Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 89
txl;aqmif;yg;
ျမန္မာျပည္အႏံွ႔ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္မ်ားတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး
အက်ဥ္းသား ၂၂၃၇ ဦးရွိေၾကာင္း
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 89
txl;aqmif;yg;
ျမန္မာျပည္အႏံွ႔ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္မ်ားတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး
အက်ဥ္းသား ၂၂၃၇ ဦးရွိေၾကာင္း
yHkEdSyfrSwfwrf;
ကိုးကန္ႛအေဴခအေနဆိုးေနဆဲ၊ ဴမန္မာ
စစ္တပ္မဵားလုယက္ ဖဵက္ဆီး
2009-08-31
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/regime_troops_rampage_in_kokang_region-
08312009143617.html/story_main?textonly=1
မ်ဳိးၾကီး
တနလၤာေန႔၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ 31 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 19 နာရီ 43 မိနစ္
ေရႊလီ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။ ။ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားေနသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသသို႔ စစ္အင္အားျဖည့္ရန္ ရွမ္းျပည္
(ေျမာက္ပိုင္း) တုိင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ တည္ရွိရာ လား႐ႈိးၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေမာ္ေတာ္ကားမ်ားအား
ေခ်ာဆြဲခံေနရသည္ဟု ေဒသခံမ်ားအေျပာအရ သိရသည္။
အလုပ္သမား လယ္သမားတို႔အေရး
ေရွ႕ေဆာင္ေပးမည့္ အဖြဲ႔တခုထပ္တိုး
ဖနိဒါ
အဂၤါေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 01 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 18 နာရီ 29 မိနစ္
ခ်င္းမုိင္ (မဇိၩမ)။ ။ အလုပ္သမားႏွင့္ လယ္သမား အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ရရွိေစေရး ကူညီေပးမည့္
အဖြဲ႔အစည္းတခုကို တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူတစ္စုက ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္း၌ လွ်ဳိ႕ဝွက္
ထူေထာင္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအား ေစာင့္ၾကပ္ဖမ္းဆီးမႈမ်ား
ျပဳလုပ္ေန
မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန
တနလၤာေန႔၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ 31 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 21 နာရီ 16 မိနစ္
နယူးေဒလီ။ ။ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ဦးေဆာင္လႈပ္ရွားသည့္ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ကာလ
နီးကပ္လာသည္ႏွင့္အမွ် ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အခ်ဳိ႕တြင္ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက
ဘုန္းၾကီးေက်ာင္းမ်ားအတြင္း ဝင္ေရာက္ရွာေဖြမႈ၊ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအား ေစာင့္ၾကည့္မႈႏွင့္
ဖမ္းဆီးမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္လာသည္။
နန္းေဒဝီ
တနလၤာေန႔၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ 31 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 20 နာရီ 51 မိနစ္
နယူးေဒလီ (မဇိၥ်မ)။ ။ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ဝင္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ရန္
ျပင္ဆင္သည့္အေနျဖင့္ ၁၀ ပါတီအဖြဲ႔က ၎တို႔ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္မူဝါဒမ်ားကုိ ယမန္ေန႔မွ စတင္၍
ေရးဆြဲေနၿပီျဖစ္သည္။
ေက်ာ္ခ
တနလၤာေန႔၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ 31 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 19 နာရီ 45 မိနစ္
မဇၥ်ိမ (ခ်င္းမိုင္)။ ။ Grand Royal အရက္ခ်က္စက္႐ုံကို မီးေလာင္မႈျဖင့္ အမႈဖြင့္ထားေၾကာင္း
လွည္းကူးျမိဳ႔နယ္ ရဲစခန္းအေျပာအရ သိရသည္။
တရားမ၀င္လိုင္းေၾကးေဆာင္အႏွိပ္ခန္းမ်ား မႈိလိုေပါက္
ေအာင္ထက္ / ၁ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/10909c.php
အဂၤပူၿမဳိ႕နယ္ရွိ အသိမ္းခံလယ္ေျမအခ်ဳိ႕ကို
ေက်းရြာဥကၠ႒က စိတ္ပိုင္းေရာင္းခ်
မင္းႏိုင္သူ / ၁ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
ဟသၤတ-ႀကံခင္းကားလမ္း ေဖာက္လုပ္ေရးစီမံကိန္းအတြက္ ဧရာ၀တီတုိင္း ဟသၤတခ႐ုိင္
အဂၤပူၿမဳိ႕နယ္တြင္းရွိ လယ္ေျမမ်ား အသိမ္းခံၾကရၿပီး ကားလမ္းေၾကာေဘးတဖက္တခ်က္ရိွ
က်န္လယ္ေျမအခ်ဳိ႕ကုိလည္း ေဒသအာဏာပုိင္မ်ားက လူေနအိမ္ေျမ အျဖစ္
စိတ္ပုိင္းေရာင္းခ်မႈမ်ား ျပဳေနေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံလယ္သမားတဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ႏုိင္ငံေရးအကူအညီႏွင့္ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအကူအညီ
NEJ / ၁ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
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4
Than Shwe and his ruling generals have already procrastinated over
Aung San Suu Kyi's latest trial. Most court hearings in Burma last a few
days at most, but this one has been going on for more than two months.
Unlike the other 2,000 political prisoners - whom the Burmese military
seem to keep in jail without much thought for public opinion - it is
evident that Burma's officials do not know what to do with this demure
64-year-old woman.
By imprisoning her for so long, the junta has unwittingly given her even
more symbolic significance in the eyes of Burmese people.
"An aura has built up around her," said Maung Zarni, a research fellow at
the London School of Economics. "The public view her as the conscience
of Burmese society."
It is especially important for the military generals that Aung San Suu Kyi
is out of the way ahead of the next elections, which they plan to hold in
early 2010.
But in order for this to work to its favour, the generals need to make
sure their allies win.
In the 1990 elections, the military miscalculated in a big way - they were
trounced by Ms Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy. This
time they don't want to take any chances.
By accusing her of breaking the terms of her house arrest because she
let her uninvited well-wisher stay the night, they finally had a reason to
extend her detention and keep her safely locked away throughout the
election process.
Risky strategy
But even if the junta find some tenuous legal reason to jail Ms Suu Kyi,
or extend the terms of her house arrest, they know they will stoke
intense public outrage.
Keeping behind bars a woman who is not only a Nobel Peace Prize
laureate but also the world's most famous political detainee is a high-risk
strategy.
Burmese people will be angry and upset if she is found guilty, but
according to Mung Pi, who runs a blog site for Burmese exiles, the
government knows there is not much that people inside the country can
actually do to change things.
"A guilty verdict probably won't lead to large street protests, because
people are still suffering from 2007," he said.
"The opposition movement has the moral backing of the people, but it's
whoever controls the streets, not the moral high ground, who matters,"
said Maung Zarni.
But there are times when the junta does listen to the outside world.
Chinese influence
The lengthy delays in Aung San Suu Kyi's trial are another indication
that the recalcitrant generals can sometimes be swayed by foreign
influence.
"The regime wants to take its time because of the mounting pressure it's
under," a diplomat in Rangoon told reporters.
It is still doubtful the military will take much notice of the West, though.
The long years of EU and US sanctions mean that Burma has been
thrown into the arms of China and Russia, as well as neighbouring Asian
nations.
"When push comes to shove, they can afford to just ignore... what the
West thinks. They're backed by China," said Justin Wintel, the author of
a book on Aung San Suu Kyi.
And as long as they can rely on China and Russia to veto any major
action by the UN Security Council, and their neighbours at the Asean
regional forum to do little more than voice occasional disapproval, the
generals probably feel there will be no serious ramifications to keeping
Aung San Suu Kyi behind bars.
Which is ultimately why most analysts believe that Ms Suu Kyi will be
found guilty; the negatives of having her free outweigh the positives.
She may be out of sight, but someone as iconic as Aung San Suu Kyi will
never be out of Burmese minds.
