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Corruption Good

Corruption = Growth
Corruption leads to growth in 3rd world countries
Heckelman & Powell 2008 Heckelman is a professor of economics at Wake
Forest University. Powell was an Associate Professor of Economics at Suffolk
University and an Assistant Professor of Economics at San Jos State University.
[Jac C. Heckelman & Benjamin Powell, Corruption and the Institutional Environment
for Growth Department of Economics Suffolk University, August 2008,
http://192.138.214.118/RePEc/docs/wpaper/2008-6.pdf pg 1]
Despite these widely held beliefs, some economists going back to at least Leff
(1964) and Huntington (1968) believe that corruption can enhance growth by
allowing individuals to pay bribes in order to circumvent inefficient rules and
bureaucratic delays. Simply put, in much of the third world, corruption is needed to
get things done. If corruption is reduced without corresponding changes to eliminate
inefficient rules, business activity and economic growth may slow. If a first best
solution of good rules is unavailable then corruption that avoids some of the
restrictions created by bad rules becomes a second best solution and an alternative
path to growth.

Despite negative econ development corruption is positive


Mironov 2005 He earned a bachelor's degree in Economics at Novosibirsk
State University, a master's degree in Economics at New Economic School
(Moscow), and a PhD in Finance at Chicago GSB in 2008.
[Maxim Mironov, Bad Corruption, Good Corruption and Growth, Graduate School of
Business
University of Chicago, November 14, 2005,
http://mironov.fm/research/corruption.pdf, pg 1-2]
There are several potential explanations for this empirical fact. One is that
corruption helps to grease the wheels in a country with poor institutions, allowing
individuals to overcome burdensome red tape. Another, suggested by Guriev
(2004), is that even though corruption reduces red tape, officials who expect bribes
tend to set ex-ante levels of red tape above the socially optimal level. Therefore,
one might find positive effect of corruption controlling for institution quality, even if
the total effect of corruption on economic development is negative. Yet another
possible explanation is that economic growth might feed corruption by providing
additional demand for bureaucrat services. My empirical results are consistent with
all these explanations and I cannot distinguish between these hypotheses using
these data.]

Empirics prove; Corruption helps the economy


Zotin 1/30 [Aleksander Zotin, IS THERE SUCH A THING AS GOOD CORRUPTION?
KOMMERSANT/Worldcrunch, 2013-01-30, http://www.worldcrunch.com/opinionanalysis/is-there-such-a-thing-as-good-corruption-/economic-growth-transparencycongo-kleptocracy/c7s10772/]

First of all, the size. A 3% drain on the economy is not the same as a 25% one. But
size is far from the only thing that matters. The structure is also important. Good
corruption is often a way to grease the wheels of cumbersome regulations, where
officials speed up the decision-making process, helping business. Often that means
forced political support for regimes that are undertaking painful economic
modernization. One of the important signs of good corruption is that the money
stays in the country, allowing for economic growth. The American political scientist
John Nye even calls this the "Switzerland factor." The less that corrupt money leaves
the country (often going to Swiss bank accounts), and the more it is reinvested in
the home countrys economy, the less damaging the corruption. The aim of good
corruption is to create a good investment climate and improve growth in private
business. One of the best examples of this good corruption was 20th century South
Korea under dictator Park Chung-hee. He often forced large companies to take care
of his partys needs, and rewarded those companies loyalty with low-interest loans
and business preferences. He used the money to secure his partys hold on power
rather than just for his own personal gain, and nearly all of the money stayed in the
country. At the same time, he cracked down on middle-level corruption
investigating large numbers of mid-level officials and thus creating a good
investment climate that forced the government to color inside the lines. Although
he ruled as a dictator, Park held his government to strict standards, and didnt use
the corruption strictly for personal enrichment.

Corruption = Mexican Growth


Anti-Corruption Focus in Mexico is hurting econ growth
Cattan & Martin 2010 - Cattan is a reporter for Bloomberg News in Mexico
City. Martin is a reporter for the Chicago Tribune.
[Nacha Cattan & Eric Martin, Pena Nieto Anti-Corruption Focus Slows Mexican
Economy Overhaul Bloomberg, Jul 25, 2012, http://movies.netflix.com/WiPlayer?
movieid=70159347&trkid=6081399]
Pena Nieto Anti-Corruption Focus Slows Mexican Economy Overhaul; Two weeks
after Enrique Pena Nieto won Mexicos July 1 presidential election, he unveiled his
most pressing priorities for action. The contrast with his pre- election agenda was
unmistakable. His first order of business when Congress convenes in September will
be three bills to tackle corruption and increase transparency in government and
media, Pena Nieto wrote in a July 16 column in Reforma newspaper. Proposals to
revamp the economy will be offered in their own time, he said, without specifying
when that will be. This marks a change in emphasis from the campaign, when Pena
Nieto pledged to open the state-run oil industry to outside investment -- a measure
he called his signature issue -- and overhaul tax and labor codes as soon as
possible, said Jorge Chabat at the Center for Economic Research and Teaching. I
dont think any of these economic reforms will be passed between now and
December because the post-electoral atmosphere wont permit it, said Chabat, a
political science professor at the Mexico City-based university. Its important to
pass these laws in the beginning, because its when presidents have the most
power. Pena Nietos decision to push first for an anti-corruption panel, transparency
requirements for local authorities and a citizen watchdog to oversee government
spending on the media came amid protests that have brought thousands onto the
streets of Mexico City each weekend since the election. Many are supporters of
runner-up Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, 58, who has challenged the results,
alleging that local officials of the winners Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI,
embezzled public funds to buy millions of votes.

Corruption promotes societal cooperation


Ubeda and Duez, 2010---Profesors from the University of Tennessee, Knoxville and Harvard--[Francisco Ubeda and Edgar Duez, Researcher Finds Power and Corruption May Be Good For Society, Phys Org,
12-14-2010, http://phys.org/news/2010-12-power-corruption-good-society.html]
They are familiar scenes: politicians bemoaning the death of family values only for extramarital affairs to be
unveiled or politicians preaching financial sacrifice while their expense accounts fatten up. Moral

corruption and power asymmetries are pervasive in human societies, but


it turns out, that may not be such a bad thing. Francisco Ubeda, an evolutionary biology

as

professor at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, and Edgar Duez of Harvard University found that power and
corruption may play a role in maintaining overall societal cooperation. Using game theory, Ubeda and Duez
looked at what causes individuals in society to cooperate even though those in charge display some level of
corruption. They developed a model that allows individuals who are responsible for punishing noncooperators (e.g.,
law enforcers and government officials) to fail to cooperate themselves by acting in a corrupt manner. They also
considered the possibility that these law enforcers, by virtue of their positions, are able to sidestep punishment
when they are caught failing to cooperate. What they found is that the bulk of society cooperates because there
are law enforcers forcing them to stay in line. People tend to cooperate because they do not want to get punished.
Even if the law enforcers consider themselves above the law and behave in a corrupt way, overall societal

cooperation is maintained as long as there is a small amount of power and corruption. However, if the law
enforcers have too much power and corruption runs rampant, overall societal cooperation breaks down. Ubeda
explained how it works: "Law enforcers often enjoy privileges that allow them to avoid the full force of the law
when they breach it. Law enforcing results in the general public abiding by the law. Thus law enforcers enjoy the
benefits of a lawful society and are compensated for their law enforcing by being able to dodge the law," he said.

researchers concluded that power and corruption benefit society;


without law enforcers, individuals have less incentive to cooperate and
without power and corruption, law enforcers have less incentive to do
their job. The researchers' findings have far-reaching implications. In biology, they may help explain corrupt
The

behaviors in social insects. In economics, the findings may aid in formulating policies by providing insights on how
to harness corruption to benefit society. In the field of psychology, the findings provide a justification to the
correlation between power and corruption observed in humans.

Venezuelan Corruption Link turn


Attempts of ridding Venezuela of corruption fail and result in
more corruption; history proves
Coronel 2008 He was a member of the Board of Directors of Petroleos de

Venezuela from 1976-79, was president of Agrupacion Pro Calidad de Vida, and was
the Venezuelan representative to Transparency International from 1996 to 2000.
[By Gustavo Coronel, The Corruption of Democracy in Venezuela USA Today
Magazine, March 2008, http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/corruptiondemocracy-venezuela]
Hugo Chavez was elected president of Venezuela in December 1998 on the strength
of three main promises: convening a Constituent Assembly to write a new
constitution and improve the state, fighting poverty and social exclusion, and
eliminating corruption. Nine years later, it has become evident that the Constituent
Assembly primarily was a vehicle to destroy all existing political institutions and
replace them with a bureaucracy beholden to his wishes. Poverty and social
exclusion remain as prominent as before, while the levels of government corruption
are higher than ever.

Venezuelan Corruption = Growth


Corruption is good for the foreign market; Venezuela proves
good for investors
Pagano 2013 - Michael S. Pagano is the Robert J. and Mary Ellen Darretta

Endowed Chair in Finance at the Villanova School of Business.


[Micheal S. Pagano, When Corruption Helps the Bottom Line Stock Exchange of
Caracas, January 28, 2013, http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/01/28/whencorruption-helps-the-bottom-line/]
Most investors would agree that less corruption and more transparency in financial
markets are good things. But in a contrarian way, a high degree of corruption in
foreign markets can actually be beneficial. And that may provide an interesting
counterargument to recent enforcement actions. The fact that large-scale corruption
exists is not in dispute; in many foreign markets it is clearly caveat emptor.
Actions by the Justice Department and the Securities and Exchange Commission
under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in the United States are making front-page
headlines almost on a weekly basis in recent years.The Justice Department and the
S.E.C. recently released guidance on the corrupt practices act, a law that has
become problematic for many global companies. And many other countries around
the world are also following suit with newly empowered regulatory agencies. In April
2011, Britain passed the Bribery Act, a major compliance regulation, to go after
corruption. Under this backdrop, Professors Pankaj K. Jain of the University of
Memphis, Emre Kuvvet of Texas A&M and I set out to analyze just what effects
corruption had on investment, cost of capital and market liquidity for institutional
investors. We examined corruption and its effect on financial markets at the national
level using data from 49 countries. Our finding that investing conditions are
extremely favorable in Denmark, one of the most transparent countries, makes
logical sense. What is surprising is that the most corrupt countries like Venezuela
(which is at the very bottom of our list at No. 49) are actually better for investors
than moderately corrupt countries like Morocco or Mexico.

Venezuelan trade is high due to corruption


Pagano, 1-28-Robert J. and Mary Ellen Darretta Endowed Chair in Finance at the Villanova School of
Business.
[Michael S. Pagano, When Corruption Helps the Bottom Line, New York Times, 1-28-13,
http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/01/28/when-corruption-helps-the-bottom-line/]

Most investors would agree that less corruption and more transparency in
financial markets are good things. But in a contrarian way, a high degree of
corruption in foreign markets can actually be beneficial. And that may provide an

interesting counterargument to recent enforcement actions. The fact that large-scale corruption exists is not in
dispute; in many foreign markets it is clearly caveat emptor. Actions by the Justice Department and the Securities
and Exchange Commission under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in the United States are making front-page
headlines almost on a weekly basis in recent years. The Justice Department and the S.E.C. recently released
guidance on the corrupt practices act, a law that has become problematic for many global companies. And many
other countries around the world are also following suit with newly empowered regulatory agencies. In April 2011,
Britain passed the Bribery Act, a major compliance regulation, to go after corruption. Under this backdrop,
Professors Pankaj K. Jain of the University of Memphis, Emre Kuvvet of Texas A&M and I set out to analyze just what
effects corruption had on investment, cost of capital and market liquidity for institutional investors. We examined
corruption and its effect on financial markets at the national level using data from 49 countries. Our finding that
investing conditions are extremely favorable in Denmark, one of the most transparent countries, makes logical

countries like Venezuela (which is at the very


are actually better for investors than moderately
corrupt countries like Morocco or Mexico. This finding points to a perverse level playing
field where potential investors in these extremely corrupt countries know who is in charge
and can thereby succeed and prosper. But in moderately corrupt countries, it is unclear who is
sense. What is surprising is that the most corrupt
bottom of our list at No. 49)

in charge and how to play the game. Corruption is a result of several factors, including the increased pressure on
investors and companies to compete for lucrative international business opportunities. As noted in a 2011 working
paper, the benefits obtained by bribing officials or engaging in corrupt behavior can be quite tempting; it is
estimated that the average return is 10 to 11 times the original bribe amount for 166 prominent cases in 20
countries. We used several tools to help us quantify some of the effects of corruption on stock prices. Some of
those included the corruption perceptions index data from Transparency International; data from Ancerno that gives
company transaction costs for foreign stocks traded by more than 700 institutions in the home markets of 49
countries; and I.M.F. data on foreign portfolio investment flows in all 49 countries. Based on these data, it was clear
that corruption in the 49 countries that were studied directly affected their financial markets. Corruption directly
affected stock liquidity (making it hard to quickly buy or sell a particular stock or bond), the cost of buying and
selling stocks and the trading costs of stocks. Corruption also affects the amount of foreign investment in a country
as a percentage of gross domestic product, and the cost of financing corporate operations within a certain country.
We discovered that, on average, corruption can reduce foreign equity investments by 70 percent, raise trading
costs by 0.8 percentage points (that is, 80 basis points) and increase the cost of capital by up to 8.63 percentage
points. The presence of corruption also makes it hard for outsiders to value a security properly. Higher levels of
corruption typically lead to greater investor uncertainty and a wider gulf between what insiders and outsiders
know about the value of a markets stocks and bonds. An answer to the problem, however, may lie in investing in
education rather than in regulation. Our study also found that corruption was inversely related to the level of
education in a country. So, more education typically relates to less corruption, and a country that wants to reduce
corruption over the long run should promote and invest in education. In the meantime, what is an investor to do?

moderately corrupt countries unattractive,


large investors looking at foreign markets might prefer to invest in the
most corrupt nations (as well as the most transparent). There are corporate costs to engaging in
Because of the perverse level playing field that makes

corruption, however. Our study also examined 27 publicly traded companies that ran afoul of the Foreign Corrupt
Practices Act, including I.B.M., Chevron and Siemens. We discovered that after each company was fined, its
average trading costs and cost of capital were higher. These higher costs translate into a lower stock price for those
firms that have been penalized under anticorruption laws. So should investors ask for more regulatory enforcement
of corrupt foreign exchanges? Of course, but the incentives for doing what is morally right and for what actually
might make a profit may not be so clearly aligned. Maybe governments role in promoting education might be
another, more effective way to realign these incentives so that the world can be more
transparent and less corrupt in the long run.

Squo Solves
Corruption has dropped in Latin America and will continue to
Winter 2012 Winter is Chief Correspondent, Reuters Brazil from Sao Paulo and
was previously the foreign editor for USA Today
[Brian Winter, Corruption drops slightly in Latin America survey Reuters, Thu Jun
14, 2012, http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/06/14/latinamerica-corruptionsurvey-idUSL1E8HD2PF20120614]
BRASILIA, June 14 (Reuters) - While corruption remains a severe problem in Latin
America, regional executives believe it has abated slightly, thanks to more stringent
corporate ethics rules and enforcement of anti-graft laws, according to a survey
released on Thursday. About 51 percent of respondents believed they had recently
lost business to competitors who made illicit payments, the survey of 402 business
leaders in Latin America found. That's down from 57 percent in a previous survey in
2008. About 25 percent of respondents said anti-graft laws in their country were
effective, up from 15 percent in 2008. Chile and Uruguay were perceived to be the
least corrupt of Latin American countries. Venezuela was seen as the most corrupt,
followed by Bolivia, Argentina and Mexico. Brazil, the region's biggest economy, was
roughly in the middle of the pack. "These results indicate a general view that people
are less likely to get away with these crimes now," said James Tillen of Miller &
Chevalier, one of two U.S.-based law firms that coordinated the survey. Threequarters of respondents said they were aware of an offender being prosecuted for
making or receiving illicit payments, up from 69 percent in the previous survey. The
survey said more companies in the region are taking internal steps to prevent
corruption - 85 percent of respondents said theirs were, compared with 76 percent
in 2008. Tillen said increased enforcement in recent years of the U.S. Foreign
Corrupt Practices Act, which makes it illegal for U.S. companies to pay bribes
abroad, may have had a "snowball effect" by leading multinational companies in
Latin America to adopt tougher standards. Several high-profile corruption cases
have rocked the region recently. Wal-Mart Stores Inc is investigating bribery
allegations at its Mexican unit and has initiated a global review of its anti-corruption
compliance program. Latin Americans are also demanding cleaner government from
their leaders. A wave of prosperity has pulled tens of millions of people into the
middle class over the past decade, and polls show that corruption has become a
more important issue to them as poverty and unemployment decline.

Corruption bad

Mexican Economy
Government corruption in Mexico is common and costing
billions
Zabludovsky, 2013-24 Horas Anchor---[Karla Zabludovsky, Starting to Come to Light, New York
Times, 6-23-13, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/24/world/americas/official-corruption-in-mexico-once-rarelyexposed-is-starting-to-come-to-light.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0]
MEXICO CITY Andrs Granier has a sumptuous wardrobe and lifestyle. He has bragged about owning 400 pairs
of shoes, 300 suits and 1,000 shirts, collected from luxury stores in New York and Los Angeles. His purchases barely
fit in his several properties, scattered throughout Mexico and abroad. Enlarge This Image Bernardo
Montoya/Reuters Tapes of Andrs Granier, center, the former governor of Tabasco State, boasting of his lifestyle
were leaked to a radio station. America Rocio/Associated Press Cash that was found on a property linked to Jos
Manuel Saiz, Mr. Graniers treasurer. Mr. Saiz was arrested this month. A tape recording of Mr. Graniers boasts,
making him sound like a highflying corporate executive, was leaked to a local radio station last month. But his job
title, until December, was governor of a midsize southeastern Mexican state, a position that currently pays about
$92,000 a year after taxes. We go to Fifth Avenue and buy a pair of shoes; $600, Mr. Granier is heard saying
about one of his trips abroad. I took clothes to Miami, I took clothes to Cancn, I took clothes to my house, and I
have leftovers, he added, saying, Im going to auction them off. (The day after the recording was made public,
he said that he had been inebriated while making those statements in October.) But just as eye-opening as the

Graniers successor
discovered that about $190 million in state funds was unaccounted for , the
state government said this month is that they came to light at all in a country where state and local
corruption, a serious drag on Mexicos development, run deep and are rarely
extravagances of a public official now under investigation after Mr.

exposed. The case of Mr. Granier, who was taken into custody on June 14 at a Mexico City hospital where he is
being treated for a heart ailment, is just the latest among several former governors and public officials who have
recently found themselves under investigation or facing public scorn. Watchdog groups are gaining strength,
opposition parties are challenging and exposing the faults of the status quo, and social and traditional news media
organizations are increasingly seeking to hold officials accountable. There will be more of these because the
issue has taken off, said Ricardo Corona, a public finance expert at the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness, a
research group in Mexico City. There is encouragement on the issues of transparency, accountability, access to
information. Mr. Graniers case is one of the more closely followed political spectacles here in recent years. By
January, when the new government in his state, Tabasco, found holes in the budget, Mr. Granier, 65, had retreated
into obscurity. This month, after public shock and outrage over the recording reached a fever pitch, he suddenly
resurfaced on television, saying he was in Miami. Im going back to Mexico, he declared in an interview on one
of Mexicos most-watched morning shows, Primero Noticias. I dont owe absolutely anything. Upon his arrival at
the airport in the capital the following day, a chaotic news media swarm engulfed Mr. Granier at one point he
stumbled before the cameras before he was whisked away in a white S.U.V., with camera crews on motorcycles
giving chase. Three days later, the Tabasco state attorneys office issued an arraignment order for Mr. Granier on
His treasurer, Jos Manuel Saiz,
already had been arrested this month on suspicion of embezzlement as he tried to

suspicion of embezzlement and improper exercise of public service.

