais. As
regards timing, the tides, moon and weather would be crucial.
Such a plan enjoyed many merits, including the opportunity to provide
maximum air cover over the combat zone, with Allied aircraft requiring
only the minimum time to return to base to refuel and rearm. Considering
that a fully equipped Spitfire only carried enough ammunition to fire its
.303 Browning machine guns for less than twenty seconds, this factor was
likely to be mission-critical, especially as ground support and air superiority
would be absolutely vital in seizing and holding any beachhead.
Another significant necessity was the logistical resupply, involving
armour, food, fuel, ammunition and transport. Past experience of beach
landings had demonstrated the need to capture a medium-sized, deep-water
port, with its handling facilities intact. This was a tall order, but the Calais
region boasted several such towns, including Dunkirk and Boulogne, and
opened up the possibility of cargo ships sailing directly from the United
States.
Finally, there was a political dimension that would influence German
thinking, but was unknown to the Allies. Adolf Hitler had often spoken
publicly about his intention to unveil innovative new secret weapons that
had a war-winning potential, and had intended a V-1 offensive for October
1943, but his scheme went awry through the intervention of Allied bombers
that delayed Volkswagen’s production of the doodlebug missiles that were
to be deployed in northern France in a ruthless terror campaign to flatten
London. Thousands of these pulsejet-powered weapons were to be
catapulted against the city from the middle of June 1944, at a rate of
seventy-two per day from 104 ramps, and the German High Command
(OKW) anticipated that the scale of the air offensive would force the British
War Cabinet to make the elimination of the launch sites an overriding
strategic priority. Indeed, Hitler predicted at a staff conference that his
secret weapons would generate enough political pressure to force Churchill
from office.
The Germans knew that there was very little to be done to prevent that
V-1 from reaching the capital, and that there was absolutely no defence
against the V-2 ballistic missile. By the end of the war the British Civil
Defence authorities had logged 5,823 flying bomb incidents, of which 2,242
landed on London, killing 6,184 civilians and 3,917 members of the armed
services. A further 17,981 civilians and 1,939 servicemen were injured, and
23,000 homes destroyed.
Hitler understood the strategic implications of allowing a beachhead to
be gained, and on 3 November 1943 he had issued Führer Directive 51 (see
Appendix I) to prepare for what he saw as the coming Allied offensive.
However, Field Marshal Rommel’s preferred solution was a swift armoured
counter-attack mounted by some of the ten Panzer divisions already
garrisoned in France.
The Allies’ masterplan was devilishly complex, involving the
embarkation of troops at eleven different south coast ports, from Falmouth
in the west to Newhaven in the east, destined for the five designated
beaches in Normandy. In recognition of what might go awry, they deployed
fifteen hospital ships, staffed by 10,000 doctors, and prepared 124,000 beds
for potential casualties.
When weighed objectively, taking into account all the relevant military
and political considerations, it seemed obvious that if the Allies were to
have the slightest chance of overwhelming Rommel’s so-called
impregnable Atlantic Wall, manned by fifty-eight divisions of the 7th and
15th Armies, they would have to assemble in south-east England and rush
across the Channel to Calais during the full moon, at high tide, perhaps
relying on a diversionary attack elsewhere to draw the defenders in the
wrong direction.
Of course, we now know that the focus of D-Day was in Normandy, and
that in the absence of any available ports the Allies constructed two huge
MULBERRY harbours off the beach where the pontoons were protected by
sunken block-ships acting as breakwaters. Innovative engineers also
designed and installed an underwater fuel pipeline code-named PLUTO
(‘pipeline under the ocean’), laid on the seafloor from Niton in the Isle of
Wight, to sustain the invasion vehicles, thus reducing the need for
vulnerable tankers to make the long voyage from Plymouth or Southampton
in seas likely to be infested by an estimated 125 U-boats1.
For many years much secrecy surrounded the concept of strategic
deception, but a series of disclosures in the 1970s revealed that a group of
ingenious American and British planners had persuaded the Allied Supreme
Commander, General Dwight D. Eisenhower, that a gamble on Normandy
in preference to the more obvious choice, might catch the enemy off guard
and enable a sizeable beachhead to be achieved before encountering the
danger of counter-attack. The argument was that the OKW was predisposed
to accept the Pas-de-Calais as the only sensible invasion objective, and the
Allies possessed the means to reinforce this judgment by providing the
necessary evidence. Indeed, the deception planners exercised control over
the enemy’s network of spies, had access to his most confidential
communications, enjoyed air superiority and could impose the very strictest
security conditions on the British Isles that could not be matched anywhere
on the Continent with its porous land frontiers. These factors combined to
create a unique set of circumstances that could be exploited by an
intelligence community that had experimented with deception schemes in
the Mediterranean and Middle East to gain unprecedented experience of the
art of misdirecting the Axis. The results achieved in those theatres
suggested that skilful, co-ordinated manipulation of wireless traffic, double
agents and camouflage could accomplish much by exaggerating strengths,
disguising weaknesses and confusing the adversary.
