LEADERS

OF
MALAYSIA
MARYAM TAHIR
2 MURNI
METHODIST GIRLS SECONDARY
SCHOOL
KUANTAN.

TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN

Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj ibni

Almarhum Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah
CH (February 8, 1903 December 6, 1990) usually known as "the Tunku" (a princely
title in Malaysia), and also called Bapa Kemerdekaan (Father of Independence) or Bapa
Malaysia (Father of Malaysia), was Chief Minister of the Federation of Malaya from
1955, and the country's first Prime Minister from independence in 1957. He remained
Prime Minister after Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore joined in 1963 to form Malaysia.

Birth
Born in Istana Pelamin, Alor Star, Kedah, Abdul Rahman was the fourteenth son and
twentieth child of Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah, the twenty-fourth Sultan of Kedah.
His mother, Cik Menjalara, was the Sultan's sixth wife and the daughter of Siamese
nobleman, Luang Naraborirak (Kleb), a Thai district officer during the reign of King
Rama V of Thailand.
Of all the Prime Ministers, Tunku had the most interesting story of birth. In 1902, the
Keeper of the Rulers Seal was exposed as a man who had misused the trust placed in
him and had sold state land for his own gain. Punishment lay with the Sultan, who
ordered death for the Keeper, and decreed that the right thumb of the Keepers wife as
well as those of his children should be chopped off as a taint they would carry on for the
rest of their lives.
The Keepers wife rushed to Menjalara, then known to be the Sultans favourite and
implored her intervention. Menjalara, following her maternal instincts, agreed to
intercede. She had an audience with her husband, the Sultan and told him that she was
pregnant again, but feared her child might be seriously affected if the punishment on the
Keeper and his family were to be carried out.
Menjalara was a subtly a clever woman. There is a Malay superstition that a husband
should do nothing evil during the period of his wifes pregnancy, otherwise a dark spirit
would enter the child in the womb.
Sultan Abdul Hamid was so elated at the news that his favourite wife was presenting him
with another child, and so anxious that nothing unfortunate should happen that he ordered
the Keeper to prison instead and cancelled the punishment on his family.
The truth, however, was that Menjalara was not pregnant at that time. But she conceived
soon afterwards, and the child born was Abdul Rahman who delights to say when he was
alive that he was born under a lie.

Early life
As a child, he liked nothing better than to play with the children in the kampungs, beyond
the istana (palace) in which he was reared an istana built by a Chinese contractor in the
style of a pagoda with fire-snorting dragons climbing around the walls in tiled fantasies.
The istana no longer stands as it was razed by fire and on its foundations rose the State
Council chamber which marked a new era in the history of Kedah.
Abdul Rahman began his education in 1909 at a Malay Primary School, Jalan Baharu, in
Alor Star and was later transferred to the Government English School, now the Sultan
Abdul Hamid College, Alor Star, where he studied during the day and read the Qur'an in
the afternoon.
When he first went to school in Alor Star, Kedah, little Tunku screamed against what he
considered was the indignity of being carried to and fro by a Court retainer. Royalty was
autocratic those days and little princes were not suppose to dirty their feet, hence they
were carried everywhere. The Tunku rejoiced the day he didnt have to be carried to
school.
Two years later in [[1911}, when he was eight, he was sent to study at Debsirin School in
Bangkok along with his three brothers. In 1915, he returned and continued his studies at
Penang Free School.
In 1918, Abdul Rahman was awarded a Kedah State Scholarship to further his studies at
St Catharine's College in the University of Cambridge, where he obtained his Bachelor of
Arts degree in 1925. He was the first student from Kedah to study in the United Kingdom
under the sponsorship of the Kedah State Government.
Prior to joining St Catherine's, he was being coached in the little village of Little Stukeley
in Huntington, England for entry to a public school
Upon his return home, Abdul Rahman worked in the Kedah public service and was
appointed as District Officer of Kulim and Sungai Petani. In colonial Malaya, almost all
the District Officers were British. Abdul Rahman who was the only Malay District
Officer at that time had the people's interest at heart. This made him cross paths with the
British Administration many times.
However, the British Administration in Kedah could not do anything as he was a prince
and the son of the Sultan. However, him angering the colonial administration cost him
many chances of promotion to higher offices.
Some time later he returned to England to complete his law studies at the Inner Temple,
but was forced to stop in 1938 and, on the outbreak of World War II, he returned to
Malaya.

During the Japanese Occupation of Kedah, the Tunku was responsible for saving many
people's lives, both Malay and Chinese. Him being of royal blood, was highly revered by
the Japanese and cannot be touched by them. He used this to his advantage. Many people
from Kulim today lay claim to owing their lives to the Tunku.
He resumed his studies at the Inner Temple in 1947 and, in 1949, he qualified for the Bar.
During this period Abdul Rahman met Abdul Razak Hussein (later known as Datuk and
Tun). He was elected president of the Malay Society of Great Britain, and Abdul Razak,
who was twenty-six, was his secretary.

Early political career

After his return to Malaya in 1949, Abdul Rahman was first posted at the Legal Officer's
office in Alor Star. He later asked to be transferred to Kuala Lumpur, where he became a
Deputy Public Prosecutor. He was later appointed as president of the Sessions Court.
During this period, nationalism was running high among the Malays, with Datuk Onn
Jaafar leading the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) in the struggle against
Britain's Malayan Union (see History of Malaysia). Abdul Rahman joined UMNO and
became active in Malayan nationalist politics. In August 1951 an internal crisis in UMNO
forced Datuk Onn to resign as party president. Abdul Rahman was elected as the new
president, holding the post for 20 years.

Road to independence
In 1954 Abdul Rahman led a delegation to London to seek independence for Malaya, but
the trip proved to be unfruitful. In the following year, the first federal general election
was held, and the Alliance Party (Perikatan), a coalition of UMNO, the Malayan Chinese
Association (MCA) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) won fifty-one out of the
fifty-two seats contested. Abdul Rahman was elected as Malaya's first Chief Minister.
The Alliance was later joined by the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) in 1955,
representing the Indian community.

Tunku Abdul Rahman proclaiming Malayan independence.

Later in 1955 Abdul Rahman made another trip to London to negotiate Malayan
independence, and 31 August 1957 was decided as the date for independence. When the
British flag was lowered in Kuala Lumpur on independence day, Abdul Rahman led the
crowd in announcing "Merdeka!" (freedom!). Photographs of Abdul Rahman raising his
hand, and recordings of his emotional but determined voice leading the cheers, have
become familiar icons of Malaysian independence.

Premiership
Abdul Rahman dominated the politics of independent Malaya (which became Malaysia in
1963), and led the Alliance to landslide wins in the 1959, and 1964 general elections.
The formation of Malaysia was one of Abdul Rahman's greatest achievements. In 1961
he made a speech at the Foreign Correspondents Association of Southeast Asia in
Singapore, proposing a federation Malaya, Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak, and Brunei. On
16 September 1963, with the federation of all these states except Brunei, Abdul Rahman
was formally restyled Prime Minister of Malaysia.
However, the racial factor was worsened with the inclusion of Singapore, which
increased the Chinese proportion to close to 40%. Both UMNO and the MCA were
nervous about the possible appeal of Lee Kuan Yew's People's Action Party (PAP, then
seen as a radical socialist party) to voters in Malaya, and tried to organise a party in
Singapore to challenge Lee's position there. Lee in turn threatened to run PAP candidates
in Malaya at the 1964 federal elections, despite an earlier agreement that he would not do
so (see PAP-UMNO relations). This provoked Abdul Rahman to demand that Singapore
withdraw from Malaysia.
On 7 August 1965, Abdul Rahman announced to the Parliament of Malaysia in Kuala
Lumpur that the Parliament should vote yes on the resolution to have Singapore to leave
the Federation, choosing to "sever all ties with a State Government that showed no
measure of loyalty to its Central Government" as opposed to the undesirable method of
repressing the PAP for its actions. Singapore's secession and independence became
official on 9 August 1965.
Abdul Rahman initiated the establishment of the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA) in
1961, grouping Malaya, Thailand and the Philippines. This grouping was later replaced
by a larger grouping, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) which was
formed on 8 August 1967.
At the 1969 general election, the Alliance's majority was greatly reduced. Demonstrations
following the elections sparked the May 13 racial riots in Kuala Lumpur. Some UMNO
leaders led by Tun Abdul Razak were critical of Abdul Rahman's leadership during these
events, and an emergency committee MAGERAN took power and declared a state of
emergency. Abdul Rahman's powers as Prime Minister were severely curtailed, and on 22
September 1970, he was forced to resign as Prime Minister in favour of Abdul Razak. He
subsequently resigned as UMNO President in June 1971, in the midst of severe

opposition of the 'Young Turks' comprising party rebels such as Mahathir Mohammad
and Musa Hitam. The duo later became Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of
Malaysia respectively.

Involvements in Islam
After making Islam the official religion in 1960, Abdul Rahman established the Islamic
Welfare Organisation (PERKIM), an organisation to help Muslim converts adjust to new
lives as Muslims. He was President of PERKIM until a year before his death. In 1961
Malaysia hosted the first International Qur'an Recital Competition, an event that
developed from Abdul Rahman's idea when he organised the first state-level competition
in Kedah in 1951.
In 1969 Abdul Rahman helped to set up the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), of
which he was the first Secretary-General. Subsequently, he initiated the setting up of the
Islamic Development Bank as a specialised institution within the OIC. He was also
President of the Regional Islamic Da'wah Council of South East Asia and the Pacific
(RISEAP) from 1982 to 1988.
Abdul Rahman upheld the independence social contract of a secular Malaysia with Islam
as its official religion. On the occasion of his 80th birthday, Abdul Rahman stated in the
The Star newspaper of 9 February 1983 that the "country has a multi-racial population
with various beliefs. Malaysia must continue as a secular State with Islam as the official
religion." In the same issue of The Star, Abdul Rahman was supported by the third
Malaysian Prime Minister, Hussein Onn, who stated that the "nation can still be
functional as a secular state with Islam as the official religion."[1]

Sports involvement
An avid sportsman, Tunku Abdul Rahman initiated an international football tournament,
the Pestabola Merdeka (Independence Football Festival) in 1957. The following year, he
was elected as the first president of Asian Football Confederation (AFC), a post he held
until 1976.

