TABLE

OF
00 CITY,COUNTRY
INFORMATION
HISTORY
ASJFOASIHGA
SDOA;IHGA

15 KOTA,INDIA
INTRODUCTION OF KOTA
ANALYSIS OF DADABADI AREA
ANALYSIS OF DADABADI NODE
AREA
1
 1 Table of Contents
1. Introduction.............................................................................................................................
.
1. Introduction of kota.......................................................................................................
2. Emergence of 'new' kota as an education hub..............................................................
3. City Re-structuring Through Shadow Education Economy…...……………………
4. Impact of education capital generated in kota on other small towns..........................

2. Analysis of dadabadi
area.......................................................................................................
1. Introduction of dadabadi
area.....................................................................................
2. Land use analysis of
dadabadi. ....................................................................................
3. Analysis of dadabadi node
area. .................................................................................
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 INTRODUCTION OF KOTA
Kota, a provincial city in the western state of Rajasthan in India, located approximately
250 km south of Jaipur, traditionally known for its royal princely culture, typical Kota
stone, textiles and other manufacturing industries, shot into prominence in the first
decade of the twenty-first century, due to its evolution as a hub for shadow education,
which trains students to succeed in the admission tests to elite higher education
institutions such as Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), National Institutes of
Technology (NITS), and the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). About one
third of the selections for undergraduate courses in II Ts in particular are said to be from
those who went to these

cram schools in Kota, designating the city as the 'cram school capital', 'coaching capital',
'Kota factory', 'Kota System', 'mecca of private coaching'. Thousands of students (rough
estimates suggest that more than 100,000 students) migrate to this city every year,
sometimes alone and sometimes along with their parents and siblings, to prepare for
highly competitive entrance examinations, with an intent and dream of making it
through the portals of higher education. For these students and their families, the city of
Kota represents an aspiration, a pathway to success, and a necessary stop-over in
reaching their career destiny or life goal. The transformation of Kota from being a
traditional provincial small town to an industrial and commercial city to an educational
city is unprecedented in the history of urban growth in India. Evidences of towns and
cities shaping up as centres of education are all well documented by many historians in
the past. However, instances of production of a city space that is wholly built around a
particular 'non-industrial' — rather post-industrial vocation of training of young minds
for higher social mobility through a provision of what is known as 'parallel' or 'shadow'
education is refreshingly rare and new. This new phenomenon is yet to catch the
attention of geographers, sociologists, educationists and other social scientists and thus
makes it a curious case to explore the factors that made the city a household name
among the aspiring middle-class families in the entire country in general, and in the
Northern parts of India, in particular. What is even striking is that the city of Kota never
had a culture of coaching institutions prior to the 1990s, except for a few home tutors
that were
available for local children who wanted an additional academic support, along with their
regular classroom learning in the mainstream schools .

1.2 EMERGENCE OF 'NEW' KOTA AS AN EDUCATION HUB

The shape, form and structure of the city changed drastically towards the close of the
century and in the first few years of the new century. This change, interestingly, began
with the success story of an engineer-turned-teacher-turned-education capitalist, called V
K Bansal, who had to leave his job at J K Synthetics, a chemical firm producing nylon, which
became a sick unit and subsequently closed down in 1983. Bansal's problem was not with
the closure of his firm, but with the Muscular Dystrophy that hit him in the early years of
his joining J K Synthetics: he had earned a bachelor's degree in mechanical engineering
from Benares Hindu University. Bansal, a native of Jhansi in Uttar Pradesh, had to look for
new ways to fend for his livelihood and found teaching as the most convenient vocation
for himself. One account suggests that he was advised by the doctor examining him to
make teaching an occupation as he was wheel chair bound due to Muscular Dystrophy. It
is an undisputed fact that
Bansal's venture into private tuition was the corner stone of the revival of Kota —from the
slumber industrial sickness, closures and lock-outs, and social and communal tensions
brought upon the city in the 1980s and early 1990s. Mathematics was the subject which
Bansal taught to a small group of students in the neighbourhood initially. Punit Pandey, a
48-year-old Executive Vice-President of a firm today.
Once the industrial unit of J K Synthetics was closed due to what was said to be disruptions
by the labor unions and loss making, Bansal, along with two of his colleagues, who were
engineers and scientists like him and who had lost their jobs to the lock-out, started full-
fledged tuition and coaching classes. This culminated in the setting up of M/S Bansal
Classes as a private limited company. What began as an informal tuition centre has now
become a full-fledged business and commercial venture. As the numbers of students
seeking coaching and the aspirations of the founders of Bansal Classes grew, the parent
institute Bansal Classes split and both the partners who joined Bansal initially went their
ways and set up their own coaching institutes as companies or partnership firms.