© BBC MMIX
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တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္တာ ၁၅ မိနစ္ေလာက္ၾကာပါတယ္။
DKBA ၉၉၉ ဘက္မွ ၅ ေယာက္က်ဆံုးၿပီး ၁၅
ေယာက္ ဒဏ္ရာရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ KNU
ဘက္ကေတာ့့ ဘယ္သူ႔မွေတာ့ ထိတယ္ဆိုတဲ့
အသံ မၾကားရဘူး။ ထုိင္းနယ္ေျမထဲကို
လက္နက္ႀကီးမ်ား
က်ေရာက္ေပါက္ကြဲခဲ့ပါတယ္။
တုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့ေနရာအနီးက
ရြာသားတဦးေျပာျပတာက …
“တိုက္ပြဲဟာ ၁၅ မိနစ္ေလာက္ၾကာတယ္ေလ။
တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ၿပီး DKBA ဘက္မွ
ထိုင္းနယ္ေျမထဲကို လက္နက္ႀကီးနဲ႔ ၃
ခ်က္လွမ္းပစ္ခဲ့ပါ တယ္။ DKBA ၉၉၉ ဘက္မွ
၅ ေယာက္က်တယ္ ၁၅ ေယာက္
ဒဏ္ရာရတယ္။ KNU ဘက္ကေတာ့့
ဘယ္သူ႔မွေတာ့ ထိတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အသံ
မၾကားရဘူး” လို႔ ေျပာျပပါတယ္။
စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၊ ၂၀၀၉
အဲဒီေနာက္ Bagan Cyber Tech ဆိုျပီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခင္ညြန္႔သား ေဒါက္တာ ရဲႏိုင္ဝင္း ရယ္
အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံသား (ျမန္မာ) ေအာင္ေအးထြဋ္ ရယ္ ပူးေပါင္းတည္ေထာင္ျပီး အမ်ားျပည္သူကို
ဝန္ေဆာင္မႈ ေပးပါတယ္။ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံက ေနာက္ဆုံးေပၚ အင္တာနက္ သတင္း စီးဆင္းမႈု
ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈ နည္းပညာေတြ နဲ႔ ရင္းနွီးမတည္ေငြေတြ ကို ကိုေအာင္ေအးထြဋ္ က ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ ကို
တင္ပို႔ေပးခဲ့တာပါ။ အဲဒီပိတ္ဆို႔မႈ ေတြ ကို ေက်ာ္လႊားတဲ့ နည္းပညာေတြ ကိုလဲ အေမရိကန္
ပညာရွင္ေတြ ကပဲ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံကို သယ္ေဆာင္လာျပီး Bagan Cyber Tech နဲ႔
ျမန္မာ့ဆက္သြယ္ေရး (MPT ) က ျမန္မာ ပညာရွင္ေတြဆီကတဆင့္ အမ်ား ကို
ျဖန္႔ျဖဴးေပးခဲ့တာပါ။
GSC အေထြေထြ သပိတ္ ေကာ္မတီက (၁) အေျခခံ ဒီမုိကေရစီ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ေပးရန္၊ (၂)
မဆလ တစ္ပါတီ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ဖ်က္သိမ္းေပးရန္၊ (၃) ၾကားျဖတ္အစုိးရ တစ္ရပ ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္
ႏွင့္ (၄) ၾကားျဖတ္ အစုိးရက တာဝန္ခံၿပီး အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပေပးရန္ စတဲ့
ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္ (၄) ရပ္ကို ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာပါတယ္။
A source from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), better
known as the Kokang army, says his group is still fighting in southern Kokang
bordering with its Wa ally.
The down-sized armed group is led by Peng Daxun, Peng Jiasheng’s son. “He is
still very active in the area stretching from Kunlong to Qingsuihe,” he says. “Proof?
What more proof do you need when the Burma Army hasn’t been able to evacuate
over 100 aid workers and their family members out of Laogai yesterday.”
The road from Laogai passes through Qingsuihe in the southeast and goes
westward to Kunlong.
Peng Jiasheng
On the same day, some senior Burmese officers were reported to be visiting
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 89 70
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Mongla. “They explained to us that what happened in Kokang was an internal affair,
where the Burma Army had tried in vain to mediate,” a source close to Mongla, one
of Kokang’s principal ally, quoted an officer as saying, “ Of course, they think we’re
stupid.”
The junta officers, coming from Kengtung, 80 km southwest of Mongla and the
capital of Shan State East, also inquired about their 3 officers believed to be
missing in the Hsaleu territory under the control of Mongla. The three were said to
be from Infantry Battalion 279 based in Mongyang, near Hsaleu, where Mongla’s
369th Brigade is headquartered. “Only one of them, a sergeant returned,”
according to the Burmese officers.
Mongla had earlier deported more than 470 Burmans suspected of spying.
The National Democratic Alliance Army – Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS), as the
Mongla group calls itself, believes it is next on the Burma Army’s hit list after
Kokang. The group’s leader Sai Leun aka Lin Mingxian is Kokang supreme leader
Peng Jiasheng’s son-in-law.
The United Wa State Army (UWSA), wedged between Kokang in the north and
Mongla in the south, might be the next to go, according to some analysts.
However, Sao Yawdserk, leader of anti-Naypyitaw Shan State Army (SSA) South,
saw it differently. During an interview with Thai PBS Television yesterday, he said
he believed No. 1 on the list would be Mongla followed by Kachin Independence
Army (KIA) and UWSA. “We (the SSA) will be the last,” he told Thai PBS.
We therefore hope this chronology will help shed some light on this truly fascinating
people.
Geography
Kokang lies east of the Salween, between China in the north and east, Shan State
proper in the west and Wa in the south. Wa and Kokang are divided by the Namting
that flows east to west into the Salween.
Edward Yang
Kokang is 2,200 sq.km. known for its tea plantations and opium
production. During the British days, it was said to produce 30% of
Shan State’s total output (Wa was 60% and Loimaw 10%).
1947 Secedes from Hsenwi, becomes the 34th principality of Federated Shan
States.
1949 Yang Zhensai (Edward Yang) becomes Saofa (One of his sisters is the
colorful and manly Yang Jinsiu aka Olive Yang).
1959 Yang Zhensai joins other Saofas in relinquishing traditional power to the
Shan State Government
1962 Military coup by Gen Ne Win. Most fomer Saofas including Yang
detained.
1963 Jimmy Yang aka Yang Zhensheng aka Sao Ladd, Edward’s brother forms
Kokang Revolutionary Force
1964 KRF joins Shan State Army as its Fifth Brigade but later split into several
factions.
Olive Yang
1989 11 March: Peng mutinies, an act followed by Wa, Mongla and Kachin
forces. All conclude ceasefire agreement with Burma’s military government
1992 Ousted by Yang Mouliang but returns to power two years later
April All ceasefire groups told by Naypyitaw ceasefire era is over and they have to
transform themselves to Border Guard Forces (BGF), nominally commanded by
ethnic officers but run by the Burma Army officers
July Peng expels 6 executive members including his deputy Bai Souqian and Liu
Guoxi. They had reportedly been angry with Peng for unfair distribution of power
and were in favor of the BGF status. They defect to the Army
6 August Junta investigators arrive to look for drug refineries and an arms factory,
after allegedly reported by the 6 defectors of their existence. Peng stalls
8 August Burma Army arrives in force, Kokang army surrounds it. Intercession by
China saves the day. Burma Army returns home without finding anything.
10 August Five pro-Peng officials invited to Lashio and detained. Two sent to
Laogai to persuade Peng to attend meeting in Lashio. He declines to come.
Jimmy Yang
21 August Peace and Democrat Front (PDF) issues statement in support of Peng
and urges Naypyitaw to resolve all differences and disagreements peacefully.
22 August Police serves summons for Peng, his brother Jiafu and his two sons
(Daxun and Dali) to appear in court. Again he declines to.
25 August Burma Army comes in force and sets up a new provisional executive
committee led by Bai Souqian. Peng retreats to the border.
27 August Fighting, mainly in Laogai and Qingsuihe (Chin Shwe Haw) on the
border with Wa.
28 August Peng issues statement exhorting his allies to rise and fight
29 August The bulk of Kokang force retreats into China and disarmed by PLA.
The remainder continues to fight
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The three days of heavy clashes, 27-29 August, between the Burma Army and
Kokang may link to Chinese plans to build the Upper Salween Dam also known as
Kunlong Dam in northern Shan State, near Kokang territory, according to Sai Khur
Hseng, Spokesperson of Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization.
Today, the Shan Sapawa together with the Salween Watch coalition of
environmental groups released a statement to call on China to immediately halt all
their
investments
in the dam.
The recent
clashes
which killed
about 200
people and
caused over
30,000
refugees to
flee to China
took place
just east of
the town of
Kunlong,
about 15 km
from the
planned dam
site, said the
statement.
“The renewed fighting and refugee influx into Yunnan should be a wake-up call to
China about the risks of investing in Burma,” said Sai Khur Hseng.
“Trees were being cut down for the construction site,” Sai Khur Hseng said.
The Kunlong dam is one of five mega dams being planned on the Salween in
Burma by the ruling military and Chinese and Thai companies, to produce electricity
to be sold to China and Thailand. The other mega dam being planned in Shan
State is the giant 7,110 MW Tasang dam, 100 km from the Thai border.
Likewise, if China still plans to continue the project, lots of people will be forced to
relocate and die as both investors and the military will clear everything that may be
in the way of their plans, Sai Khur Hseng said.
“China will halt its investments in the dam if it had not been working hand in glove
with the junta during the offensive against Kokang,” he added.
The clashes between the Burma Army and Kokang followed after the Burma Army
sent an armed force ostensibly to investigate reports of Kokang force having an
arms factory on 8 August.
Tension between the ceasefire groups and the ruling military junta has been
growing since April when the former were demanded to transform themselves into
Burma Army run Border Guard Forces
တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံေရာက္ ဒုကၡသည္အမဵားစု
ဴမန္မာဴပည္မဴပန္လို
2009-09-01
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/some_refugees_reluctant_to_go_back-
09012009115402.html/story_main?textonly=1
ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္အမႁအယူခံ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၃
ရက္တင္မည္
2009-09-01 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/appeal_for_suu_kyi_to_submit_soon-
09012009145815.html/story_main?textonly=1
လြယ္ဂ်ယ္ေဒသခံမ်ား တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ဘက္သို႔
ပစၥည္းမ်ားေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း
ခိုင္လင္း / ၂ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/20909d.php
ေမေက်ာ္
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 02 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 19 နာရီ 32 မိနစ္
ခ်င္းမို္င္ (မဇၩိမ)။ ။ စစ္အစိုးရ တပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္
ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႔တို႔ ျဖစ္ပြားေသာ စစ္ေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္ ထြက္ေျပးရသူ ကိုးကန္႔
စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္ ၆ ေထာင္နီးပါး ေနရပ္ျပန္လာၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။
ကိုယ့္ကြင္းကိုယ္ပုိင္ပါ့မလား
ေဇာ္မင္း (လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္)
၂ ရက္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၂ဝဝ၉ ခုႏွစ္
ေဇာ္မင္း (လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္)
၂၆ရက္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂ဝဝ၉ ခုႏွစ္
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s lawyer lodged an appeal on
Thursday against her conviction and sentencing for allegedly allowing an American
The lawyer, Nyan Win, submitted the appeal to the Rangoon Division’s court. He
“If they accept it we will present our argument here,” he told The Irrawaddy. “If
Nyan Win said the appeal was based on 11 submissions, but he declined to
elaborate.