Later life
In 1977, having acquired substantial shares in The Star, a Penang-based newspaper,
Abdul Rahman became the newspaper's Chairman. His columns, "Looking Back" and
"As I See It", were critical of the government, and in 1987 Prime Minister Mahathir
Mohamad banned the newspaper. This led to a split in UMNO, with Abdul Rahman and
another former Prime Minister, Tun Hussein Onn, setting up a new party called UMNO
Malaysia, but its registration was quashed by Mahathir Mohamad, who set up his own
UMNO Baru ("New UMNO"). Abdul Rahman later supported Semangat 46, a splinter
group of UMNO led by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. He campaigned actively for the latter
in the General election of 1990, but was already in very poor health.

Death
In his later years, Abdul Rahman lived in his house in Penang. The Tunku died on 6
December 1990 at the age of eighty-seven, and was laid to rest at the Langgar Royal
Mausoleum in Alor Star.

Family
Abdul Rahman married at least four times. By his first wife, a Chinese woman named
Meriam Chong, he had Tunku Khadijah and Tunku Ahmad Nerang. On Meriam's death,
he married his former landlady in England, Violet Coulson. He was ordered to divorce
her by the Regent of Kedah.
He then married Sharifah Rodziah Syed Alwi Barakbah, with whom he adopted four
children, Sulaiman, Mariam, Sharifah Hanizah(granddaughter) and Faridah. Sharifah
Rodziah served as Malaysia's first lady during Tunku's prime ministership.
Wanting to have more children of his own, he secretly married another Chinese lady
named Bibi Chong who converted upon marriage. He had two daughters with her, Tunku
Noor Hayati and Tunku Mastura.[citation needed]

Awards and Recognition

In 1961, Tunku Abdul Rahman was appointed to the Order of the Companions of Honour
(CH) by Queen Elizabeth II.

ONN JAAFAR

Onn bin Ja'afar

(1895-January 19, 1962) was a Malay politician and a Menteri Besar (Chief Minister)
of Johore in Malaysia, then Malaya. He was the founder of United Malays National
Organization (UMNO) and was also responsible for the social economic welfare of the
Malays by setting up the Rural Industrial Development Authority (RIDA). His son was
Tun Hussein Onn, the third Prime Minister of Malaysia and his grandson is
Hishammuddin Hussein, currently the Minister of Education in the Malaysian Cabinet.

Early life
Onn was born in 1895 at Johor Bahru, the capital of the Sultanate of Johore. His father
Dato Jaafar Haji Muhammad was the first Menteri Besar of Johore while his mother,
Hanim Rogayah was from Scarcia, Turkey. Onn was sent by Sultan Ibrahim to be
educated in England and upon his return, was sent by his father for studies at Malay
College Kuala Kangsar. He served for a time as a government official in Johore. Turning
then to journalism, he edited two Malay newspapers, the Lembaga Melayu and the Warta
Malaya, the first independent Malay daily. When he was a member of the Majlis
Mesyuarat Negeri Johor, he made two important political contributions to the people of
Johore, which are the setting up of the Sultan Ibrahim Scholarship and issuance of free air
fares to perform the pilgrimage in Makkah for Islamic officers serving the Johore
government. After World War II he became extremely active in Malayan politics.

Political activities
Onn was very active in the Malay nationalist movement, founding the United Malays
National Organization (UMNO) as a mean to rally the Malays against the Malayan
Union, which was perceived as threatening Malay privileges and the position of the
Malay rulers. Onn took up the role of UMNO's president on May 1, 1946. When plans for
the union were withdrawn, Onn was made Menteri Besar by the Sultan of Johore.
Later, he was disgusted with what he considered to be UMNO's communalist policies,
and called for party membership to be opened to all Malayans, and for UMNO to be
renamed as the United Malayans National Organisation. When his recommendations
went unheeded, he left the party on August 26, 1951, to form the Independence of
Malaya Party (IMP). However, the IMP failed to receive sufficient backing from
Malayans, and eventually Onn left it to form the Parti Negara, which placed membership
restrictions on non-Malays in an attempt to woo the Malays.
Neither party gained popular support against Tunku Abdul Rahman's new Alliance
coalition and he was eventually eclipsed from Malayan political life.

TAN CHENG LOCK

Tun Dato Sir Tan Cheng Lock

(Simplified Chinese: ; Pinyin: Chn Zhnl; 18831960; born in Malacca),
Malaysian Chinese, was the founder and first president of the Malayan Chinese
Association (MCA), which represents the Malaysian Chinese population. He was a key
public figure in Malaysia, who contributed his life significantly to the struggle of the
Chinese community in Malaya, especially in the fields of politics, education and social
welfare.
Under Tan Cheng Lock, the MCA played a vital rle in negotiating independence from
the British; he was also in charge as the MCA formed the Alliance in 1954 in coalition
with the United Malays National Organisation and the Malaysian Indian Congress.
Tun Tan Cheng Lock, who was a member of the Malayan Anti-Japanese League, was
MCA's first president, but did not enter the cabinet on independence because his rival,
Tun H.S. Lee, from Selangor, was part of the cabinet.
Prior to the independence of Malaya, he was also a member of the Legislative Council of
the Straits Settlements. In 1952, Tan Cheng Lock and the United Malays National
Organisation (UMNO) under Tunku Rahmans leadership contested the election as
partners. He was best remembered for his contributions in the business and political
arenas and his work for integrating between the Chinese and the Indian communities to
the nascent Malayan society.[1]
Today, Tun Tan is widely acknowledged as one of the founding fathers of modern day
Malaysia, along with Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun V.T. Sambanthan.
Tan Cheng Lock passed away following a heart attack on December 8, 1960 in Malacca,
leaving behind a great legacy and a strong family. His son, Tan Siew Sin, the former
Finance Minister of Malaysia, took over as the president of MCA after his death. Tan also
had three other daughters.
In April 2005, NUS received a generous gift of $4 million from Madam Agnes Tan (the
daughter of Malayan founding father, the late Tun Dato Sir Tan Cheng Lock), to promote
the study and preservation of Peranakan architecture and culture in Singapore.

History
Tun Dato Sir Tan Cheng Lock was born in April 1883 at Heeren Street (Malay: Jalan
Heeren), Melaka, the third son of a family of seven brothers and sisters. He was the fifth
generation of Chinese Malaysian, his great great grandfather migrated to Malacca from
China in 1771.

He had five children. His son Tan Siew Sin was a Finance Minister in Malaysia. Madam
Agnes Tan (his last surviving child), who made the gift for National University of
Singapore (NUS) to honour her father's name. Tan Cheng Lock was a successful
businessman in the Malayan rubber, tapioca and gambier industries. He died in 16
December 1960 at the age of 77.

Early life
Born on April 5, 1883 in Malacca, Tan Cheng Lock attended Malacca High School and
won the Tan Teck Guan scholarship, which was awarded to top performers in the school.
He later continued his education at Raffles Institution in Singapore. After graduation, he
taught at the Raffles Institution from 1902 to 1908.
After he left the institution, he moved back to Malaya and joined the rubber industry as
assistant manager of the Bukit Kajang Rubber Estates Ltd., which owned by his cousin.
Picking up the skills of the trade quickly, he was appointed visiting agent to Nyalas
Rubber Estates, Malacca in 1909.
In 1909, Tan started three companies on his own, which were Melaka Pindah Rubber
Estates Ltd., United Malacca Rubber Estates and Ayer Molek Estates Ltd.
In 1912, he was nominated as Melaka Council Commissioner by the British government.
He was also appointed a Justice of the Peace for Malacca. Months later, he was also
nominated as the Commissioner of the Town Council for the towns and Melaka Port as
well.
Two years later, in 1914, he resuscitated the Malacca Chinese Volunteer and was an
ordinary member until 1919. The following year in 1915, the Strait Chinese British
Association (SCBA) was revived by him, then later he was elected as the President of
SCBA.

Patriotism
Like many Straits-born Chinese of his time, Tan was partial towards Britain but was
deeply influenced by ideas of independence which were sweeping across many British
colonies. He truly advocated the concept of a united self-governing British Malaya.
Because of their wealth, Tan and his son Siew Sin had spent some time in India during
the Japanese Occupation. Their escapade allowed them to witness the struggles of
Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru for independence. It was this that inspired
them to take up the cause for Malaya.

Political career

In 1923, at the age of 40, he was appointed as an nominated member of the Legislative
Council of the Straits Settlements. Three years later and long before others did, Tun Tan
spoke of a territorially unified and politically united Malaya in a speech to the council.
From 1933 to 1935, he was an unofficial member of the Straits Settlements Executive
Council. He championed social causes like opium smoking, Chinese vernacular education
and immigration issues.

MCA
On the 27 February 1949, Tun Tan founded the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA)
alongside with Tun Leong Yew Koh and Colonel H. S. Lee. Although he was 66 when
elected to the position, Tun Tan was regarded as the only man able to bring the Malayan
Chinese together in perhaps their most trying time.
The post-war years and the Emergency was a difficult and dangerous juncture for the
community. The Chinese were deeply divided and their loyalty was under scrutiny.
Among the Chinese, only Tun Tan had the stature to engage with senior Malays such as
Datuk Onn Jaafar and Tunku Abdul Rahman at a time of imminent constitutional changes
in the country. Strongly anti-communist, he was also trusted by the British colonial
officials.
He joined the Malay leaders first through the All Malaya Council of Joint Action, which
he chaired, and then the Communities Liaison Committee headed by Dato' Sir E. E. C.
Thuraisingham to fight for constitutional change and work towards inter-ethnic
cooperation.
The goal for the foundation of the Malayan Chinese Association was to unite the Chinese
population in Malaya, including the protection of the rights and interests of the Chinese,
also to work with the colonial government to stop the spread of communism and to work
with other races to achieve the independence of Malaya. The MCA branches had been set
up after their campaigns had attracted more than 200,000 members.
Soon later, in 26 September 1951, he had supported the idea of Dato' Onn to form the
Independence of Malaya Party (IMP) in Kuala Lumpur with co-operation of various races
as her theme of struggle. However, the formation was choppy, which due to the fact that
Dato' Onn Jaafar was not co-operative on the issue of citizenship.
In the end, Tun Tan decided that only a Chinese party could safeguard the interests of his
community and that multi-ethnic cooperation was more likely to be achieved through
partnership with UMNO. With that, the MCA joined with UMNO to form the Alliance,
the precursor to the Barisan Nasional. However some people do not agree that he acted in
best interest of Malaysian Chinese as some felt that the marginalisation of Malaysian
Chinese would not be so severe had the British rule until now citing Hong Kong as an
example.