Today, as per the records of the District Administration, there are around 130 registered
coaching institutes in Kota. This number is a gross understatement as many more
hundreds of coaching institutes thrive without any sort of registration or formal licensing.
They function as unorganized business
entities (in other words as teaching shops) in the city. If we take into account the
individual teachers who independently provide tuitions in their area of expertise in a
particular subject, then the number of such entities is enormous.
Most of these institutes and tuition centres are located in the length and breadth of the
city of Kota, but heavily concentrated in what is now, in popular parlance,called 'New'
Kota, namely the areas in the South of the city, along the Rawatbhata and Jhalawar Roads
and around the industrial township of IL.
Some of the popular and densely situated areas for shadow education, to list a few, are
Talwandi, Indra Vihar, Vigyan Nagar, Jawan Nagar, Jawahar Nagar, Mahavir Nagar Phases l,
II and Ill, Indira Nagar, Rajiv Gandhi Nagar, Ladpura, Dadabari, Vallabhbari, Dadwara,
Gulabbari, Shastri Nagar, Teachers' Colony, Nayapura, Jhal-awar Road, Garden Road, New
Post office Road, etc. Most of these areas developed in response to and withthe demand
from the growing shadow education boom which began to shape the urban land use and
town planning policies, and measures which are discussed in the next section. However,
'.
it is important to stress that this expansion of shadow education areas in the new city of
Kota made it characterized as an 'educational city'. The State agencies, the media, the
public at-large in Kota designate their city today as 'educational
1.3 CITY RE-STRUCTURING THROUGH SHADOW EDUCATION
ECONOMY

It is important to see how Kota became a hub for shadow education, and how the
creation of infrastructure for this shadow education facilitated this development. First,
when the successes in coaching centres occurred in the mid-1980s onwards, beginning
at Bansal’s tuition, and the first success stories reported the cracking of the toughest
entrance examinations in the world by any means, namely, Indian Institute of
Technology – Joint Entrance Examination, popularly known as IITJEE25- it caught the
imagination of the middle classes of Kota. Subsequently, the number of students began
to increase at his tuition centre. Initially, Bansal Classes catered to local Kota students,
but from 1994 the doors of Bansal Classes were opened for those coming from outside
the city as well: students came mainly from the neighbouring small towns such as
Ganga Nagar, Sawai Madhopur, and little distant Jaipur, Indore, etc.
The shadow education hub in Kota began with the coaching of students for IITs first, but
soon it incorporated the coaching for entrance examinations for prestigious institutes in
the medical field, such as the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, etc. The Allen
Coaching Institute, which currently is said to be the largest institute in Kota with around
80,000 students, started coaching not just for IIT- JEE, but for the medical entrance
examinations as well. This shift made it a pioneer in producing largest number of
successful candidates in medical admission tests across the country.
To give a sense of the successes in the IIT entrance examination, Table 24.4, details the
increasing numbers of students enrolled and the successes achieved in one institute,
namely Bansal Classes. The numbers are given for the entire period from the beginning
of the individual and unorganized coaching by Mr. Bansal, through the establishment of
the organized firm, Bansal Classes Private Limited, and beyond.
What we see from Table is that the institute had not just grabbed a number of
selections year after year, but it did claim top positions in the entrance examination.
The performance of the institutions in Kota in IIT – JEE in the year 2015 reveals that the
Kota story, not just that of the Bansal Classes is outstanding (see Table.)