cross the border into the United States, after boxes containing nearly $7 million in unexplained cash were
discovered on a property linked to him. A decade ago, such suspicious accounting would have most likely been
kept under wraps, as Mexican officials tended to protect one another and the public took their malfeasance for
granted. During the uninterrupted 71-year rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, governors, who often
secured their appointments based on friendly ties with the autocratic presidents, were almost expected to pillage
state treasuries. When the party lost the 2000 presidential election, it left a political vacuum across the states.
Governors around the country acquired unprecedented autonomy and almost no oversight, said Alfonso Zrate, the
State debt rose to
$30 billion in 2012 from about $15 billion in 2008 , according to the Ministry of Finance
and Public Credit. Accounting for inflation, that was a 70.4 percent increase, according to an

president of Grupo Consultor Interdisciplinario, a political consulting firm in Mexico.

article in the online publication Animal Poltico by Marco Cancino, a political analyst in Mexico City. Governments
have reported scant details of how they have spent the money from these loans. But with governors from
opposing political parties succeeding one another and doing away with the unspoken pact of the PRI years, in which
incoming leaders protected departing ones, a system of checks and balances some have called it political
retribution is emerging. Freedom of information laws, recent legislative overhauls demanding more
accountability from state governments and an increasingly technologically engaged society have been more
successful at preventing murky finances from going unquestioned. As a result, tales of disgraced former
governors are becoming a staple of the news here, and are part of what Mr. Zrate calls an incipient democracy.
In 2011, the federal attorney generals office opened an investigation into a $3 billion debt in the state of
Coahuila, acquired mostly during the administration of Humberto Moreira, a former president of the PRI, which

recovered the presidency in December. The former governor of the state of Aguascalientes, Luis Armando

Reynoso, is being investigated over improper exercise of public service ,


news organizations have reported. Last year, Mario Ernesto Villanueva Madrid, the former governor
of the state of Quintana Roo who was extradited to the United States in 2010, pleaded guilty
to conspiring to launder millions of dollars in bribes he received from the
powerful Jurez drug organization, to ensure that its cocaine moved safely through his state,
undisturbed by law enforcement. Inroads in transparency, however, have yet to change the culture and mentality
of El que no tranza, no avanza, or He who does not cheat, does not get ahead, a popular motto here. And these
victories have yet to transform the countrys image abroad: Mexico fell in Transparency Internationals corruption
perception index to 105th place in 2012 from 57th in 2002, with a lower ranking indicating that the country is seen
as more corrupt. We still dont have accountability, said Mr. Cancino, the political analyst, who warned that
progress in transparency practices at the federal level would slowly make their way down to the local and state
levels. There are still 32 battles that we have to wage, he said, referring to Mexicos 31 states and one federal
district. Small gains in transparency, seen through scandals like the one enveloping Mr. Granier, have not
translated into justice served, experts say. Governors are investigated but rarely charged. We know what is
going on, said Sergio Aguayo, a political analyst at the Colegio de Mxico. But no measures are being taken.
Mexicans who are active on Twitter discuss these scandals for days and sometimes weeks, shaming politicians and
pressing traditional news media to cover them extensively. But political analysts argue that there are no effective
mechanisms yet to translate citizen participation into structural change. What do we do so that society goes
from indignation to action? Mr. Cancino asked. In the meantime, former politicians who endure public scrutiny
and a dose of humiliation often come out of these scandals largely unscathed. In April, the newspaper Reforma
reported that Mr. Moreira, the repudiated former Coahuila governor, was living with his family in an upscale
neighborhood in Barcelona, Spain, while attending a local university.

Mexico needs to save money-GDP is and has been low


Trading Economics, 7-17

---[Trading Economics, Mexico Government Budget, tradingeconomics.com,


7-17-13, http://www.tradingeconomics.com/mexico/government-budget]

Mexico recorded a Government Budget deficit equal to 0.6 0 percent of the


country's Gross Domestic Product in 2012. Government Budget in Mexico is reported by the
Secretaria de Hacienda y Credito Publico. Mexico Government Budget averaged -1.01
Percent of GDP from 1990 until 2012, reaching an all time high of 0.81 Percent of GDP in
December of 1992 and a record low of -3.11 Percent of GDP in December of 2009. Government Budget is an
itemized accounting of the payments received by government (taxes and other fees) and the payments made by
government (purchases and transfer payments). A budget deficit occurs when an government spends more money
than it takes in. The opposite of a budget deficit is a budget surplus. This page includes a chart with historical data
for Mexico Government Budget.

Mexicos moderate corruption does not benefit its economy


Pagano, 1-28-Robert J. and Mary Ellen Darretta Endowed Chair in Finance at the Villanova School of
Business---[Michael S. Pagano, When Corruption Helps the Bottom Line, New York Times, 1-28-13,
http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/01/28/when-corruption-helps-the-bottom-line/]

Most investors would agree that less corruption and more transparency in
financial markets are good things. But in a contrarian way, a high degree of
corruption in foreign markets can actually be beneficial. And that may provide an
interesting counterargument to recent enforcement actions. The fact that large-scale corruption exists is not in
dispute; in many foreign markets it is clearly caveat emptor. Actions by the Justice Department and the Securities
and Exchange Commission under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in the United States are making front-page
headlines almost on a weekly basis in recent years. The Justice Department and the S.E.C. recently released
guidance on the corrupt practices act, a law that has become problematic for many global companies. And many
other countries around the world are also following suit with newly empowered regulatory agencies. In April 2011,
Britain passed the Bribery Act, a major compliance regulation, to go after corruption. Under this backdrop,
Professors Pankaj K. Jain of the University of Memphis, Emre Kuvvet of Texas A&M and I set out to analyze just what
effects corruption had on investment, cost of capital and market liquidity for institutional investors. We examined
corruption and its effect on financial markets at the national level using data from 49 countries. Our finding that
investing conditions are extremely favorable in Denmark, one of the most transparent countries, makes logical

countries like Venezuela (which is at the very


bottom of our list at No. 49) are actually better for investors than moderately
corrupt countries like Morocco or Mexico. This finding points to a perverse level playing
sense. What is surprising is that the most corrupt

field where potential investors in these extremely corrupt countries know who is in charge and can thereby

in moderately corrupt countries, it is unclear who is in


charge and how to play the game. Corruption is a result of several factors, including the
succeed and prosper. But

increased pressure on investors and companies to compete for lucrative international business opportunities. As
noted in a 2011 working paper, the benefits obtained by bribing officials or engaging in corrupt behavior can be
quite tempting; it is estimated that the average return is 10 to 11 times the original bribe amount for 166
prominent cases in 20 countries. We used several tools to help us quantify some of the effects of corruption on
stock prices. Some of those included the corruption perceptions index data from Transparency International; data
from Ancerno that gives company transaction costs for foreign stocks traded by more than 700 institutions in the
home markets of 49 countries; and I.M.F. data on foreign portfolio investment flows in all 49 countries. Based on
these data, it was clear that corruption in the 49 countries that were studied directly affected their financial
markets. Corruption directly affected stock liquidity (making it hard to quickly buy or sell a particular stock or bond),
the cost of buying and selling stocks and the trading costs of stocks. Corruption also affects the amount of foreign
investment in a country as a percentage of gross domestic product, and the cost of financing corporate operations
within a certain country. We discovered that, on average, corruption can reduce foreign equity investments by 70
percent, raise trading costs by 0.8 percentage points (that is, 80 basis points) and increase the cost of capital by up
to 8.63 percentage points. The presence of corruption also makes it hard for outsiders to value a security properly.
Higher levels of corruption typically lead to greater investor uncertainty and a wider gulf between what insiders
and outsiders know about the value of a markets stocks and bonds. An answer to the problem, however, may lie in
investing in education rather than in regulation. Our study also found that corruption was inversely related to the
level of education in a country. So, more education typically relates to less corruption, and a country that wants to
reduce corruption over the long run should promote and invest in education. In the meantime, what is an investor

the perverse level playing field that makes moderately corrupt


countries unattractive, large investors looking at foreign markets might
prefer to invest in the most corrupt nations (as well as the most transparent). There are
to do? Because of

corporate costs to engaging in corruption, however. Our study also examined 27 publicly traded companies that ran
afoul of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, including I.B.M., Chevron and Siemens. We discovered that after each
company was fined, its average trading costs and cost of capital were higher. These higher costs translate into a
lower stock price for those firms that have been penalized under anticorruption laws. So should investors ask for
more regulatory enforcement of corrupt foreign exchanges? Of course, but the incentives for doing what is morally
right and for what actually might make a profit may not be so clearly aligned. Maybe governments role in
promoting education might be another, more effective way to realign these incentives so that the world can be
more
transparent and less corrupt in the long run.

Venezuela Oil
Oil revenues are high but government corruption takes away
Coronel, 2008-President of Agrupacion Pro Calidad de Vida, Venezuelan representative to Transparency
International from 1996-2000. Member of the board of directors of Petroleos de Venezuela from 1976-79
[Gustavo Coronel, The Corruption of Democracy in Venezuela, Cato Institute, March 2008,
http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/corruption-democracy-venezuela]

In the nine years since Chavez came to power, an estimated $300,000,000,000 of oil
income has entered the national treasury. The exact number is uncertain due to the poor

transparency of the government accounts, and because the national petroleum company no longer presents
financial results to the U.S. Securities Exchange Commission or to the Venezuelan people. In parallel, during
Chavezs tenure, national debt has increased from $22,000,000,000 to about $70,000,000,000. Together with
income tax revenues, the total income of Venezuela during Chavezs presidency has been approximately
$700,000,000,000. This formidable amount of money is nowhere to be seen in terms of public works or effective
health and education programs. Three parallel budgets existedtotaling more than $80,000,000,000in 2007: the
formal one, for some $55,000,000,000 (including additional amounts), approved without discussion by the
submissive National Assembly; a second one, amounting to $10,000,000,000, derived from the international
monetary reserves taken from the Venezuelan Central Bank, in violation of the laws of the country; and a third, in
the amount of $15,000,000,000, built from the funds siphoned out of Petroleos de Venezuela, monies which were
required for investment and maintenance of the petroleum industry. None of these budgets are discussed publicly

more than
$22,500,000,000 in dollar transfers have been made to foreign accounts ,
maintains the Venezuelan Central Bank, and at least half of that money remains
unaccounted for. Jose Guerra, a former Central Bank executive, indicates that some of this money
has been used by Chavez to buy political loyalties in the region and some
or subject to accountability. Irregularities abound in the management of public funds:

has been donated to Cuba and Bolivia, among other countries. According to a Jan. 31, 2006, story in the Financial
Times, a select group of Venezuelan bankers, including those at Banco Occidental de Descuento and Fondo Comun,
has profited from the acquisition of Argentinean bonds by the Venezuelan government, at the expense of the
national treasury. The bonds are bought at the official rate of exchange and sold at black market rates, at
considerable profit. Venezuelan journalist Carlos Ball estimates that bankers loyal to the government could have
profited by up to $600,000,000 as a result of the differential between the official and the black market rates. Former
Chavez Minister of Finance Jose Rojas has predicted that the loss of autonomy of the Venezuelan Central Bank and
the disorder in the management of the financial resources on the part of the government will lead to a significant

The nine years of Chavezs presidency have led to the highest


levels of government corruption ever experienced in Venezuela. The main reasons have been:
financial crisis.

the record oil income obtained by the nation, money going directly into Chavezs pockets; a mediocre management
team working without transparency or accountability; the ideological predilections of Chavez, which have led him to
try to play a messianic role in Latin America, and even world affairs; and the policies of handouts put in place by
Chavez to keep the Venezuelan masses politically loyal.

Corruption causes the downfall of oil companies


Coronel, 2008-President of Agrupacion Pro Calidad de Vida, Venezuelan representative to Transparency
International from 1996-2000. Member of the board of directors of Petroleos de Venezuela from 1976-79
[Gustavo Coronel, The Corruption of Democracy in Venezuela, Cato Institute, March 2008,
http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/corruption-democracy-venezuela]

High levels of mismanagement at the state-owned petroleum company ,


Petroleos de Venezuela. Corruption here takes many shapes. It includes the naming of six presidents and boards in
seven years, in an effort to control the company politically. This finally was accomplished by naming the Minister of
Energy and Petroleum president of the company, in violation of good management practice, since he now

As a result, oil production has declined by some 800,000


barrels per day during the last decade. In a recent public hearing, Luis Vierma, the firms Vice
supervises himself.

President for Exploration and Production, admitted giving an oil well drilling contract for some $20,000,000 to a
company with only three employees and no rigs.

Cuban Growth
Corruption inhibit Cubas economic activity
Index of Economic Freedom, 2013

[Index of Economic Freedom, Cuba Economy, heritage.org, 2013, http://www.heritage.org/index/country/cuba]

Cubas economic freedom score is 28.5, making its economy one of the worlds
least free. Its overall score is 0.2 point higher than last year, with a notable decline in monetary freedom

counterbalanced by gains in freedom from corruption and fiscal freedom. Cuba is ranked least free of 29 countries
in the South and Central America/Caribbean region, and its overall score is significantly lower than the regional
average. Cuba scores far below world averages in most areas of economic freedom, and its economy remains one

The foundations of economic freedom are particularly


weak in the absence of an independent and fair judiciary. No courts are free of political interference, and
pervasive corruption affects many aspects of economic activity . As the largest
of the worlds most repressed.

source of employment, the public sector accounts for more than 80 percent of all jobs. A watered-down reform
package endorsed by the Cuban Communist Party in April 2011 promised to trim the number of state workers and
allow restricted self-employment in the non-public sector, but many details of the reform are obscure and little
progress has been observed. The private sector is severely constrained by heavy regulations and tight state
controls. Open-market policies are not in place to spur growth in trade and investment, and the lack of competition
stifles productivity growth.

Heg Bad

Heg = Econ Collapse


Hegemony kills trade, causes protectionism and arms race
Lobell 09 (Steven E., Professor of Political Science at Utah University, Excerpt from Challenge of Hegemony, Published by
the University of Michigan Press, Written in December, 2009, pg. 154-155,Elibrary) JA

In encountering new and old competitors on disparate fronts, free traders will
respond to these external pressures by pushing the government to cooperate with
liberal contenders and perhaps even imperial contenders. The domestic outcome of
cooperation will ratchet-up the strength of efficient industry, the financial sector,
consumers, and fiscal conservatives. Cooperation entails reduced protectionism,
elimination of exchange controls, participation in NGOs and IGOs, territorial
concessions, membership in collective security arrangements, and the negotiation
of arms limitation agreements. Economy-minded free traders will favor aiding in the
rise of liberal contenders, thereby expediting the hegemons cost-saving retreat
from the locale. In doing so, the hegemon will retain access to its traditional
interests in the locale without bearing any of the economic, political, or military
costs associated with regional hegemony. Free traders will resist punishing states,
even imperial competitors, because that will bolster the political clout of
economic nationalists who will push for a more hard-line grand strategy.
Punishing liberal contenders (even in a vital or strategic locale) will create the
false illusion of incompatibility that can intensify into a self-defeating hostility
spiral that disrupts trade, results in protectionism and beggar-thy-neighbor
economic policies, and contributes to an arms race.

Hegemony will inevitably cause economic collapse, fascism,


and coercion. The only way to solve is through
transnationalism
Martins and Thompson 07 (Carlos Eduardo Martins is research director of the UNESCO-UNU Network on
the Global Economy and Sustainable Development and an associate researcher at the Laboratory of Public Policy of the State
University of Rio de Janeiro. Timothy Thompson is a Boren Research Fellow at the Institute of International Education, and teaching
fellow at Boston College. "The Impasses of U.S. Hegemony: Perspectives for the Twenty-first Century". Published by SAGE
publications in their journal Latin American Perspectives Vol 34 No. 1. Written in January of 2007. jstor) JA

The trajectories of U.S. hegemony and the modern world system in the coming
decades should be understood in terms of these three long-run tendencies. I
would argue that the expansion phase of a new Kondratieff cycle has been
developing in the United States since 1994. This expansion will lack the brilliance
of the phase that developed in the postwar period. It will be shorter and will
promote lower rates of growth, since it will be affected by two downward trends:
civilizational crisis and the B-phase of the systemic cycle. Within this new phase of
expansion, the financial and ideological foundations of U.S. hegemony will
deteriorate, and the United States will lose the leadership position that it
exercised in the world economy from 1980 to 1990, when it was surpassed in
dynamism only by East Asia. The world will enter a new phase of systemic chaos,
and no nation-state will be able to reconstruct the world-system on new hegemonic
bases. A bifurcation will occur: on one hand, there will be forces attempting to
restore historical capitalism to U.S. imperialism via the cohesion of the principal
centers of global wealth, and, on the other hand, there will be forces seeking to

overcome the modern world-system through a posthegemonic system. This


confrontation will occur not only among nation-states (although, in part, it may be
oriented in terms of them) but also transnationally. The transnational dimension,
aimed at creating new forms of power to direct both human existence and the
planet, has already manifested itself, for example, in mass demonstrations against
U.S. imperialism and the oligarchic coordination of the world economy and in
attempts to organize social movements on a global scale, most notably in the World
Social Forum. If transnationalism succeeds, humanity will be able to
traverse the systemic chaos without succumbing to a cataclysmic war.
Transnational forces will create "drive belts" across nation-states, circumventing
global oligarchies. But if nationalism succeeds, it will be difficult to avoid a
move toward fascism, barbarism, and the use of the state as an instrument of
coercion.

Heg = War
U.S hegemony will create conflict and war
Monteiro 12 ( Nuno P., Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yale University. Exerpt from "Why Unipolarity is not
Peaceful". Published by International Security, Winter 2011/2012. PROJECT MUSE) JA

In this article, I provide a theory of unipolarity that focuses on the issue of unipolar
peacefulness rather than durability. I argue that unipolarity creates significant
conflict-producing mechanisms that are likely to involve the unipole itself.
Rather than assess the relative peacefulness of unipolarity vis--vis bipolar or
multipolar systems, I identify causal pathways to war that are characteristic of
a unipolar system and that have not been developed in the extant literature. To
be sure, I do not question the impossibility of great power war in a unipolar world.
Instead, I show how unipolar systems provide incentives for two other types of
war: those pitting the sole great power against another state and those involving
exclusively other states. In addition, I show that the type of conflict that occurs in a
unipolar world depends on the strategy of the sole great power, of which there are
three. The first twodefensive and offensive dominancewill lead to conflicts
pitting the sole great power against other states. The thirddisengagement
will lead to conflicts among other states. Furthermore, whereas the unipole is
likely to enter unipolarity implementing a dominance strategy, over time it is
possible that it will shift to disengagement.

Heg = China War


Continued U.S Hegemony will inevitably cause U.S - China War
Thompson 12 (William R., professor of political science and Kinesiology at Indiana University. Excerpt from
"Correspondence: Decline and RetrenchmentPeril or Promise?", Published by International Security Spring of 2012. project muse)
JA

All great powers and their relative declines/transitions can be compared only
with careful qualifications. Some powers are more important than others,
and because they are more important, their transitions have been
considerably less peaceful in the past. [End Page 196] Yet perhaps that is the
problem. These conflicts were in the past, and something may have changed
fundamentally.
One possibility is that Europe harbored a string of territorially expansive politicalmilitary actors that no longer exist. Europe has played itself out as a cockpit of
political-military bids for regional hegemony, but then Asia offers some
prospects for both regional type III hegemony struggles (China-India and
China and Russia) and a type I conflict (China-United States).