In 1952, Tan Cheng Lock and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) under
Tunku Rahmans leadership contested the election as partners. He was best remembered
for his contributions in the business and political arenas and his work for integrating
between the Chinese and the Indian communities to the nascent Malayan society.[2]
Today, Tun Tan is acknowledged as a founding father of independent Malaya, along with
Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun V.T. Sambanthan.

Recognition
Awards and Honours

1949: D.P.M.J. by Sultan Ibrahim, Sultan Johor.

1949: Commander of the British Empire, {CBE)
1952: Knight Commander of the British Empire, (KBE) by King George VI as
"Sir"
1958: Tun by DYMM Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong

Places

Jalan Tun Tan Cheng Lock, previously known as Heeren Street, is right in the
heart of the city, adjacent to the famous Jonker Street as well as Cross Street,
which has now been renamed after Tun Tan Cheng Locks son Tun Tan Siew Sin.

Heeren Street in Malacca, where Tan was born and where his first home stands,
has also been renamed after him.

JOHN THIVY

John Aloysius Thivy

John Aloysius Thivy was a lawyer, Indian and Malayan Freedom Fighter, and the
founding president of the Malayan Indian Congress. He was Indian Malaysian.
John Thivy studied law in London before returning to practice in Malaya. In London,
Thivy had a chance to meet Mohandas Gandhi and came to be interested in the Indian
independence movement. On his return to Malaya, after getting his law degree in 1932,
he became actively involved in Indian nationalist movements.
Later, after the fall of Malaya, Thivy's interest was rekindled by a speech given by
Subhas Chandra Bose in one his rallied in 1943. Thivy joined the Indian National Army
in 1943 and served in the Burma Front.
After the Japan's surrender, John Thivy was held at Changi prison for anti-colonial
activities and was only released after India's independence.
In August 1946, Thivy became the Founder President of the Malayan Indian Congress
which represented Indian interests in Malaya, and actively participated in the Malayan
Independence movement. The party was formed due to a need for representation on
behalf of Indian community in the post war development of Malaya. At its nascent stage,
the Party was committed to the attainment of:

Freedom and democracy for the country.

Positive inter-racial harmony and cooperation.
General prosperity and stability of the country.
A fair share for the Indian community in the future of the country

The party's founder also sought to check social problems such as low literacy level,
alcoholism and family violence faced by the Indian community. At the outset, the party
was committed to positive inter-racial harmony and cooperation and obtaining a fair
share of the economic cake for the Indian community
In 1948, Thivy was appointed as official to represent India in Southeast Asia by the
Nehru Government.

TUN ABDUL RAZAK

Tun Abdul Razak bin Haji Dato' Hussein Al-Haj

(March 11, 1922-January 14, 1976) was the second Prime Minister of Malaysia, ruling
from 1970 to 1976. Born in Pulau Keladi, Pahang on March 11, 1922, Tun Razak is the
only child to Dato' Hussein bin Mohd Taib and Hajah Teh Fatimah bt Daud.
Of aristocratic descent, Abdul Razak studied at the Malay College Kuala Kangsar. After
joining the Malay Administrative Service in 1939, he was awarded a scholarship to study
at Raffles College in Singapore in 1940. His studies at the college ceased with the onset
of the Second World War. During the war he helped organize the Wataniah resistance
movement in Pahang [1]
After the Second World War, Tun Razak left for Britain in 1947 to study law. In 1950 he
received a law degree and qualified as barrister at Lincoln's Inn in London. During his
student days in England, Tun Razak was a member of the British Labour Party and a
prominent student leader of the Kesatuan Melayu Great Britain (Malay Association of
Great Britain). He also formed the Malayan Forum, an organisation for Malayan students
to discuss their country's political issues.
Upon his return, Tun Razak joined the Malayan Civil Service. Owing to his political
caliber, he became the youth chief for United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).
Two years later, he worked as the Assistant State Secretary of Pahang and in February
1955, at just 33 years of age, became Pahang's Chief Minister. He stood in and won the
country's first general elections in July 1955 and was appointed as the Education
Minister. Tun Razak was also a member of the February 1956 mission to London to seek
the independence of Malaya from the British.
After the general elections in 1959, he became the Minister of Rural Development in
addition to holding the portfolios of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence. His
achievements include formulating the development policy known as the Red Book. On
September 1970, Tun Razak succeeded Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra as the Prime Minister
of Malaysia.
After the May 13 Incident in 1969, his faction in UMNO overthrew Tunku Abdul
Rahman and imposed a State of Emergency, ruling by decree until 1970. On September
1970, Tun Razak succeeded Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra as the Prime Minister of
Malaysia.
Tun Razak is also renowned for launching the Malaysian New Economic Policy (MNEP)
in 1971. He and the "second generation" of Malay politicians saw the need to tackle
vigorously the economic and social disparities which fuelled racial antagonism. The
MNEP set two basics goals - to reduce and eventually eradicate poverty, and to reduce
and eventually eradicate identification of economic function with race.
Tun Razak set up the National Front on January 1, 1973 to replace the ruling Alliance
Party. He increased the membership of its parties and coalitions in an effort to establish
"Ketahanan Nasional" (National Strength) through political stability.

Due in part to leukemia, Abdul Razak died on January 14, 1976 while seeking medical
treatment in London. He was posthumously granted the soubriquet Bapa Pembangunan
(Father of Development). He is laid to rest in Heroes Mausoleum near Masjid Negara,
Kuala Lumpur.

Family
Tun Abdul Razak was descended from a long line of Pahang chieftains of Bugis descent.
He was the brother in law of Tun Hussein Onn, his successor as Prime Minister.
Abdul Razak's eldest son, Najib Tun Razak, became the Deputy Prime Minister of
Malaysia under Abdullah Badawi in 2004. He has four other sons, Datuk Ahmad Johari
Razak, Mohamed Nizam, Mohamed Nazim and Mohamed Nazir.

TUN HUSSEIN ONN

Tun Hussein bin Dato' Onn

(February 12, 1922May 29, 1990) who is of 3/4 Malay and 1/4 Turkish (of Circassians
extraction) ancestry was the third Prime Minister of Malaysia, ruling from 1976 to 1981.
He was granted the soubriquet Bapa Perpaduan (Father of Unity). He was born in Johor
Bahru, Johor on February 12, 1922 to Dato Onn Jaafar and Datin Halimah Hussein.

Early life
Tun Hussein received his early education in Singapore and at the English College in
Johor Bahru. After leaving school, he joined the Johor Military Forces as a cadet in 1940
and was sent a year later to the Indian Military Academy in Dehradun, India. Upon
completion of his training, he was absorbed into the Indian Army and served in the
Middle East when the Second World War broke. After the war, his vast experience
prompted the British to employ him as an instructor at the Malayan Police Recruiting and
Training Centre in Rawalpindi.
Tun Hussein came back to Malaysia in 1945 and was appointed Commandant of the
Johor Bahru Police Depot. The following year he joined the Malaya Civil Service as an
assistant administrative officer in Segamat, Johor. He was later posted to the state of
Selangor, becoming Klang and Kuala Selangors district officer..

Entering politics
Tun Hussein, who came from a family with deep nationalistic spirit and political roots,
resigned from the civil service to go into politics. In 1949, he became the first youth chief
of UMNO (United Malays National Organization), a party his father helped established.
In 1950, he was elected the UMNO secretary general. Tun Hussein however left UMNO
in 1951 to join his father in forming the Independence of Malaya Party (IMP).
With IMP losing momentum, Tun Hussein went to London to study law at Lincoln's Inn,
qualifying as a Barrister-at-Law. He came back as a certified lawyer and practiced in
Kuala Lumpur.

Rise to power
Tun Hussein returned to politics in 1968 after being persuaded by the then Prime Minister
Tun Abdul Razak to rejoin UMNO. He stood and won the general elections in 1969 and
was appointed as the education minister. Tun Husseins meteoric rise continued when on
August 13, 1973 he succeeded the late Tun Dr Ismail as the Deputy Prime Minister. On

January 15, 1976 he was appointed as Prime Minister of Malaysia after the death of Tun
Razak. [1]
Tun Hussein was renowned for stressing on the issue of unity through policies aimed at
rectifying economic imbalances between the communities. For instance, April 20, 1981
saw the National Unit Trust Scheme being launched. He also gave serious consideration
to the concept of Rukun Tetangga (a neighbourhood watch scheme) and the fight against
the drug menace.
Tun Hussein, who was married to Toh Puan Suhaila Tan Sri Haji Mohd Noah, for 42
years underwent a coronary bypass in early 1981. On July 17 the same year, he retired
from active politics and relinquished his prime minister post due to what was officially
stated to be health concerns. He was succeeded by Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad.

Post-retirement
After his retirement as Prime Minister he continued to contribute to welfare
organizations. He was instrumental in the setting up of the Tun Hussein Onn Eye
Hospital. He was also an advisor to Petronas the countrys oil company and Chairman of
Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS).
During the 1987 UMNO leadership crisis, Tun Hussein fell out with Dr. Mahathir
Mohamad, supporting Team B along with Tunku Abdul Rahman. Tun Hussein along with
the Tunku, henceforth, became a strident critic of the Mahathir administration and died
without having rejoined UMNO.
He died on the 29th of May 1990 in San Francisco, at the age of 68. He had two sons and
four daughters. He is buried in Makam Pahlawan (Heroes Mausoleum) near Masjid
Negara, Kuala Lumpur.
Tun Hussein Onn was looked upon as being very sincere in his struggle for racial unity
and had a reputation of being firm against anyone that tried to create racial unrest in the
country and it was due to this, that he was known as 'Father of Unity'.
Hussein's son, Dato' Seri Hishammuddin Bin Tun Hussein, became the Education
Minister of Malaysia on March 30, 2004.
On the 17 September 2005, Hussein Onn's eldest daughter Datin Roqiyah Hanim, died at
the age of 56 from breast cancer in Kuala Lumpur.