Suu Kyi was sentenced to a further 18 months of house arrest on August 11 after
being found guilty of breaking the terms of her detention by sheltering the
Suu Kyi has been detained for more than 14 of the past 20 years.
Meanwhile, she has asked the junta to allow visits by her doctor and to approve a
plan to renovate her home and improve its security. Nyan Win said no reply has yet
The Tatmadaw of Burma, one of the most nationalistic armies in the world,
demonstrated its xenophobia during the past two weeks following its capture of
Kokang-Chinese territory.
following the seizure of Laogai, the Kokang capital, on Aug. 24, government soldiers
from China.
“After answering, Chinese from mainland China were beaten by soldiers,” said a
source in Laogai.
Refugees who fled to China told reporters that shops, stores and other properties
owned by Chinese had been looted in various towns in the Kokang region where an
Anti-Chinese elements among government soldiers are not new. In 1967, an anti-
Chinese riot in Rangoon and other cities caused led to dozens of deaths. Observers
said late dictator Ne Win’s Burmese Socialist Programme Party used the Chinese as
a scapegoat to deflect public anger at the government over a rice shortage in the
country.
Anti-Chinese sentiment among Burmese has increased after the Chinese and
Burmese governments signed border trading agreements in 1988, and the military
junta signed ceasefire agreements with ethnic militias on the Sino-Burmese border
in 1989.
After the opening of border trade and the ceasefire agreements, Chinese business
interests and immigrants moved into Burma in large numbers, observers said.
From the northern Shan State capital of Lashio to Madalay, the second largest city,
to Rangoon, Chinese migrants and businesses along with the ethnic ceasefire
groups, such as the Kokang and Wa, have taken on a higher profile among Burmese.
“They say they are Wa or Kokang, but we know they are actually Chinese,” said a
During two decades, Chinese have taken over businesses owned by Burmese in
northern Shan State and Mandalay. Signs on many department stores, restaurants
and shops in Mandalay and Lashio are printed in the Chinese language.
Khin Nyunt, the former Burma spy chief, produced a backlash against Kokang-
From 1989 to 2004— before Khin Nyunt’s downfall—the Kokang and Wa were
allowed to take their weapons to Rangoon and Mandalay. Kokang and Wa soldiers
were untouchable under Khin Nyunt’s instructions even though they committed
crimes.
When vehicles from Wa and Kokang groups passed army and police checkpoints,
downtown Rangoon after a business conflict. The police arrested the man but he
was not charged, and later Wa officials took the man from police custody.
Kokang were known to use pistols in personal conflicts with local people in the early
2000s.
Chan Tun, a former Burmese ambassador to China, said that after ceasefire
agreements were signed, the Wa and Kokang caused many problems in cities such
as Rangoon and Mandalay, and many officers and soldiers in the regime’s army
The recent military conflict between the government and ethnic groups has divided
“Some people here say it is the government bullying the Kokang-Chinese. But most
NEWS ANALYSIS
Junta Continues its Campaign against
Burmese Diversity
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN Thursday, September 3, 2009
Recent fighting in northern Shan state, between the junta’s army and the ethnic
Kokang militia known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, has
fuelled speculation that the regime intends to coerce Burma’s 17 ceasefire groups
into accepting a plan to incorporate them into the state security apparatus as border
guards.
The ceasefire groups are ethnic militias—most notably the United Wa State Army
(UWSA), the Kachin Independence Army and the Democratic Karen Buddhist
Army—that have fought on and off, in various guises, against central rule since
Burma became independent in 1948. They are part of Burma’s remarkably diverse
ethnicities.
However, the Burmese regime’s army has fought brutal campaigns against these
forced labor and conscription, as well as countless cases of rape and murder
targeting civilians. Some analysts believing that the level of abuses ranks alongside
In some cases, the junta has successfully co-opted proxy or splinter movements
from ethnic insurgent groups as part of its ongoing strategy of “divide and rule” to
weaken ethnically based opposition. But far from bringing peace to the country, this
Indeed, some observers believe that the regime has little interest in resolving a
problem that has long been its raison d’?tre. “Burma’s ethnic diversity has been one
of the main justifications for continued military rule,” said Win Min, an analyst of
Burmese affairs based in Chiang Mai, Thailand, adding that the army has long seen
Going back to the 1947 constitution, the military has always believed that civilian
The army goes by the maxim that diversity equals disunity, something seen in
military-civilian political vehicles such as the National Unity Party, the junta-
backed party that ran against the National League for Democracy in the 1990
are also evident in the 2008 constitution, which circumscribes ethnic autonomy
research focuses on Burma. “This may come back to haunt the junta, as it has with
If the junta proceeds with its military build-up in Shan State, close to the well-
armed UWSA, it may be revisited by the ghosts of insurgencies past very soon. The
prospect of renewed ethnic civil war in Burma’s borderlands has caused concern in
neighboring countries, particularly China, which remains a key ally of the regime.
The Burmese generals issued an apology to Beijing after being reprimanded over
the fighting in Kokang, which saw an estimated 30,000 refugees from this
ethnically Chinese region cross into China’s Yunnan Province. The junta risks
to China’s interests.
China’s port and pipeline plan linking the Burmese coast with Yunnan is due to get
underway this month, and Beijing doubtless does not want the timeframe
jeopardized by the junta’s domestic concerns. The pipeline will extend 1,200 km
and allow Beijing to bypass the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea when
bringing oil imports from Africa and the Middle East into China.
Given that China has “run interference for the junta at the UN Security Council”—in
refugees streaming into China seems a bitter payback. Only three weeks ago, Beijing
told critics that the August 11 decision to return Aung San Suu Kyi to house arrest
Ironically, the junta’s offensive along the Sino-Burmese border may have been
intended to send the same message—that the regime manages its internal affairs
autonomously—to Beijing. It could also be a hint that there are other options
available, should the junta want to diversify its networks of foreign partners.
The regime certainly has reason to believe that Beijing is not its only friend. While
China’s tally of oil blocks in Burma is 16, India has seven and Thailand five.
Meanwhile, India, South Korea and half of Burma’s fellow members in the
resources and competing with China for trade links with the generals.
According to Turnell, the regime may even be paying China back for entering into a
series of gas contracts with Bangladesh over offshore fields in disputed seas
However, it remains to be seen how far the junta could push this attempt to needle
China, or to diversify its foreign trade and investment relations. “Myanmar needs to
If the regime seeks to pick a fight with the UWSA or any of the other larger ethnic
militias, it could be stirring a hornet’s nest. This type of political instability could
afford that.
Just as it does not want an unstable Burma, Beijing is almost certainly on the alert
for any rapprochement between the US and the junta. It is not clear whether the
Kokang offensive is linked to the recent visit by Senator Jim Webb to Burma, but
the growing military presence in Shan State has taken place while international
attention has been focused on Webb’s visit, and the Suu Kyi trial circus that
preceded it.
“In the long term, if the US improves its ties with Myanmar, it will have strategic
implications for Beijing, which wants to reach the Indian Ocean through Myanmar
and the oil and gas pipeline projects that it plans through Myanmar,” said K.
Yhome.
A Child of Rubbish
By SOE LWIN Thursday, September 3, 2009
His parents gave him the name in the belief that it would bring good fortune to their
eldest son.
With a meager household income, Maung Chan Thar's family of eight has to
struggle to put enough food on the table each day, let alone buy clothes or things
needed for school by his three younger brothers and two younger sisters.
when Maung
earn money
because they
The piles of rubbish in Rangoon are children’s sources
of income. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) could no longer
afford to keep
him at school.
Carrying a sack on his back, he has been working in the streets ever since, looking
through the piles of rubbish on the streets, roaming the railway tracks, collecting
The piles of rubbish at the markets and railway stations are his sources of income.
On a good day, he can make the equivalent of more than US $1, but normally
“I am so happy to see my mother smile when I put cash in her hands,” he said.
Maung Chan Thar is the second income earner in his family after his father, who
Though he is an important source of income for his family, his parents cannot take
care of him.
Like tens of thousands of other street children in big cities such as Rangoon and
Mandalay, Maung Chan Thar’s clothes are filthy and in tatters. His hair has not
been washed for months, and his nails are long and dirty.
Maung Chan Thar thinks things are alright, however. He knows that in his job what
"I hate seeing my younger brothers and sisters crying in hunger, so I work hard," he
said, sifting through a pile of garbage near Kyimyindaing Railway Station. “I don’t
want them to ever do work like this. I want them to keep going to school.”