It is important to note that the total selections of 10,011 from just six institutes in Kota
make up around 35% of the total number (26,456) of those eligible for admission in IITs
from across the country, for 2015. If we take other institutes in Kota and their number
of candidates who were successful, the proportion make up close to 50%. This is what
makes Kota the hub for shadow education first and foremost in India.

Second, in the mid-1990s, Delhi was the destination for aspirants of IIT-JEE and medical
entrance examinations in North India. Living in the city of Delhi, however, was very
costly and was out of reach
for the middle and the lower middle classes from small towns and cities in the Northern states of Rajasthan,
Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab, Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. The increasing number
of those who cracked the IIT-JEE at Kota offered middle and lower middle-class parents another option for
their children to enter into the prestigious institutions of higher education.

By the year 2000, the numbers seeking entry into IITs all over India grew, and it became
increasingly necessary for these aspirants to undergo tuition and coaching, without which it
was believed that cracking a tough and highly competitive examination like IIT-JEE was next to
impossible. That means, by the year 2000 or so, coaching or shadow education became a
necessary and even essential activity for the regular students if they wished to make it big in
their higher education aspirations and occupational life.
Third, Kota, except for the year 1989, was a largely peaceful and affordable city for the small-
town parents seeking a better future for their children. Moreover, the Kota town of the 1990s
was so much cheaper in terms of accommodation and rentals, and was well connected to the
main cities of India through a very busy network of railways and road highways. Added to this
was the prospect of the town being a ‘sleepy’ small town, which had many facilities, and yet
not affected by the changing cultures, life-styles, values and distractions that may divert the
academic attention of the aspiring young minds.
Fourth, Kota provided an alternative to the shadow education model of Andhra Pradesh, from
where even today a large number of students get selected to the elite institutions. The
coaching at towns and cities in Andhra Pradesh, such as Guntur, Nellore, Vijayawada,
Visakhapatnam and Hyderabad, was far from the homes for the 15–18-year-old students.
Furthermore, these places in Andhra Pradesh were culturally, particularly in terms of food
habits, very different, making life of those children who went there difficult to survive: many
found this a difficult transition and were forced to leave their courses midway. Such
dislocations had led some parents to seriously think and avoid further problems or disruption
in the education of their ward. For all such parents, the emergence of Kota as a shadow
education hub was a ‘blessing’, as some parents put it, and it is this that made them to opt for
the city. Now their children need not undergo cultural shocks as they know the language of
the town of Kota, they can eat what they normally eat at their homes, and most importantly
they are not too far from their home towns. In other words, the ‘ambience’ in Kota was just
right for children and their parents from the North of India, making it the ultimate
‘destination’ or ‘hub’ for shadow education.
The shadow education boom in the city brought with it a huge demand for a new build
environment, which in turn changed the nature of the urban infrastructure and economic
activity in Kota. Every year, thousands of students arrive in Kota and the city is required to
accommodate them at least for 2 years, if not more.27 The statistics are astounding: Every
year, something like 70,000–100,000 student arrive in
1.4 IMPACT OF EDUCATION CAPITAL GENERATED IN KOTA ON
OTHER SMALL TOWNS
The transformation of Kota as a shadow education hub did not remain restricted to Kota
only. While the economic transformation of the city changed the value of the land, the
demand for land, and the very nature of land transfers between the state institutions and
the citizens of the city and outsiders to the city, it did serve as a potential model to be
replicated elsewhere by the flight of education capital from the city or into the city. Those
who seek to appropriate land found the growth of the education economy as a promise
for future capital accumulation as well as reinvestment. The education capitalists of Kota
have reinvested the surplus at their disposal in spreading their brands across India, and
also by way of selling franchise of their brands to prospective investors in other parts of
India.
The economics of capital accumulation in Kota now travel to other small towns and begin
to transform those urban spaces as well, making them sub-regional hubs for the shadow
education economy. Now, those students and families who cannot afford living in Kota are
served with Kota brands of the shadow education in their own small towns. Bansal
Classes Private Limited today has branches in 17 towns and cities, besides Kota, spread
across 9 states of North India. In their business promotions, Bansals claim that the
shadow education sector is ‘recession free’ and that one can get
‘excellent returns on one’s investment’, with what they call ‘satisfaction of serving the
society’. The marketing of Kota brands such as Bansals’ can be better understood with
what they claim in their effort to seek more franchises34: “For 27 years backed by trust of
113,000 students, the group has forayed into……”. This emphasis on gaining the trust of
113,000 students is a crucial marketing strategy to sell the brand. Besides, it is claimed
that shadow education economy is not affected by business cycles. The growing market
and the least risks involved unlike those involved in manufacturing economy add to the
advertising strategy of the education capital. Further, in the education economy there is
said to be no stress of recovery or loss of revenue, which helps selling the brands to
educational investors from within the country as well as from among the multinationals
interested in investing in shadow education economy of Kota. These strategies and
dynamics of the educational market emanating from Kota work to transform the ideas of
urban space and sprawl: going by what is already known by the way the small towns and
cities, such as Patna, Jaipur, Aurangabad, Meerut, Agra, Bhubaneswar, etc., have
transformed as centres of shadow education sub-regionally in the recent past, triggering
urban sprawl in those urban centres as well. Thus, the working of the education economy
in this sense is no different from the working of the financial
economy. It is different in the sense that its spread is guaranteed as the demand for
shadow education is ever increasing, and the sector appears to be ‘risk’ or ‘recession’
free. Though it is never recognized by the state as a potential driver of economic as well as
spatial growth in urban India, and in the absence of any regulation of the sector by the
state, this shadow education economy is bound to produce many more educational cities
across India
2.0 ANALYSIS OF DADABADI AREA