The gamble, concealed by the codeword BODYGUARD, was
momentous in every respect. Experience gained at Dunkirk, Dieppe, North
Africa, Sicily, Salerno, Anzio, Attu and Kwajalein showed that Allied
troops were at their most susceptible when they made their way ashore in
slow, poorly protected landing craft, to then negotiate the beach obstacles
and evade the lethal crossfire from heavily fortified installations manned by
seasoned veterans of the Russian front. The implications of a major defeat
on the Cherbourg peninsula, with the invaders pushed back into the sea,
would be dire, and certainly delay any further attempt for another year.
Following his victory, Hitler would be free to move reinforcements to the
east, and he would also have the benefit of the V-1 and V-2 onslaught.
Perhaps, with his stock high, the Wehrmacht would not have been
motivated to attempt a coup on 20 July, and he might have bought sufficient
time, maybe an extra two years, to develop jet fighters and invest in an
atomic bomb. This is sheer speculation, but such conjecture gives some
context to what was riding on the chance to free Europe from Nazi tyranny.
Chiefs of Staff. We have approved the outline plan of General Morgan for Operation
OVERLORD, and have authorised him to proceed with the detailed planning and with full
preparations.

When the German ambassador to Turkey, Franz von Papen, read this item
on 6 January 1944, he immediately interpreted it to mean that OVERLORD
represented a major action to be launched from Britain. His principal
mission was to either maintain Turkey’s neutrality, or to persuade the
government to join the Axis, so he was keenly interested in CICERO’s
material, and was easily persuaded of its authenticity.
Evidently Hitler’s chief of operations, General Alfred Jodl, had reached
the same conclusion. Von Papen, a professional diplomat who had engaged
in espionage from the German embassy in Washington, D.C. during the
First World War, also opined that the compromised text implied a classic
diversion, that a British threat to the Balkans was intended to draw
attention, and doubtless the enemy’s military assets too, into the region,
while some other major initiative was launched elsewhere. While this
verdict may not have disclosed any exact dates or targets, it did tip off the
Axis to the existence of a very specific code word.
Bazna resigned his post at the end of February 1944, having taken fright
at the unexpected appearance of security investigators at the chancery and
residence, and cut his ties to Moyzisch after a final rendezvous in April, but
the damage had been done. At his office in Berlin’s Birknerstrasse the Amt
VI chief, Walter Schellenberg,4 also grasped the significance of
OVERLORD. He issued a circular to all SD staff seeking details of any
other references to the code word, and imposed a special search for
additional references, particularly in any decrypts of Allied
communications.
Born in Saarbrücken in 1910, Schellenberg had qualified as a lawyer
and joined the Nazi Party in 1933. Two years later he was recruited into the
SD and in November 1939 was entrusted by his chief, Reinhard Heydrich,
with a delicate assignment, the abduction of two British intelligence officers
at the Venlo border crossing into Holland, a highly successful mission for
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or throw yourself and your beauty and your accomplishments, and all
I’ve done for you, and all my hopes away, I solemnly declare to you
that I shall not hesitate to turn you penniless into the street. I swear I
will do it, and never own you again. You might go and die in the
poor-house, and I’d never raise a finger to save you from a pauper’s
funeral.”
He spoke very fast, his voice uneven and vibrating with passion,
his face livid at the mere idea of his schemes being foiled. He was
terribly in earnest; his very look made Madeline quail. She trembled
and turned pale, as she thought of poor Laurence.
“It’s not much I ask you to do for me, is it, Maddie, after all I’ve
done for you?” he continued in a softer key. “I have my ambitions,
like other men, and all my ambition is for you. Give up all thoughts of
your lover—that is, if you have one—and be an obedient daughter.
It’s not so much to do for me, after all.”
Was it not? Little he knew!
“Promise me one thing, Madeline,” he continued once more,
breathing in hard gasps, and seizing her ice-cold hand in his hot dry
grip.
“What is that, father?” she asked in a whisper.
“That you will never marry without my consent, and never listen to
a commoner. Will you promise me this? Can you promise this?”
“Yes, father, I can,” she answered, steadily looking him full in the
eyes, with a countenance as white as marble.
“On your honour, Madeline?”
“On my honour!” she echoed in a curious, mechanical voice.