TUN DR.MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMMAD

Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad

( Born December 20, 1925 ) is the former Prime Minister of Malaysia. He held the post
from 1981 to 2003. During his term in office he was credited for engineering Malaysia's
rapid modernization and promoting "Asian values". He is also known for his sharp
criticisms of foreign powers.

Early life
Born in Alor Star, the capital of the northern state of Kedah, Mahathir said in his
autobiography that he had Indian ancestry (from his father), with its origins tracing back
to Kerala in India, while his mother was a Kedah-born Malay. Mahathir, however,
considers himself to be a "full Malay", in line with Article 160 of the Constitution. Under
Article 153 of the Constitution, Malays are granted particular rights not available to other
citizens.
During World War II, he sold pisang goreng (banana fritters) to supplement his family
income in the Japanese occupation of Malaya.
Mahathir attended a Malay vernacular school before continuing his education at the
Sultan Abdul Hamid College in Alor Star. Mahathir then attended the King Edward VII
Medical College in Singapore, where he edited a medical student magazine called The
Cauldron; he also contributed to the The Straits Times newspaper anonymously under the
nickname "Che Det". Mahathir was also President of the Muslim Society in the college.[1]
In 1953, Mahathir entered the then Malayan government service as a medical officer
upon graduation. He married Dr. Siti Hasmah Mohd Alia former classmate in college
on August 5, 1956, and left the government service in 1957 to set up his own practice
in Alor Star. Mahathir's practice thrived, allowing him to own by 1959 a Pontiac Catalina
and a Chinese chauffeur (at the time most chauffeurs were Malay, owing to Chinese
economic dominance [citation needed]). Some critics have suggested this foreshadowed a later
hallmark of Mahathir's politics, which focused on the "cultivation of such emblems of
power".[2]
Active in politics since 1945, beginning with his involvement in the Anti-Malayan Union
Campaign, Mahathir joined the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) upon its
inception in 1946. As State Party Chairman, and Chairman of the Political Committee, he
inadvertently angered some quarters with his proposal that the selection of candidates be
based on certain qualifications for the 1959 general election. Hurt by accusations that he
was scheming to put up candidates who were strongly allied to him, Mahathir refused to
take part in the national election that year.
In the third general election of 1964, Mahathir was elected Member of Parliament for
Kota Setar Selatan[3] defeating the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party's (PAS) candidate with a
60.2% majority. He lost the seat in the following general election in 1969 by a mere 989

votes to PAS's candidate, Haji Yusoff Rawa[4] after he categorically declared that he did
not need Chinese votes to win.[5]
Following the race riots of May 13, 1969 in the May 13 Incident, Mahathir was sacked
from the UMNO Supreme Council on 12 July, following his widespread distribution to
the public of his letter to Tunku Abdul Rahman, the then Prime Minister. In his letter, he
had criticised the manner in which the Tunku had handled the country's administration.
Mahathir was subsequently relieved of his party membership on 26 September.[4]
While in the political wilderness, Mahathir wrote his book, "The Malay Dilemma"[4] in
which he sought to explain the causes of the May 13 Incident in Kuala Lumpur and the
reasons for the Malays' lack of economic progress within their own country. He then
proposed a politico-economic solution in the form of "constructive protection", worked
out after careful consideration of the effects of heredity and environmental factors on the
Malay race. The book, published in 1970, was promptly banned by the Tunku Abdul
Rahman government.[4] However, some of the proposals in this book had been used by
Tun Abdul Razak, the second Prime Minister, in his "New Economic Policy" (N.E.P.) that
was principally geared towards affirmative action economic programs to address the
nation's economic disparity between the Malays and the non-Malays. The ban on his
book was eventually lifted after Mahathir became Prime Minister in 1981.[4]
Mahathir rejoined UMNO on 7 March 1972, and was appointed as Senator in 1973. He
relinquished the senatorship post in 1974 in order to contest in the general elections
where he was returned unopposed in the constituency of Kubang Pasu, and was appointed
as the Minister of Education.[4] In 1975, he became one of the three vice-presidents of
U.M.N.O., after winning the seat by 47 votes. Tun Hussein Onn appointed Mahathir as
Deputy Prime Minister on 15 September 1978, and in a Cabinet reshuffle, appointed him
concurrently as the Minister of Trade and Industry.
Mahathir became the Prime Minister of Malaysia on 10 July 1981 when Tun Hussein
Onn stepped down due to health reasons. After 22 years in office, Mahathir retired on
October 31, 2003, making him one of Asia's longest-serving political leaders. Upon his
retirement on 31 October 2003, Mahathir was awarded a "Tun"-ship, Malaysia's highest
civilian honour.

Galeria Sri Perdana

Mahathir's official residence, Sri Perdana, where he resided from 23 August 1983 to 18
October 1999, was turned into a museum (Galeria Sri Perdana). In keeping with the
principle of heritage conservation, the original design and layout of the Sri Perdana has
been preserved.

Economic policies
During his term in office, Mahathir turned Malaysia into a regional high-tech
manufacturing, financial, and telecommunications hub through his economic policies
based on corporate nationalism, known as the various "Malaysia Plans" which set out the
government middle-term objectives. These policies with strong Keynesian tendency
remained in effect almost to the end of his tenure in office.
His pet projects have included Perwaja Steel, an attempt to emulate South Korea and
Japan, the Proton car company, and Astro, a satellite television service.
Mahathir is credited with spearheading the phenomenal growth of the Malaysian
economy, now one of the largest and most powerful in South East Asia [citation needed].
Growth between 1988 and 1997 averaged over ten percent and living standards rose
twentyfold, with poverty almost eradicated and social indicators such as literacy levels
and infant mortality rates becoming on par with developed countries[citation needed].
During this period, Mahathir embarked on various large scale national projects, such as:

the North-South Expressway, which has cut transport times in half on the west
coast of Malaysia
the Multimedia Super Corridor, a flagship project based on Silicon Valley
designed to enable Malaysia's foray into information technology (it includes
Malaysia's new administrative capital Putrajaya)
Port of Tanjung Pelepas
Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) in Sepang, and the adjacent Sepang
Formula One circuit
the Bakun Dam, meant to supply all of the electricity needs of the East Malaysian
states of Sabah and Sarawak and which has enough capacity to enable exportation
of power to Brunei; the project has since run into various difficulties and
controversies, leading to at first, its cancellation and then its revival as a greatly
scaled down project.
Olympic-class stadium in Bukit Jalil
the Petronas Twin Towers, the tallest twin towers in the world, and the world's
tallest buildings from 1997 to 2003, that have become a symbol of modern
Malaysia

While such projects have their benefits, corresponding high costs have made some
Malaysians reluctant to engage in more of such ventures, believing that the money can be
better spent on other areas of development.[citation needed] On the other hand, Mahathir has
always argued that such projects yield a direct return to the economy, apart from just
serving the national pride, as government spending in turn creates jobs along with other
multiplier effects. Mahathir has also been criticised for the failures and inefficiency of
some of his pet projects. Perwaja Steel eventually failed and had to be rescued by a
corporate white knight. Its chairman, Eric Chia, faced charges of corruption in 2004.
Proton eventually had to be bought by Petronas when its parent DRB-HICOM found

itself over-extended. Astro enjoyed a monopoly on pay television services in Malaysia

until 2005 when it ended with the granting of a licence to rival MiTV
The Bakun Dam project was to be managed by a local construction firm, Ekran Berhad. It
issued a 1-for-1 on time rights issue which was 63% undersubscribed (the first time in
Malaysia for an event of this magnitude). Ekran's chairman, Ting Pek King, had to
purchase all unsubscribed shares at a cost of $500 million ringgit due to his agreement
with the underwriters. Subsequently the dam project was taken back by the government
which was obliged to pay Ekran for the work already completed.

Speculation work under Mahathir Administration

1981, 1982 - Involved in the international tin venture; the whole practice has
caused Malaysia to lose RM 209 million, or USD$80 million.[6]
1990 - Bank Negara Malaysia (B.N.M.) pound sterling speculation; estimated
losses are close to USD$4 billion.[7]
In 1993 B.N.M. lost $2.2 billion in speculative trading, according to Millman (p.
229).
In 1994 B.N.M. became technically insolvent and was bailed out by the
Malaysian Finance Ministry (Millman, p. 229)

Political machine
After his twenty-two year rule, Mahathir is still seen as a political "strongman".[citation needed]
As Prime Minister, he was often criticised by the west for his authoritarian policies and
use of state power to suppress opponents via the media, the judiciary and law
enforcement agencies.
In 1983 and 1991, he took on the federal and state monarchies, removing the royal veto
and royal immunity from prosecution.[2] Many Malaysians, however, were pleased with
this, as there had been frequent cases of abuse of power by the royal families.[citation needed]
Prior to this amendment of the law, royal assent was required in order for any bill to pass
into law. With effect of this amendment, approval by parliament could be legally
considered as royal assent after a period of 30 days, notwithstanding the views of the
monarchs. However, this only applied to secular laws and the various kings continued to
enjoy the right to make Islamic law in their own jurisdictions.
In 1988 when the future of the ruling party UMNO was about to be decided in the
Supreme Court (it had just been deregistered as an illegal society in the High Court), he
was believed to have engineered the dismissal of the Lord President of the Supreme
Court, Salleh Abas, and three other supreme court justices who tried to block the
misconduct hearings. The series of incidents in 1988 has been widely viewed as the end
of the judiciary's independence from the executive.

