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Child participation and disaster risk reduction

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DOI: 10.1080/09669760.2012.716712

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 International Journal of Early Years Education
2012, 1
9, iFirst article

Child participation and disaster risk reduction

Yany Lopez*, Jacqueline Hayden, Kathy Cologon and Fay Hadley

Institute of Early Childhood, Macquarie University, Australia

(Received 1 May 2012; accepted 25 June 2012)

It has been shown that child participation can have positive results in the rescue,
relief and rehabilitation phases of a disaster. Currently child participation is
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achieving increased attention as a component of disaster risk reduction (DRR).

This paper examines the ongoing dialogues on child participation and reviews
pertinent literature describing effective DRR outcomes within diverse contexts.
A myriad of factors such as gender, age, socio-economic status, caste, religion
and geographic location play a role in socialising children into particular ways of
being. These factors are considered in light of the ways in which they may
influence opportunities for children to participate in DRR and other activities in
meaningful ways. The roles of adults in facilitating or preventing child
participation, with particular regard to complex power structures and attitudes
towards children’s rights, are also discussed. Drawing out the potential
implications of these factors calls for analyses of attitudes and possible
restructuring of societal systems at several levels to enhance child participation.
Planning for DRR may represent a crucial sequeway for challenging social norms
and promoting equity, inclusion and participation
for children and other groups.
This paper explores the role of child participation in DRR plans and practices,
and identifies directions for developing an evidence base to support this
potentially significant connection.
Keywords: child participation; child-led DRR; child rights; childhood; power
relations

Participation
Child participation cannot be considered outside of the cultural and political context
(Bessell 2009; Lansdown 2010; Mason and Bolzan 2010; Percy-Smith and Thomas
2010). In a recent study, Tanner (2010) showed that the nature and mode of
participation is influenced by a combination of community and institutional
dynamics, livelihood strategies and living standards, and cultural factors within
communities. Percy-Smith and Thomas (2010) suggest that patterns of participation
are fundamental for socialising children into ‘particular ways of being’ (358).
Patterns and notions of child participation are direct ways in which children’s
rights are interpreted. In some contexts, children are expected to take on significant
obligations and responsibilities. These include responsibilities of a social, economic
and political nature, such as contributing to agricultural work, doing household
chores or exercising political responsibilities in communal life (Liebel and Saadi
2010). While children are acknowledged as having the capacity to take on high levels

*Corresponding author. Email: yany.lopez@students.mq.edu.au

ISSN 0966-9760 print/ISSN 1469-8463 online

# 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09669760.2012.716712
http://www.tandfonline.com
 2 Y. Lopez et al.

of social and economic responsibilities, this does not automatically imply recogni-
tion of children as rights holders. Indeed in many cases children’s rights to negotiate
their contributions or to exercise autonomous choices are highly restricted (Lans-
down 2010). Twum-Danso (2010) provides an example of this in her study of child
hawkers. The children work after school and give their earnings to their parents; the
parents in turn use the money to pay school fees and buy food for the family. The
author concludes that the practice of turning earnings over to parents/guardians limits
the child’s autonomy and control (Twum-Danso 2010). In this situation, child
participation is constructed as occurring within the context of responsibility to family
and community (Mason and Bolzan 2010). In contrast, in other contexts children are
recognised as rights holders, but often without the expectation that they can make a
significant contribution to social processes during the childhood years (Liebel and
Saadi 2010; Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010). In these contexts, the focus on child
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participation is manifested by activities for children, which tend to be structured by

adults, developing future citizenry and human capital (Liebel and Saadi 2010; Mason
and Bolzan 2010; Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010). Thus, broadly, child participation
reflects attitudes about the value of children for future social processes or their value
for more immediate outcomes such as supporting family functioning on a daily basis
(Mason and Bolzan 2010).
Mason and Bolzan (2010, 130) note the ‘conceptual shifts’ that different cultures
attach to the concept of participation, hence the need to examine actual practices by
and with children, and to understand these practices within their social and cultural
settings (Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010). According to Franks (2011) participation
is an organic process. It involves ways of being, relating, deciding and acting, which
characterise the practice of everyday life (Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010).
Promoting child participation rights without emphasis on responsibilities has been
argued by some to have the potential to undermine family and community values.
Orama (2008) reports that implicit in extreme interpretations of child participation is
the notion that children have the right to divorce their parents; a concept viewed as
exemplifying an ‘anti-family’ movement. Support for this theory comes from a
recent international study which reports that a percentage of adult respondents
believe a rights-based approach to child participation can contribute to social
instability (Mason and Bolzan 2010).