When he started on the street, he was often bullied by stronger street children, who
"I will never forget when three larger boys beat me up and took all my money,”
Maung Chan Thar said. “When I got back home, my father beat me up again for
being so weak."
Maung Chan Thar has learned how to avoid such incidents, and he has many
friends who will come to his help him if someone picks on him.
His worries are far from over, however. The municipal police and staff from the
The risk of arrest is higher when he sleeps at railway stations or bus stops in the
downtown area, he said. Since his home is located in Shwepyithar in the outskirts of
Rangoon, he often sleeps downtown with his friends if it is too late to go back.
“I’ve never been arrested,” he said. “I’m good at avoiding the police.
“People look down on street children like us, thinking we are thieves,” he said.
sometimes threaten us. We have to switch collecting sites quickly when that
happens.
“I don’t understand why they look down on us like that,” Maung Chan Thar said,
“My mother always told me never to steal or beg, but to work hard and be honest,”
he said.
Though Maung Chan Thar seems destined to keep doing his lowly job, he firmly
“Every night my mother has this dream in which I am a rich man,” he said,
“Perhaps I will find something very precious in this rubbish one day,” he said. “Who
boy who had been denied the opportunity to travel to Japan to compete in a paper
Mong, who was born in Thailand to Burmese migrant parents, will now be able to
The move came after a meeting in which Local Administration Department Chief
Wongsak Sawasdipanich said the Interior Ministry had decided to let Mong travel
The decision was based on consideration of related laws, cooperation treaties and
him get the documentation he would need to attend the Origami Airplane contest in
Japan, but his request was denied on Wednesday after the ministry refused to issue
The Interior Ministry, however, sent a letter to the Foreign Ministry on Thursday
Mong is the son of Burmese parents who registered as aliens in 2003 and were
report.
Although he attends public school in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand, Mong does
Mong was the winner of 2008’s national paper airplane contest which was
organized by the National Metal and Materials Technology Centre in Bangkok. His
Mong Thongdee was born in Thailand, but his parents were Burmese migrant
of Provincial Administration
Department in Bangkok.
Mong was the winner of 2008’s national paper airplane contest which was
organized by the National Metal and Materials Technology Centre in Bangkok. His
Adding to his disappointment is the fact that the Thai Interior Ministry denied him
a temporary passport which the Foreign Ministry had earlier agreed to.
nationality to the boy. The minister added that the Burmese boy had to represent
Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Wimon Kidchob said that the Foreign Ministry
would have issued a one-year passport for the boy if the Interior Ministry had
permitted it.
Program Foundation, said, “It [Mong’s case] really highlights the restriction on the
Like Mong, many other children of migrant workers and children of ethnic hilltribes
who were born in Thailand have been facing such restrictions and discriminations
for decades.
The Bangkok Post wrote in its editorial section on Thursday that many stateless
children in Thailand are denied educational opportunities and basic healthcare that
is provided free of charge by the government, simply because the parents are not
aware they are entitled to these basic rights, or sometimes because they don't want
their children to attend school, which is mandatory for Thais but not for stateless
children.
The English-language newspaper said the Thai authorities should be faulted for not
doing enough to inform illegal migrant workers of their basic rights to education
and healthcare.
Mong was quoted by The Bangkok Post on Sunday as saying: “I believe I can win
the prize there [Japan]. I would feel so sad if I can’t get to Japan.”
သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားေစာင့္ၾကည့္ခံေနရ
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ခံသံဃာတပါး မိန္႔ၾကားတာကေတာ့
ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းအေဳကာင္းေဆာင္းပၝးကို
စာေပစိစစ္ေရးပိတ္ပင္
2009-09-02
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/censor_banned_article_about_general_aung_sa
n-09022009154537.html/story_main?textonly=1
(Photo: AFP)
ဝေဒသေျမာက္ပိုင္းသို႔ နအဖစစ္တပ္
လာေရာက္တပ္စဲြ
ေဒသခံလူထု ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္
ခိုင္လင္း / ၃ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/30909a.php
ၿဂိဳဟ္တုစေလာင္းမတပ္ရန္
ျပည္သူမ်ားကို တားျမစ္
မ်ဳိးခ်စ္သူ / ၃ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/30909c.php
၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ …။
ဓာတ္ေငၾႛပိုက္လိုင္း အာဏာစ႒ကႆန္
2009-09-07
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/China_gas_pipeline_ignores_grave_risks-
09072009134811.html/story_main?textonly=1
စစ္အစိုးရနဲႛပူးေပၝင္းသၾားတဲ့ သူ
2009-09-07
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/an_activist_in_Thailand_turned_back_to_junta-
09072009132450.html/story_main?textonly=1
ပုသိမ္ဦးေအးဝင္း ဴပန္လၿတ္လာ
2009-09-07
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/solo_protester_for_DASSK_released-
09072009124646.html/story_main?textonly=1
ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္မႀႃး႒ကီးသန္းေရၿဆီကို စာပိုႛ
2009-09-07
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/activists_group_MDC_sends_letter_to_Junta_chi
ef-09072009123515.html/story_main?textonly=1
ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ႎႀင့္ေတၾႚခၾင့္
ေရႀႚေနမဵားေလ႖ာက္ထား
2009-09-08
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/lawyers_try_to_meet_with_suu_kyi-
09082009144030.html/story_main?textonly=1
စစ္အစိုးရသတင္းေပးဟု ယူဆရသူမဵားကို
ဝတပ္ဖၾဲႚဖမ္းဆီးထား
2009-09-08
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/junta_informers_arrested_by_wa_army-
09082009104034.html/story_main?textonly=1
မေလးရႀားေရာက္ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံသားေတၾ ထပ္မံဖမ္းဆီးခံရ
2009-09-06
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/secret_cameras_track_down_immigrants_in_Ma
laysia-09062009134516.html/story_main?textonly=1
ကိုးကန္႕အေရးအခင္းေနာက္ပိုင္း လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားအား
ထပ္တိုက္ရန္စစ္အစုိးရျပင္ဆင္ေနသည့္သတင္းထြက္ ေပၚလာၿပီး ေနာက္ ေခ်ာကား၊
ေပၚတာဖမ္းဆီးမႈ၊ စစ္အစိုးရယာဥ္တန္းသြားလာမႈမ်ား မၾကာခဏဆက္တိုက္ေတြ႕ျမင္
ေနရသျဖင့္ ျပည္သူလူထု ထိပ္လန္႕ေစခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သွ်မ္းျပည္တြင္းသတင္းရပ္ကြက္က ဆိုသည္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔ေတာ့ ေအာက္တိုဘာလအထိေစာင့္ၾကည့္ခ်င္ေသးတယ္
အဲဒီေတာ့မွပဲအေျခအေနမေကာင္းရင္ ဒီ ဘက္ ထြက္လာမယ္ တခ်ိဳ႕ေတြေတာ့
ဆိုင္ေတြပိတ္ထားၾကတယ္ ပစၥည္းေတြေတာ့ဘယ္ေရြ႕သြားၾကမွန္းမသိ ဘူး” လို႔ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္
ဆိုင္ဖြင့္ထားသူတစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။
Wa, the ethnic armed group has expelled outsiders, who do not have entry and residential
permits to stay in its territories in northeast Burma as of September 7 (Monday), said local
sources.
Currently, no one (Chinese and Burmese) is being allowed to stay in the territory of Wa also
called United Wa State Army (UWSA) without residential permits in eastern Shan State,
bordering China's Yunnan province and Thailand. Outsiders without residential permits
issued by Wa are being scrutinized and expelled outside the group's territory, said people
who recently visited Wa territory.
They added, Wa allows every outsider to enter or live and work in its territories with official
residential permits but outsiders are checked thoroughly and some are denied entry by Wa.
The Wa's scrutinizing outsiders followed soon after the Chinese government announced
through state-run radios and televisions telling citizens in Burmese territories, where war
may be resumed between ethnic armed groups and the Burmese troops, to return home,
since last week.
China’s announcement came about two weeks after clashes started between Burmese troops
and Kokang ceasefire group known as the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern
Shan State (NDAA-ESS) in the group's territories after Burmese troops captured the group's
capital Laogai on August 24.
According to sources close to Chinese border security agents, China has told the Burmese
junta to avoid war with ethnic groups along its borders before the republic's 60th National
Day on October 1. The other reason is that a Chinese company will start construction of a
gas pipeline in Northeast Shan State near its border heading for gas reserves in Burma's
western Arakan (also called Rakhine) State from September.
Meanwhile, several thousand Burmese soldiers have been deployed since August last week
at four different areas in Wa territories near Hopang and Panglong near Kokang's
Chinshwehaw as well as Mongphyat, which is close to the Mongla-based Myanmar
Democratic Alliance Army-MDAA led by Sai Leun, the son-in-law of the Kokang's leader
Peng.
At the same time, thousands Burmese soldiers are being sent to the areas around the 4th
Brigade of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Northeast Shan State close to Kokang
territory and the KIA's 3rd Brigade in eastern Kachin State, according to KIA officers.
The junta is mounting pressure on all ethnic ceasefire groups in the country to transform to
the Burmese Army-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF) by October.