In 1998 attention around the globe was focused on Malaysia when the government
brought sodomy and abuse of power charges against the former finance minister and
deputy prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim. Anwar claimed that he was being set up because
he had tried to turn corruption and nepotism into major political issues, with Mahathir
and his associates as the targets. Mahathir's supporters believe that it was Anwar's attempt
to replace Mahathir as the Prime Minister, upon seeing the downfall of Indonesia's
Suharto, that has led him to be removed from politics altogether. It was Mahathir after all,
who had groomed and placed him there as his deputy.[citation needed]
At the UMNO meeting in June 1998, Anwar's supporters had planned a sneak attack on
the prime minister, hitting him in the area where they consider him most vulnerable:
corruption. Mahathir fired back, reading from a prepared list, the names of all rulingparty members who had benefited from government contracts. The list included some of
Anwar's relatives. The corruption talk was quickly shelved.
Many observers also saw the engineering of Anwar's dismissal as the result of the
triumph of the secular corporate nationalist old guard over the younger "green" or
Islamist faction within UMNO, created after the popular Islamic youth leader, Anwar, had
been brought into the government by Mahathir.[citation needed]
The trial itself was a tawdry spectacle.[citation needed] The government included the statements
of the purported "victims" of Anwar's sodomy attacks, evidence that was widely
considered to be tainted.[citation needed] Furthermore, the prosecution was unable to accurately
decide on a date that the alleged acts of anal sex had occurred - the government originally
alleged that a sodomy had occurred inside a building that had not been constructed at the
time of the alleged event. Mahathir himself went as far as to go on television to declare
Anwar guilty of sodomy and homosexual acts, even as the trial still was underway. There
was widespread condemnation of the trail from human rights groups and the Malaysia bar
association, who expressed serious doubts about its fairness. Mahathir then ordered a
crackdown on the media and opposition parties who protested the trial. Anwar Ibrahim
was sentenced to six years in prison for corruption and nine years prison for sodomy, to
be served consecutively.[8][9]
The Anwar crisis sparked protests by some Malaysians, of all ethnic groups, and some of
Anwar's supporters from UMNO regrouped around the intellectual-Muslim "Parti
Keadilan Nasional" (National Justice Party). It garnered widespread support from
Malaysians, though "Parti keAdilan" could only win only five parliamentary seats in the
1999 elections as Mahathir frequently used his authority and intimidation to stifle its
organization. In the subsequent 2004 elections, with Anwar's release and conviction
overturned, the party was nearly wiped out, with Wan Azizah, the wife of Anwar, winning
one seat by the narrowest of margins, mainly based on sympathetic votes, and thereon
ceased to be relevant.
UMNO under Mahathir developed a feudalistic tradition whereby political factions
battling to ensure the growth of so-called 'warlords' would gladly throw UMNO into
chaos, rather than see their prominent champion miss out on appointment to plum

posts.[citation needed] The Anwar debacle was an example of this, as was an earlier rebellion by
UMNO strongman, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who broke away to form the "Semangat
46" (the Spirit of '46) party (now defunct).
UMNO heads were seen by opposition supporters as corrupt politicians more focused on
power and economic gain, as Mahathir was only interested in their total loyalty.[citation needed]
PAS leveraged this into a selling point by promising a clean, Islamic administration.
Despite this, PAS only captured the state of Terengganu in the 1999 elections, and failed
to retain it in the next election. This was largely seen to be due to PAS' fundamentalist
Islamic policies, as they had introduced Islamic sharia laws into Terengganu and their
other stronghold, Kelantan. These laws included banning various forms of entertainment,
and mandatory wearing of the headscarf for female Muslim civil servants. Many political
analysts felt that this had prevented PAS from making major gains, keeping the reins of
power firmly in Mahathir's hands, as the non-Malay voters were turned off by the
perceived religious fundamentalism of PAS. Also, Mahathir remained tremendously
popular among many Malaysians, and the third world.[citation needed] He is known for being a
man of few words,[citation needed] and for his somewhat successful policies in steering
Malaysia towards development and economic prosperity. In the Asian financial crisis of
1998, IMF has prescribed a recovery package for Malaysia, but Mahathir defied
international pressure, his then Deputy Anwar Ibrahim, and conventional wisdom, in
rejecting the package. Though economic prosperity has been mixed since then, Mahathir
argued that Malaysia's recovery was relatively faster and better, as compared to many
other Asian countries affected. After the financial crisis, the IMF and World Bank
acknowledged that Mahathir's approach had worked, and if Anwar's policies had been
carried out, Malaysia would have ended up like Argentina.[citation needed]
Ministries were allotted to all component parties of the Barisan Nasional. Even nonMalay parties obtained the ministerships of key ministries such as Health (MCA),
Transport (MCA), and the Works Ministry (MIC). Certain ministries were also shared
with one party traditionally getting the ministers post and another party getting the deputy
ministership. This was standard coalition politics as with all other coalition governments
who wanted to ensure everyone got a slice of the cake.

Educational system
Main article: Education in Malaysia
In 1975 Mahathir was appointed Minister of Education. He had always believed in the
need for "education for the masses", with greater emphasis on maths and science, at high
school level, in order to achieve his dream of a developed Malaysia. He continued to
strongly promote his agenda of quantity-and-quality higher education during his term as
prime minister.
In those days, English, Chinese and Tamil-medium schools were fully run by private and
missionary organizations. Students from these school sat for the respective overseas
examinations set by the board of school committees and associations. For instance,

Overseas Cambridge School Certificate (OSC) was set for English schools. Under the
former Prime Minister's order, he drafted the KBSM syllabus in order to make Malay a
compulsory subject to be taught in all subjects in these schools. Overseas examinations
were subsequently abolished one after another throughout the years. Schools which
converted to the national type received heavy fundings from the government. Sijil
Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM) and Sijil Rendah Pelajaran (SRP) were fully introduced as
national examinations.
In order to cater for the lower income indigenous population, boarding schools were
promoted and constructed. Through government scholarships, tens of thousands of
students were sent yearly to universities in the U.S., U.K., and Australia, western-type
countries that Mahathir aspired to achieve par development with. Middle- and higherincome groups from non-Bumiputera Malaysians who were unable to get a place in the
local universities, due to the restrictive quota system and limited government
scholarships, also independently sent their children to these universities. This has led
Malaysia to have the third largest number of students going to western-type countries to
pursue higher education, after China and India.[citation needed] Till today, education is a major
source of Malaysia's expenditure,[citation needed] something that the current administration is
trying to remedy. After years of sending students abroad, Malaysian post-graduate and
industrial research and development has still not shown any notable progress.[citation needed]
In 1980, education quota was introduced as part of the National Economic Policy.
Mahathir who became the acting prime minister, introduced the quota system to all
economic sectors in Malaysia including the education system, whereby a designated
percentage of undergraduate seats of higher institutions were reserved for Bumiputra
(natives) citizens. This has led to a large number of highly competitive non-bumiputra
applicants being unable to secure admission to institutions of higher learning. These
applicants resort to the neighbouring or foreign countries such as Singapore, Hong Kong,
Taiwan, Canada and the western countries mentioned above.
Towards his later years, Mahathir promoted the liberalization of university start-ups,
leading to branch campuses being built or the formation of permanent tie-ups with some
of the most prestigious universities in the world. Amongst others, these led to the
construction of

The University of Nottingham in Malaysia (in partnership with the University of

Nottingham, U.K.)
Malaysia University of Science and Technology (M.U.S.T.), in partnership with
M.I.T. (U.S.) and Motorola)
Monash University Malaysia (in partnership with Monash University, Australia)
Curtin University of Technology, Sarawak Campus (in partnership with Curtin
University of Technology, Australia)

Private companies with a long running history in Malaysia like Intel and AMD were also
encouraged to set up, and run partnerships and/or higher education centres and centres of
excellence.

In 2003 after more than 20 years in post, he commented that non-bumiputra students
excel far ahead of bumiputra students in academic qualifications. He soon introduced
meritocracy by gradually lowering down the quota percentage reserved each year for the
intake of bumiputra applicants in higher institutions to encourage fair competitions.
Despite the quota system was stripped, the government has been criticized for adopting
double standard among bumiputras and other races. In pre-university level, bumiputras
are mostly streamed into matriculation while non-bumiputras are taken into Form Six.
Although it is widely recognized that Form Six is far more comprehensive and
demanding than its counterpart, the government treats both equally and admission into
government universities depend on students' performances. In spite of the government's
provocation that students are free to choose either of the courses, this is rarely done and
the majority of students sorted into matriculation and Form Six according to race.
In the year before his retirement, he announced that Mathematics and Science subjects
must be taught in English in all primary and secondary schools with aim to increase
competitiveness of Malaysian students. As a result of this rapid transition, the new school
textbooks contain numerous typographical errors, and school teachers who are not fluent
in English suffer difficulties in their teachings. This also subsequently caused some
resentment among the Chinese education community and the hard-line Malays.[citation needed]

Foreign relations
During Mahathir's tenure in office, Malaysia's relationship with the West was
turbulent.[citation needed] Early during his tenure, a small disagreement with the United
Kingdom over university tuition fees sparked off a boycott of all British goods led by
Mahathir, in what became known as the "Buy British Last" campaign. It also led to a
search for development models in Asia, most notably Japan. This was the beginning of
his famous "Look East Policy". Although the dispute was later resolved by Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher, Mahathir continued to emphasize Asian development
models over contemporary Western ones.[citation needed] Although Mahathir has managed to
find solutions to many problems in Malaysia, ironically, he has managed to create more
problems diplomatically, as seen with a great number of countries.[citation needed] These
problems are usually small ones which crop up from personal matters, yet Mahathir
always brings the Malaysian government into play, such as the imposition of boycotts.