Notions of childhood
Examinations of the levels and approaches to child participation need to take into
account the role of historical, cultural and socio-political factors and their relation-
ship to conceptions of childhood (Hinton 2008; Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010;
Twum-Danso 2010). In his historical review of the construction of childhood, Jenks
(1996) identified two dominant discourses
Dionysian and Apollonian. Apollo and
Dionysus are figures in Greek mythology with contrasting personalities. A Dionysian
image implies that children enter the world with a bias towards ‘evil’. They are, by
nature, drawn to pleasure and self-gratification; they lack self-control, and are
insensitive to other people’s needs (Holloway and Valentine 2000; Murphy 2007).
Jenks (1996) reports that the Dionysian discourse tended to guide child-rearing
practices in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries reflected by a belief in strict
discipline, control and regulation of children. In contrast, the Apollonian discourse
infers that children are like ‘little angels’. In this discourse children are innocent and
 International Journal of Early Years Education 3

born ‘good’ (Holloway and Valentine 2000), thus children are to be nurtured and
protected in order to develop their innate potential. During the middle of the
eighteenth century, the Apollonian discourse was prominent, fostering a surge of
concern for education and welfare of children. Provision and regulation of childcare,
education and interventionist welfare services were activated to address the
identified needs of children (Holloway and Valentine 2000). In the twentieth
century, the notion of childhood as a more complex stage of development emerged.
As reflected in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, children are seen as
‘competent social actors who are actively engaged with their social worlds’ (Bessell
2009, 299). Through this conceptualization, children are less likely to be considered
objects of concern and more likely to be thought of as people ‘with rights who
contribute through their daily activities to the maintenance and continuation of the
social order’ within the communities in which they live (Mayall 2006, 15). These
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evolving notions of childhood continue to shape and influence child participation.

Power relations
Implicit within the evolving construction of childhood, existing power relations can
also play a significant role in the changing notions and practice of child participation.
Complex power structures within society can form barriers to child participation,
including cultural and structural factors. On a macro level, social, cultural and
historical contexts are manifested in the society’s construction of childhood and
attitude to children’s rights (Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010). Other structural factors
have been found to be significant in influencing child participation. These are
gender, age, socio-economic factors, caste, religion, geographic location (Mason and
Bolzan 2010) and disability (Hammel et al. 2008). These factors tend to socialise
children into particular ways of being and strongly influence patterns of participation
(Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010). As a consequence, many child participation
projects that do not contest an adult oriented hegemony often achieve very little
(Malone and Hartung 2010).

The role of adults in child participation

Adult resistance represents a significant barrier to child participation (Lansdown
2010; Malone and Hartung 2010; Martin 2011; Orama 2008). Orama (2008) suggests
that some adults may stifle participation believing that giving voice to children will
challenge their authority and/or because they want to protect children. Some adults
fear that engaging their children in public affairs robs them of a valued stage of ‘free
living’ (Malone and Hartung 2010; Percy-Smith and Thomas 2010). On a micro
level, power relations within families influence the treatment of children in society
(Pradhan 2007). A study from Zimbabwe showed that some children report that
attempts to impact adult decision-making can result in emotional or physical harm
(Manyena, Fordham, and Collins 2008). Children in this study noted that they are
aware of the consequences should they attempt to exercise and demand their rights
against their parents who are the gatekeepers of the traditional values of their
community (Manyena et al. 2008). In addition, parents in the Philippines and El
Salvador reported that they tend not to trust decision-making by their family
members and may even question their motivations and activities (Mitchell, Tanner,
and Haynes 2009).
 4 Y. Lopez et al.

In order to bring about meaningful child participation, cultural and organisational

change, including addressing attitudes at both the micro and macro levels may be
necessary (Crowley and Skeels 2010; Orama 2008). A key challenge, however, is the
process of engaging with this change and facilitating child participation so that
children’s voices can be heard without undermining or disrupting the foundations of
the communities, social relationships and cultural practices which ‘sustain the
interests of the children who live their lives in these cultures’ (Mason and Bolzan
2010, 131).