Continued U.S hegemony will inevitably cause U.S - China war


(This town ain't big enough for the two of us)
Layne 12 ( Christopher, professor of international affairs at the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas

A&M University and Robert M. Gates Chair in National Security. Excerpt from "This Time Its Real: The End of Unipolarity and the Pax
Americana". Published by International Studies Quarterly, March 2012. wiley online library) JA

Great power politics is about power. Rules and institutions do not exist in
vacuum. Rather, they reflect the distribution of power in the international system. In
international politics, who rules makes the rules. The post-World War II
international order is an American order that privileges the United States
interests. Even the discourse of liberal order cannot conceal this fact. This is why
the notion that China can be constrained by integrating into the post-1945
international order lacks credulity. For US scholars and policymakers alike, Chinas
successful integration hinges on Beijings willingness to accept the Pax Americanas
institutions, rules, and norms. In other words, China must accept playing second
fiddle to the United States. Revealingly, Ikenberry makes clear this expectation
when he says that the deal the United States should propose to China is for
Washington to accommodate a rising China by offering it status and position within
the regional order in return for Beijings acceptance and accommodation of
Washingtons core interests, which include remaining a dominant security provider
within East Asia (Ikenberry 2011:356). It is easy to see why the United States
would want to cut such a deal but it is hard to see whats in it for China. American
hegemony is waning and China is ascending, and there is zero reason for
China to accept this bargain because it aims to be the hegemon in its own region.
The unfolding Sino-American rivalry in East Asia can be seen as an example
of Dodge City syndrome (in American Western movies, one gunslinger says to the
other: This town aint big enough for both of us) or as a geopolitical example
of Newtonian physics (two hegemons cannot occupy the same region at the same
time). From either perspective, the dangers should be obvious: unless the
United States is willing to accept Chinas ascendancy in East (and Southeast)
Asia, Washington and Beijing are on a collision course.

U.S Hegemony will cause China War


Layne 08 (Christopher Layne, professor of international affairs at the Bush School of Government and Public Service at

Texas A&M University and Robert M. Gates Chair in National Security. Excerpt from "China's Challenge to U.S Hegemony". Published
by Current History January 2008.
http://acme.highpoint.edu/~msetzler/IR/IRreadingsbank/chinauscontain.ch08.6.pdf )

Chinas rise affects the United States because of what international relations
scholars call the power transition effect: Throughout the history of the modern
international state system, ascending powers have always challenged the
position of the dominant (hegemonic) power in the international systemand
these challenges have usually culminated in war. Notwithstanding Beijings
talk about a peaceful rise, an ascending China inevitably will challenge the
geopolitical equilibrium in East Asia. The doctrine of peaceful rise thus is a
reassurance strategy employed by Beijing in an attempt to allay others fears of
growing Chinese power and to forestall the United States from acting preventively
during the dangerous transition period when China is catching up to the United
States. Does this mean that the United States and China are on a collision course
that will lead to a war in the next decade or two? Not necessarily. What happens in
Sino-American relations largely depends on what strategy Washington chooses to
adopt toward China. If the United States tries to maintain its current
dominance in East Asia, Sino-American conflict is virtually certain, because
U.S. grand strategy has incorporated the logic of anticipatory violence as
an instrument for maintaining American primacy. For a declining hegemon,
strangling the baby in the crib by attacking a rising challenger preventively
that is, while the hegemon still holds the upper hand militarilyhas always been
a tempting strategic option.

U.S attempts to maintain it's hegemony will spark U.S China


nuclear War
Etzioni 7/2 *most recent impact evidence ( Amitai Etzioni, professor of International

Relations at George Washingotn University. Excerpt from his article "Preparing to Go to War with China". Publihsed by the Huffington
Post on July 2, 2013 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/amitai-etzioni/preparing-to-go-to-war-wi_b_3533398.html ) JA

Officials emphasize that ASB is not directed at any one nation. However, no
country has invested nearly as much in A2/AD as China and few international
environments are more contested -- than the waters of the Asia-Pacific. Hence,
while in the past the U.S. could send in a couple aircraft carriers as a
credible display of force, as it did in 1996 when the Chinese conducted a series
of missile tests and military exercises in the Strait of Taiwan, in the not-so-distant
future Chinese anti-ship missiles could deny U.S. access to the region.
Thus, it is not surprising that one senior Navy official overseeing modernization
efforts stated that, "Air-Sea Battle is all about convincing the Chinese that
we will win this competition." Although much of the ASB remains classified, in
May of this year the Navy released an unclassified summary that illuminates how
the concept is beginning to shape the military's plans and acquisitions. In 2011, the
Pentagon set up the Air-Sea Battle Office to coordinate investments, organize war
games, and incorporate the ASB concept in training and education across all four
Services. A Congressional Research Service report notes that "the Air-Sea Battle
concept has prompted Navy officials to make significant shifts in the service's
FY2014-FY2018 budget plan, including new investments in ASW, electronic attack
and electronic warfare, cyber warfare, the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF), the P-8A

maritime patrol aircraft, and the Broad Area Maritime Surveillance (BAMS) UAV
[Unmanned Aerial Vehicle]." Critics of Air-Sea Battle warn that it is inherently
escalatory and could even precipitate a nuclear war. Not only will the U.S.'s
development of ASB likely accelerate China's expansion of its nuclear, cyber,
and space weapons programs, but according to Joshua Rovner of the U.S. Naval
War College, the early and deep inland strikes on enemy territory envisioned by the
concept could be mistakenly perceived by the Chinese as preemptive attempts to
take out its nuclear weapons, thus cornering them into "a terrible use-it-or-lose-it
dilemma." Hence, some call for "merely" imposing a blockade on China along the
first island chain (which stretches from Japan to Taiwan and through the Philippines)
in order to defeat an aggressive China without risking a nuclear war.

U.S hegemony will cause U.S China war which escalates to


global war
Hareshan 7/16 ( Mihai Hareshan, writer for the nine o'clock which is a news website that provides global information
on multiple different international issues. Based in Romania. Excerpt from "US-China war plans". Published by nine o'clock news on
July 16, 2013 at 9:00 PM http://www.nineoclock.ro/us-china-war-plans/ ) JA

According to the theory of international relations, the (global) systematic order


usually changes through a generalised war named hegemony. This war
usually erupts when the leader of the system in the present situation the USA
is in danger of being replaced by the direct challenger, which today is China.
At stake in this fight is taking the systemic leadership and founding a new order,
profitable to the new hegemon, i.e. the eventual winner. As it is known, following an
exponential economic increase for the last three decades, China now ranks second
systemically, from an economic point of view if we do not see the EU as a sole
political entity and trustworthy forecasts show that it will also outpace the USA in
the coming years (in terms of economic volume, not as GDP per capita). It is equally
known, especially after a recent book written by Joseph Nye Jr., that it is not only the
GDP which gives the measure of a states power. HHHHHHHHHAnd, from this
perspective, the USA seems to be irreplaceable at the top of the system of
states for the next generation. Historic practice shows that, in conditions of a
competition between hegemon and the main contender being installed at the
top of the system, with the power gap between them narrowing gradually, the
possibility of a hegemonic war is very high and the conflict can start from a
calculation (the kind of: it is the last moment when the challenger can be stopped,
or the hegemon can be defeated) or by accident. This period of tension induced
by the competition at the peak of the system is reflected through a
succession of crises that involve these actors or their allies, as well as
through an arms race that grows incessantly. From this last perspective, one
enters what is called in theory the prisoners dilemma which states that
perceptions, rather than realities, hidden by the absence of transparency, play the
essential role in the major decisions of peace and war. Many experts take into
consideration the fact that today the system undergoes such a period of
uncertainty, marked by power crises and competition between the big actors of
international relations.

Heg = Terrorism
U.S hegemony causes Muslims to backlash against the United
States (a lil shady)
Blaydes and Linzer 12 ( Lisa Blaydes and Drew A. Linzer. Blaydes is an assistant professor of political science
at Stanford University. Linzer is an assistant professor of political science at Emory University, and a Visiting Assistant Professor at
the Stanford University Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law. Excerpt from " Elite Competition, Religiosity, and
Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World". Published by The American Political Science Review in May of 2012. Proquest) JA

Because of the political, economic, and cultural hegemony of the United


States, large segments of Muslim society are receptive to anti-American
rhetoric--from whichever side it comes. Opinion surveys indicate that most
Muslims believe Americans are not religious enough and that the religious
beliefs that they do hold drive the United States to make bad decisions in
the world (Kohut and Stokes 2006, 93). Although many individuals across the
Muslim world enjoy American movies, television, and music, they also view
globalization and the spreading influence of American culture as potential
threats to local beliefs (Esposito and Mogahed 2008; Faath and Mattes 2006;
Hammond 2007; Kohut and Stokes 2006).

Hegemony is the motive for terrorism


Stern 05 ( Jessica, a fellow at the FXB Center for Health and Human Rights at the Harvard School of Public Health. She is
an Advanced Academic Candidate at the Massachusetts Institute of Psychoanalysis and one of the foremost experts on terrorism.
She serves on the Hoover Institution Task Force on National Security and Law. In 2009, she was awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship
for her work on trauma and violence. Excerpt from "Addressing the Causes of Terrorism : Culture". Publihsed by the Club de Madrid,
March 8-11 2005. http://media.clubmadrid.org/docs/CdM-Series-on-Terrorism-Vol-1.pdf ) JA

Gardner Peckham does not believe that globalization is a motivating


factor for terrorists: while globalization increases the flow of trade and ideas,
thereby increasing terrorists capacity to do us harm, their interest in doing so is not
a result of that process. The counterargument, which the author of this paper
and other members of the working group subscribe to, is that globalization
and the need to compete for jobs and ideas on a global scale feels
humiliating, even if global productivity rises and although, on average, most
people benefit. Terrorists find a way to augment and strengthen this feeling
of humiliation among potential recruits. In this context, it is worth recalling
the words of Bin Ladens deputy, Ayman Al Zawahiri, who argues that it is
better for the youth of Islam to pick up arms than to submit to the
humiliation of globalization and Western hegemony

Hegemony forces oppositional groups to terrorist ways


COT institute et al 08 ( Joint paper by the COT Institute for Safety, Security and Crisis Management;
Netherlands Organization for Applied Scientific Research TNO; Fundacion para las Relaciones Internacionales y al Dialogo Exterior
(ES); Danish Centre for International Studies and Human Rights; Institute of International Relations Prague; Clingendael Netherlands
Institute of International Relations. No specific authors given. Excerpt from their joint paper "Concepts of Terrorism Analysis of the
rise, decline, trends and risk". Published by the Sixth Framework Programme December 2008.
http://www.transnationalterrorism.eu/tekst/publications/WP3%20Del%205.pdf )

Hegemony and inequality of power. When local or international powers


possess an overwhelming power compared to oppositional groups, and the
latter see no other realistic ways to forward their cause by normal political or
military means, asymmetrical warfare can represent a tempting option.

Terrorism offers the possibility of achieving high political impact with


limited means.

Heg = Genocide
Massacres and loss of autonomy define U.S hegemony,
empirics prove
Taylor 12 ( Lucy Taylor, VP of the Society for Latin American Studies, lecturer and professor at Prifysgol Aberystwyth

University. Excerpt from "Decolonizing International Relations: Perspectives from Latin America". Published by International Studies
Review in September 2012. wiley) JA

From a coloniality of power perspective embedded in contemporary Latin America,


the most obvious binary which contributes to US dominance is the Native/settler
binary. The USA was constructed through a process in which the superiority
of northern European settler people and their worldviews was asserted
over Native American societies. This took the form of on-going territorial,
economic, and epistemological conquest over Native peoples throughout the
period, but perhaps the most formative experience, according to Shari Huhndorf,
was the drive West in the nineteenth century (2001). This pivotal moment of
struggle and national myth formation consolidated the US nation-state in terms of
territory, migration, and economic expansion, as well as solidifying its national
identity (Huhndorf 2001: 1964; Bender 2006: 193241). The colonial project of
western expansion was characterized by massacres, displacement, and
deception, which decimated Native communities and asserted the settlers
military, political, and epistemological dominance (DErrico 2001). As land
was settled, the country became subdued and the enclosure of Native Americans in
Reservations served to confirm the hegemonic dominance of a nation-state,
which could set the terms of limited Native autonomy (Ostler 2004). Moreover,
the mythology of the White pioneer who built ranches and towns in the wilderness
attempted to displace the Native peoples from their status of original Americans
(Agnew and Sharp 2002; Wolfe 2006). This domination was territorial but also
epistemic and ethnic, then, and the success, coherence, and completeness of
political domination and ethnic silencing played a direct role in generating
a coherent and complete vision of America. Thus, and in the words of
Frederick Jackson Turner in 1893, Moving westward, the frontier became more and
more American (quoted in Huhndorf 2005: 56). This dominance was confirmed by
the capacity of US culture to appropriate Native imagery and practices in a wide
range of scenarios from the movies to Scouting via World Fairs and fashion
(Huhndorf 2001: 1978, 162202). Native Americans have never ceased to resist
this onslaught and to express the agonies of the colonial wound and the fresh
imaginaries of the colonial difference (Alfred and Corntassel 2005; Tyeeme Clark and
Powell 2008), but the success of the American Dream made for the
dominance of the hegemonic settler culture (Churchill 1997).

Heg = Racism/Sexism
American hegemony is intertwined with racism and sexism
Katzenstein et al 10 (Mary Fainsod Katzenstein, Leila Mohsen Ibrahim and Katherine D. Rubin. Katzenstein is a
Professor of American Studies and professor of Government at Cornell University. Ibrahim and Rubin are PhD candiates at Cornell
university. This paper "The Dark Side of American Liberalism and Felony Disenfranchisement" won the Heinz I. Eulau Award for the
best journal article of the calendar year published by Perspectives on Politics December 2010. Proquest) JA

Two interpretive frameworks provide a conceptual starting point in any analysis of


liberal and illiberal traditions within American democracy. These are the unitary
liberalism of Tocquevillean provenance and the multiple-traditions critique of the
liberal hegemony thesis developed by Rogers Smith. 19 The Tocquevillean thesis,
as Rogers Smith depicts it, constitutes a long-lived "orthodoxy on American
identity."20 The Tocquevillean perspective adheres to a view of American history
that identifies the distinctive character of the nation as free-born, unburdened by
the givens of aristocracy and status hierarchy. By dint of this history, Americans are
seen as baptized in the waters of egalitarian ideals and liberal beliefs. Racism and
other exclusionary beliefs and practices are bracketed as departures from rather
than constitutive of a common national ideological core. In his multiple-traditions
critique, by contrast, Rogers Smith describes this core national culture as an
intertwining of three distinctive traditions: liberalism, republicanism, and
exclusionary forms of Americanism.21The multiple traditions thesis sees
American civic identity as forged through the historical forces of exclusionary as
well as egalitarian, moralistic as well as tolerant, ascriptive as well as achievementbased norms and practices. The threads of exclusion are not just visible on
the margins. The warp of racism, sexism, and other ascriptive beliefs and
practices is fully intertwined among the weft of liberalism and republicanism.

Pemex Bad

Pemex Collapse Now


Pemex collapses in the status quo
Kearns 11 (Running on Fumes A critical look at Mexicos natural gas transportation and distribution
infrastructure, Sean D. Kearns, Commander, United States Navy, 27 October 2011, http://www.dtic.mil/cgibin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA555294, Pg 16) //EY

Ensuring that PEMEX has adequate funds to re-invest in infrastructure each year
seems obvious from a business perspective, but as discussed this has not occurred .
With almost two thirds of its annual revenues going toward taxes (representing nearly
roughly 40% of the federal budget), PEMEX has been essentially bled dry and lacks the funds
and inhouse ability to address all its woes.41 While the accumulated damage from
decades of undercapitalization cannot be undone overnight, taking the first step back should
not be put off any longer. The Mexican government needs to work with the leadership within PEMEX to identify and
establish annual funding for re-investment that is in line with commercial industry norms. While this will mean
reduced government revenue from PEMEX in the short term, it promises to bring significant increases in overall
revenue in the future, both from PEMEX and from the economic growth that a healthy natural gas operation will
bring

Pemex is bankrupt
Melgar 12 (The Future of PEMEX, Americas Quarterly, Vol. 6, Issue 3, Summer 2012. LOURDES MELGAR,
http://www.americasquarterly.org/node/3781) //EY

The decline in production is particularly worrisome, since oil revenues are critical to
the financial solvency of the government, accounting for 35 percent of government
income. The sustained high level in oil prices has masked the net decline in crude exports, but a significant
shift in the international oil market could result in a severe financial crisis. That fear, and
the perceived need to increase oil income, drove the 2008 Energy Reform.

The government currently relies on extracting revenue from petroleum production


and sales rather than taxation to finance the public budget. As a result, PEMEX's financial condition is determined
not only by the market but by the policies of the Secretariat of Finance and Public Creditwhere, even under the
latest fiscal regime, 70 percent of PEMEX net income goes to paying taxes and duties. Thus, despite being one of

pemex is technically bankrupt, sharply curtailing the


possibilities for growth and investment for innovation.
the top petroleum companies in the world,

Squo Solves Pemex Nati Gas Transition


Pemex is transitioning to natural gas solves impacts to oil
and jumpstarts the petrochemical industry
Latinvex 12 (Mexico: Shale Gas Becomes Priority, Jeremy Martin, October 23, 2012,
http://latinvex.com/app/article.aspx?id=312) //EY

The presidential election cycle in Mexico brought a host of policy proposals and
election-year debates over critical elements of national policy. But key among them is energy.

Indeed, during his candidacy Enrique Pea Nieto spoke often and forcefully about how his government would take
on the energy challenges in Mexico.

Within the broad expanse of energy issues, there is an overarching topic of great
importance for Mexico and all of North America: the role of natural gas and
development of shale gas reserves.

Natural gas sales in Mexico have risen 70 percent in the last decade while production increased but 46 percent and
imports from the United States hit record highs in 2012. Pipeline infrastructure has become increasingly jammed
and further complicated by the Reynosa plant accident. Cuts by Pemex of natural gas supplies to industrial
consumers underscore the challenge.

Mexico's increasing appetite for natural gas particularly for power generation bears
mentioning. Indeed, natural gas is increasingly replacing oil as a feedstock for
electric generation in Mexico. Estimates indicate that almost 50 percent of electric capacity additions in
Mexico over the next decade will be gas-fired, combined cycle generation.

But all is not lost. According to the Energy Information Administration (EIA), Mexico
has the second largest shale gas potential in Latin America and the fourth largest in
the world. Mexico counts around 16 trillion cubic feet (TCF) of natural gas reserves
but a 2011 Energy Information Administration (EIA) report indicated that Mexico has
the second largest shale gas potential in Latin America, second only to Argentina
and the fourth largest in the world. The EIA report places Mexico's shale gas potential at 680 TCF.
The potential associated with the EIA figures for shale gas in Mexico has not gone
unnoticed by Mexican energy officials. Indeed, some have increasingly advocated
for a "Shale Revolution" of their own and the possibility for shale gas to jumpstart a
lagging petrochemical industry. To wit, some senior government officials have
argued that Pemex should create a new subsidiary focused exclusively on natural
gas to spur nascent shale exploration and production, particularly given that shale
gas technology and expertise differ from that of conventional fields.
Figures from Mexico's Energy Ministry indicate that ramping up a shale gas industry could mean investment
between $7 billion and $10 billion a year. And many cite the possibility to jumpstart the petrochemical industry.

Moreover, without shale, natural gas production in Mexico will not keep up with
demand. But with shale gas development, Mexico could position itself to transition
from its current status as a natural gas importer to a huge international player when
it comes to natural gas.
There are issues that policy makers in Mexico, especially in the incoming government, must take into account as
they endeavor to seize its shale gas potential.

Technology stands out as a key element for the successful development of shale gas
in Mexico. Gaining access to the technology and know-how necessary to extract the gas in a cost-effective and
environmentally secure manner is critical.