United States
Mahathir has always been an outspoken critic of the United States[citation needed] and yet the
United States was the biggest source of foreign investment, and was Malaysia's biggest
customer during Mahathir's rule. Furthermore, Malaysian military officers continued to
train in the US under the International Military Education and Training (IMET) program.
Some say that relations with the United States took a turn for the worse in 1998,[citation needed]
when US Vice President Al Gore stated at the APEC conference hosted by Malaysia:

"Democracy confers a stamp of legitimacy that reforms must have in order to be

effective. And so, among nations suffering economic crises, we continue to hear
calls for democracy, calls for reform, in many languages - People Power, doi moi,
reformasi. We hear them today - right here, right now - among the brave people of
Malaysia."
Al Gore and the United States were critical of the trial of Mahathir's former deputy
Anwar Ibrahim, going as far to label it as a "show trial". The trial itself was a tawdry
spectacle. The government included the statements of the purported "victims" of Anwar's
sodomy attacks, evidence that was widely considered to be tainted. Furthermore, the
prosecution was unable to accurately decide on a date that the alleged acts of anal sex had
occurred - the government originally alleged that a sodomy had occurred inside a
building that had not been constructed at the time of the alleged event. Mahathir himself
went as far as to go on television to declare Anwar guilty of sodomy and homosexual
acts, even as the trial still was underway. In response to widespread condemnation of the
trail from human rights groups and the Malaysia bar association, he ordered a crackdown
on the media and opposition parties who protested the trial.
Also, Anwar Ibrahim was the preeminent Malaysian spokesperson for the economic
policies preferred by the IMF, which included interest rate hikes, among others. An
article in Malaysia Today commented that "Gore's comments constituted a none-toosubtle attack on Malaysia's Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and more generally on
governments, including Japan, that resist US demands for further market reforms."[10]
Gore's endorsement for the reformasi (reformation) asking for (among other things) the
ouster of Mahathir, was anathema to Mahathir, and he remarked that "I've never seen
anybody so rude". This also summed up the Malaysian expectation that one who is a
guest should not show such discourtesy to the host.[citation needed]
However, Mahathir's views were already firmly entrenched before this event. For
example, before the ASEAN meeting in 1997, he made a speech condemning The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, calling it an oppressing instrument by which the
United States and other countries tried to impose their values on Asians. He went on to
share his view that Asians needed stability and economic growth more than civil liberties.
This did not endear him to Madeleine Albright who was a guest at the meeting.
The relationship was stormy both ways. Following Mahathir's ouster and imprisonment
of Anwar Ibrahim, Madeleine Albright paid a visit to Anwar's wife.
Yet he has not hesitated to point to America for justification of his own actions. In
speaking of arbitrary detention without trial of prisoners of conscience in Malaysia, he
said: "Events in the United States have shown that there are instances where certain
special powers need to be used in order to protect the public for the general good."
At the other end of the spectrum, the United States government has previously criticised
the Malaysian government for implementing the ISA, most recently in 2001 when
President George W. Bush said "The Internal Security Act is a draconian law. No country

should any longer have laws that allow for detention without trial." In 2004, however,
Bush reversed his stance and claimed "We cannot simply classify Malaysias Internal
Security Act as a draconian law."
In 2003 Mahathir spoke to the Non-Aligned Movement in Kuala Lumpur, and as part of
his speech, said: "If innocent people who died in the attack on Afghanistan and those who
have been dying from lack of food and medical care in Iraq are considered collaterals, are
the 3,000 who died in New York, and the 200 in Bali also just collaterals whose deaths
are necessary for operations to succeed?"
Marie Huhtala, the American ambassador to Malaysia responded with a statement:
"These are not helpful statements by any standard and I'm here to tell you that
Washington does take note of them. They are bound to have a harmful effect on the
relationship"
More recently, the 2003 Invasion of Iraq caused additional friction between the two
countries; Mahathir was highly critical of President Bush for acting without a United
Nations mandate.
On October 16, 2003 Mahathir said during a summit for the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, "[Muslims] are actually very strong. 1.3 billion people cannot be simply
wiped out. The Europeans killed 6 million Jews out of 12 million [during the Holocaust].
But today, the Jews rule this world by proxy. They get others to fight and die for them."
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said Bush considered the comments "reprehensible
and hateful."[11] Mahathir's comments were also condemned by Jewish organizations and
the government of Israel.
In spite of all this, Malaysia's relationship with the US has been strong. A 2003 house
subcommittee hearing (Serial No. 10821) on US Policy policy towards South East Asia
sums it up as "Despite sometimes blunt and intemperate public remarks by Prime
Minister Mahathir, U.S.-Malaysian cooperation has a solid record in areas as diverse as
education, trade, military relations, and counter-terrorism".
Even after retirement, Mahathir was not hesitant about his criticisms of the United States.
In 2004, (The Star, October 18, 2004), he was quoted as having said "The American
people are, by and large, very ignorant and know nothing about the rest of the world....
Yet they are the people who will decide who will be the most powerful man in the
world". In the same interview, he also predicted George W. Bush's victory in the 2004
United States Presidential Election, in which he was later proven correct. In another
October 2006 interview with Associated Press, he predicted that the Republicians will
retain both chambers in the 2006 mid-term elections because "American voters are not
astute and will be fooled by President George W. Bush's propaganda."

Australia

Mahathir's relationship with Australia (the closest country in the Anglosphere to

Malaysia, and the one whose foreign policy is most concentrated on the region), and his
relationship with Australia's political leaders, has been particularly rocky. Mahathir
regularly took offense at portrayals of Malaysia in the Australian media (which criticized
Mahathir's belligerence and outspokeness), calling on the government to intervene in this
(an action that would be politically unthinkable in Australia). Relationships between
Mahathir and Australia's leaders reached a low point in 1993 when Paul Keating
described Mahathir as "recalcitrant" for not attending the APEC summit. (It is thought
that Keating's description was a linguistic gaffe, and that what he had in mind was
"intransigent".)[12] The Malaysian government threatened trade sanctions, which if
imposed, would actually have more negative effect on Malaysia than Australia.[citation needed]
Mahathir, along with other Malaysian politicians (and many other Asian leaders) also
heavily criticized Keating's successor, John Howard, whom he believed had encouraged
Pauline Hanson, whose views were widely perceived in Asia (and Australia[13]) as racist.
Australian politicians then pointed out Mahathir's farcical trial of Anwar Ibrahim, saying
that the prosecution was using homophobic overtones.
Mahathir has valued the right of a nation to do whatever it wants within its borders,
which he calls "sovereignty". This was articulated in the ASEAN policy of noninterference. In 2000, Mahathir was quoted as saying: "If Australia wants to be a friend to
Asia, it should stop behaving as if it is there to teach us how to run our country. It is a
small nation in terms of numbers and it should behave like a small nation and not be a
teacher." He also said, "This country stands out like a sore thumb trying to impose its
European values in Asia as if it is the good old days when people can shoot aborigines
without caring about human rights" and denounced Australia as the "white trash of Asia".
Mahathir also made remarks to the effect that John Howard was trying to be America's
'Deputy Sheriff' in the Pacific region. This was in response to John Howard's statement
that they would pursue terrorists over the borders of their neighbours.
His perception of Howard has not softened after retirement. In an interview, he stated:
"They (accepted) Blair, and I am sure they will accept Bush. They have already accepted
Howard who told a blatant lie", a reference to the "Children overboard" scandal during
the run-up to the 2001 Australian elections.

Middle East
Mahathir is regarded by many, especially in the West, as an anti-Semite. In 1984, his
government banned the performance of works by the Jewish composer Ernest Bloch,
during a visit by the New York Philharmonic, specifically because of Bloch's religion.
The Orchestra responded by refusing to play in Malaysia. [2]
Under Mahathir, a leading critic of Israel, Malaysia was a staunch supporter of the
Palestinian cause, and established diplomatic relations with the Palestine Liberation
Organization. (Israeli citizens remain banned from entering Malaysia and Malaysian

citizens from Israel without special government permission.) In 1986, a major diplomatic
row erupted with neighbouring Singapore when Chaim Herzog, the President of Israel,
paid a state visit.
In 1997, during the financial crisis, he attributed the collapse of the Malaysian ringgit to a
conspiracy of Jews against a prosperous Muslim state: "The Jews robbed the Palestinians
of everything, but in Malaysia they could not do so, hence they do this, depress the
ringgit." Under strong international criticism, he issued a partial retraction, but not in
Malay-language media sources. [14]
On October 16, 2003 (shortly before he stepped down as prime minister), Mahathir said
at the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in Putrajaya, "We Muslims are
actually very strong, 1.3 billion people cannot be simply wiped out. The Nazis killed 6
million Jews out of 12 million. But today the Jews rule the world by proxy. They get
others to fight and die for them." He also named Israel as "the enemy allied with most
powerful nations." Israel strongly criticized the remarks. "The speech was also
condemned by the European Union and Germany in particular, as well as by the United
States, Australia and other Western states. Germany summoned Malaysia's charge
d'affaires in Berlin to protest at the 'totally unacceptable' comments. Speaking for the EU,
Italian Foreign Minister Franco Frattini said that Dr Mahathir had employed 'expressions
that were gravely offensive, very strongly anti-Semitic and... strongly counter to
principles of tolerance, dialogue and understanding'." At the same time, "His speech was
defended and admired by many Muslim leaders."[15]

Singapore
Mahathir is an alumnus of the National University of Singapore (previously named
University of Malaya). He graduated as a physician from then King Edward VII Medical
College in 1953, during British rule. He is held in high regard by his alma mater, and
regularly attends reunions.
However, relations with Singapore under Mahathir's tenure have been stormy. Many
disputed issues raised during his administration have not been resolved, and in fact have
been exaggerated by both sides. Many of these international issues have been raised up
under Mahathir's Premiership term, but no significant headway had been made then to
resolve them bilaterally. Issues have included:

the low price of raw water paid by Singapore to Malaysia (3 Malaysian cents
(US$0.008) per 1000 gallons);
the proposed replacement of the Causeway by a suspension bridge to improve
water flow through the Straits of Johor (later cancelled by Mahathir's successor,
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi);
Singapore's land reclamation work, affecting shipping access to Port Tanjung
Pelepas;
the use of Malaysian airspace by Republic of Singapore Air Force jets;

the status of Pedra Branca Island (also known as "Pulau Batu Putih"), now being
brought to the International Court of Justice; and
the sovereignty of the railway line crossing Singapore and Points of Agreement
regarding the matter.

Both sides had stubbornly refused to compromise, with the result of bilateral relations
turning frosty.[citation needed] The absurdity of the whole situation was illustrated by
Mahathir's proposal to replace the Malaysian portion of the Causeway with half a bridge,
with the end result, a crooked structure, being derided as ridiculous by citizens of both
nations.[citation needed] Under Prime Minister Abdullah, and due to a change of leadership in
Singapore, relations have begun to thaw, and inter-citizen relations have gone on much as
they have before in that they are totally independent of political bickering. Many
Singaporeans and Malaysians have relatives on the other side of the Causeway, and
despite the bickering of both governments over different issues, relations between
citizens of both countries remained unaffected.
Recently, the issue of replacement of the Causeway with a bridge and the use of
Malaysian airspace by the RSAF have been successfully solved by Mahathir's successor
Abdullah, an issue that has been heavily criticised by Mahathir.