2.1 INTRODUCTION
The Dadabadi Zone is located at the South West corner of Kota City. The Zone has a
residential character with defined edges along the west being the Chambal River and the
National Highway. The East edge is characterized by the Nala running along. The Dadabadi
has a major land composed with residential neighbourhood character. The RAC Ground
located at the South centre of the zone which is the major open space of the zone.
2.2 LAND USE ANALYSIS OF DADABADI
The Dadabadi Area in Kota has a highly dense Residential Land use. The Net Land use
can be classified into eight different types of land parcels. The eight different types of uses
are:
Residential - This accounts for 52% of the total area of Dadabadi. The residential areas
are densely packed with proper planned sectors and colonies. However, the North West
zone is not well planned with highest density of houses.
Mixed Use - 12% of the total area of Dadabadi has a Mixed Use land use typology. The
mixed use generally comprises of small shops and markets on the ground and upper floor,
with residential homes on the top floors.
Commercial - The commercial land use takes up area of around 5%. This generally
comprise of Hotels, Restaurants, Hospitals etc.
Institutional - The zone has very less
institutional land use, accounting to only
2%.
Green Open Spaces - The Green Open
spaces have green categorized into three
types: Open ground, Campus Ground and
Residential Parks. The green spaces account
for a total of 26% of the total area of
Dadabadi with major open ground spaces.
Water Body - The zone also has two
nalas or water channel which originate from
the Chambal. These nalas are majorly used
by the cattle grazers.
The Figure ground map of
Dadabadi Area in Kota illustrates
the relationship between built
and unbuilt spaces. Land
coverage of buildings is
visualized as solid mass (figure),
while public spaces formed by
streets, parks and plazas are
represented as voids (ground).
The percentage of built spaces
to unbuilt spaces at Dadabadi
Area is 55%.
The RAC Ground is a significant
open space that impacts the
density of built spaces in the
area.
3.0 ANALYSIS OF DADABADI NODE
AREA