“Very well, then,” inwardly both relieved and delighted; “that is
what I call a model daughter. You shall have a prize. I will get you
some diamonds to-morrow that will open people’s eyes; no trumpery
little half-set, but a necklet, tiara, and brooches. I saw a parure to-
day, old family jewels. Hard up—selling off; one goes up, another
comes down, like a see-saw. It’s our turn now! You shall wear stones
that will make people blink—diamonds that will be the talk of London.
If folks say they are too handsome for an unmarried girl, that is our
affair, and a coronet will mend that. You have a head that will carry
one well. Your mother’s blue blood shows. You shall pick and
choose, too. Lord Anthony may think——”
“Lord Anthony Foster and Sir Felix Gibbs,” said a sonorous voice.
And what Lord Anthony might think was never divulged to
Madeline; Mr. West, with great presence of mind, springing with one
supreme mental leap from family matters to social courtesies.
The dinner was perfect, served at a round table. The floral
decorations were exquisite; attendance, menu, wines were
everything that could be desired. The gentlemen talked a good deal
—talked of the turf, the prospect of the moors, of the latest failure in
the city, and the latest play, and perhaps did not notice how very little
the young hostess contributed to the conversation. She was absent
in mind, if present in the body; but she smiled, and looked pretty, and
that was sufficient. She was beholding with her mental eye a very
different ménage, far beyond the silver centre-pieces, pines, maiden-
hair ferns and orchids, far beyond the powdered footmen, with their
dainty dishes and French entrées.
We know what she saw. A cosy farm parlour, with red-tiled floor, a
round table spread with a clean coarse cloth, decorated by a blue
mug, filled with mignonette and sweet pea, black-handled knives and
forks, willow-pattern delf plates, a young man eating his frugal dinner
alone, and opposite to him an empty chair—her chair. She saw in
another room a curious old wooden cradle, with a pointed half-roof,
which had rocked many a Holt in its day. Inside it lay a child that was
not a Holt, a child of a different type, a child with black lashes, and a
feeding-bottle in its vicinity. (Now, Mrs. Holt’s progeny had never
been brought up by hand.) Her baby! Oh, if papa were only to know!
she thought, and the idea pierced her heart like a knife, as she
looked across at him, where he sat smiling, conversational, and
unsuspicious. He would turn her out now this very instant into the
square, were he to catch a glimpse of those two living pictures. He
was unusually animated on the subject of some shooting he had
heard of, and he had two attentive and, shall we confess it,
personally interested listeners—listeners who had rosy visions of
shooting the grouse on those very moors, as Mr. West’s guests.
So, for awhile, Madeline was left to her own thoughts, and they
travelled back to her earliest married days, the pleasant little sitting-
room on the first floor at No. 2, the bright fires, bright flowers, new
music, and cosy dinners (the mutton-chop period), when all her
world was bounded by Laurence. Was it not still the case? Alas, no!
The bald-headed gentleman opposite, who was haranguing about
“drives and bags,” held a bond on her happiness. He had to be
studied, obeyed, and—deceived! Would she be able to play her
part? Would she break down? When he looked at her, as he had
done that evening, her heart failed her. She felt almost compelled to
sink at his feet and tell him all. It was well she had restrained herself.
She resolved to save for a rainy day some of the money he was to
give her on the morrow. Yes, the clouds were beginning to gather,
even now.
Oh, what a wicked wretch she felt at times! But why had cruel fate
pushed her into such a corner? Why was her father so worldly and
ambitious? Why had she failed to put forward Laurence’s plea, his
own long absence and silence, and thus excuse herself once for all?
Easy to say this now, when that desperate moment was over—it is
always so easy to say these things afterwards! She had given her
father a solemn promise (and oh, what a hollow promise it was!), and
she was to receive her reward in diamonds of the first water—
diamonds that would blind the ordinary and unaccustomed eye!
Presently she rose, and made her way slowly to her great state
drawing-rooms, and as she sipped her coffee she thought of
Laurence, and wondered what he was doing, and when she dared to
see him, to write? Poor Laurence! how seedy his clothes were; and
how much his long illness had altered his looks. With his hollow
cheeks and cropped head (his head had been shaved), none of his
former friends would recognize him. Then her thoughts wandered to
her diamonds. She stood up and surveyed herself in the long mirror,
and smiled back slightly at her own tall, graceful reflection.
Diamonds always looked well in dark hair. She was but little more
than nineteen, and had the natural feminine instinct for adornment.
She smiled still more radiantly; and what do we hear her saying in a
whisper, and with a rapid stealthy glance round the room? It is this: “I
wonder how you will look in a diamond tiara, Mrs. Wynne?”

END OF VOL. I.

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