Pemex also plays a role. In mid-2011 Pemex completed its first shale gas well,
tapping into the Eagle Ford formation near the Texas border. More recently, Pemex
has indicated that it will drill more than 150 wells through 2016 in an effort to better
assess Mexico's shale gas potential. By the end of 2012, three more shale gas wells
should be completed by Pemex.

Mexico doesnt need to integrate it can become self sufficient

Bailey 3/5 (Shale and Beyond: The Next Phase of Latin American Energy Integration, Jed Bailey, Cambridge
Energy Research Associates, 05 Mar 2013, World Politics Review,
http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/12761/shale-and-beyond-the-next-phase-of-latin-american-energyintegration) //EY
Thus it would appear that the prospects for further regional energy integration in Latin America are now at an

Recent technological and economic trends suggest there is now less


of an impetus for substantial integration. New production from shale gas reserves in
Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, and new discoveries of traditional reserves in Brazil, Uruguay and, potentially,
Paraguay, can increasingly make these countries self-sufficient in natural gas. This
democratization of natural gas supply, combined with growing environmental concerns about the
development of large-scale hydro projects, removes much of the economic incentive for power
integration, as the widespread availability of natural gas across the region removes
a major source of long-term electricity price differences across countries. Local gas
intriguing crossroads.

plants can also backstop hydro units in case of drought, removing the need for hydro-dominated systems to link
with neighbors with greater thermal capacity, since countries can now just build their own. Not building major hydro
projects also means fewer projects that require cross-border linkages to justify their construction.

Transition to natural gas now percieved by Mexican


government, also jumpstarts the petrochemical industry
GNV Magazine 13 (Mexico puts natural gas as a transition fuel energy, March 1, 2013,
http://www.gnvmagazine.com/eng/noticia-mexico_puts_natural_gas_as_a_transition_fuel_energy-2979) //EY

March 1, 2013. The Mexican Government expected that natural gas will
become the primary fuel for the energy transition from this year,
according to the National Energy Strategy, presented to the Senate .
The document prepared by the Secretariat of Energy notes that the use of
this fuel will benefit in the development of the country's energy matrix .
Among benefits are observed that associated processing costs are
cheaper, and the estimated potential for exploitation is high. It adds that
this fuel has environmental advantages as compared with other fossil
fuels, greater thermal efficiency and the potential to detonate the national
petrochemical industry.
It also notes that changes in the long-term strategy is based on three
factors, including the discovery and exploitation of natural gas reserves at
low cost, mainly associated with the shale gas deposits in the North.
The diagnosis indicates serious problems and challenges in the energy sector, which has reduced oil
production in recent decades, although investments in this sector increased from 77.860 million pesos
(USD 6.130 million) in 2000 to 251.900 million pesos (USD 19.834 million) in 2011.
Mexico currently generates 80 percent of its energy from fossil fuels, 17 percent from renewable and
hydroelectric resources, and 3 percent from nuclear power plants.

Among the goals of the National Energy Strategy, the document recalls
the official commitment to produce 35% of non-fossil fuel energy in 2024,
so it insists on the growing use of alternative energies.

Pemex Sucks
Pemex doesnt have experience supercharges our turn
Johnson 12 (Mexican plan for Gulf deepwater wells sparks new worries,
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2012/04/03/144004/mexican-plan-for-gulf-deepwater.html#storylink=cpy, Tuesday,
April 3, 2012, Tim Johnson, Tim Johnson is a reporter for McClatchy Newspapers, based in Mexico City.
He covers Mexico with occasional forays further into Latin America, McClatchy Newspapers) //EY

If all goes as planned, Petroleos de Mexico, known as Pemex, will deploy


two state-of-the-art drilling platforms in May to an area just south of the
maritime boundary with the United States. One rig will sink a well in 9,514 feet of
water, while another will drill in 8,316 feet of water, then deeper into the substrata.

Pemex has no experience drilling at such depths. Mexico's oil regulator is


sounding alarm bells, saying the huge state oil concern is unprepared for
a serious deepwater accident or spill. Critics say the company has sharply
cut corners on insurance, remiss over potential sky-high liability.
Mexico's plans come two years after the Deepwater Horizon catastrophe,
the worst oil spill in U.S. history. On April 20, 2010, a semi-submersible rig
that the British oil firm BP had contracted to drill a well known as
Macondo exploded off the Louisiana coast, killing 11 workers and spewing
4.9 million barrels of oil in the nearly three months it took engineers to
stop the spill.
BP has said the tab for the spill including government fines, cleanup costs and compensation
could climb to $42 billion for the company and its contractors.

Pemex's plans to sink even deeper offshore wells underscore Mexico's


pressing need to maintain sagging oil production exports pay for onethird of government operating expenses along with oil companies'
desire to leverage technology and drill at ever more challenging depths.

No experience
Malkin 12 (In a Change, Mexico Reins In Its Oil Monopoly,
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/24/business/energy-environment/mexico-reins-in-oil-monopoly.html?
pagewanted=all&_r=0, ELISABETH MALKIN, Masters in international affairs from Columbia University, April 23,
2012) //EY
The government relies on the companys oil revenue for as much as 40 percent of the national budget,
taxing it so heavily that last year the company lost $6.5 billion on sales of $111.5 billion.

As long as oil gushed from Pemexs giant offshore fields, there seemed
little reason for anyone to challenge the status quo. But production has declined
since 2004, and the companys ability to find and exploit new sources of oil has been cast into doubt.

The commission has closely tracked the Chicontepec project, on which


Pemex has already spent nearly $9 billion. The regulators told the
company that in its haste to meet ambitious production goals, it was
drilling hundreds of new wells without studying the regions geology or
the best recovery techniques.
The criticism was quickly picked up by members of Congress.

The memory
of the BP disaster there in 2010 is still fresh, and Mr. Zepeda is concerned
that Pemex does not have enough experience to drill three new
exploratory wells at depths of almost 10,000 feet more than twice the
average depths it has been drilling in the region.
Mr. Zepeda is also scrutinizing Pemexs plans to push deeper into the Gulf of Mexico.

Pemex = Spills
Pemex spills are frequent also empirically proven that they
dont respond to spills
Oil Spill Intelligence Report 12 (Mexico's Pemex Plagued With Problems
Anonymous. Oil Spill Intelligence Report 35.40 (Sep 20, 2012): 3-4.
http://search.proquest.com.proxy.lib.uiowa.edu/docview/1160549450)

Within a matter of days in mid-August, Petrleos Mexicanos (Pemex)


suffered a pipeline fire, a refinery fire, a major offshore oil spill, and was
forced to extend a critical alert on natural gas supplies. Pemex has served as
Mexico's national oil company since its creation in 1938. Critics, including outgoing Mexican President
Felipe Calderon, have suggested that the company will require major reforms to remain viable.

A fire broke out overnight on 13 August 2012 during an attempted theft of


oil from a Pemex pipeline in the state of Hidalgo (Mexico). Although Pemex said
the fire would have no effect on production, it is unclear whether distribution was disrupted . Such
events are, unfortunately, commonplace, as, according to Pemex, up to
25,000 barrels (nearly 1 . 1 million gallons) of oil are lost to theft every
day, countrywide. A fire occurred the following day, 14 August 2012, in a
boiler at the hydro-desulfurization plant at Pemex's Madero refinery in
northern Mexico. No injuries were reported, and production was not interrupted. The cause of
the incident remains under investigation. A "critical alert" that natural gas supplies would be unable
to meet demand in central and western Mexico was announced by the company on Wednesday, 22
August 2012, and extended through Monday, 27 August 2012. Such alerts have recently become more
frequent, as demand for natural gas has increased due to historically low prices. Although major
consumers are typically left without gas for only one day, the recent shortage was aggravated when a
pumping station in Veracruz (Mexico) was temporarily rendered inoperative after a lightning strike.

While these incidents might inconvenience consumers, Pemex has come


under fire from local and international organizations alike for an 1 1
August 2012 spill off the coast of Salina Cruz, Oaxaca (Mexico) in the Gulf
of Tehuantepec. The spill, which allegedly remained uncontrolled for 1 1 days, occurred when a
floating oil storage/loading buoy sank. According to estimates by the marine conservation group
WiLDCOAST/COSTASALVAJE, around 4,750 gallons (113 barrels) of crude oil were spilled.

From the outset, Pemex has been criticized for its poor response to the
spill. Mexico's federal environmental protection agency (Procuradura
Federal de Proteccin al Ambiente, or PROFEPA) said that the company
failed to report the spill until 10 days after it started, which "complicated
the capacity to react to the accident on the part of agencies at all levels of
government." In addition to failing to report the spill, Pemex apparently
lacked the resources and/or training to respond appropriately. As a result,
more than 19 kilometers (12 miles) of beach were tarred.

Moar evidence
Oil Spill Intelligence Report 12 (Pemex Pipeline Spills Oil Into River Anonymous.
Oil Spill Intelligence Report 35.5 (Jan 19, 2012): 2. Proquest) //EY

Approximately 1,500 barrels (63,000 gallons) reportedly leaked from a


pipeline owned by Mexico's state-owned oil company , Petrleos Mexicanos
(Pemex), in Veracruz State, Mexico, on 31 December 201 1. Crude oil ran into the Coatzacoalcos
River, which flows into the Gulf of Mexico. Reports indicate that fish have been killed and wildlife
injured from petroleum exposure.
It appears that most of the oil is contained in a lagoon, but some oil washed into the river.

deployed approximately 140 contractors to clean up the spill.

Pemex

Authorities
believe that two-thirds of the spilled oil has been recovered. Profepa, the Mexican environmental

agency, is supervising the cleanup efforts. "Right

now it is more about containing the


emergency," Profepa official Sergio Herrara said. "There will be further actions to clean the river,
the banks of the river, and the zone where the damage has happened."

Pemex says that the pipeline breach was caused by vandalism, a rampant
problem in Mexico, where thieves tap into pipelines to steal oil and
natural gas to sell on the black market. The dangerous practice often
results in oil spills. In December 2010, 28 people were killed and more than four
dozen people were injured when crude oil spilled from a pipeline near
Mexico City, Mexico as the result of such vandalism, and then exploded
and caught fire (see OSIR, 23 December 2010).

Accidents happen often empirically proven


Diederich 2/5 (PEMEX explosion, a test for Pea Nietos administration and Mexico, Phillippe
Diederich, February 5, 2013, http://www.voxxi.com/pemex-explosion-test-pena-nieto-mexico/) //EY

No one knows if the deadly PEMEX explosion that damaged the lower
floors of the building was an accident, negligence or sabotage by PEMEX
workers, organized crime or leftist rebels. But the PEMEX explosion is not the first of
its kind.
PEMEX has a long history of corruption and accidents due to lack of maintenance
and oversight. A natural gas plant exploded in 1984 killing 300 people; in 1992
a series of explosions in Guadalajara killed 200 people, and in 2012 an
ocean rig exploded killing 30. In 2010 an oil pipeline explosion in Puebla that killed 28 was
blamed on criminal gangs, while a 2012 explosion at a natural gas facility near the border in
Tamaulipas was said to have been an accident. In 2007 several PEMEX oil and gas pipelines in various
states were sabotaged by leftist rebels with the EPR, or Ejercito Popular Revolucionario.

Pemex Corrupt
Pemex is known for its corruption
Serra 11 (Why is Pemex so Hard to Modernize? An Analytical Framework Based on Congressional
Politics, Gilles Serra, August 27, 2011, Prepared forthe seminar Poltica y Gobierno at CIDE, September
8, 2011, http://www.cide.edu/programas/PyG_2.3_Serra-Politics_of_energy_reform_in_Mexico.pdf) //EY

The union has created other types of inefficiencies. It serves as gate


keeper for new hiring, which has led to many instances of abuse and
corruption. For example, it is known that the union sells new positions in
Pemex for lucrative bribes charged on incoming employees . So, if there is a
jobopening, the position might not go to the most qualified candidate, but it will probably
go instead to someone who is well connected with a union leader and is
prepared to pay a large fee. Many positions are effectively hereditary, as
the union ensures they are smoothly transferred from father to son.

Pemex admits that corruption exists


Agencia EFE 13 (Mexican daily: Pemex admits "serious" corruption, Agencia EFE, May 17,
2013, http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/agencia-efe/130517/mexican-daily-pemex-admits-seriouscorruption) //EY

Mexico City, May 17 (EFE).- State-owned Petroleos Mexicanos admits that


"serious" corruption exists in some areas of the company and that
contracting processes in particular have been plagued by "interference
from organized crime," a leading Mexican daily said Friday.
In a front-page story, El Universal said Pemex representatives and members of the Mexican
Construction Industry Chamber drew that conclusion at a meeting in late April.

Pemex executives acknowledged that corruption is fueled "by the elevated


potential economic benefit of illegal acts, impunity and the spaces opened
up due to unnecessary flexibility," the newspaper reported.

Billions of dollars are stolen by high ranking employees


IRB 11 (Mexico: Corruption in the national oil company (Pemex); treatment of employees by
management and union leaders; incidents of violence against Pemex employees, 20 September 2011,
IRB - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, http://www.ecoi.net/local_link/203071/308024_en.html) //EY
Corruption in Pemex

According to media sources, Pemex has a history of corruption (El Diario


de Coahuila 10 July 2011; Contralnea 20 Feb. 2011). The Ministry of the
Public Service states that Pemex is the [translation] "most corrupt entity "
of the federal government (ibid.; Milenio 15 July 2010). According to Agencia EFE, a Spanish-language

a Pemex Deputy Comptroller stated that between 2006 and


2010, within Pemex's largest unit, Pemex Exploracin y Produccin, there
were 153 cases of fraud detected (Agencia EFE 5 July 2011). Of these cases, 57
occurred in 2010, and 14 cases occurred in 2009 (ibid.). The corruption reportedly
news agency,

includes: inflating multimillion dollar contracts, giving contracts in exchange for favours, and giving
contracts without a license to friends (El Diario de Coahuila 10 July 2011). Agencia EFE also reports
that contracts were given to unqualified firms (3 Feb. 2011). Other media sources indicate that

Pemex employees have helped criminal groups to steal fuel (Reuters 25 July
2011; LA Times 6 Sept. 2010).
According to Agencia EFE, the government has attempted to combat corruption at Pemex by bringing
in more specialized and skilled workers (5 July 2011) to strengthen the "organs of control" (4 July
2011).
Payments between Pemex management and the STPRM

During 2008 and 2009, Pemex gave STPRM approximately 493 million
pesos (38,083,018 Canadian Dollars (CAD) [XE.com 13 Sept. 2011]) as [translation] "help" for
the union (El Universal 9 Feb. 2011; Exclsior 10 Feb. 2011). The national newspaper El Universal
(El Universal n.d.) reports that according to Pemex, this money was used for expenses
for celebrations such as the anniversary of petroleum expropriation and
two first of May parades, economic support for the general executive
committee, and contract costs associated with annual revisions to the
collective agreement (9 Feb. 2011). According to a daily newspaper from Mexico City, Exclsior,
the money that Pemex sent to STPRM was used for travel expenses, financial support to the executive
committee, and the promotion of cultural and sporting activities (10 Feb. 2011).
Corruption in the STPRM and employee reactions

According to The New York Times, hundreds of millions of the union's


dollars have gone to "unexplained benefits" (9 Mar. 2007). Mexican media
sources indicate that Carlos Romero Deschamps, the leader of the STPRM
(El Universal 18 Mar. 2011), has accumulated [translation] "inexplicable" wealth (El

Maana 18 July 2010; El Siglo de Torren 19 July 2010). According to El Siglo de Torren, a news source
operating in Torren (ABYZ News Links n.d.), Pemex workers have asked authorities to investigate
Deschamps' wealth (El Siglo de Torren 19 July 2010). El Siglo de Torren reports that according to the
coordinator of the group who requested the investigation, [translation] " workers

that have
questioned the financial situation of the leader have faced threats and
harassment at their workplaces" (ibid.). Similarly, La Jornada, a newspaper based in
Mexico City, indicates that there is [translation] "constant repression against workers who oppose
Romero Deschamps" (16 Aug. 2008c). The Energy Workers Front (Frente de Trabajadores de la Energa,
FTE) of Mexico, a labour organization affiliated with the World Federation of Trade Unions (FTE n.d.),
states that due to the [translation] "disproportionate economic and political power of the union
leaders, many workers are submissive and powerless and do not act on injustices against them and
their families" (ibid. 2008). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted
by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.
On 16 August 2008, several armed Pemex workers occupied Deschamps' office (FTE 2008; La Jornada
16 Aug. 2008a) to protest the [translation] "fraudulent" re-election of Deschamps, who was already
the leader of the STPRM for 17 years (ibid.). Armed Deschamps supporters arrived and beat the
protestors, forcing them out of the office (ibid.; FTE 2008). La Jornada states that Omar Toledo Aburto,
the leader of the group that occupied Deschamps' office (16 Aug. 2008a), submitted a penal complaint
against Deschamps for ordering that the protesters be "brutally beaten" (La Jornada 16 Aug. 2008b).
Information on the status of the penal complaint could not be found among the sources consulted by
the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response. According to La Jornada, before
the occupation, Toledo conducted a 19-day sit-in to revoke the leadership title from Deschamps (ibid.).

Pemex is inefficient and corrupt


Thomson 4/3 (Rusty wheels of Pemex require much oiling, Adam Thomson, Adam
Thomson is the FT's Mexico and Central America correspondent, April 3, 2013,
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/0d5a467c-9bb0-11e2-8485-00144feabdc0.html#axzz2ZKqIHmFR) //EY

For decades, Petrleos Mexicanos was an undisputed source of Mexican


pride. The state oil monopoly, which was founded in the tumult of the countrys 1938 nationalisation
of the oil industry, became Latin Americas largest company by revenues and has long been a symbol
of state paternalism for the countrys 112m population.

But in recent times, Pemex, which this year marks its 75th anniversary,
has become better known for inefficiency, corruption and, above all,
monumental losses. Add to that sharp production declines and Februarys
tragic explosion at the companys headquarters, which killed 37, and
visible cracks have appeared in the once-unchallenged idea that the
behemoth cannot or should not be reformed.

Prefer our evidence


Prefer our authors thiers are already bought off
Babcock 12 (A Risky Business: Generation of Nuclear Power and Deepwater Drilling for
Offshore Oil and Gas, Hope M. Babcock*, * Hope M. Babcock is a Professor at Georgetown University
Law Center, where she teaches environmental law, February 2012
http://www.columbiaenvironmentallaw.org/assets/pdfs/37.1/CJEL_37.1_Babcock.pdf COLUMBIA JOURNAL OF
ENVIRONMENTAL LAW [Vol. 37:1], pg 121) //EY

However, the industry as a whole has refused to accept that what


happened on the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig reflected an industry-wide
problem. Senior executives at other oil companies have issued statements
saying that they would have designed the Macondo well differently and
that the accident would not have happened had rig workers and their
supervisors followed industry procedures, conducted adequate tests, and
been properly trained.299 Perhaps this is one reason why the industry has not yet acted on

the Oil Spill Commissions recommendation to develop an independent safety organization modeled on
the Institute of Nuclear Power Operations (INPO).300 Like its nuclear counterpart, such an
organization might help the industry improve its overall safety record, promote a stronger safety

Nor
has the industry responded to the Commissions concern about decreased
industry support for internal and external academic research, which has,
among other things, decreased the availability of experienced personnel
who can grasp the complexity of offshore operations and make quick and
correct decisions.302
culture within the industry, and develop performance objectives for individual companies.301

1NC economy DA
New drilling collapses economy two reasons:
Causes blowouts and cant stop them from spreading
Boesch 12 (Deep-water drilling remains a risky business, Donald Boesch, Donald Boesch is president of
the University of Maryland Center for Environmental Science in Cambridge,17 April 2012,
http://www.nature.com/news/deep-water-drilling-remains-a-risky-business-1.10464) //EY

We were impressed by the technologies developed to produce


hydrocarbons from ever deeper, more highly pressured formations, but
surprised by the lack of sophistication in techniques for detecting and
controlling risk, containing the flow of hydrocarbons, collecting spilled oil and protecting
vulnerable resources. For example, 'down-hole' events those taking place deep
below the seabed are often inferred from indirect measurements of
pressure and volume rather than measured with state-of-the-art in situ
sensors of the type used in geophysical research and other industries.
Cement formulation, testing and placement major factors in the blowout seem to be more of an
art than a science. Cementing is also central to debates on the increased recovery of hydrocarbons by
hydro-fracturing, because it is critical both to limiting fugitive emissions of methane and to preventing
contamination of shallower aquifers.