3.1 INTRODUCTION OF NODE

The Basant Viahr Node at Dadabadi has a Residential character with mixed use and commercial
usages. The street character is of a typical dense neighbourhood with houses and shops on either
side of the road. The housing are majorly two to three floors on an average height.
There is provision of open spaces like parks and grounds. The streets are typically 10 m to 15 m
wide with pedestrian walkways on either side. The major roads have high traffic during the day
and the mixed-use typology of plots are located majorly along the major roads.
The neighbourhood is a typical Indian residential locality with edges along the South and West. The
south edge has markets which are majorly vegetables and fruits sellers. While the west edge of the
area is demarcated by commercial shops.
The Figure Ground map of the Basand Viahr Node demarcates the relationship of built
and unbuilt spaces in the zone. The map highlights the density of built spaces which
enclose or bound open spaces.
The Green spaces map highlights the open spaces of the node which are marked by parks
and grounds. The Basant Vihar Node has majorly two typologies of streets being -
Commercial Street and the neigh- boyhood streets. The Commercial Street has a high
traffic density and is a busy street with width of 12 to 15 meters. The neighbourhood
residential streets are calmer with less traffic and major movement of pedestrians and
residents. The residential streets are connected to the major commercial streets in a grid
iron fashion.
The Land use at Basant Vihar is majorly dominated by residential typology, with mixed use
typologies having shops on the ground and upper floors with residential on the top floors.
The mixed-use typology of usage is located majorly near the commercial major streets
facing them. The commercial plots comprise of hotel and shopping complexes. The node
also has green open spaces as community parks which are surrounded and majorly used
by the residential zone.
WALKABILITY
Walkability is a measure of how friendly an area is to walking. Walkability has
health, environmental, and economic benefits. Factors influencing walkability
include the presence or absence and quality of footpaths, sidewalks or other
pedestrian rights-of-way, traffic and road conditions, land use patterns, building
accessibility, and safety.
The Node at Basant Vihar in Dadabadi has a low walkability along the Main roads, due to
open garbage disposal and odour of garbage and open unification. The main streets also
have high noise levels, low vegetation and no shading which makes it prone to low
walkability. The internal neighbourhood streets are much quieter and more walkable due
to shade and natural vegetation along the parks and roads. The internal roads also have
less traffic which makes them more walkable.
ACTIVITY MAPPING AT BASANT VIHAR, DADABADI

The Basant Vihar Node is majorly a Residential Neighbourhood with the major activity
happening throughout the days by the Residents of the Neighbourhood. There are
numerous vendor shops on the southern main Road of the Node.
The Parks and open spaces have the resident activities with some on street hawkers
moving in the residential society. The major streets have commercial activities with
shops and
businesses that attract the students and residents of the place. The students are very
less living in this zone, as there are no coaching institutes nearby.
PARAMETRIC ANALYSIS OF BASANT VIHAR
NODE

1. Mobility and Access

The Node is connected to the Major Commercial

Streets which are connected to the National
Highway. The residential Streets
connect to the commercial street in a Grid
Iron Pattern.

2. Activity Zones

Activities in the Node are majorly resident and

commercial activities like shops and on street
vending. Absence of Student activities. Open spaces
are predominantly residential parks which are used
by the residents.

3. Bicycle Oriented Ness

Lesser number od bicycle users. No separate parking for
bicycles No separate lanes for bicycling. Conflict Points –

4. Pedestrian Oriented Ness

5. Spatial Cohesion
6. Presence of Vegetation

Insufficient Vegetation in the Node with a few

residential parks.

7. Degree of Openness

The open spaces are located at the centre of

the residential neighbourhood.

8. Physi
cal
Perm
eabili
ty
Most of the parks in the node is enclose on all four sides by
buildings. The parks are not well maintained and with low
illumination.

9. Flexibility

Very less flexibility of spaces seen in the node. The only

flexible space is the on street vending zone.

10. Degradation/
Pollution
The node has different points of open drain-age. There are
spaces with open urinification and open garbage disposal.

11. Safety and Security