This has been rejected by five ethnic ceasefire groups--- the KIA, UWSA, MDAA, NDAA-
ESS and Shan State Army-North (SSA-N). Civil war may be resumed at any time between
these groups and the Burmese Army. It, however, depends on the Burmese regime, said
sources in the ceasefire groups.
Delegates of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), one of the largest ethnic
ceasefire groups in military-ruled Burma arrived in Myitkyina last night for a
meeting with Burmese junta functionaries, said KIO sources. The meeting is slated
for today but it was yet to start at the time of writing this report.
The eight-member KIO delegation led by Vice-president No. 1 Lt-Gen Gauri Zau
Seng will meet Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the junta's head of the Executive Committee of
Transition and chief Naypyitaw negotiator for all ethnic ceasefire groups, according
to KIO sources.
At the meeting, the KIO will reiterate its demand that it wants to convert its armed-
wing the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) to a self-controlled Kachin Regional
Guard Force (KRGF) and direct participation of KIO people in the new Kachin State
government following next year’s general elections, KIO officers in Laiza
headquarters told KNG today.
The KIO's demands were approved by Kachin civilian leaders in both KIO
controlled areas and controlled areas of the junta in Kachin State and Northeast Shan
State in the KIO-conducted emergent public meeting in Laiza headquarters on
September 5.
The meeting will be the seventh for delegates from both sides in Myitkyina after the
Burmese junta framed a policy for all ethnic ceasefire groups in the country to
transform their armies into the Burmese Army-controlled Border Guard Forces since
April, KIO officers in Laiza headquarters on the Sino-Burma border said.
However, the junta did not come up with any official reply regarding the KIO's
demands and it is continuing to pressurize the KIO to transform to the Border Guard
Force before the October deadline, said KIO officials.
According to KIO officers in Laiza, the junta supremo Senior General Than Shwe
twice rejected requests to meet the KIO-despatched civilian peace mediators led by
Rev. Dr. Lahtaw Saboi Jum, former general secretary of the Kachin Baptist
Convention (KBC) last July and August.
Because of this, KIO's demands have stopped with Lt-Gen Ye Myint and have not
reached Snr-Gen Than Shwe until now, KIO sources added.
KIO Laiza sources said, this meeting may be the last and may mark an end to the
ceasefire between them if the junta does not consider the KIO's demands and keeps
pressing for transforming KIA to the Border Guard Force.
On September 2, the KIO dismissed six high ranking officers including Vice-
president No. 2 Dr. Manam Tu Ja and Deputy General Secretary N'Ja Naw Rip, who
decided to contest next year’s elections.
Salang Kaba Doi Pyi Sa, deputy in-charge of DGA calmed down the civilians and
civilian leaders and asked them to stop shifting their belongings because of war may
not occur at the moment, said a participant. But, he also suggested that the civilians
should cautious and be alert.
Hundreds of Kachin civilians in the villages along the Sino-Burma border situated
near the KIO military bases have transported their belongings to relatives in Chinese
territory in their own way by crossing the border since last month.
At the September 5 public meeting in Laiza, the KIO leaders explained to the people
attending that civil war may resume if the junta totally rejects the KIO's demands and
starts an offensive against it, said participants.
At the moment, KIA soldiers are on high alert to defend themselves against intruding
Burmese troops after the junta captured Kokang ceasefire group's territory in
Northeast Shan State on August 24, said KIA sources.
The man who led the founding of the United Wa State Party (UWSP)
in 1989, following the successful mutiny against the Communist
Party of Burma (CPB), passed away in Lanxang, Yunnan province,
China, yesterday (8 September), according to one of his relatives.
Chao Ngi-lai aka Ta Lai, 70, had been crippled by a stroke since
1995.
According to those who knew him, he was cool-headed and fought alongside his
men in battles. Brought up by his stepfather Ta Khun Nyi, he had converted to
Christianity, a minority religion (0.1%) in Wa area, according to Lahu National
Development Organization (LNDO), that published Unsettling Moves: The Wa
Forced resettlement program in Eastern Shan State in 2002.
His successor Bao Youxiang has also been suffering from trichinosis, which he got
from eating uncooked pork, according to Merchants of Madness, by Bertil Lintner
and Michael Black.
http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2720:a-
call-for-chinese-to-take-up-arms-in-burma&catid=mailbox&Itemid=279
September 8, 2009 5:26 PM
In the late 1960s, when the frenzy whipped up by the Cultural Revolution hit its
peak, thousands of young Chinese crossed the border to join Burmese Communist
Party guerillas. Indoctrinated with Maoist ideology, they believed they were fighting
for a global communist revolution.
With Burma communists losing ground in the civil war, China shifted its foreign
policy from support for the BCP to recognition of the military junta. Most of the
Chinese "internationalist fighters," by then war-weary and disillusioned, repatriated
or emigrated to a third country.
But others who were the backbone of the BCP's armed forces chose to stay.
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 89 179
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
Ironically, those former overzealous communists also played a key role in the 1989
mutiny that brought about the BCP's collapse. Some of them even became drug
lords who lived off heroin trafficking.
From the former bases of the BCP rose four self-administering zones. One of them,
Kokang, is inhabited largely by ethnic Chinese and has maintained close ties with
China. In late August, when clashes between Burmese government troops and
Kokang forces broke out, it also caused great concern on the other side of the
border.
Since the incident, a mass email has been circulating on the Internet. Reflecting on
history, the letter, signed by an organization called the Global Chinese-Kokang
United Alliance, calls for the Chinese volunteers to follow earlier generations in
taking up arms to save Kokang from the brutal rule of Burmese government:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dear compatriots:
As you read this letter, Chinese people are being raped and killed. The Burmese
government has violated international law and sent out death squads manned by
large number of condemned criminals, using Chinese civilians as human shields.
This provocation has compelled Chinese forces to fight back.
The Chinese are a peace-loving people who want to live peacefully. However, all
our goodwill offerings are met with nothing but a hail of stones. The 1998 Indonesia
massacre targeting the Chinese is an example of how being soft and compromising
only leads to foreign peoples trampling upon you, and we will not allow this kind of
organized killing to happen again.
Only the strong are respected! The ultimate means of preserving peace is to end
war with war, to meet violence with more violence. To avoid the mutilation, killing,
and rape that the Chinese living in Burma face, we plead with all Chinese
individuals and organizations to declare war against the Burmese junta.
Every one who want to join us can start now, to go to the border and wait for
further orders. Here is a list of people with special knowledge that we badly need.
The Alliance is also receiving military resources and money donations. Details
will be released through huaguo.org.
The border has been closed so here are a few things that you should know:
1. First you need to go to Yunnan. Avoid big cities. Choose counties instead. The
big cities are more controlled. Research on the Internet before you start. Avoid
talking with strangers because your accents may raise suspicion. The comrade who
was arrested by the plain-clothed policemen is an example. If you want to go with a
partner, find someone that you know. You can take care of each other after you
enter the Wa State.
2. You can also enter the Wa State through Lao and Thailand.
3. Don't use any public communication tools, such as mobiles, fixed telephones,
QQ, Tom-modified Skype (the original English version is fine), and all free domestic
email services as well as Yahoo's mail service.
4. Use Gmail and Hotmail. MSN should be used with caution. Since Google
made the promise of Do No Evil, we can trust it as long as it holds that promise.
5. There are plenty of weapons. International arms merchants keep the supply
flowing. In terms of logistics and supplies, the Alliance is seeking contributions from
the International Chinese community. During the Anti-Japanese War, Chinese
people donated fighter planes; now if all the Chinese hold on to each other, we can
eliminate the dictatorship of the military junta and open a new era for Chinese in
Northern Burma.
6. Keep in touch with the Alliance. Send an email to the address you subscribed
to when you have a problem. Don't release your contact to anyone, including the
Alliance. Email only, please.
Hardly had the firefight died down in Kokang, another kind of offensive, propaganda
war, is being launched by the Burmese junta.
Recently, within a week, the Kokang group, headed by Peng Jiasheng, has been
highlighted as drug dealer and producer of explosive, to show the world that the
junta is, in fact, against evil warlords and posturing itself as a saviour, anti-drug
crusader and defender of its national sovereignty.
A recent report from Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) writes: “Overnight,
Peng, who had been enjoying the status of “one of the national race leaders,” has
become a drug runner after his rejection of Naypyitaw’s proposal to change his
armed group a Burma Army-controlled border security force, leading the path to be
followed by other ethnic leaders who, like himself, are continuing their rejection of
the proposal.”
While it is fair to conclude that all those who have guns in Shan State, that is all
cease-fire armies, resistance groups and Burma army, are in one way or the other,
involved in drugs, the Burma army’s occupation of Kokang has nothing to do with
anti-narcotics undertaking, but trying to scare the others by pounding the weakest
link within the cease-fire groups.
The crucial fact that opium and armed struggle in Shan State are so intertwined
could be detected in what General Tuan Shi-wen had said in 1967.
Since then, the drug trade has diversified and expanded to include Amphetamine-
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 89 182
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
type stimulants (ATS), which are much easier to produce.
While opium and ATS trafficking might be seen as a “necessary evil” to finance the
resistance and struggle to regain ethnic rights of self-determination, no doubt, in
process some of the rebel armies leadership’s priority setting might have become
blurred and started to embrace “wealth accumulation” increasingly, deviating from
their original goal.