The 2010 accident showed that no operating company in the world had the
capacity to rapidly contain a deep-water blowout. It took months of seat-of-thepants engineering to build and deploy a capping stack that provided effective containment.

Confusion reigned over the fate of the oil and gas released 1,500 metres
below the surface, largely because of a lack of understanding of the
operating environment, including the direction and speed of water
currents, and the behaviour of hydrocarbons released at depth.

Drilling is expensive and costs more after each oil spill


Phillips 10 (A Three Mile Island for Offshore Oil?,Apr 29, 2010, Matthew Phillips,
http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2010/04/30/a-three-mile-island-for-offshore-oil.html) //EY
Continuing to develop the Gulf of Mexico is predicated on our ability to venture farther out, and drill
deeper down.

But this spill destroysat least for the near termthe notion
that the oil industry has conquered the technological challenges posed by
deepwater drilling. And as history shows, all it takes is one big disaster to
alter the future of an entire industry. This could be the equivalent of Three Mile Island
for offshore oil, says Rubin, referring to the nuclear plant meltdown in 1979 that essentially halted
the nuclear industrys growth for 30 years.
At the very least, the cost of operating in the Gulf of Mexico will likely go up.
Stiffer regulation from the Minerals Management Services will make sure of that. So will higher
insurance premiums. The spill will likely cost BP several hundred million dollars, and tarnish its safety
reputation. In 2005, 15 workers died in a Texas refinery explosion. BP will surely face fines for the

Its stock price is down 17 percent since the accident


occurred. Transocean, the company that owned the Deep Horizon rig, has seen its stock price fall
Deep Horizon accident.
22 percent.

Destroys the economy a single spill costs more than 100


billion
Krupnick et al 11 (Understanding the Costs and Benefits of Deepwater Oil Drilling Regulation, Alan
Krupnick, Resources for the Future; Sarah E. Campbell Resources for the Future; Mark A. Cohen, Resources for the

Future; Vanderbilt University - Strategy and Business Economics; Vanderbilt University - Law School; Ian W. H. Parry,
Resources for the Future, January 12, 2011, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1744203) //EY

Natural Resource and Economic Damages from Catastrophic Spills


Although it is beyond the scope of this paper to determine the expected damages
from a catastrophic deepwater oil spill, prior data on oil spills provide some
information on the range and worst-case scenario for damages from such a spill .
Cohen (1986) analyzed the U.S. Coast Guards spill data from 1973 to estimate the fraction of oil spill volume that

59.7 percent of total spill volume was reported to


have an effect on fish and the fishing industry (including fin fish, shellfish, sport fishing,
commercial fisheries and hatcheries, and other marine biota), 51.5 percent was reported to have an
effect on water supply (which includes municipal drinking water and water intake systems for
leads to a particular impact. For example,

municipalities, industry, and agriculture), 16.5 percent was reported to have an effect on birds, and 0.7 percent on

Based on these data and estimates of the cost per gallon of each type of
impact, Cohen (1986) estimated the average natural resource and economic
damages of an oil spill to be $3.00 per gallon spilled in 1981, or $7.50 in 2010 dollars. This
average value, however, tells us little about worst-case damages from a
catastrophic spill.
Helton and Penn (1999) examined 30 large spills between 1984 and 1997 for which
they could obtain natural resource damage payments as well as other measures of
financial costs, including recovery costs, federal and state trustee costs, scientific
assessment, litigation costs, third-party claims, and other costs such as salvage
and repair costs, delay and additional operating costs, and lost or damaged cargo
costs (Helton and Penn 1999). Although their measure of total financial costs is different from the definition of
social damages used here (since many of these costs are private and internal to the responsible party), they
report a range of costs from $1 to as much as $937 per gallon in 1990. They further
report an average cost of $278 in 1990, or about $465 in 2009 dollars . The average
natural resource damage payments for the 28 spills for which data on both spill size
and natural resource damage payments were available was $40.36 per gallon in
1990 (with a range of $0.07 to $375), or about $66.20 in 2009 dollars. 31 These costs are not representative of all
recreation.

spills and instead represent a highly selected group based on the availability of natural resource damages (which
Helton and Penn note are calculated in less than 1 percent of all spills).

The Exxon Valdez natural resource


damage compensation was about $1.1 billion, making that spill only the third
largest natural resource damage estimate on a per-gallon basis. However, a major national
Helton and Penn (1999) based their figures on actual dollars paid.

survey done shortly after the spill (Carson et al. 2003) found that public willingness to pay to avoid a similar
incident in the future was $2.8 billion to $7.2 billion in 1990, or $4.6 billion to $11.8 billion in 2009 dollars. Adding
an estimated $600 million in economic damages paid to private parties (Cohen 2010a), or about $984 million in
2009 dollars, the externalities imposed by the Exxon Valdez are estimated to range from $5.6 billion to $12.8 billion,
or $509 to $1,163 per gallon, in 2009 dollars. This would make the Exxon Valdez the most costly in terms of
damage caused per gallon for a large spill off U.S. waters to date.

Based on Cohens (1986) average spill damage figure, the natural resource
damages from the 205.8 million gallons of oil spilled by the Deepwater
Horizon would exceed $1.5 billion, but based on Helton and Penn (1999)
would be $13.6 billion. These figures do not include cleanup costs or
compensation to private parties that have incurred economic losses.
Scaling the Exxon Valdez per gallon estimates to the Deepwater Horizon
spill would give a damage estimate ranging from $105 billion to $239
billiona figure that includes both natural resource damages and
economic damages to private parties. This is considered a worst-case estimate of the
damages caused by a catastrophic spill when we analyze the potential costs and benefits of deepwater
drilling in Section 5.

It is important to emphasize that this is an estimate of


external social damagesit excludes the private cleanup and containment
costs incurred by the industry. However, it includes an estimate of total natural resource
damages, not just those that are ultimately paid for by the responsible parties.

1NC Oceans DA
Blowout causes rigs to capsize, and causes oil spills turns the
aff
Stren 07 (Offshore Blow-out Accidents - An Analysis of Causes of Vulnerability

Exposing Technological Systems to Accidents, Thomas G Stren , Univesity of Oslo ,


Universite Louis Pasteur , Assessing and communicating risks, 2007 p8) //EY
Still the potential of a major disastrous accident is evident . There are
three major problems with blow-outs that can cause grave dangers. The
first is that the gas or vapours from leaking oil can ignite and
burn/explode. Such explosions can cause major destruction to
platforms/rigs and lead to loss of substantial number of lives. The other
major danger is that major streams of leaking gas can erode the sea-bed
under those types of platforms standing on the sea-floor and cause them
to tilt over. The third problem with potential for disaster is that major gas
leaks into the water can cause a floating rig/ship to get stability problems
and cause the rig/ship to capsize or sink. Only ship collisions, structural breakdowns
and explosions in onboard process facilities rank equal to blow-outs as accident with potential
disastrous destructive consequences to a rig/platform.

Kills marine ecosystems


Rose 09 (The Environmental Impacts of Offshore Oil Drilling, Mary Annette
Rose, Department of Technology Ball State University, February 2009, The
Technology Teacher, http://www2.tec.ilstu.edu/students/tec_304/Rose%20Oil
%20Drilling.pdf) //EY

There are known detrimental impacts upon the marine environment for all phases of offshore E&P

While natural seepages contribute more hydrocarbons to the


marine environment by volume,the quick influx and concentration of oil
during a spill makes them especially harmful to localized marine
organisms and communities. Plants and animals that become coated in oil
perish from mechanical smothering, birds die from hypothermia as their
feathers lose their waterproofing, turtles die after ingesting oil-coated
food, and animals become disoriented and exhibit other behavior changes
after breathing volatile organic compounds.
When emitted into the marine environment, oil, produced water, and
drilling muds may adversely impact an entire population by disrupting its
food chain and reproductive cycle. Marine estuaries are especially susceptible, as
(Patin, 1999).

hydrocarbons and other toxins tend to persist in the sediments where eggs and young often begin life.
However, the severity and effects of oil exposure vary by concentration, season, and life stage. The oil
spill from the Ixtoc 1 blowout threatened a rare nesting site of the Kemps Ridley sea turtle, an
endangered species. Field and laboratory data on the nests of turtle eggs found a significant decrease
in survival of hatchlings, and some hatchlings had developmental deformities(Milton, Lutz &
Shigenaka, 2003).

Marine organisms that live near an existing or sealed wellhead or an oil


spill area experience persistent exposure to a complex web of
hydrocarbons, petroleum-degrading microbes, and toxic substances
associated with drilling muds and produced water. Abundance and diversity of
marine life, especially those living near or in the seabed, decline. The growth and
reproduction rates of entire populations that live in the water column may
decline for months after a spill(Peteiro, Barro, Labarta, & FerdezFeiriz, 2006), natural

defense mechanisms necessary to deal with disease (immune suppression)


become compromised (Song et al., 2008), and genetic mutations may occur.
Many of these toxins(e.g., arsenic, chromium, mercury, and PAH) move up
the food chain and biomagnify, i.e., increase in concentration.
One of the most disturbing trends is the evidence that common
hydrocarbon contaminants(e.g., PAH) act as endocrine disrupters. Endocrine
disrupters are chemicals that can act as hormones or anti-hormones in
aquatic ecosystems, thus disrupting normal reproductive and
developmental patterns(McLachlan, 2000). Evidence also suggeststhat polychlorinated
biphenyls(PCBs), a known carcinogen, also exhibit these endocrine effects(ATSDR, 2001).

Extinction
Kraig 3 Robert Kraig, Prof Law @ Indiana Univ., McGeorge Law Review Vol. 34,

2003, Taking Steps


The world's oceans contain many resources and provide many services
that humans consider valuable. "Occupy[ing] more than [seventy percent]
of the earth's surface and [ninety-five percent] of the biosphere," n17
oceans provide food; marketable goods such as shells, aquarium fish, and
pharmaceuticals; life support processes, including carbon sequestration,
nutrient cycling, and weather mechanics; and quality of life , both aesthetic and
economic, for millions of people worldwide. n18 Indeed, it is difficult to overstate the
importance of the ocean to humanity's well-being: "The ocean is the cradle
of life on our planet, and it remains the axis of existence, the locus of
planetary biodiversity, and the engine of the chemical and hydrological
cycles that create and maintain our atmosphere and climate ." n19 Ocean and
coastal ecosystem services have been calculated to be worth over twenty billion dollars per year,
worldwide. n20

2NC Oceans Links


Oil exploitation in mexico results in modified soil and marine
pollution
Vzquez 12 (Environmental Bases on the Exploitation of Crude Oil in Mexico,Dinora VzquezLuna Colegio de Postgraduados Mxico, 2012, http://cdn.intechopen.com/pdfs/32406/InTechEnvironmental_bases_on_the_exploitation_of_crude_oil_in_mexico.pdf) //EY

Environmental effects of the oil exploitation in Mexico


The worlds economic sustenance, as based on the oil industry, has
originated serious environmental issues (Hall et al., 2003). In Mexico, the oil
industry has worn down the Southeastern natural resources, thus altering
properties of soils (Rivera-Cruz & TrujilloNarca, 2004), sub-soils (Iturbe et al., 2007) and
water (Ortiz et al., 2005), as a consequence of problems related oil extraction,
processing and transportation (George et al., 2011). Most soils affected by hydrocarbons
are located in tropical zones with high rain precipitation, augmenting the pollutants dispersion
through mangroves or zones with deficient drainage (Gutirrez & Zavala, 2002; Rivera-Cruz & Trujillo-

Additionally, this situation gets


worse due to the age of the oil facilities, their lack of maintenance, as well
as clandestine oil valves that have caused chronic spills of already
weathered oil (Rivera-Cruz et al., 2005) which contains compounds of high
molecular weight, endangering the resources sustainability . The affected
Narca, 2004; GarcaLpez et al., 2006; Vega et al., 2009).

states with the highest number of environmental emergencies occurred in Mexico are Veracruz,
Campeche and Tabasco, representing 78.7% of the events related to PEMEX activities mainly because
of its deteriorated pipelines, clandestine oil valves, corrosion and mechanical impacts (PEMEX, 2003;
Olivera-Villaseor & Rodrguez-Castellanos, 2005).

The water bodies and the coastal zone are also affected by wastes derived
from oil exploring, offshore production, sea and submarine transportation,
shipment and storage operations, accidents during operations such as
submarine oil pipes cracks, tankers accidents, spill outs and explosions at
oil rigs (Garca-Cullar et al., 2004; Mei & Yin, 2009). During the seventies, Mexico developed oil
exploitation technology and intensified its crude oil production and transportation via underwater
pipelines to cargo floating buoys to storage ports located at Tabasco, as well as the oils
transformation and refining at Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz, and Salina Cruz. As a consequence, this
created industrial networks all over the country that raised pollution issues at coastal zones, thus
impacting the ecosystems of the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific southeast coast (Carbajal & Chavira,

Nevertheless,
conscience was not made until the IXTOC-I accident regarding the
potential risks of the industrys activities (Jernelv, 2010). Currently the main oil and
1985; Botello, 1996; Gonzlez-Lozano et al., 2006; Salazar-Coria et al., 2007).

gas production zone is located at the Gulf of Mexico, in the Campeche maritime zone where there are
severely affected ecosystems after more than three decades of oil exploitation (Garca-Cullar et al.,
2004). The last Gulf of Mexico disaster was estimated three times that of the Valdez spill (Trevors &
Saier, 2010).
On the other hand, in Mexico was installed the first and largest oil refinery (until 2004) in Latin
America, dating from 1908; the environmental deterioration is evident after more than one hundred
years of oil exploitation.

The effects are observed at the lower Coatzacoalcos


River (Toledo, 1995; Gonzlez-Mille et al., 2010) as it has suffered the
impacts of the oil refining and transportation processes since the swamp
areas surrounding the oil refinery are used as waste traps . In addition,
accidents related to carelessness during the load and cleaning of the
tankers, as well as the discharge of the cooling water from the Minatitln
refinery into the river have created a complex mixture of hazardous
materials that pollute the lower Coatzacoalcos River area directly,
affecting both the fishing resources and the inhabitants (Toledo, 1983; Rosales-

Hoz. & Carranza-Edwards, 1998; Cruz-Orea et al, 2004; Ruelas-Inzunza et al, 2009; Ruelas-Inzunza et
al., 2011).

we must add the petrochemical activity to the oil exploring and


refining processes (Rao et al., 2007a). With the creation of petrochemical
complexes since 1960, these activities increased the impact of the area
conditioning where the industrial zones were located (Ortiz et al., 2005).
Concurrently,

Additionally, huge amounts of materials were dredged in order to build the artificial dock of Pajaritos.
The industrial plants operation, the numerous transportation networks (petrochemical ducts and
pipelines) and the linking earth systems built at the lower areas caused other activities with an

Another environmental
effect of the intensity of the oil exploitation has been the loss of swamps,
mangroves, and other elements of the water coastal systems that must be
attended given its importance for the environmental services (Gutirrez &
environmental impact for the zone (Toledo, 1995; Adams et al., 2008).

Zavala, 2002; Bahena-Manjarrez et al., 2002).

Oil spills are hard to clean up and clean up substances are


toxic
Babcock 12 (A Risky Business: Generation of Nuclear Power and Deepwater Drilling for
Offshore Oil and Gas, Hope M. Babcock*, * Hope M. Babcock is a Professor at Georgetown University
Law Center, where she teaches environmental law, February 2012
http://www.columbiaenvironmentallaw.org/assets/pdfs/37.1/CJEL_37.1_Babcock.pdf COLUMBIA JOURNAL OF
ENVIRONMENTAL LAW [Vol. 37:1], pg 77) //EY

The Deepwater Horizon accident lasted for 152 days and spilled nearly five
million barrels of oil into the Gulf before the well was finally plugged in Septembertwo
months after BP capped the well.70 The oil spread to the eastern Gulf and
Pensacola, Florida (as well as to other areas of Floridas western
shoreline), and occasional tar balls floated as far west as Texas
coastline.71 The spills immediate impact on the marine environment was devastating; as of
November 1, 2010, wildlife responders had collected 8,183 oiled birds, 1,444 endangered sea turtles,
and 109 marine mammals.72 Some of these animals were dead,73 and others will likely have
shortened life spans.74 Nesting areas for birds75 and sea turtles76 were likely destroyed, as were
food sources for many of the affected species.77 Oyster beds were damaged and closed, and the longterm impact on oysters (a keystone species),78 blue crabs, and other shellfish, as well as their
larvae, has yet to be determined.79 Several large estuarine-dependent fish species, including a wide
variety of sharks, game fish, such as swordfish, marlin, and tuna, and many important Gulf fish, such
as red snapper, grouper, black drum, and mahi-mahi, may have been affected by the spill.80 The spill
also blanketed approximately forty percent of the offshore waters used by larvae of the northern
Gulfestuarine dependent species,81 and may have affected twenty percent of bluefin tuna larvae in
2010, further placing at risk an already severely overfished species.82

Many wetland areas and beaches remained oiled long after the well was
capped.83 Nearly eight months after the spill, a centimeterthick residue of
oil still covered large areas of the deep-sea floor in the vicinity of the
blowout, continuing to kill bottom-dwelling creatures like worms.84
Although the actual amount of oil remaining in the water was disputed in
the days following the accident,85 there was no dispute about the
underwater plume of hydrocarbons in the vicinity of the spill, which the
Presidents Oil Spill Commission calculated to be 35 kilometers long, 200 kilometers high, and 2

The release of toxic


chemicals with the spill and the use of chemical dispersants at the well
site may yet have an adverse effect on the deep-sea ecosystem.87 Oil droplets
kilometers wide, at a depth of approximately 1,100 meters.86

remained in the water column and spots of oil could be observed on the sea floor as late as August
2011, even though little surface evidence of the spill could be seen in the Gulf and the immediate
shoreline appeared cleaner.88
The closing of vast areas of the Gulf to fishing, the pall that remained over the safety of Gulf fish and
shellfish after fishing, crabbing, and shrimping resumed, and the effect on tourism in an area that

heavily depends on it89 devastated the regions economy.90 The social and psychological toll on
families, especially children, who had only recently recovered from Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, is also

Tribal and immigrant fishing communities have been


especially hard hit.92
The extent of the long-term damage to wildlife populations , especially to
endangered species, and the capacities of the Gulf ecosystems to restore
themselves are unknown,93 as are the capacities of Gulf Coast
communities to rebuild and recover economically.94 What is known, however, is that
expected to be great.91

the impact of the oil spill will outlast the cleanup efforts and other visible reminders of the accident;
as one professor of oceanography stated: These

things reverberate through the


ecosystem . . . . It is an ecological echo chamber, and I think well be
hearing the echoes of this, ecologically, for the rest of my life.