People's Republic of China

Though an anti-communist in his early career, Dr. Mahathir is highly in approval of the
new directions adopted by the People's Republic of China (PRC) after Deng Xiaoping's
ascension to power. Malaysia and the PRC maintained a close relationship since the late
1990s, when doubts and suspicions of China's ambition in ASEAN region were cleared,
and Mahathir and Chinese leaders found many common grounds in their authoritarian
style of ruling and their opposition to Western interference in regional matters. Mahathir
is keen that the rise of PRC could to some extent balance the American influence in
Southeast Asia, as well as benefiting Malaysia from the PRC's economic prosperity.

Bosnia-Herzegovina
In Bosnia-Herzegovina, Mahathir has been noted as a particular ally and sympathetic coreligionist of that nation. He visited Sarajevo in June, 2005 to open a bridge near Bosmal
City Center signifying friendship between Malaysians and Bosnians.
He made another 3-day visit to Visoko to see the Bosnian Pyramid of the Sun in July
2006. He made another visit a few months later.
In February 2007, four non-governmental organizations: the Sarajevo School of Science
and Technology, the Congress of Bosnik Intellectuals, and two Christian organizations:
the Serb Civil Council and the Croat National Council, nominated Mahatir for the 2007
Nobel Peace Prize for his work during the conflict. [16]

On June 22, 2007, he made another visit to Sarajevo with a group of Malaysian
businessmen to explore the investment opportunities in the country.

Russian Federation
Before the fall of the Soviet Union, Malaysia had relations with the Communist state.
When the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in 1979, the Malaysian government and others
Islamic states sided with the mujahideen. In 1999, Malaysia urged Russia to stop the
invasion of Chechnya.
In 2002 Mahathir made his visit to Moscow. He made the statement that Russia can be
the rival to United States.[citation needed]

Developing world
Among developing and Islamic countries, however, Mahathir remains greatly admired,
particularly for Malaysia's impressive economic growth.[citation needed] Foreign leaders, such
as Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev, praised him and have been trying to
emulate Mahathir's developmental formulae. He was one of the greatest spokesmen on
Third World issues, and strongly supported the bridging of the North-South divide, as
well as exhorting the development of Islamic nations. He was dedicated to various Third
World blocs such as ASEAN, the G77, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of
Islamic Nations, and most recently, the G22 at the latest WTO talks at Cancn.

Retirement
In 2002 a tearful[17] Mahathir announced his resignation to a surprised UMNO General
Assembly. He was persuaded to stay on for a further eighteen months, in a carefully
planned handover that ended in October 2003. On his retirement, he was granted
Malaysia's highest honour, which entitles him to the title Tun from his original Datuk
Seri. Since retirement, he has been serving as an advisor to the Malaysian national oil
company Petronas and the Malaysian national car company Proton, an original core
national project initiated by Mahathir during his premiership. He is also the head of the
Perdana Leadership Foundation, a foundation whose aim is to preserve, develop and
spread materials regarding or written by previous Malaysian Prime Ministers. While he
has retired from all political offices, he remains very outspoken regarding national
policies.
Shortly before leaving office, Mahathir sparked off a fierce controversy when at the 57member "Organization of the Islamic Conference" (OIC) summit, he claimed that "the
Jews rule this world by proxy. They get others to fight and die for them".[18] However, he
also mentioned:" We also know that not all non-Muslims are against us. Some are well
disposed towards us. Some even see our enemies as their enemies. Even among the Jews
there are many who do not approve of what the Israelis are doing."

His comments were widely criticized in the West, but the issue was ignored in Asia and
Islamic countries, which felt that his remark had been taken out of context. Mahathir later
defended his remarks, saying: "I am not anti-Semitic ... I am against those Jews who kill
Muslims and the Jews who support the killers of Muslims." He tagged the West as "antiMuslim", for double standards by "protecting Jews while allowing others to insult Islam."
also mentioning But when somebody condemns the Muslims, calls my prophet,
"terrorist", did the European Union say anything?".[19] In 2004, he stated that both Bush
and Kerry avoided certain acts due to concerns that they would "annoy the Jewish
group." However, his comments does not stop international criticism especially from
United States and Israel.
In 2005 Mahathir brought up the issue of excessive awarding of Approved Permits (APs)
to import cars, stating that they were creating too much competition for Proton, causing
friction between him and Rafidah Aziz, the Minister for International Trade and Industry,
who oversaw the awarding of APs. His successor, Abdullah, then announced that a
National Automotive Policy (NAP) would be created to appropriately handle the issue.
Later, when touching on the issue, Mahathir lamented the government's majority in
Parliament, saying, "I believe that the country should have a strong government but not
too strong. A two-thirds majority like I enjoyed when I was prime minister is sufficient
but a 90% majority is too strong....We need an opposition to remind us if we are making
mistakes. When you are not opposed you think everything you do is right".[20]

Health
The former Prime Minister has a history of heart attack. He had a coronary artery bypass
in 1989. On November 9 2006, he was admitted into Institut Jantung Negara (National
Heart Institute) in Kuala Lumpur after suffering a mild heart attack that was caused by a
clot in his arteries and has since recovered.[21] On 14 May 2007, Mahathir was admitted to
the intensive care unit of a hospital in Langkawi after suffering from breathing difficulties
at 1600 (MST). The former premier's condition was reported to be stable.[22]
Mohamad, 82, will undergo a 2nd heart bypass on September 4, 2007, as he was admitted
to a specialist cardiac hospital in Kuala Lumpur Sunday (his son Mokhzani Mahathir
announced).[23] Mohamad had undergone heart bypass, is recovering in the intensive care
and was already conscious (in the Kuala Lumpur hospital where he was operated by a
team of surgeons, including a U.S. specialist).[24]

Criticism of his successor

In 2006 Mahathir's relationship with his successor started to get strained. In a press
conference on 7 June 2006 at the Perdana Leadership Foundation, which he heads,
Mahathir said that Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was not his first choice as successor but it
was the current Deputy Prime Minister, Najib Tun Razak, instead. He said that he felt
hurt by allegations that he "finished all the government's money, and that the government
was bankrupt" because of the mega-projects initiated by him during his tenure as prime

minister.[25] Mahathir added that he has "...a habit of choosing the wrong people" when he
was answering the question whether Abdullah had stabbed him in the back.[25] He has also
criticised the present government's decision to scrap the plan to replace Malaysia's side of
the Johor-Singapore Causeway. In his opinion, Malaysia does not need to seek the
approval to build a bridge on its own soil. This and other such issues have led many to
believe that UMNO is under the threat of splitting into Mahathir and Badawi factions. A
statement was issued by UMNO to reassure the public that they wholeheartedly
supported Badawi, although as of yet, no stand has been taken over the issue of
Mahathir's membership in the party. Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, Nazri
Aziz, suggested that Mahathir "wants to force him (Abdullah) to quit. He needs to be told
he is no longer Prime Minister. His campaign is not for the sake of the country but for
himself."[26]
To make his voice heard, Mahathir decided to bid to become a delegate from Kubang
Pasu for the 2006 UMNO general assembly. This move, if successful, would bring great
chagrin to Abdullah who seemed to use every form of censorship available to shut
Mahathir up. He failed in his bid to be elected as a representative which is surprising
given the fact that Kubang Pasu is his stronghold for over three decades.[citation needed] Later,
an angry Mahathir claimed that the "establishment" (in reference to the present
government) were doing everything in their power including, but not limited to using
government machine that is normally reserved for general elections, to ensure that he
didn't get elected. Mahathir even went as far as to allege albeit, without proof that
the interested party paid RM200 for every vote casted against him. Mahathir also
challenged the government to throw him in jail if the government wanted him to shut his
mouth.
On, 22 October 2006, Mahathir had a private meeting with Abdullah, in which he voiced
his dissatisfactions face-to-face for the first time with Abdullah. This meeting was highly
anticipated by members of UMNO and other Malaysians to be an opportunity to narrow
the differences between both of them.
However, Mahathir continued his criticisms of Abdullah after the meeting, saying that he
was not satisfied with Abdullah's answers to his views.[27]
In a press conference after the meeting, Mahathir revealed one of his dissatisfactions; he
felt that his civil liberties to voice his opinions and meeting with people were curtailed by
the government. This is a quote from the press conference on this topic.

And I pointed out to him that firstly, this has become a police state. Because every
time anybody invites me to give a talk, they would be called up by the police and
warned, called up by the police and told to withdraw the invitation. Someone was
not allowed to hold any meeting at all which involves me. This happened to many
people. They were very shy to tell me about it but they were called up by the
police and of course they were also called up by the mentri besar as well... But I
consider this a police state. And I consider also that my civic right has been taken

away from me because I have every right to talk to Umno people, university
people, civil servants and thats my right.[27]
Mahathir also voiced certain conducts of Abdullah and his relatives (before and after
Abdullah became Prime Minister) that would amount to corruption although Mahathir
did not explicitly accuse Abdullah of that. Mahathir expressed his disappointment
regarding Abdullah's role in the oil-for-food programme with Iraq; Abdullah's name was
listed as a beneficiary in a report published by the US government regarding the
programme. Abdullah's son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, and his son had also been
accused by Mahathir of offering contracts to their connections, which amounts to
corruption.
Mahathir had also criticised Abdullah's handling of the Approved Permits (AP) issue,
expressing his surprise that Rafidah Aziz was still retained as a Cabinet member although
two people on the list of persons issued with highest number of APs were linked to
Rafidah.[27]

Other controversies
Former Malaysia Airlines chief executive officer, Tajudin Ramli claimed that he (Tajudin)
was "forced" to buy out the shares of Malaysia Airlines by Mahathir during a period
when the national carrier suffered financial difficulties. However, Mahathir denied this
claim and said that he only asked if Tajudin was interested in the shares.
In 2006 he had a 2-hour talk with James W. Walter and William Rodriguez with regards
to the US Government involvement in the 9/11 attacks.[28]