Either way, it is fair to acknowledge the fact that the struggle for rights of self-
determination is very real and alive within the non-Burman ethnic population, even
if some their military leaders might have swayed from their original commitment
and become corrupted.
Another point to ponder on the Burmese junta’s stance on drug issue is that it is not
an anti-drug crusader, as it likes to portray itself, but has always been a player
and part of the illicit trade in Shan State.
Burma’s military - the Tatmadaw - is complicit in the drug trade. The Tatmadaw
might account for more than 40 per cent of GOB’s budget but this is mostly spent
on weapons systems and the lavish lifestyle of officers.
Soldier pay remains hazardously low, and so many are forced to find other ways to
supplement their income. They are also required to contribute to the welfare fund of
the unit to which they belong.
Reasons for military involvement have been confirmed by Bouan (Xavier Bouan,
from UNODC) , who said: “Everybody is involved in this trade in one way or
another. Insurgents, militia, government, cease-fire groups; for all of them… it’s one
of the only ways to survive and get cash.”
Testimony in 2003 had incriminated at least 93 of the 128 Infantry Battalions and
Light Infantry Battalions operating in Shan State in facilitating the drug trade.
Their involvement includes providing loans and seeds to villagers to grow opium;
allowing or ordering farmers to grow opium; taxing the poppy harvest; transporting
opium powder to heroin refineries; accepting bribes to allow dealers through
government checkpoints; providing security for refineries; transporting
methamphetamine pills to Thai dealers at the Thai-Burma border; and allowing
Army personnel to sell methamphetamine to supplement their income.
The case in point here is that the Burmese junta’s real interest is to rein in all the
ethnic resistance forces and take control of their areas, by hook or by crook. It is in
no way an anti-drugs crusader, but more of an accomplice or abettor and have, in
fact, cashed in for decades. The sudden change of posture is more to do with
tactical move to gain the upper hand in its propaganda war on one hand and to
subdue the ethnic resistance force with international sympathy and backing,
probably under the pretext of “War on Drugs”.
Finally, what is wrong with the Kokang army having an explosives factory within its
territory to prepare for self-defence, when the Burmese junta is building huge
underground complexes and even trying to materialise its ambition of acquiring
nuclear weapons, with the help of North Korea and possibly, also Russia?
ဓႏုတ္ေစတီႀကီး ၿပိဳက်ၿပီးေနာက္
ေတြ႕ျမင္ရစဥ္ (ဓာတ္ပုံ - AP)
ဗိုလ္မင္းယုကုိႏွင့္
မေကသီေအာင္
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲလုပ္ငန္းေကာ္မတီႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ိဳ႔သည္
လာမည့္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အတြက္ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္႐ြက္မႈမ်ားရွိသည္ဟုလည္း ဆုိသည္။
Wa leaders have ordered their people to be on alert and dig bunkers for protection
in case fighting breaks out, according to sources on the border. Troops of the United
Wa State Army (UWSA) have been building strategic outposts in the mountains.
Shan sources said UWSA units in southern Shan State will reportedly ally with the
ethnic rebel Shan State Army - South in fighting government troops if necessary.
Ten thousand UWSA toops led by Wei Hsueh-Kang, who is blacklisted in the US for
drug trafficking, are stationed in southern Shan State. The UWSA has a total of
Border sources said Burmese government forces will likely launch an offensive
against Wa units in southern Shan State, because the junta has been beefing up its
troops in the area since the fall of Kokang’s capital, Laogai, on August 24.
The Burmese military junta reportedly wrote to Wa leaders demanding that they
surrender the Kokang leader, Peng Jiasheng, who is believed to have taken shelter
in a UWSA-controlled area. Source said the UWSA did not respond to the junta’s
request.
Troops from the Burmese regime’s light infantry divisions (LID), including LID 99,
55, 33 and 22, have been moving into Shan State since Aug 24, according to border
Command 16, based in Theindi in northern Shan State, have also been deployed
Speaking to The Irrawaddy, one resident who asked for anonymity said he
witnessed three 120mm mortar launchers and 10 armored cars going to southern
Government troops have blocked the route connecting UWSA units in northern
Shan State with those based in southern Shan State, and junta forces have deployed
Some observers said the junta’s patience with ceasefire groups rejecting its order to
wearing thin. They said the junta may have no option but to launch offensives
Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist who has written several books on Burma, said
It is estimated that more than 120,000 ethnic Wa live in southern Shan State near
the border with Thailand, which has become a lucrative business area. The area has
Thousands of Wa civilians may flee into Thailand if fighting breaks out in the
As the Burmese military government gears up for major conflict with ethnic groups
along the Thai-Burmese border ahead of elections scheduled for 2010, more
In an article published in the Washington Post on Wednesday, Win Tin hit out at
Win Tin has spent 19 years in prison for his political beliefs and is considered to be
The senior leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) wrote:
But under the circumstances imposed by the military's constitution, the election
will be a sham.”
He stated in his article that his party will not sacrifice the democratic principles for
which many millions of Burmese have marched, been arrested, been tortured and
died to participate in a process that holds no hope whatsoever for bringing freedom
to Burma.
And he reinforced the NLD’s demands that all political prisoners are released, a full
review of the constitution is granted and that the opposition be allowed to reopen
wrote: “The regime's answer is the continued jailing of [Aung San] Suu Kyi and
2,000 other activists, massive military offensives against ethnic groups and the
He also criticized US Sen James Webb’s recent and controversial visit to Burma.
Win Tin said that he understands Webb's desire to seek a meaningful dialogue with
the Burmese ruling authorities. But, he said, “Unfortunately, his efforts have been
damaging to our democracy movement and focus on the wrong issue—the potential
for an "election" that Webb wants us to consider participating in next year as part of
a long-term political strategy. But the showcase election planned by the military
regime makes a mockery of the freedom sought by our people and would make
Webb’s visit received mixed reviews among Burmese and international observers.
Burma’s military leaders, including junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe, received Webb
during his visit and allowed the US senator to meet detained democracy leader Suu
Kyi.
government. Therefore, they assumed the US had dramatically shifting its policy on
The US government’s policy on Burma is under review and it is believed that the
During a recent visit to Asia, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that neither
The Nation League for Democracy (NLD) has asked the military government for
Observers said that the move could signal a NLD effort to take part in the 2010
national election, although the party has indicated it would not participate in the
Pakokku Township in Magway Division, where the NLD office has not been allowed
to organize activities.
parties must have the right to freely move about and organize activities.”
An NLD member said some unregistered political parties are already active and
townships.
In the 1990 election, the NLD won a landslide victory with more than 80 percent of
the seats in parliament, but the military government refused to recognize the
election results.
Leaders of the NLD party including Aung San Suu kyi, Tin Oo and 479 other party
members have been arrested by the regime over the years, according to the
organization.
The AAPP said there are now 2,211 political prisoners in Burma’s jails.
NEWS ANALYSIS
The Military’s Role in Asean Nations
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN Wednesday, September 9, 2009
Most of Southeast Asia has experienced military rule at some stage since the
Colonial Era ended, and the political role of the region's military institutions has
Nations (Asean), only Indonesia was deemed a fully free country by the US-based
the Philippines.
In the Southeast Asian region, Burma stands out, however, due to the sheer
longevity of military rule and the entrenchment of the army in all sectors of society
democracy, having the highest GDP per capita in the region and with a relatively-
deep irony, the very military institution established by Burmese icon Aung San has
kept its founder’s daughter and national democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi under
house arrest for 14 of the past 20 years, as part of its strategy to retain control of the
have drawn from other countries in the region, which have either experienced
military rule or felt the weight of the army bear down on day-to-day politics. There
are both parallels and differences between the various cases that can perhaps shed
that vast archipelago does not have any Burmese parallel right now.
Like Burma, the Indonesian army played a central role in winning independence,
which entrenched the military’s centrality and authority. Like Burma, Indonesia is a
Fears among the military elites in both that peripheral or ethnic minority regions
could secede were used to justify for an overweening military influence in both
countries and ultimately a military coup in the case of Burma in 1962. In Indonesia,
government, between 1957, when democratic rule was discarded, and 1998, when
the long era of Suhartos's military-backed authoritarianism ended amid chaos and
Under Suharto, the military was given corporate representation in government and
state-owned corporations. Each military branch has its own foundation, operating
extraction. Similarly, as Win Min outlines, the Burmese army monopolizes the
been led by active military officers. Most of the inward FDI is channeled through
UMEH, and both entities are involved in a wide array of business across the full
Since 1998, the Indonesian military has relinquished its reserved seats in
parliament and retreated from its dominance of politics in the archipelago, under
While this does not mean that civilian control over the military has been asserted, it
is a clear difference between Indonesia and Burma, where the 2008 constitution is
geared toward giving the military effective control, under a civilian veneer, in a
future Burma.
Under the new constitution, the proposed new military commander-in-chief will
have greater authority than the president (who almost certainly will be a retired
MPs will be active military officers appointed by the military chief, and there is no
majority, with the military effectively having a veto over the legislation process.
Massive power will be vested in the new National Defense and Security Council,
which can declare a state of emergency, and will have more military officers than
civilians.
the 1992 coup and Black May crackdown. Military involvement in politics retreated
until the September 2006 coup which ousted Thaksin Shinawatra, who
transgressed some red lines by appointing some of his supporters to top military
positions.