Increases pollutants in water also increases salinity


Tribal Energy and Evvironmental Information Clearinghouse
No Date(Oil and Gas Drilling/Development Impacts, The Tribal Energy and Environmental Information
Clearinghouse, http://teeic.anl.gov/er/oilgas/impact/drilldev/index.cfm ) //EY
Water Resources (Surface Water and Groundwater)

Impacts to water resources could occur due to water quality degradation


from increases in turbidity (glossary term) , sedimentation, and salinity
(glossary term) ; spills; cross-aquifer (glossary term) mixing; and water

quantity depletion. During the drilling/development phase, water would be required for dust control,
making concrete, consumptive use by the construction crew, and in drilling of wells. Depending on
availability, it may be trucked in from off-site or obtained from local groundwater (glossary term)
wells or nearby surface water bodies. Where surface waters are used to meet drilling and

Drilling and well development


often remove enormous amounts of groundwater, referred to as produced
water. The generation of produced water can create several problems:
water may be depleted from nearby aquifers; and produced groundwater
that is saline or contaminated with drilling fluids can contaminate soils or
surface waters, if brought to the surface and not reinjected to a suitable subsurface unit.
Produced water also may contain organic acids, alkalis, diesel oil,
crankcase oils, and acidic stimulation fluids (e.g., hydrochloric and hydrofluoric acids).
development needs, depletion of stream flows could occur.

Drilling activities may affect surface and groundwater flows. If a well is completed improperly such
that subsurface formations are not sealed off by the well casing (glossary term) and cement, aquifers
can be impacted by other non-potable formation waters. The interaction between surface water and
groundwater may also be affected if the two are hydrologically connected, potentially resulting in
unwanted dewatering (glossary term) or recharging (glossary term) . Soils compacted on existing
roads, new access roads, and well pads generate more runoff than undisturbed sites. The increased
runoff could lead to slightly higher peak storm flows into streams, potentially increasing erosion of the
channel banks. The increased runoff could also lead to more efficient sediment (glossary term)

During development, water quality


can be affected by:
Activities that cause soil erosion or dust that can be washed into water
bodies;
Weathering of newly exposed soils, causing leaching (glossary term) and
oxidation that can release chemicals into the water;
Discharges of waste or sanitary water;
Use of herbicide (glossary term) and dust suppressants (e.g., magnesium
chloride); and
Contaminant spills.
Also, increased sediment loading could potentially increase salinity levels .
delivery and increase turbidity during storm events.

Primary waste during production is produced water, which can comprise 98% of material brought to
the surface.

Conventional natural gas wells typically produce less water than

oil wells. Substances found in high concentrations in produced water


include chloride, sodium, calcium, magnesium, and potassium. Other
contaminants can include PAHs, lead, arsenic, barium, antimony, sulfur,
zinc, and NORM. Other wastes include residual wastes that remain after
separation of the oil and natural gas.

Drilling leads to pollution due to waste water


Tribal Energy and Environmental Information Clearinghouse
No Date(Oil and Gas Drilling/Development Impacts, The Tribal Energy and Environmental Information
Clearinghouse, http://teeic.anl.gov/er/oilgas/impact/drilldev/index.cfm ) //EY
Hazardous Materials and Waste Management

Drilling wastes include hydraulic fluids, pipe dope, used oils and oil filters,
rigwash, spilled fuel, drill cuttings, drums and containers, spent and
unused solvents, paint and paint washes, sandblast media, scrap metal,
solid waste, and garbage. Wastes associated with drilling fluids (glossary
term) include oil derivatives (e.g., such as polycyclic aromatic
hydrocarbons (PAHs) (glossary term) , spilled chemicals, suspended and
dissolved solids (glossary term) , phenols, cadmium, chromium, copper,
lead, mercury, nickel, and drilling mud (glossary term) additives (including
potentially harmful contaminants such as chromate and barite). Adverse
impacts could result if hazardous wastes (glossary term) are not properly
handled and are released to the environment.
Produced water (glossary term) (water that coexists with oil and gas in
the formation and is recovered during well development) generation can
be an issue during the drilling/development phase, although it usually
becomes a greater waste management concern over the long-term
operation of an oil or gas field because water production typically
increases with the age of the production well. One exception to this is the drilling and
development of coalbed methane (glossary term) reserves; produced water is generated at high
volumes during the initial completion and development of coalbed methane wells and then declines
considerably as methane (glossary term) production increases. Regulations govern the disposal of

the majority of it is disposed of by underground injection


either in disposal wells (glossary term) or, in mature producing fields, in
enhanced oil recovery wells (i.e., wells by which produced water and other materials are
this produced water;

injected into a producing formation in order to increase formation pressure and production).

In some locations, produced water may carry naturally occurring


radioactive materials (NORM) (glossary term) to the surface. Typically, the
NORM radionuclides (primarily radium-226, radium-228, and their
progeny) are dissolved in the produced water but a portion of the NORM
can precipitate into solid form in scales and sludges (glossary term) that
collect in pipelines and storage vessels. Proper management of NORMbearing produced water and solid wastes is critical to prevent both
occupational and public human health risks and environmental
contamination. NORM wastes are a problem generally associated with long-term operation of an
oil or gas field, but can also be associated with the drilling/development phase. The NORM Technology
Connection Web site provides information about the regulation of NORM bearing wastes generated by
the petroleum (glossary term) industry

Drilling muds are toxic


Rose 09 (The Environmental Impacts of Offshore Oil Drilling, Mary Annette Rose, Department
of Technology Ball State University, February 2009, The Technology Teacher,
http://www2.tec.ilstu.edu/students/tec_304/Rose%20Oil%20Drilling.pdf) //EY

Drilling Fluids. Drilling muds and cuttings are of environmental concern


because of their potential toxicity and the large volume that are
discharged during drilling. Three types occur, including oil-based (OBM; diesel
or mineral oilserves as base fluid), water-based (WBM), and synthetic-based
muds(SBM).The EPA (1999)requires zero discharge of OBMto dispose,OBM is shipped to onshore oil
field waste sites or injected into disposal wells atsea. WBM and SBM typically contain
arsenic, barium, cadmium, chromium, copper, iron, lead, mercury, and zinc
(Continental Shelf Associates,Inc, 2007). Barium and barium compounds are used in drilling muds
because they act as lubricants and increase the density of mud, thereby sealing gases in the well.

Drilling in deep water(>1,000 ft) uses rotary bits that chip through
thousands of feet of rock to access oil and gas deposits. Diesel-powered
engines provide the power to operate the drilling rig and drive the drill . As
paraphrased from Continental Shelf Associates,Inc.(2007),the general sequence of events entails
initial open hole drilling where a drill bit positioned within a drill pipe chips away at the ocean floor.

Asthe drill bit spins, mud (WBM) and water are forced at high velocity
around the drill bit to force rock chips(cuttings) up and outto the seabed .
After a known distance, the drill bit and pipe are removed and a wellhead
isinstalled.WBM is typically discharged and replaced with SBM. Additionally, a
marine riser system is connected to the wellhead to return fluids, muds, and cuttingsto the drill rig
where they are separated. Cuttings are discharged in a plume from the platform, and mud is recycled
back to the drill bit(Figure 1).

Drilling releases PAHs


Vzquez 12 (Environmental Bases on the Exploitation of Crude Oil in Mexico,Dinora VzquezLuna Colegio de Postgraduados Mxico, 2012, http://cdn.intechopen.com/pdfs/32406/InTechEnvironmental_bases_on_the_exploitation_of_crude_oil_in_mexico.pdf) //EY
3.2 Marine ecosystems

The oil toxicity in the marine environment is very complex due to the great
diversity of factors intervening during an environmental risk event. When
oil is spilled or introduced to the marine ecosystem (Mercer & Trevors,
2011), it becomes weathered (Fig. 6), during which several processes take place, such as
the evaporation of the volatile compounds, dispersion by means of waves, winds and turbulences
(Chang et al., 2011), emulsification, which constitutes the main cause of the persistence of light and
medium crude oils on the sea surface, dilution depending of the crude oil type, temperature,
turbulence and dispersion, sedimentation or sinking of the particles by adhesion to the sediments or
organic matter, and biodegradation (Botello, 1995; Nikolopoulou & Kalogerakis, 2010; Prince, 2010). In
Mexico, the Tonal River in Veracruz and the Laguna de Trminos in Campeche have shown the highest
levels of dissolved hydrocarbons in the Gulf of Mexico (Botello et al., 1996).

Regarding the hydrocarbons assessment in the lower Coatzacoalcos River


basin, the classical works of Botello & Pez (1986) are outstanding since
they found the highest polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH) levels at the
zones of fixed discharges or of intense oil activity (Garca-Ruelas et al., 2004). Other
studies determined the presence of PAH on 19 organic species such as fish, crustaceans and mollusks
(sea bass, native sea bream, scallop and prawns) and the presence of benzo(a)pyrene and
benzo(ghi)perylene, which are the most hazardous given its carcinogenic potential (Sharma et al.,

On the other hand, oil refinement and processing also contribute to


broadening the range of toxicity caused to the fishing industry.
The marine oil pollution effects are harder to estimate (Trevors & Saier, 2010),
since there is no information previous to the beginning of the oil-industry
activities over the effects on the ecosystems and its components ; as a
2002).

consequence, it is not possible to measure the magnitude of the oil industry in the marine seaway.

Additionally, it has not been possible to determine the chronic effects of pollution over the ecosystems
since the data available is very precise in a given time and determined concentrations (Garca-Cullar
et al., 2004). Currently, there are studies proving the existence of considerable disturbances in the
environment (Scarlett et al., 2007; Denoyelle et al., 2012); however, it is important to highlight that
pollutants bioaccumulate in water organisms destined to human consumption (Webb, 2011).

1NC Whales DA
Specifically causes whales to beach and get stranded
NRDC 09 (Protecting Our Ocean and Coastal Economies: Avoid Unnecessary Risks from Offshore Drilling,
September 2009, Natural Resources Defense Council, http://www.nrdc.org/oceans/offshore/files/offshore.pdf) //EY

Oil Spills Have Lasting Ecological Impacts


According to the National Academy of Sciences, current cleanup methods can only
remove a small fraction of the oil spilled into the ocean, leaving the remaining oil to
continue affecting ocean ecosystems over time .9 Scientists investigating the long-term impacts of
the Exxon Valdez spill estimate that nearly 20,000 gallons of oil from that spill remain in Prince William Sound,

Marine mammals,
sea birds, fish, shellfish, and other sea life are extremely vulnerable to oil pollution
and the long-term toxic effects can impair reproductive success for generations .
continuing to harm threatened and endangered species and undermine their recovery.10

Studies have shown that tiny amounts of oilas little as one part per billioncan harm pink salmon and cause their
eggs to fail.11

Spills Aside, Drilling Operations are a Major Source of Pollution


In addition to environmental damage from oil spills, the routine operations
associated with offshore drilling produce many toxic wastes and other forms of
pollution. For example, each drill well generates tens of thousands of gallons of
waste drilling muds (materials used to lubricate drill bits and maintain pressure) and cuttings.12
Drilling muds contain toxic metals such as mercury, lead, and cadmium that may
bioaccumulate and biomagnify in marine organisms, including in our seafood
supply.13 The water that is brought up from a given well along with oil and gas,
referred to as produced water, contains its own toxic brew of benzene, arsenic,
lead, toluene, and varying amounts of radioactive pollutants . Each oil platform can
discharge hundreds of thousands of gallons of this produced water daily,
contaminating both local waters and those down current from the discharge .14 An
average oil and gas exploration well spews roughly 50 tons of nitrogen oxides, 13 tons of carbon monoxide, 6 tons
of sulfur oxides, and 5 tons of volatile organic chemicals.15

Drilling Exploration Activities Harm Marine Life


Seismic surveys designed to estimate the size of an oil and gas reserve generate
their own environmental problems. To carry out such surveys, ships tow multiple airgun arrays that
emit thousands of high-decibel explosive impulses to map the seafloor.16 The auditory assault from seismic surveys
has been found to damage or kill fish eggs and larvae and to impair the hearing and health of fish, making them
vulnerable to predators and leaving them unable to locate prey or mates or communicate with each other. These
disturbances disrupt and displace important migratory patterns, pushing marine life away from suitable habitats like

In addition, seismic surveys have


been implicated in whale beaching and stranding incidents.18
Offshore Drilling Results in Onshore Damage
nurseries and foraging, mating, spawning, and migratory corridors.17

Offshore drilling requires the construction of significant onshore infrastructure such as new roads, pipelines, and
processing facilities, which are often built on formerly pristine beaches .

Thanks in part to drilling


operations, Louisiana is losing roughly 24 square miles of coastal wetlands each
year, eating away at natural storm barriers and increasing the risks of storm
damage, including damage from oil spills.19

Uniquely leads to extinction -- their defense doesn't apply


Barstow 89 (Robbins, PhD, Exec Dir Cetasean Society International, The Magazine of the
Whale and Dolphin Conservation Society, No. 2, Autumn,
http://www.highnorth.no/Library/Movements/General/be-wh-s2.htm)

My own rationale for asking the IWC to decide to adopt a management


regime of permanent protection for whales from consumptive commercial

exploitation on a global basis is both simple and complex . It is grounded in


pragmatic practicalities of both fact and feeling regarding 'Whales in a Modern World'. I am not
here arguing for the sanctity of all life on earth. I am not advocating equal rights for
all animal species. I am seeking to set forth a rational and moral basis for a future determination by
one, specialised, international, human agency that one order of marine mammals should be managed

Why whales? My rationale most simply is that whales are


uniquely special! They really are in a class by themselves. Let me cite four major
in this manner.

categories of uniqueness. First, whales are biologically special. Whales include by far the largest
animals on earth, growing to be over 30 metres in length - the blue whale (Balenoptera musculus).
Whales include the possessors of by far the largest brain of any creature ever to have lived on our
planet, weighing four or five times as much as the human brain - the sperm whale (Physeter
macrocephalus). Whales include the creators of the most complex, long - lasting, repetitive sound
patterns of any non - human animal - the humpback whale (Megaptera novaeangliae). And whales
include species (Tursiops truncatus and some other odontocetes) which exceed humans and all other
groups as well in convolutedness or fissurisation of the cerebral cortex. Marine mammal veterinarian
Sam Ridgway, of the U.S. Naval Ocean Systems Centre in San Diego, has reported findings that the
bottlenose dolphin, in particular, by a variety of measurements (encephalisation quotient, volume of
cortex, ratio of brain weight to spinal cord weight, etc.) ranks just below humans and considerably
above other higher primates, including gorillas, chimpanzees, and orangutans. In all these ways
whales are truly unique biologically! Second, whales are ecologically special. Whales have evolved as
marine mammals over millions of years, with both baleen and toothed whales probably appearing up
to 25 million years ago, long before the development of human beings and the latter's intrusion in the

Whales are at the top of the vast food chain of the sea.
Baleen whales consume the largest amount of zooplankton, and the killer whale
(Orcinus orca) is the world's greatest non- human predator. Whales affect the ocean
ecosystem in a uniquely global manner, and any exploitation of other marine resources,
whether krill or fish, must uniquely take into account cetaceans. Human life depends upon a
proper balance in the amount of oxygen in earth's atmosphere produced
from the plankton that is kept in check most critically by whale
consumption.
ocean ecosystem.

2NC Whales Links


Seismic exploration kills whales
Center for Biology Diversity 11 (Lawsuit Launched to Protect Endangered Whales From
Gulf of Mexico Oil Exploration, Feds Are Flouting Marine Mammal Laws in Rush to Permit Oil and Gas Surveys,
February 10, 2011, http://www.biologicaldiversity.org/news/press_releases/2011/seismic-exploration-02-102011.html) //EY
Under

Salazars watch, the Department of the Interior has treated the Gulf of
Mexico as a sacrifice zone where laws are disregarded and wildlife protection takes
a backseat to oil-company profits, said Miyoko Sakashita, oceans director at the Center. Even after
the Deepwater Horizon catastrophe, the feds are still violating the laws intended to protect the Gulfs wildlife in
their rush to approve offshore oil activities.

Seismic exploration surveys, used by oil companies to search for oil, generate
sounds loud enough to cause hearing loss in marine mammals, can disturb essential
behaviors such as feeding and breeding, and mask communications between
individual whales and dolphins. Seismic surveys are nearly as loud as explosives, and
can displace whales from important feeding areas. Several types of marine
mammals are at risk in the Gulf of Mexico, including endangered sperm whales,
manatees and bottlenose dolphins.

Oil also kills whales


Leutwiler 10 (What about the whales?, Caitlin Leutwiler, 15 June 2010,
http://www.defendersblog.org/2010/06/what-about-the-whales/) //EY

Sperm whales, which can weigh up to 60 tons and reach 60 feet in length, reside
year-round in the Gulf of Mexico. Their strong attraction to specific areas for
breeding and feeding may override any tendency for them to avoid noxious oil, and
several whales have already been spotted swimming through oily, contaminated waters. Inhalation of oil
droplets, vapors and fumes is only one of the serious risks posed to sperm whales
by oil spills. With a population already depleted from a long-history of being hunted for their oil, this
leviathan cant afford losses from the oil that continues to gush into Gulf waters.

Oil causes ulceration, lesions, weight losses and cleanup


efforts kill even more
Defenders of Wildlife No date(Wildlife and Offshore drilling The 2010 Gulf of Mexico
Disaster: Sperm Whale, DEFENDERS OF WILDLIFE, no date,
http://www.defenders.org/sites/default/files/publications/wildlife_and_offshore_drilling_sperm_whales.pdf) //EY
Impacts of oil

Due to their diving habits, sperm whales are vulnerable to disturbance from oil
exploration, industrial development and associated shipping. Direct oil exposure
also poses hazards to these animals . Contrary to some reports, whales do not necessarily
avoid oil slicks or contaminated habitats. Whales have been seen swimming and feeding in or near
oil. The animals strong attraction to specific areas for breeding or feeding may
override any tendency for them to avoid the noxious oil. Weathered or tar-like oil
residues also pose long-term risks to whales.
Research indicate that inhalation of oil droplets and vapor; gastrointestinal
ulceration and hemorrhaging due to ingestion of oil during feeding; eye and skin
lesions from continuous exposure to oil; weight loss due to restricted diet and stress
from oil exposure; and behavioral changes.

Indirect effects
Oil development is often associated with the release of a wide variety of other contaminants into the environment.
In the BP Deepwater Horizon spill, additional contaminant risk is posed by dispersants used to break up the oil. By
BPs own account, it has mobilized a third of the worlds supply of dispersants, including Corexit, to treat this spill.

Dispersants can cause genetic mutations and cancer, further adding to the
cumulative effects of oil toxicity. Levels of mercury, cadmium and other marine
contaminants are already high enough in sperm whale tissue to raise concerns
about reproductive impairment in this species .

2NC Whales Impacts


Theyre a keystone species
One World Wildlife No date(monitoring whales, dolphins and turtles in the mediterranean,
One World Wildlife, no date, http://www.oneworldwildlife.org/what_we_do/projects/current/mediterranean//EY

Sperm whales are a keystone species in many deep ocean ecosystems. Hunted
almost to extinction (in 1964, 29,255 sperm whales were killed), there has been a significant
disruption to the male-to-female ratio and a heavily reduced birth rate. In recent
years, the increased number of strandings, thought to be due to the use of drift nets and military
sonar, is causing grave concern within the conservation community. Developed by fishermen out of a desire to
secure ever-increasing profit margins, drift nets have proved to be one of the most destructive fishing practices of
all time. Drift nets (often referred to as "the wall of death") catch everything in their path, playing havoc with the
ocean's ecology and natural harmony.