Disaster and young children

One such endeavour by which child participation can be facilitated in close
collaboration with adults within the community is in the field of disaster manage-
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ment. Notions of childhood, roles of children and adults and power relations may
need to be carefully considered to enable this process. The term disaster refers to ‘a
serious disruption, causing widespread human, material, economic or environmental
losses which exceed the ability of the affected community or society to cope using its
own resources’ (United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction
[UNISDR] 2004, 17). The extent of a disaster cannot be defined by the magnitude
of the disruption alone. Rather the consequences of a disaster are dependent upon the
interplay of both the hazard itself and the context
or social, economic and political
processes which define vulnerability of a community or region (Cologon and Hayden
forthcoming; Seballos and Tanner 2010; Tanner 2010).
In 2005, the Hyogo Framework was developed at the World Conference on
Disaster Reduction convened by the United Nations. The framework identifies five
main principles for disaster risk reduction (DRR) intervention
these are: (1) ensure
that DRR is a national and local priority with a strong institutional basis; (2) identify,
assess and monitor disaster risks and enhance early warning; (3) use knowledge,
innovation and education to build a culture of safety and resilience at all levels; (4)
reduce the underlying risk factors and (5) strengthen disaster preparedness for
effective response at all levels (UNISDR 2005). As the Hyogo Framework makes
clear, efforts to combat the ill-effects of disaster events need to go beyond relief and
recovery phases (Martin 2011). Prevention and preparation stages are now
considered to be intrinsic aspects of any disaster management plan. The Hyogo
Framework further identifies a focus on community-based disaster management
(Martin 2011). This concept is based on evidence that communities are less
vulnerable when they ‘actively engage in identifying, analysing, addressing,
monitoring and evaluating their own disaster risks’ (Nikku 2008, 595). This
approach has the added value of enhancing local capacities in a myriad of ways.
One hundred and sixty-eight nations have signed the Hyogo Framework confirming
their commitment to address and develop responsible DRR programmes (UNISDR
2005). The Hyogo Framework, however, and the disaster management plans which
reflect it, remain essentially adult focused with articulation of the needs and rights of
children rare in disaster contexts (Nikku 2008).

Issues for children in disaster contexts

Children constitute a highly vulnerable group in disaster contexts (Wisner and Luce
1993). Millions of children are made homeless, lose their loved ones and/or suffer
 International Journal of Early Years Education 5

injuries and psychological traumas in disasters (Jabry 2003). Many children witness
or experience violence during and after a disaster: including physical and sexual
violence and human trafficking (Peek 2008). Analyses of disaster outcomes often
represent children as passive victims in need of rescue from outsiders (Babugura
2008; Burman 1994; Jabry 2003). However, children’s vulnerabilities have been
described as a function of interacting factors, such as age, gender, geographical
location, ethnicity, socio-economic status, disability and health status, social
networks, whether that child is a wage earner, and perhaps most importantly, the
traditional role ascribed to children in a particular society (Jabry 2003; Peek 2008).
Thus, as Seballos and Tanner (2010) suggest, the vulnerability of children in any one
context is deeply correlated with the prevailing perception of children as helpless or
as active agents with capacities and knowledge.
Despite the many risks, children frequently demonstrate resilience in the face of
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extreme adversity (Jones 2008). While a highly contested term, most analysts agree
that resilience is not an inherent characteristic (Luthar and Cicchetti 2000).
Resilience is dependent on the interplay between protective factors and vulnerability
in any given context and situation (Luthar and Cicchetti 2000). Peek (2008) suggests
that children’s vulnerability is reduced and resilience to disaster is enhanced when
they have access to resources and information, are encouraged to participate in
disaster preparedness, response activities and can access personal and communal
support.
Children can and do play a part in rescue and emergency stages. A myriad of
reports and studies have shown that children are active agents of change and can
make significant contributions to reducing risk (Mitchell et al. 2008). Children’s
practical and creative ideas and their unique knowledge and experiences of their
local environment have provided important input to DRR efforts in several contexts
(Back, Cameron, and Tanner 2009). For example, children have been successful
communicators of risk by working as interpreters and relaying messages to
households and communities (Mitchell et al. 2008). Children have also taken part
in the decision-making processes as illustrated in northern Bangladesh where
children were able to come up with interventions such as tree planting, boat building,
and bridge construction and were subsequently enacted by the local community
(Back, Cameron, and Tanner 2009).