Echoing the Burma case somewhat, as noted by Paul Chambers, a senior research
battling political parties (the yellows and the reds) and external threats (the
Cambodia border dispute) have been used to justify or facilitate an increased role
for the military in politics in the post-Thaksin era, and the 20008 Internal Security
Act gives the military ample scope to transgress on democratic principles and the
civilian realm.
The military is dominant in the Thai Ministry of Defense, and the National Security
in-your-face.
2006 coup. Prof Suchit Bunbongkarn of ISIS believes that the Thai military is
The Philippines has a lurid history of coups and attempted coups, right up to the
Indonesia and Thailand, the armed forces of the Philippines sees itself as having a
That has had some positive impact, however, and offers a point of clarification for
the Burmese case. With the recent death of Cory Aquino, there has been much
reminiscing about the causes and consequences of the 1986 People's Power
Marcos.
The army did not turn on protesting civilians on that occasion, a marked contrast
with the military reaction to the Saffron Revolution in Burma, the second
Perhaps the junta has learned from this example, by keeping a large, powerful and
united military through its monopolization of the economy, and after 2010, a faux-
legitimate civilianization of military rule. This will build upon the top-down,
bottom-up system of control the junta has been crafting since military rule almost
collapsed in 1988.
Politically, this involved ceasefires with the ethnic insurgencies, weakening the
urban opposition and pro-democracy activists, and weakening links between the
Meanwhile, the regime aims to enlarge the army to 500,000 troops, despite already
having the largest standing army in the region. By establishing a mass organization
known as the USDA, thought to number 24 million members (though it’s unknown
way down to the ward/village level, the junta is seeking optimum control at all
While it is impossible to know the true opinion of the mass of Burmese soldiers
about how the ruling generals govern the country, it appears the junta has worked
to forestall any splits or reformism in the corridors of power that could assist or give
Revolution II.
After the purge of Gen Khin Nyunt and his apparently reformist intelligence cadre,
the military retired about 3,000 officers in 2007-8 and reappointed them to the
civil service. Win Min regards this move as setting-up another bulwark against
out.
According to Andrew Selth of Griffith University, blogging on the Web site Lowy
Institute for International Policy in April 2008, the 2007 protests and ensuing
international condemnation of the regime focused minds among the junta top
brass, who now appear to have closed ranks and set aside any differences for now.
The upshot? A flawed constitution and undemocratic electoral process; the return
of Aung San Suu Kyi to house arrest, with another 2,100 political prisoners under
lock and key, and the possibility of renewed war with ethnic minority groups.
Burma decisively in its own favor and as seen in the recent offensive against the
Kokang in northern Shan State, it will not shy away from offending China, its chief
ally and patron, to achieve its goal of maintaining military control of the country.
Burma’s notorious censorship board, called the Press Scrutiny and Registration
politics from The Washington Post and The New York Times, an unusual event in
Burma.
Burmese readers
inside Burma
were surprised
of America’s
leading
newspapers,
A bicycle taxi driver reads the newspaper. (Photo: AP)
several readers
“I was surprised because I know our country has serious censorships problem,” said
a high school teacher in Rangoon who regularly buys and reads weekly journals.
One of the op-ed articles that appeared in The Voice Weekly, originally published in
The Washington Post, was written by a Burmese historian, Thant Myint-U. The
article “Let’s Talk to Burma. China Sure Is.” called for more engagement with the
military regime in Burma. The translated version appeared in The Voice’s Aug. 31
edition.
In the Sept. 7 edition, controversial US Sen Jim Webb’s commentary, “We Can’t
Editors in Rangoon said that Burma’s censorship board decided to publish these
articles because they favored the lifting of economic sanctions. Other Rangoon-
The Voice Weekly is edited by Nay Win Maung, who also publishes Living Color
magazine. Living Color began publishing under the blessing of the former
intelligence spy chief Gen Khin Nyunt. Dr Ye Naing Win, the son of Gen Khin
The Washington Post once described Nay Win Maung as “a son of a military officer
who was brought up among Burma's military elites, giving him good connections to
military insiders.”
The Voice Weekly regularly publishes articles praising the coming election in 2010
and the regime’s “road map” to democracy. It is not known if the publication has
been ordered to publish such articles or acts on its own editorial policy.
However, some editors and journalists have said that there is a little more freedom
Recently, journalists in Rangoon spotted the name of the late poet Tin Moe
mentioned in a Rangoon publication. The poet laureate left for exile and died a few
years ago in the US. A strong supporter of Aung San Suu Kyi and the democracy
movement, he wrote hundreds of poems critical of the regime and since then, his
“U Tin Moe’s name was allowed to be published recently. I think the censorship
board permitted his name in media…because he had passed away,” said a writer in
Some journalists said that after Maj Tint Swe took over the censorship board, the
local media have a little more breathing space than before. Tint Swe himself writes
The censorship board is now under the Ministry of Information. In the past,
Ministry of Home Affairs and the military intelligence service controlled the board
In spite of strict draconian rules and censorship regulations, Burma has more than
200 weekly and monthly publications. Some selected journals close to key officials
are profitable. Many others struggle financially and are under heavy surveillance.
freedom of press is at the very bottom in the world, ranking 170 out of 172
countries.
private journal called the Phoenix that was banned in August after it repeatedly ran
A woman editor in Rangoon, when asked about press freedom and the regime’s
Burmese media. On all translated articles and reports that we want to publish, the
censorship board has the final say and it will remove them if they don’t like them.
But if these stories and op-ed pieces are in line with regime policy, they will allow
them to be published.”
For decades, politics in Burma has been in crisis and the eventual outcome is often
violence and oppression. Subjected to extreme poverty, armed conflicts and natural
The average Burmese citizen probably expects life to be less oppressive under a new
civilian government. However, there is no escaping the fact that Burma’s third
Born with the nation’s independence struggle and believing its role to safeguard the
constitution, which it calls its “national political leadership role of the State.”
This is the heart of the military-designed constitution and exemplifies its distrust of
civilian politicians, and the role of the public in forming a consensus in society.
country can enjoy stability and development with the support of the majority of the
population. It can also avoid a coalition form of government that can often create
instability in politics.
of a single civilian party, which could provide a viable opposition to the military
rulers.
The military is guarantied 110 out of 440 seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s
Parliament). Also, military officials will hold the same share in state and region
bans all civil service personnel from contesting in the Hluttaw elections.
becomes the dominate block in the legislative process, because to approve or reject
percent of parliament.
In this scenario, there a single political party, even if it had 100 percent unanimity,
can not pass its proposed legislation without the approval of the military
However, the constitution stipulates that the military doesn’t need the approval of
parliament for legislation related specifically to defense and security affairs. Section
20/b stipulates that “the Defense Services has the right to independently administer
Moreover, Hluttaw committees, commissions and bodies for defense and security
The Electoral College is formed into three groups—one each from the Pyithu and
drawn from both Hluttaws. The groups will elect three presidential candidates and
Like the NLD’s landslide victory in the 1990 election, a political party could win the
majority of 330 seats in Pyithu Hluttaw. But it can’t expect their candidate to be
elected president and form a government because one of the criteria for the
president, as stated in Clause 59/d, is that the president has to be “well acquainted”
with military affairs, which limits the chances of a non-military approved candidate
Therefore, the president’s power has been limited in the affairs of defense and
the military can independently appoint and operate three ministries: Defense,
Some constitutional observers may argue that this is a fair sharing of power
between the military and a civilian government. But the constitution also offers
constitution.
The most powerful body created by the constitution is the National Defense and
Security Council (NDSC). The body is composed of 11 members with the military
granted six positions, ensuring that all the important affairs of state brought to the
The NDSC’s four major tasks are: first, the president has to “appoint the
Section 417 and 418; third, the commander-in-chief can rule the country a
maximum of two years under the state of emergency, and after the period, the
NDSC will exercise the three powers under the name of the president, as stated in
Section 421, 427 and 431; fourth, Section 429 stipulates that the NDSC will hold the
general election in accord with the provisions of the constitution within six months
cemented their power with one more important clause in Section 20/f: “The
Translation: at any time, Burma can return to total military rule if the generals
Burma has seen 14 general elections since 1922, when Britain introduced a
“diarchy” system of government. Next year, the country is due to go to the polls for
the 15th time. Again, an old question will be raised: will that election, and did
The country has also had several different constitutions, from the first, which took
effect in April 1937, to the latest one which the current military regime claims was
national referendum in May 2008. The various elections and constitutions reflected
The first constitution, under British rule, was the Government of Burma Act 1935,
passed after Burma was separated from India. Before then, elections in “Burma
Proper” were held for legislative councils under the diarchy administration.
Burmese nationalists boycotted the elections, claiming the people of Burma were
By the standards of colonial rule, the elections under the new constitution were
minister.
The legislature consisted of a Senate, half of its members elected by the House of
The first general election under the 1935 constitution was held in 1936 and was
pro-Burman “Dobama Asiayone” organization and its “Komin Kochin Party.” Dr.
The next truly nationwide elections were held in 1947, with the purpose of
(AFPFL) led by Bogyoke Aung San won a landslide victory, securing 196 of the 202
seats.
1948.