Extinction
Diner 1994

(Judge Advocates Generals Corps of US Army, David N., Military Law Review, Winter, 143 Mil.
L. Rev. 161,)
No species has ever dominated its fellow species as man has. In most cases, people have assumed the God-like
power of life and death -- extinction or survival -- over the plants and animals of the world. For most of history,
mankind pursued this domination with a single-minded determination to master the world, tame the wilderness,

In past mass extinction episodes,


as many as ninety percent of the existing species perished, and yet the world
moved forward, and new species replaced the old. So why should the world be concerned
now? The prime reason is the world's survival. Like all animal life, humans live off of
other species. At some point, the number of species could decline to the point at
which the ecosystem fails, and then humans also would become extinct. No one knows
how many [*171] species the world needs to support human life, and to find out -- by allowing certain
species to become extinct -- would not be sound policy. In addition to food, species offer many
and exploit nature for the maximum benefit of the human race. n67

direct and indirect benefits to mankind. n68 2. Ecological Value. -- Ecological value is the value that species have in
maintaining the environment. Pest, n69 erosion, and flood control are prime benefits certain species provide to
man. Plants and animals also provide additional ecological services -- pollution control, n70 oxygen production,
sewage treatment, and biodegradation. n71 3. Scientific and Utilitarian Value. -- Scientific value is the use of
species for research into the physical processes of the world. n72 Without plants and animals, a large portion of
basic scientific research would be impossible. Utilitarian value is the direct utility humans draw from plants and
animals. n73 Only a fraction of the [*172] earth's species have been examined, and mankind may someday
desperately need the species that it is exterminating today. To accept that the snail darter, harelip sucker, or Dismal
Swamp southeastern shrew n74 could save mankind may be difficult for some. Many, if not most, species are
useless to man in a direct utilitarian sense. Nonetheless, they may be critical in an indirect role, because their
extirpations could affect a directly useful species negatively. In a closely interconnected ecosystem, the loss of a
species affects other species dependent on it. n75 Moreover, as the number of species decline, the effect of each
new extinction on the remaining species increases dramatically. n76 4. Biological Diversity. -- The main premise of
species preservation is that diversity is better than simplicity. n77 As the current mass extinction has progressed,
the world's biological diversity generally has decreased. This trend occurs within ecosystems by reducing the
number of species, and within species by reducing the number of individuals. Both trends carry serious future

Biologically diverse ecosystems are characterized by a large number of


specialist species, filling narrow ecological niches. These ecosystems inherently are
more stable than less diverse systems. "The more complex the ecosystem, the more
successfully it can resist a stress. . . . [l]ike a net, in which each knot is connected to others by several
implications.

strands, such a fabric can resist collapse better than a simple, unbranched circle of threads -- which if cut anywhere

widespread extinctions, humans have artificially


simplified many ecosystems. As biologic simplicity increases, so does the risk of
ecosystem failure. The spreading Sahara Desert in Africa, and the dustbowl conditions of the
1930s in the United States are relatively mild examples of what might be expected
if this trend continues. Theoretically, each new animal or plant extinction, with all its
dimly perceived and intertwined affects, could cause total ecosystem collapse and
breaks down as a whole." n79 By causing

human extinction. Each new extinction increases the risk of disaster. Like a
mechanic removing, one by one, the rivets from an aircraft's wings, [hu]mankind
may be edging closer to the abyss

1NC indigenous Rights DA


Disproportionately affects native groups
Tribal Energy and Environmental Information Clearinghouse
No Date(Oil and Gas Drilling/Development Impacts, The Tribal Energy and Environmental Information
Clearinghouse, http://teeic.anl.gov/er/oilgas/impact/drilldev/index.cfm ) //EY

Environmental Justice
If significant impacts were to occur in any of the resource areas and these
were to disproportionately affect minority or low-income populations,
there could be an environmental justice (glossary term) impact . It is
anticipated that the development could benefit low-income, minority, and tribal populations by
creating job opportunities and stimulating local economic growth via project revenues and increased

However, noise, dust, visual impacts, and habitat destruction could


have an adverse affect on traditional tribal lifeways and religious and
cultural sites. Development of wells and ancillary facilities could affect the
natural character of previously undisturbed areas and transform the
landscape into a more industrialized setting. Development activities could
impact the use of cultural sites for traditional tribal activities (hunting and
plant-gathering activities, and areas in which artifacts, rock art, or other
significant cultural sites are located).
tourism.

Its a moral imperative to vote neg and save indigenous


culture cultural extinction also ensures environmental
destruction
Solo 1992, Pam, executive director, CULTURAL SURVIVAL QUARTERLY, Spring 1992 p. 1.
As the next millennium approaches, Cultural Survival hopes to take that lesson toward a second wave
of political action that will help turn around relations between North and South, just as ordinary

Western movements have


focused on the weapons of war, the politics of the 1990s will center on a
single interlocking agenda; human rights, the environment, and
development. At its heart are some 600 million indigenous people . Their fate
citizens helped reverse the tide of East-West relations. But while

is a pathway and litmus test of our progress toward a peaceful and sustainable world order. From the
periphery of political, economic and social power, they are moving to the center of world attention.

Our survival depends on ensuring that no one, particularly the poorest of


the poor is thrown out of the canoe or viewed as dispensable. This is a
moral and a practical imperative. Readers of Cultural Survival Quarterly know this well. On
the practical side, indigenous peoples live in the worlds last wild places,
sheltering much of the worlds genetic heritage. By helping native peoples
save themselves, we help them protect fragile environments on which we
all ultimately depend. We need them for their part of the canoe to be
cared for. But we also just need them to be-as human beings with a
culture, a history and a hoped-for common future as a people. That is the
moral imperative. It is past time to begin addressing this fundamental issue: human rights and
the ability of human beings to discover ways to live together in plural societies. We want At the
Threshold to help foster that process in communities throughout the United Sates. We invite your
involvement, your ideas, and your time. What must be done? What is our role at the local level? How
can we cause governments and business, schools and churches and community organizations to
advance human rights, protect and conserve fragile resources, and address the conditions that
condemn too many to choose between environmental degradation and endless poverty? The job will

not be easy, nor will it be accomplished overnight, but this is the time to act Indian organizations are
stronger and better organized than ever,

indigenous peoples themselves are defining


and leading movements for their rights. They are also looking to firstworld activities as allies and partners in a new alliance. Cross cultural
collaboration will join more familiar forms of political action, even if
centuries of colonialism and ensuing powerlessness have left a legacy of
distrust and poverty that complicates this alliance.

2NC genocide Impacts


Genocide is a process, not an event.
Rosenberg 12 (Sheri P. Rosenberg, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, New York, "Genocide Is
a Process, Not an Event", Genocide Studies and Prevention, Volume 7, Number 1, Spring 2012,
http://muse.jhu.edu.turing.library.northwestern.edu/journals/genocide_studies_and_prevention/v007/7.
1.rosenberg.html)phol
Among the categories of inquiry,

there has been a thread of scholarship explicitly


dedicated to exploring the genocidal process and the implications that
flow from deducing a particularized understanding of it.5 The genocidal
process is a relatively indeterminate term, and it is the notion of the
complex genocidal process that will be the focus of this article , which urges
renewed attention to exploring the social phenomenon of genocide as a process rather than as the
outcome of a process. The rigid conception of genocide as a definition (as opposed to a social
phenomenon) of something against which unfolding events are to be measured is in part due to the
very success and standing of the concept in international law. The emphasis on legalism subjects each
genocide to a rigid test in order to maintain the integrity of the term and determine criminal

This, however, has caused some authors and policy makers to lose
sight of the fact that genocide is a fluid and complex social phenomenon,
not a static term. This process perspective is crucial to the detection and
standardization of early warning indicators for the prevention of genocide ,
culpability.

a goal which many genocide scholars seek to pursue.6 As Bloxham and Moses argue, the focus on
specific types of outcomes that qualify as genocide is analogous to studying the peaks of mountains
from above a cloud-line that only particularly tall mountains penetrate, when a glimpse beneath the

Hence, if one focuses on


how the process of genocide unfolds and the acts that are often
perpetrated on the victimboth indirectly and directlyduring the
genocidal process, then one might begin to link these preliminary or early
acts to the efforts of genocide prevention. Moreover, a process-oriented approach
cloud-line would illustrate that other mountains fall just short.7

provides lawyers and jurists with a lens through which to interpret the 1948 UN Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (UNCG). This approach aids in the interpretation
of the UNCGs dual goals of prevention and punishment.

Voting aff means you are complicit with genocide you have
a moral obligation to vote neg
Vetleson, 2k (Arne Johan, Department of Philosophy University of Oslo, , "Genocide: A Case for
the Responsibility of the Bystander", Journal of Peace Research, July, p. 520-522)

Most often, in cases of genocide, for every person directly victimized and
killed there will be hundreds, thousands, perhaps even millions, who are
neither directly targeted as victims nor directly participating as
perpetrators. The moral issues raised by genocide, taken as the illegal act
par excellence, are not confined to the nexus of agent and victim. Those
directly involved in a given instance of genocide will always form a minority, so to speak. The
majority to the event will be formed by the contemporary bystanders . Such
bystanders are individuals; in their private and professional lives, they will belong to a vast score of
groups and collectives, some informal and closely knit, others formal and detached as far as personal

every
contemporary citizen cognizant of a specific ongoing instance of genocide,
regardless of where in the world, counts as a bystander. Bystanders in this loose
and emotional involvement are concerned. In the loose sense intended here,

sense are cognizant, through TV, radio, newspapers, and other publicly available sources of
information, of ongoing genocide somewhere in the world, but they are not - by profession or formal
appointment involved in it. Theirs is a passive role, that of onlookers, although what starts out as a
passive stance may, upon decision, convert into active engagement in the events at hand. I shall label
this category passive bystanders. This group should be distinguished from bystanders by formal
appointment: the latter bystanders have been professionally Engaged as a third party to the

The stance of this


third party to an ongoing conflict, even one with genocidal implications, is
in principle often seen as one of impartiality and neutrality, typically
highlighted by a determined refusal to take sides.This manner of
principled non-involvement is frequently viewed as highly meritorious
interaction between the two parties directly involved in acts of genocide.

(Vetlesen, 1998). A case in point would be UN personnel deployed to monitor a ceasefire between
warring parties, or (as was their task in Bosnia) to see to it that the civilians within a UN declared safe
area are effectively guaranteed peace and security, as set down in the mandate to establish such

By virtue of their assigned physical presence on the scene and the


specific tasks given to them, such (groups of) bystanders may be referred
to as bystanders by assignment. What does it mean to be a contemporary
bystander? To begin with, let us consider this question not from the expected view- point that of
areas.

the bystander - but from the two viewpoints provided by the parties directly involved in the event. To
put it as simply as possible: From the viewpoint of an agent of genocide, bystanders are persons
possessing a potential (one needing to be estimated in every concrete case) to halt his ongoing
actions. The perpetrator will fear the bystander to the extent that he [or she] has reason to believe
that the bystander will intervene to halt the action already under way, and thereby frustrate the
perpetrators goal of eliminating the targeted group, that said, we immediately need to differentiate
among the different categories of bystanders introduced above. It is obvious that the more
knowledgeable and other wise resourceful the bystander, the more the perpetrator will have reason to
fear that the potential for such resistance will translate into action, meaning a more or less direct
intervention by military or other means. Deemed efficient to reach the objectives of halting the
incipient genocide. Of course, one should distinguish between bystanders who remain inactive and
those who become actively engaged. Nonetheless, the point to be stressed is that, in principle ,

even
the most initially passive and remote bystander possesses a potential to
cease being a mere onlooker to the events unfolding. Outrage at what
comes to pass may prompt the judgement that this simply must be
stopped and translate into action promoting that aim . But is not halting genocide
first and foremost a task, indeed a duty, for the victims themselves? The answer is simple: The
sheer fact that genocide is happening shows that the targeted group has
not proved itself able to prevent it. This being so, responsibility for halting what is now
unfolding cannot rest with the victims alone, it must also be seen to rest with the party not itself
affected but which is knowledgeable about -which is more or less literally witnessing the genocide that
is taking place. So whereas for the agent, bystanders represent the potential of resistance, for the

In ethical terms, this is borne out


in the notion of responsibility of Immanuel Levinas (1991), according to
which responsibility grows bigger the weaker its addressee. Of course, agents
victims they may represent the only source of hope left.

of genocide may be caught more or less in delicto flagrante. But in the age of television - with CNN
being able to film and even interview doers as well as victims on the spot, and broadcast live to the
entire television-watching world (such as was the case in the concentration camp Omarska in Bosnia in
August 1992) (see Gutman, 1993) physical co-presence to the event at hand is almost rendered
superfluous. One need not have been there in order to have known what happened, The same holds
for the impact of the day-to-day reporting From the ground by newspaper journalists of indisputable
reputation. In order to be knowledgeable about ongoing genocide, it suffices to watch the television
news or read the front pages of a daily newspaper. But, to be more precise, what exactly does it mean
to act? What is to count as an action? We need to look briefly at the philosophical literature on the
notion of action as well as the notion of agent responsibility following from it - in order to gel a better
grasp of the moral issues involved in being a bystander to genocide, whether passive or active. I never
forget', says Paul Ricoeur in Oneself as Another, 'to speak of humans as acting and suffering, The
moral problem', he continues, is grafted onto the recognition of this essential dissymmetry between
the one who acts and the one who undergoes, culminating in the violence of the powerful agent.' To be
the 'sufferer' of a given action in Ricoeur's sense need not be negative; either 'the sufferer appears as
the beneficiary of esteem or as the victim of disesteem, depending on whether the agent proves to be

Since there is to every action an


agent and a sufferer (in the sense given), action is interaction, its
structure is interpersonal (Ricoeur. 1992:145). But this is not the whole
picture. Actions are also omitted, endured, neglected, and the like; and
Ricoeur takes these phenomena to remind us that on the level of
interaction, just as on that of subjective understanding, not acting is still
someone who distributes rewards or punishments'.

acting: neglecting, forgetting to do something, is also letting things be


done by someone else, sometimes to the point of criminality . (Ricoeur,
1992:157) Ricoeur's systematic objective is to extend the theory of action from acting to suffering
beings; again and again he emphasizes that 'every action has its agents and its patients' (1992; 157).
Ricoeur's proposed extension certainly sounds plausible. Regrettably, his proposal stops halfway. The
vital insight articulated, albeit not developed, in the passages quoted is that not acting is still acting.

Brought to bear on the case of genocide as a reported, on going affair, the


inaction making a difference is the inaction of the bystander to unfolding
genocide. The failure to act when confronted with such action, as is
involved in accomplishing genocide, is a failure which carries a message to
both the agent and the sufferer: the action may proceed. Knowing, yet still
not acting, means-granting acceptance to the action. Such inaction entails
letting things be done by someone else - clearly, in the case of
acknowledged genocide, 'to the point of criminality', to invoke one of the quotes from
Ricoeur. In short, inaction here means complicity; accordingly, it raises the
question of responsibility, guilt, and shame on the part of the inactive
bystander, by which I mean the bystander who decides to remain inactive .
In the view I am advancing, the theory of action is satisfactorily extended only when it is recognized
that the structure of action is triadic, not dyadic. It takes two to act, we are tempted to say no more
and no less. But is an action really the exclusive possession a private affair between the two parties

For one thing, the repercussions of a


particular piece of action are bound to reach far beyond the immediate
dyadic setting. As Hannah Arendt (1958) famously observed, to act is to
initiate, to make a new beginning in the world, to set in motion - and
open-endedly so. Only the start of a specific action allows precise localization in space and time,
immediately affected as agent and sufferer?

besides our attributing it to a particular agent, as her property and no one else s. But, as for the
repercussions, they evade being traced in any definite manner, to any final and definitive endpoint.

1NC Air Pollution DA


Drilling causes air pollution
Tribal Energy and Environmental Information Clearinghouse
No Date(Oil and Gas Drilling/Development Impacts, The Tribal Energy and Environmental Information
Clearinghouse, http://teeic.anl.gov/er/oilgas/impact/drilldev/index.cfm ) //EY

Air Quality
Emissions generated during the drilling/development phase include
vehicle emissions; diesel emissions from large construction equipment and
generators (glossary term) , storage/dispensing of fuels, and, if installed
at this stage, flare (glossary term) stacks; small amounts of carbon
monoxide (glossary term) , nitrogen oxides (glossary term) , and
particulates (glossary term) from blasting activities; and dust from many sources, such as
disturbing and moving soils (clearing, grading, excavating, trenching (glossary term) , backfilling,

mixing concrete, and drilling. During


windless conditions (especially in areas of thermal inversion), project-related odors may be
detectable at more than a mile from the source. Excess increases in dust could
decrease forage palatability for wildlife and livestock and increase the
potential for dust pneumonia.
dumping, and truck and equipment traffic),

Extinction
Driesen 2003 (David Driesen, Associate Professor at Syracuse University Law, 10 Buffalo
Environmental Law Journal, Fall/Spring, Lexis)

Air pollution can make life unsustainable by harming the ecosystem upon
which all life depends and harming the health of both future and present
generations. The Rio Declaration articulates six key principles that are relevant to air pollution.

These principles can also be understood as goals, because they describe a state of affairs [*27] that is
worth achieving. Agenda 21, in turn, states a program of action for realizing those goals. Between

The first
principle is that "human beings. . . are entitled to a healthy and
productive life in harmony with nature", because they are "at the center of
concerns for sustainable development." n3 While the Rio Declaration refers
to human health, its reference to life "in harmony with nature" also
reflects a concern about the natural environment. n4 Since air pollution
damages both human health and the environment, air quality implicates
both of these concerns. n5
them, they aid understanding of sustainable development's meaning for air quality.

2NC Air Pollution Links


Drilling results in air pollution
EPA 08 (An Assessment of the Environmental Implications of Oil and Gas Production: A Regional
Case Study, September 2008, http://www.epa.gov/sectors/pdf/oil-gas-report.pdf, p 2-7) //EY

Air emissions associated with oil and gas production can significantly
impact air quality and impair visibility. Concerns regarding these impacts
have expanded in recent years as oil and gas production in Region 8 has
grown. Air emissions generated during oil and gas production, along with
emissions from other sources, are regulated by the Clean Air Act (CAA) and can be
grouped into three categories:
Criteria air pollutants (ozone, CO, SO2, PM, and their precursors,
including NOx and VOCs);
Hazardous air pollutants21 (HAPs, primarily fugitive VOC emissions from
oil and gas production);
Haze precursors (which include ozone, NOx, SO2, and particulates); and
In addition, greenhouse gases (GHGs, which include CO2 and CH4) are
generated during oil and gas development. EPA issued an advance notice of proposed
rulemaking (ANPRM) in July 2008 considering possible GHG emission regulation under the Clean Air
Act. Several Rocky Mountain states have developed or are considering mandatory GHG emission limits.

1NC Warming DA
Drilling results in warming
EPA 08 (An Assessment of the Environmental Implications of Oil and Gas Production: A Regional
Case Study, September 2008, http://www.epa.gov/sectors/pdf/oil-gas-report.pdf, p 2-7) //EY

Air emissions associated with oil and gas production can significantly
impact air quality and impair visibility. Concerns regarding these impacts
have expanded in recent years as oil and gas production in Region 8 has
grown. Air emissions generated during oil and gas production, along with
emissions from other sources, are regulated by the Clean Air Act (CAA) and can be
grouped into three categories:
Criteria air pollutants (ozone, CO, SO2, PM, and their precursors,
including NOx and VOCs);
Hazardous air pollutants21 (HAPs, primarily fugitive VOC emissions from
oil and gas production);
Haze precursors (which include ozone, NOx, SO2, and particulates); and
In addition, greenhouse gases (GHGs, which include CO2 and CH4) are
generated during oil and gas development. EPA issued an advance notice of proposed
rulemaking (ANPRM) in July 2008 considering possible GHG emission regulation under the Clean Air
Act. Several Rocky Mountain states have developed or are considering mandatory GHG emission limits.