Children and disaster risk reduction

There is a growing trend in international development to enhance child involvement
in DRR. Reviews of child-centred programmes reveal positive outcomes for both the
children and communities. One study in South Asia showed that child participation
can be incorporated into preparedness, rescue, relief and rehabilitation phases, and
that involving children can enhance the community’s ownership and sustainability of
DRR programs (Nikku 2006). Similarly a study in Mozambique found that, through
participatory processes, children developed greater knowledge of risks, and took
action to minimise risks within their household and at the community level (Back,
Cameron, and Tanner 2009). Similarly a study conducted in eastern Samar in the
Philippines found evidence that children’s agency to enact risk management
practices facilitated behavioural change within their communities. This had the
added bonus of promoting the values of teamwork and camaraderie (Tanner et al.
2009). Back, Cameron, and Tanner (2009) argue that investing in child-centred DRR
 6 Y. Lopez et al.

yield long-term benefits and future savings because learning and practicing DRR at
an early age embeds changed behaviour that can be integrated into adult life. Thus an
outcome of child participation is the development of a cohort of experienced citizens
for future disasters. Studies conducted by Ronan and Johnston (2001, 2005) provide
evidence to suggest that children who participate in school-based hazards education
programmes tend to have increased accurate knowledge of hazards, increased reports
of home adjustments for hazards preparedness, reduced levels of fear, and more
realistic risk perceptions than their peers. Further, it has been shown that children
who participate in community-based DRR programmes experience increased
confidence in advocating for DRR strategies and understand and respond more
effectively to risks (Mitchell et al. 2008).
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Child-led disaster risk reduction (CLDRR)

Child-led DRR is gaining recognition as a critical component linked to community
based disaster management. CLDRR is a child-centred community-based framework
that fosters the agency of children and youth, both in groups and as individuals, to
work towards making their lives safer and their communities more resilient to
disasters (Martin 2011; Mitchell et al. 2008). The approach entails the ethical and
meaningful participation of all children in assessing, planning, implementing,
monitoring and evaluating DRR programs. It is underpinned by the recognition of
children as rights holders, who, together with the support of adult duty-bearers, can
and must play significant roles in their communities (Martin 2011). Thus, children
are seen both as holders of basic rights (survival, development and protection) and as
actors whose knowledge and active efforts are acknowledged in the preparedness,
relief and recovery disaster programs (and beyond) (Penrose and Takaki 2006).
CLDRR involves consulting with children about disaster risks, and, importantly,
providing children with access to information so that they can understand the impact
of disasters on their rights and opportunities. CLDRR encourages children to use the
acquired information/knowledge in creative ways to design and implement their own
programmes of actions to safeguard and secure themselves, their families and
communities.
Despite the rich array of child-centred programmes and research which
illuminates children’s capacities to reduce the impact of disasters, the issue lacks
a theoretical framework (Mitchell et al. 2009). Some critics view child and youth
participation programs as offering only a tokenistic gesture where ‘children are given
a voice but have little choice about the subject and the style of communicating it’
(Manyena et al. 2008, 312). This perspective leads to the suggestion that child
participation is still a form of social control driven by an adult agenda (Manyena
et al. 2008). The complex power structures between adults and children highlight the
importance of recognising parents as potential gatekeepers in child participation in
DRR efforts (Manyena et al. 2008). Adults can facilitate and support children’s
activities by finding project/programme partners, access to information, establishing
networks and coordinating projects (Kranzl-Nagl and Zartler 2010; Lansdown 2010).
Adults can also provide the emotional and intellectual resources needed for child
involvement (Sotkasiira, Haikkola, and Horelli 2010). In fact, linking children and
adults in DRR efforts has been shown to be effective in changing the way adults see
their children. Bartlett (2008) reports on a study conducted in India that involved
children and parents in the reconstruction of their homes and neighbourhood after the
 International Journal of Early Years Education 7

wreckage caused by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. Children, in collaboration with
their parents, were able to help design a ‘child-friendly’ settlement where spaces are
allocated for children to play and study, and for adult members to socialise and hold
weddings and other social functions. Parent respondents reported surprise that ‘their
children brought both a fresh perspective and practical common sense to discussions
of local concerns’ (Bartlett 2008, 483).

Conclusion
Evidence shows that children are capable of contributing in meaningful ways to
communities before and following emergencies. Raising awareness about the efficacy
and value of child participation in this arena will reduce personal and community
vulnerabilities and facilitate effective programmes for enhanced child participation.
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Tanner (2010) urges the need to facilitate multiple modes of participation for children
in order to capture their everyday cultural practices and their constant remaking of
themselves and their environments. A firm grounding for child participation in DRR
needs to begin with participatory, child-centred research methods and approaches that
acknowledge children’s efforts, capacities and understandings, and that includes and
respects the voices of all children. There is a clear need for further research exploring
the notions and practices of child participation, and how these practices impact on
children, adults, community outcomes and DRR.

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