Critics claimed the constitution, which was rushed through the assembly within one
year, contained flaws. Many ethnic leaders maintained that it was based in essence
on a unitary system, rather than a federal union which had been agreed on with
Aung San, the architect of the constitution at the Panglong Conference. The advisor
to 1947 constitution, Chan Htoon, a former attorney general and associate justice of
the supreme court, later admitted that "our constitution, though in theory federal, is
in practice unitary.”
Two elections were held in the 1950s, a time of internal disorder. The AFPFL won
both, securing 147 of the 250 seats in 1951 and 173 of the 221 seats in 1956.
A breakaway faction of the AFPFL, the Pyihtaung Su (Union) party, won a landslide
percent of the electorate turned out to vote in what was seen as Burma’s most
U Nu, Burma’s prime minister from 1948 until 1958, again took office, and made
good an election promise to ethnic leaders to review the 1947 constitution. The
Ne Win formed the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and a new
constituent assembly.
The British-era “Burma Proper” or mainland Burma (bama pyi ma) of former
constitutions became seven Divisions with seven States representing seven major
ethnic nationalities. The new constitution also provided for elections for a Pyithu
Hluttaw, or People's Parliament. Burmese voters were called to the polls four times
before the constitution was scrapped in 1988—but they couldn’t be called elections
in the true sense because they served only to rubber-stamp hand-picked nominees
Some political leaders at first favored Ne Win’s coup, believing his claim to be
establishing a socialist state. People were generally fed up with the constant power
Only some time later did they come to understand that Ne Win’s military rule was
just a sham democracy with a bogus federal structure and no representation for the
In 1990, a general election was held in fulfillment of a promise by the 1988 coup
for multi-party democracy, 60 percent of the more than 20 million registered voters
cast their ballots for the National League for Democracy, which won 392 of the 485
contested seats.
The result, however, was ignored by the ruling military regime, which remained—
The regime formed a National Convention to draft a new constitution, which was
forced into effect in 2008. Under the provisions of the constitution, Burma is a
Union with seven Regions (previously Divisions) and seven States. In fact, Burma is
commander in chief dominate state power through various channels and sources.
The 2008 constitution was approved in the second referendum of Burma's history—
a blatantly rigged poll, in which the junta claimed more than 90 percent of the
electorate had voted in favor. In reality the charter was rejected by all opposition
The elections and constitutions that have marked Burma’s post-independence years
have failed to meet the aspirations of the Burmese people from the very start.
Although the 1947 constitution was drafted by leading political figures, including
The same applied to the general election that followed. The democratic leaders at
that time failed to remove the defects of the constitution and became bogged down
In the 1970s and 1980s, political leaders were outsmarted by the military, which
took over power under the guise of the “Burmese Way to Socialism,” failing to fulfill
The 1974 constitution and the elections that followed did not even slightly reflect
the people's representation. The 1990 election was at least quite free and fair, but
the result was ignored by the military without any substantial reason being given.
We need now to wait and see how long the 2008 constitution will last under
military domination and how representative the planned 2010 elections turn out to
be. Burma's short post-independence history has shown that without the will and
support of the general public and ethnic forces, no constitution has lasted long.
COMMENTARY
'Wait and See' US Policy on Burma is No Help
By YENI Wednesday, September 9, 2009
In 1988, when nation-wide demonstrations calling for political, economic and social
imperialism. Instead, the demonstrators affirmed their support for democracy and
the establishment of all it stood for—particularly respect for human rights. They
directed their appeals to the country they regarded as the world’s leading defender
of democracy.
series of further human rights abuses, which has led successive US administrations,
supported by both Congress and Senate, to intensify the sanctions that were first
neighboring countries have favored doing business as usual with the Burmese
regime.
Under the administration of former President George W Bush, the US also took the
lead in pressing for Burma to be brought before the UN Security Council, which is
widely regarded as the world's only actor with the legal authority, political
intervention.
favors engagement over confrontation with partners—and even with world tyrants—
The US foreign policy chief, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, said earlier this year
engage the regime had worked, although some observers said that US had never
State Department officials said that the trial of Burma's democracy icon Aung San
Suu Kyi will affect the policy review. Secretary of State Clinton appealed for the
However, Burma's ruling generals extended Suu Kyi’s house arrest for a further 18
months, while continuing to hold around 2,100 other political activists behind bars.
They are also trying to tame restive ethnic armies along Burma’s borders with China
In August, Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs P J Crowley said at a State
of Aung San Suu Kyi, and 2,100 other political prisoners. Our second dimension is
the ethnic conflict that continues in Burma and what we could do to try to
He also said, "We have an interest in seeing Burma stabilize. We have an interest in
A better policy would be to reach out to China, India and the Association of
remains a waiting game. Now Washington seems to be adopting a "wait and see"
attitude in the run-up to next year’s general election, which will be used by the
power.
The US administration must again display strong leadership in its Burma policy.
Where Washington leads by example, other global and regional friends will follow.
A “wait and see” approach is no inspiration for Burma’s neighbors and is no help to
ဒု-ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္
၀တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ေတြ႔ဆံုမည္
ခိုင္လင္း / ၉ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/90909e.php
စစ္အစုိးရက မြန္ျပည္သစ္၏လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္အေပၚ
ကန္႔သတ္မႈရွိလာ
၀ီရ / ၉ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/90909f.php
အရပ္သားအျမင္နဲ႔ စစ္သားအထင္
ဦးေအာင္ခင္
၉ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/Sep09/90909.php
ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးတုိက္ပြဲကို အားေပးေထာက္ခံၾက
(ဘာသာျပန္ေဆာင္းပါး)
ဖုိးေဇာ္
၈ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/Sep09/80909.php
ထထႂကြႂကြႏွင့္ ၿပိဳင္တူ၀ိုင္းၾကပါစို႔
NEJ / ၇ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
အလုပ္ရွင္လုပ္သမွ် ခံေနရ
၉ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaing.org/online/Sep09/90909.php
ပထံုဌာနီမွ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားတဦး
ေက်ာ္ခ
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 09 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 20 နာရီ 26 မိနစ္
ခ်င္းမုိင္ (မဇၩိမ)။ ။ MNDAA ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ကို တိုက္ခိုက္ၿပီးေနာက္ ေဒသတြင္းသို႔ စစ္အစိုးရ
တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ား ပိုမို ျဖည့္တင္းထားသျဖင့္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တြင္ ေနာက္ထပ္စစ္ပြဲမ်ား မၾကာမီ
ျဖစ္ပြားလာဖြယ္ ရွိသည္ဟု စစ္ေရး အကဲခတ္မ်ားက ေျပာသည္။
စစ္အစိုးရ တပ္မ်ားသည္ ဝ' တို႔ အမာခံ တပ္စြဲထားသည့္ ဝ' နယ္ေျမေျမာက္ပိုင္း ဟုိပန္းၿမိဳ႕မွ မိုင္
၂၀ ခန္႔ေဝးေသာ သံတံုးၿမိဳ႕နယ္ မိုင္းဆတ္ၿမိဳ႕အနီးတဝိုက္၊ ဝ' နယ္ေျမအလယ္ပိုင္း
က်ဳိင္းတံုအေရွ႕ေျမာက္တြင္ အာပီဂ်ီ ေလာင္ခ်ာ၊ ေမာ္တာႏွင့္ သံခ်ပ္ကာ ကားမ်ား အပါအဝင္ျဖင့္
လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ သီတင္းပတ္ကတည္းက တပ္စြဲလာခဲ့သည္ဟု ရွမ္းျပည္ တပ္မေတာ္ (ေတာင္ပိုင္း)
သတင္းရပ္ကြက္မ်ားအရ သိရသည္။
US Embassy investigates
arrest of American citizen in
Burma
by Mungpi
Wednesday, 09 September 2009 18:52
Burma born American citizen, Kyaw Zaw Lwin a.k.a Nyi Nyi
Aung, was arrested at the Mingalardon International Airport
on September 3, on arrival from Bangkok on a TG flight.
Kyaw Zaw Lwin’s sister, Thet Thet Aung (35), was sentenced
to 65 years in prison, while his mother is serving a five-year
prison term.
ၾကပ္ေျပးေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာညီလာခံ
အေဆာက္အဦးတည္ေဆာက္တာကုိလည္း တရုတ္အစုိးရကပဲ တာဝန္ယူထားပါတယ္။
ေစ်းကြက္စနစ္က်င့္သုံးတဲ့အတြက္ လူတစုသာ ႀကီးပြားခ်မ္းသာလာၿပီး ျပည္သူလူထုအမ်ားစုမွာ
ဆင္းရဲေနရတဲ့အတြက္ က်င့္သုံးတဲ့ ေစ်းကြက္ပုံစံကုိ ေဝဖန္လာၾကပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ
ေစ်းကြက္စနစ္က်င့္သုံးၿပီး တရုတ္အကူအညီကုိ အားကုိးတဲ့အတြက္ စစ္အစုိးရအာဏာ
တည္ၿမဲၿပီး တရုတ္နဲ႔ ဗမာအခ်ဳိ ႔ ႀကီးပြားခ်မ္းသာလာၾကေပမဲ့ တုိင္းျပည္ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရးကုိ
အေထာက္အကူ မျပဳဘူးလုိ႔ ပညာရွင္အခ်ဳိ ႔က ေထာက္ျပၾကပါတယ္။
ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ဘိန္းလုပ္ငန္း