Legacy
For his efforts to promote the economic development of the country, Mahathir has been
granted the soubriquet of Bapa Pemodenan (Father of Modernisation).
However, critics claim he has also left behind few competitive entrepreneurs due to his
heavily statist policies, much factional infighting in political parties, increased racial
polarisation, and an entrenched system of corruption and cronyism.[citation needed] Since his
resignation, there are signs that his influence is on the wane, notably the cancellation of a
Mahathir-approved double tracking rail project on grounds of cost.
Moreover, his policies also came with a significant cost which Malaysians were reluctant
to address as long as Mahathir was in control: The consequent distortion of free market
dynamics is said to have fostered favoritism and inefficiency. Due to his statist policies
along with the effects of the New Economic Policy, Malay-owned companies, resting on
lavish government aid and subsidies, are extremely uncompetitive in Malaysia itself, let
alone the world market.[citation needed]

Non-Malay firms, mostly owned by pro-Mahathir figures, have devoted most of their
energies to trying to operate within this system as opposed to formulating and operating
according to international capitalism, which explains their lack of noticeable effect on the
global business scene. In private, Malaysians dubbed the favored group the 'UMNOputras'.[citation needed] The extent to which cronyism is fostered is debatable, but the
perception of it led to the depreciation of the ringgit during the 1997 financial crisis, and
eventually to Mahathir's loosened grip on the sources of power.
In most local caricature which portrays him, most of his appearance has been made
distinguished by his oddly large nose. Cartoonist like Lat and Zunar are most popular
with this caricature.[citation needed]

Books

The Malay Dilemma (1970)

The Challenge (1986)
The Pacific Rim in the 21st century (1995)
The Challenges of Turmoil (1998)
A New Deal for Asia (1999)
Islam & The Muslim Ummah (2001)
Globalisation and the New Realities (2002)
Reflections on Asia (2002) ISBN 967-978-813-X
Achieving True Globalisation (2004-11-30) ISBN 967-978-904-7
The Chinese Malaysian Contribution (2005)

ABDULLAH AHMAD BADAWI

Dato' Seri Abdullah bin Haji Ahmad Badawi

(born 26 November 1939 in Kepala Batas, Penang)

is the Prime Minister of Malaysia.[1] Prime Minister Abdullah is also the President of
the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the largest political party in
Malaysia, and leads the governing Barisan Nasional Parliamentary coalition. He is
informally known as Pak Lah. He succeeded Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad.
After Mahathir sacked Anwar Ibrahim he appointed Abdullah Deputy Prime Minister.
Abdullah succeeded Mahathir as Prime Minister in 2003. Abdullah's administration has
been characterized by controversies concerning the independence of Parliament and the
reduction of fuel subsidies. Although Abdullah initially pledged to eradicate political
corruption, which some critics felt had plagued Mahathir's premiership, it has been
argued that after Abdullah's victory in the 2004 general election, progress in fighting
corruption and cronyism significantly eroded.
In 2005 Mahathir began challenging Abdullah on a number of issues, such as the
protection of Proton, the flagship national car manufacturer, and the distribution of
approved permits for importing foreign-manufactured vehicles. Later in 2006, Mahathir
asserted that Abdullah had betrayed his trust, citing the projects and policies which
Mahathir introduced but Abdullah scrapped, such as the construction of a bridge linking
Malaysia and Singapore which would replace the existing causeway.

Premiership
Since coming into power as prime minister, Abdullah has promised to clamp down on
corruption, giving more power to anti-corruption agencies and making it easier for the
public to reveal corrupt practices to the authorities. He has also arrested several public
figures from the Mahathir era on charges of corruption, a move which was widely
applauded by the public. He has advocated an interpretation of Islam known as Islam
Hadhari, which maintains that Islam and economic and technological development are
not incompatible. Apart from that, his administration has been emphasizing a revival of
the Malaysian agricultural sector.

Abdullah Badawi with George W. Bush

In the eleventh 2004 general election, Abdullah's first election as the incumbent prime
minister, he delivered a stunning victory for his party's coalition Barisan Nasional (of
which UMNO is the dominant party) by winning 198 out of 220 seats in parliament, and
wrested control of the Terengganu state government back from the Islamist opposition
Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), as well as coming close to capturing the traditional PAS
stronghold of Kelantan. The victory was widely regarded as an approval of his vision of
moderate Islam over religious fundamentalism, and support for his anti-corruption
policies.
In September 2004, upon his release from prison, Anwar Ibrahim, the former deputy
prime minister jailed since 1999 by former Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad,
publicly credited Abdullah for not interfering with the judiciary's overturning of his
sodomy conviction.
On September 10, 2004, Abdullah, as finance minister, tabled his maiden budget, which
is seen by the public as being more consolidation and maintenance-oriented as opposed to
the growth policies emphasised by Mahathir.
Abdullah is also known for stressing on Malaysia's internal security, after witnessing an
increase in corruptive practices, such as bribery in the police force.
Abdullah is unofficially known in Malay circles in Malaysia as Pak Lah (Malay
diminutive for "Uncle Abdullah"). The Malaysian government has issued a statement that
the prime minister should not be referred to by this nickname in official articles and in
newsprint; however, the nickname is still used informally. In fact, Abdullah himself often
uses the nickname to refer to himself in public gatherings.
Abdullah continues to be heavily involved in foreign policy. He is the chairman of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, since he became prime minister in 2003. As of
2005, he is also the chairman of ASEAN. He also served as chairman of the Non-Aligned
Movement from October 2003 until September 2006.
Concerning the giving up of North Koreas nuclear weapon and missile tests he is
sceptical because they are something precious to the country. It will be very difficult to
stop these actions.[1]
50th Anniversary
On August 31, 2007, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi shouted 'Merdeka!' meaning
'Independence during the midnight celebrations, where thousands of Malaysians
celebrated at Merdeka Square, Kuala Lumpur, 50 years of nationhood, emulating the
actions of the nation's first Prime Minister, the late Tunku Abdul Rahman, having
declared independence in 1957 from the British .[2]

Family
On October 20, 2005, Abdullah's wife, Endon Mahmood, died from breast cancer. Endon
discovered she had breast cancer in 2003 while her twin sister Noraini who had earlier
been diagnosed with the disease died in January 2003. She received treatment in the
United States and returned to Malaysia 18 days before her death. She is buried at the
Muslim cemetery, at Taman Selatan, Precinct 20, Putrajaya.
On June 6, 2007, the Prime Minister's office announced his marriage to Jeanne Abdullah.
On June 9, a private ceremony was conducted at the prime minister's residence, Seri
Perdana, attended by close relatives. Jeanne was formerly married to the younger brother
of Abdullah's late wife. She was also a manager at the Seri Perdana residential complex
and has two children from her previous marriage.[3] Earlier in March that year, the
premier dismissed rumours about his plans to remarry.

Economic policies
Abdullah declared an end to the economic legacy and grandiose projects of his
predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, during the 57th UMNO General Assembly. He told
delegates that he would not pursue the economic strategies adopted two decades earlier
by Mahathir.
He said in the past, wealth was generated not by innovation and creativity, but by foreign
investment, government contracts and privatization.
Agriculture and biotechnology are some of the highlighted issues in 9MP that the
government believes such sectors are still able to generate wealth for many Malaysians,
especially those in rural areas.
Under the Mahathir era, the country turned rapidly from an agriculture base economy to
an industrialised and manufacturing base. As a result of the turnover, agriculture was
sidelined and mega-projects such as Perwaja Steel manufacturing and Bakun dam were
mishandled and failed. Petronas which see itself as the most profitable company
announced every year should be able to purchase the falling National car company Proton
and MAS airlines.
Under the Abdullah administration, the country is moving up to a value chain economy
by developing its inherent strengths in agriculture without losing its existing
manufacturing base. 1

Controversies

President George W. Bush meets with Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi of
Malaysia during Bush's visit to New York City for the United Nations General Assembly,
September 18, 2006.
After moves to charge prominent figures such as Eric Chia and Isa Abdul Samad with
corruption, Abdullah's administration's efforts to combat corruption became significantly
less public. It is disputed as to whether Abdullah is continuing to fight corruption quietly,
or has intentionally slowed progress in reducing corruption.[citation needed]
In 2005, it was alleged that under Abdullah's administration, there had been a significant
increase in cases of cronyism regarding the distribution of import permits for foreignmanufactured vehicles. Mahathir, Abdullah's predecessor, called for an investigation of
the issue. Later, Mahathir criticised Abdullah for cancelling a number of development
projects that Mahathir had backed, such as the construction of a bridge to replace the
causeway linking Malaysia and Singapore.[4] Mahathir also alleged that Abdullah had
originally offered to permit the Singaporean Air Force to fly over Malaysian territory and
sell sand to Singapore in exchange for an agreement on constructing the bridge. Mahathir
construed this as an instance of "selling" Malaysian sovereignty.[citation needed]
In 2006, Mahathir stepped up his criticism of Abdullah, alleging that freedom of the press
under Abdullah had actually decreased, alleging that the media refused to publish
Mahathir's comments. . He also accused Abdullah of reneging on promises he made to
Mahathir related to government policies, and in his strongest criticism thus far, said in
June 2006 that Abdullah had betrayed his trust. Mahathir expressed regret in selecting
Abdullah as his successor, and said that he had originally intended for Abdullah's deputy
Najib Tun Razak to succeed him. Najib, who was on a state visit to India at the
time, immediately expressed unreserved support for Abdullah.[5][6]

Even though Abdullah claimed that he is open to any comments or critics to help
improving his administration, he actually only accepts positive remarks and never accepts
negative remarks towards his administration. This has been proven in a high-profile case
when Mukhriz Mahathir was warned by both UMNO and Abdullah for criticizing
Abdullah's economic policies during the 2006 UMNO General Meeting.[7] He even
attempts to control underground resources such as Web pages, forums and blogs,
assuming those who criticize him via these media as "the people without credibility."[8]
Recently (as of October 2006), Mahathir accused Abdullah of having developed a habit
of lying. [9] It is due to the fact that Abdullah was reported as having problems of making
essential decisions, therefore he often faces problems if any of his decisions have sparked
controversies among Malaysians, such as his decisions about the cancellation of the
bridge which was supposed to replace the Johor-Singapore Causeway. In his decisions,
he often use the word rakyat (people), assuming that all Malaysians support all his
decisions, regardless on how good or bad the results will be.
Other critics who contrast Abdullah's administration with Mahathir's suggest that
Mahathir was more successful at managing "to keep harmony among Malaysia's
ethnicities".[10]