Warming leads to extinction try or die


Romm 10 (Jon, Editor of Climate Progress, Disputing the consensus on global
warming, http://climateprogress.org/2010/06/16/scientific-consensus-on-global-warming-climate-science/)

we know that humans


are the dominant cause of global warming. This is, of course, the deniers favorite topic. Since it
is increasingly obvious that the climate is changing and the planet is warming , the
A good example of how scientific evidence drives our understanding concerns how

remaining deniers have coalesced to defend their Alamo that human emissions arent the cause of recent climate
change and therefore that reducing those emissions is pointless. Last year, longtime Nation columnist Alexander
Cockburn wrote, There is still zero empirical evidence that anthropogenic production of CO2 is making any
measurable contribution to the worlds present warming trend. The greenhouse fearmongers rely entirely on
unverified, crudely oversimplified computer models to finger mankinds sinful contribution. In fact, the evidence is
amazingly strong. Moreover, if the relatively complex climate models are oversimplified in any respect, it is by
omitting amplifying feedbacks and other factors that suggest human-caused climate change will be worse than is
widely realized. The IPCC concluded last year: Greenhouse

gas forcing has very likely (>90


percent) caused most of the observed global warming over the last 50 years . This
conclusion takes into account the possibility that the response to solar forcing could be underestimated by
climate models. Scientists have come to understand that forcings (natural and

human-made) explain
most of the changes in our climate and temperature both in recent decades and over the
past millions of years. The primary human-made forcings are the heat-trapping
greenhouse gases we generate, particularly carbon dioxide from burning coal, oil
and natural gas. The natural forcings include fluctuations in the intensity of sunlight (which can increase or

decrease warming), and major volcanoes that inject huge volumes of gases and aerosol particles into the
stratosphere (which tend to block sunlight and cause cooling). Over and over again, scientists have demonstrated
that observed changes in the climate in recent decades can only be explained by taking into account the observed
combination of human and natural forcings. Natural forcings alone just dont explain what is happening to this
planet. For instance, in April 2005, one of the nations top climate scientists, NASAs James Hansen, led a team of
scientists that made precise measurements of increasing ocean heat content over the past 10 years, which
revealed that the Earth is absorbing far more heat than it is emitting to space, confirming what earlier computer
models had shown about warming. Hansen called this energy imbalance the smoking gun of climate change, and
said, There can no longer be genuine doubt that human-made gases are the dominant cause of observed
warming. Another 2005 study, led by the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, compared actual ocean temperature
data from the surface down to hundreds of meters (in the Atlantic, Pacific and Indian oceans) with climate models
and concluded: A warming signal has penetrated into the worlds oceans over the past 40 years. The signal is

complex, with a vertical structure that varies widely by ocean; it cannot be explained by natural internal climate
variability or solar and volcanic forcing, but is well simulated by two anthropogenically [human-caused] forced
climate models. We conclude that it is of human origin, a conclusion robust to observational sampling and model
differences. Such studies are also done for many other observations: land-based temperature rise, atmospheric
temperature rise, sea level rise, arctic ice melt, inland glacier melt, Greeland and Antarctic ice sheet melt,
expansion of the tropics (desertification) and changes in precipitation. Studies compare every testable prediction
from climate change theory and models (and suggested by paleoclimate research) to actual observations. How
many studies? Well, the IPCCs definitive treatment of the subject, Understanding and Attributing Climate Change,
has 11 full pages of references, some 500 peer-reviewed studies. This is not a consensus of opinion. It is what
scientific research and actual observations reveal. And the science behind human attribution has gotten much
stronger in the past 2 years (see a recent literature review by the Met Office here). That brings us to another
problem with the word consensus. It can mean unanimity or the judgment arrived at by most of those
concerned. Many, if not most, people hear the second meaning: consensus as majority opinion. The scientific
consensus most people are familiar with is the IPCCs Summary for Policymakers reports. But those arent a
majority opinion. Government representatives participate in a line-by-line review and revision of these summaries.
So China, Saudi Arabia and that hotbed of denialism the Bush administration get to veto anything they dont
like. The deniers call this politicized science, suggesting the process turns the IPCC summaries into some sort of
unscientific exaggeration. In fact, the reverse is true. The net result is unanimous agreement on a conservative or
watered-down document. You could argue that rather than majority rules, this is minority rules. Last April, in an
article titled Conservative Climate, Scientific American noted that objections by Saudi Arabia and China led the

the impact of human greenhouse gas emissions on the


Earths recent warming is five times greater than that of the sun . In fact, lead author Piers
Forster of the University of Leeds in England said, The difference is really a factor of 10 . Then I
IPCC to remove a sentence stating that

discuss the evidence we had even back in 2008 that the IPCC was underestimating key climate impacts, a point I

The bottom line is that recent observations and research make clear the
planet almost certainly faces a greater and more imminent threat than is laid out in the
IPCC reports. Thats why climate scientists are so desperate . Thats why they keep
begging for immediate action. And thats why the consensus on global warming is a phrase that should
update here.

be forever retired from the climate debate. The leading scientific organizations in this country and around the world,
including all the major national academies of science, arent buying into some sort of consensus of opinion. They

their understanding of climate science


and the likely impacts we face on our current emissions path an understanding that has
grown increasingly dire in recent years (see An illustrated guide to the latest climate science
and An introduction to global warming impacts: Hell and High Water ).
have analyzed the science and observations and expressed

2NC Warming Link


Drilling causes warming
Rose 09 (The Environmental Impacts of Offshore Oil Drilling, Mary Annette Rose, Department
of Technology Ball State University, February 2009, The Technology Teacher,
http://www2.tec.ilstu.edu/students/tec_304/Rose%20Oil%20Drilling.pdf) //EY

Climate Change and Ocean Acidification. Greenhouse gases(GHG) are


generated directly by offshore oil E&P and indirectly by enabling future
emissions of oil as it is refined, distributed, and consumed, primarily by
the transportation sector. In the U.S., 2007 emissions of methane from
petroleum E&P was estimated at 22 MMTCO2 e (million metric tons of carbon
dioxide equivalents)in addition to total contributions of petroleum at 2,579.9 MMTCO2 e (EIA,
2008).These GHGs are primary drivers that disrupt the carbon cycle
involving the biosphere, atmosphere, sediments(including fossil fuels),
and the ocean.The consequences of this disruption include climate change
(global warming, melting of ice atthe poles, and ocean acidification.)The
ocean acts as a carbon sink, absorbing CO2 . As CO2 increases, the acidity
of the ocean increases and carbonate becomes less available to marine
organisms that need it to build shells and skeletal material. Corals,
calcareous phytoplankton, and mussels are especially susceptible to
acidosis, which can lead to lowered immune response, metabolic
depression, behavioral depression affecting physical activity and
reproduction, and asphyxiation(TheOcean Acidification Network, n.d.).

1NC Ocean Acidification DA


Drilling causes ocean acidification
Rose 09 (The Environmental Impacts of Offshore Oil Drilling, Mary Annette Rose, Department
of Technology Ball State University, February 2009, The Technology Teacher,
http://www2.tec.ilstu.edu/students/tec_304/Rose%20Oil%20Drilling.pdf) //EY

Climate Change and Ocean Acidification. Greenhouse gases(GHG) are


generated directly by offshore oil E&P and indirectly by enabling future
emissions of oil as it is refined, distributed, and consumed, primarily by
the transportation sector. In the U.S., 2007 emissions of methane from
petroleum E&P was estimated at 22 MMTCO2 e (million metric tons of carbon
dioxide equivalents)in addition to total contributions of petroleum at 2,579.9 MMTCO2 e (EIA,
2008).These GHGs are primary drivers that disrupt the carbon cycle
involving the biosphere, atmosphere, sediments(including fossil fuels),
and the ocean.The consequences of this disruption include climate change
(global warming, melting of ice atthe poles, and ocean acidification.)The
ocean acts as a carbon sink, absorbing CO2 . As CO2 increases, the acidity
of the ocean increases and carbonate becomes less available to marine
organisms that need it to build shells and skeletal material. Corals,
calcareous phytoplankton, and mussels are especially susceptible to
acidosis, which can lead to lowered immune response, metabolic
depression, behavioral depression affecting physical activity and
reproduction, and asphyxiation(TheOcean Acidification Network, n.d.).

Means only one species survives


Daily Climate staff report 7/9(Acidic oceans of the future show extinction, July 9, 2013,
Daily Climate staff report, http://wwwp.dailyclimate.org/tdc-newsroom/2013/07/future-acidic-oceans) //EY

A glimpse of future ocean chemistry finds that acidification transforms entire


ecosystems.
Ocean acidification may create an impact similar to extinction on marine
ecosystems, according to a study published Monday .

The study, exploring naturally acidic waters near volcanic vents in the Mediterranean Ocean off Italy, suggests that

ocean acidification as a result of human emissions can degrade entire ecosystems


not just individual species, as past studies have shown.
The result, scientists say, is a homogenized marine community dominated by fewer plants and animals.

"The background, low-grade stress caused by ocean acidification can cause a whole
shift in the ecosystem so that everything is dominated by the same plants, which
tend to be turf algae," said lead author Kristy Kroeker, a postdoctoral researcher at the Bodega Marine
Laboratory at the University of California, Davis.

Extinction
Diner 1994

(Judge Advocates Generals Corps of US Army, David N., Military Law Review, Winter, 143 Mil.
L. Rev. 161,)
No species has ever dominated its fellow species as man has. In most cases, people have assumed the God-like
power of life and death -- extinction or survival -- over the plants and animals of the world. For most of history,
mankind pursued this domination with a single-minded determination to master the world, tame the wilderness,

In past mass extinction episodes,


as many as ninety percent of the existing species perished, and yet the world
moved forward, and new species replaced the old. So why should the world be concerned
now? The prime reason is the world's survival. Like all animal life, humans live off of
and exploit nature for the maximum benefit of the human race. n67

other species. At some point, the number of species could decline to the point at
which the ecosystem fails, and then humans also would become extinct. No one knows
how many [*171] species the world needs to support human life, and to find out -- by allowing certain
species to become extinct -- would not be sound policy. In addition to food, species offer many
direct and indirect benefits to mankind. n68 2. Ecological Value. -- Ecological value is the value that species have in
maintaining the environment. Pest, n69 erosion, and flood control are prime benefits certain species provide to
man. Plants and animals also provide additional ecological services -- pollution control, n70 oxygen production,
sewage treatment, and biodegradation. n71 3. Scientific and Utilitarian Value. -- Scientific value is the use of
species for research into the physical processes of the world. n72 Without plants and animals, a large portion of
basic scientific research would be impossible. Utilitarian value is the direct utility humans draw from plants and
animals. n73 Only a fraction of the [*172] earth's species have been examined, and mankind may someday
desperately need the species that it is exterminating today. To accept that the snail darter, harelip sucker, or Dismal
Swamp southeastern shrew n74 could save mankind may be difficult for some. Many, if not most, species are
useless to man in a direct utilitarian sense. Nonetheless, they may be critical in an indirect role, because their
extirpations could affect a directly useful species negatively. In a closely interconnected ecosystem, the loss of a
species affects other species dependent on it. n75 Moreover, as the number of species decline, the effect of each
new extinction on the remaining species increases dramatically. n76 4. Biological Diversity. -- The main premise of
species preservation is that diversity is better than simplicity. n77 As the current mass extinction has progressed,
the world's biological diversity generally has decreased. This trend occurs within ecosystems by reducing the
number of species, and within species by reducing the number of individuals. Both trends carry serious future

Biologically diverse ecosystems are characterized by a large number of


specialist species, filling narrow ecological niches. These ecosystems inherently are
more stable than less diverse systems. "The more complex the ecosystem, the more
successfully it can resist a stress. . . . [l]ike a net, in which each knot is connected to others by several
implications.

strands, such a fabric can resist collapse better than a simple, unbranched circle of threads -- which if cut anywhere

widespread extinctions, humans have artificially


simplified many ecosystems. As biologic simplicity increases, so does the risk of
ecosystem failure. The spreading Sahara Desert in Africa, and the dustbowl conditions of the
1930s in the United States are relatively mild examples of what might be expected
if this trend continues. Theoretically, each new animal or plant extinction, with all its
dimly perceived and intertwined affects, could cause total ecosystem collapse and
human extinction. Each new extinction increases the risk of disaster. Like a
mechanic removing, one by one, the rivets from an aircraft's wings, [hu]mankind
may be edging closer to the abyss
breaks down as a whole." n79 By causing

Ocean acidification causes mass extinction empirically proven


Boswell, 11 [Randy. Staff Writer for the Vancouver Sun. Mass extinction due to high ocean acidity:
Canadian-led team solves biggest mystery in Earth history.
http://www.vancouversun.com/business/technology/Mass+extinction+high+ocean+acidity+study/5377124/story.ht
ml. September 9.]

A Canadian-led team of scientists may have solved the biggest whodunit in Earth
history in a study showing that the all-time greatest mass extinction on the planet which wiped out about 90% of all species 250 million years ago - appears to have
been linked to rising levels of ocean acidity . Researchers have long believed that massive volcanic
eruptions in present-day Siberia - or possibly a huge meteorite strike - triggered the so-called PermianTriassic
extinction. But the precise mechanism of death for so many species remains a subject of debate, with some
scientists convinced it was a resulting lack of oxygen in the Earth's oceans or a greenhouse-gas nightmare that

But the Canadian study, headed by St. Francis Xavier


University climate scientist Alvaro Montenegro, points to ocean acidification as a
possible "main culprit" in the harrowing, prehistoric die-off . And the Nova Scotia
researcher told Postmedia News that the finding should serve as a warning about
present-day increases in ocean acidification . Though still far lower than that experienced in the
ancient mass extinction, rising acidity has been documented by researchers around the
world and is linked to the effects of climate change. Using a series of computer simulations to
nearly ended all plant and animal life.

recreate conditions on the planet at the time, Montenegro and his five colleagues from Canada and Australia found
it unlikely that oxygen-starved oceans led to the mass extinction. Instead, their models pointed to a new prime

Runaway ocean acidification "would


definitely have a very serious biological impact on oceans calcifiers," said
Montenegro, referring to creatures that manufacture their own bodily structures
from minerals found in ocean water. Among the species that vanished from the rock record around the
suspect: spiking acid levels in the world's marine environments.

time of the P-T extinction were most of the ammonites - large, snail-shaped marine creatures that are known today
from the beautifully iridescent, multi-coloured fossils of their spiral shells, found in places such as southern Alberta.
The relatively few ammonite species that survived the mass extinction 250 million years ago were later killed off by
the meteorite-linked extinction at the end of the dinosaur age 65 million years ago.

1NC Narco-Terrorism DA
Los Zetas control the pipelines now
Lunhow 11 (Mexican Crime Gangs Expand Fuel Thefts, Anthony Harrup and David Luhnow,
WSJ writer and The Wall Street Journal Latin American Bureau Chief, June 18, 2011,
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303635604576391910225256264.html) //EY
MEXICO CITYMexican

crime groups have virtually taken over the pipeline system of


Mexico's state oil monopoly, stealing growing amounts of fuel and gaining an
important source of new revenue as they fight other gangs and Mexico's
government, according to the oil company.
The problem isn't new, but it is expanding at a rapid pace , as the crime groups learn
technical expertise that can foil electronic monitoring systems . The rise in fuel thefts comes
as the government struggles to contain an increase in violence linked to organized crime groups, which have
expanded operations from traditional drug trafficking to kidnapping, extortion and protection rackets.

Already more than 40,000 people have died in Mexico since December 2006 in
drug-related violence, most of it between rival gangs seeking to expand their
territory, according to government and newspaper estimates.
The total amount of fuel, including crude oil and gasoline, diesel, and liquefied petroleum gastaken during
the first four months of the year is slightly greater than the total amount stolen all of last
year, Chief Executive of Petrleos Mexicanos Juan Jos Surez Coppel said this week.
During the first four months of this year, these groups stole an estimated $250 million worth of fuel at market
prices, Mr. Surez Coppel said. That translates to nearly one million barrels of fuel, according to Pemex, as it's
known. Mexico relies on oil sales for about a third of its revenue.
"The

increase in theft...is due to the fact that the pipeline system has been virtually
taken over by groups associated with organized crime," Pemex says on its website.
Unless Pemex can slow the thefts, these criminal groups stand to make an estimated $750 million on stolen fuel this
year. Pemex reported a first-quarter profit of $353 million.

Suspicion for the thefts has largely fallen on Los Zetas, a gang that has branched
out to other types of organized crime and expanded its territorial control along
swaths of Mexico's eastern Gulf coast, the site of much of Pemex's operations.
President Felipe Caldern this week urged Mexican lawmakers to pass tougher laws against fuel thefts, while giving
authorities greater power to prosecute by also focusing on buyers of the stolen fuel. Those could be gasoline
stations, or factories that use diesel or bunker fuel, Mr. Surez Coppel said.

The gangs use the stolen fuel, or they sell it to other companies , sometimes across the

border in the U.S.


A few weeks ago, Pemex sued nine oil and pipeline companiesseven of them in Texasfor buying stolen fuel. Two
Texas oil company officials were convicted in 2010 of selling petroleum products stolen from Mexico.
As the government steps up its vigilance, the thieves have also increased their activity and sophistication. Pemex
detects taps in its pipelines through a reduction in the pressure, although the exact site can take days or weeks to
locate. In some areas, inspection teams have to be accompanied by the army, the Pemex chief said.

But the gangs are becoming more sophisticated, injecting water back into the
pipeline in some cases to avoid a drop in pressure .
Experts say Pemex bears part of the blame, too. As a monopoly, the company has long lacked a
culture of maintenance and upkeep at its facilities, including pipelines , says George
Grayson, a professor at the College of William and Mary who has written extensively
on both Pemex and Mexican drug gangs.
Pemex has also long tolerated theft of oil from unionized workers , Mr. Grayson said,

suggesting some union workers are probably colluding with criminal gangs to steal fuel. "I would be shocked if there
wasn't also connivance by members of the Pemex union," said Mr. Grayson.

Drug cartels are using money from oil to buy weapons and
fund battles
Hawley 10 (Stolen oil fueling Mexico's drug war Thefts used to launder cash, hike cartel
profits, Republic Mexico City Bureau, Chris Hawley, May. 30, 2010,
http://www.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/news/articles/20100530mexico-oil-drug-war.html) //EY

Mexico's violent drug cartels are getting into the oil


business, tapping into underground pipelines and siphoning off tons of
crude, gasoline and other fuels, some of which is ending up in the United
States.
The stolen fuel has created a huge income stream, as much as $715
million a year, that gangs can use to buy weapons, bribe officials and
bankroll their bloody battle against the Mexican government, experts warn.
ARROYO MORENO, Mexico -

They sell the fuel through their own gasoline stations; sell it to unscrupulous manufacturers or
trucking firms in Mexico; use it to pump up profits at front companies owned by the cartels; or sell it
to foreign refiners on the international black market.

thieves stole an average of 8,432 barrels of petroleum products


each day, enough to fill 39 tanker trucks. The thieves are leaving a trail of
environmental devastation, with broken pipelines poisoning farm fields
and leaking into Mexican rivers.
The number of illegal pipeline taps has more than quadrupled since 2004 ,
Last year,

from 102 then to 462 last year, despite renewed anti-theft efforts by Petroleos Mexicanos, the stateowned oil monopoly better known as Pemex. In 2008 alone, authorities arrested 528 people and seized
517 vehicles, Pemex said. Losses that year were $715 million; it has not released an estimate for
2009.
"It's

a big problem and a continual thorn in their side," said David Shields,
editor of Energia a Debate, an oil-industry magazine. "And the states that
have drug trafficking have more problems with their pipelines."
The thieves use powerful drills and sophisticated valves to prevent any
drop in pipeline pressure that might be detected by Pemex. They use hoses to
fill fuel trucks with the stolen liquids. Sometimes they even take a more direct approach: hijacking
tanker trucks full of fuel.
Since October, five American businessmen have pleaded guilty to importing stolen petroleum
condensate, a raw ingredient for fuels.
In the early hours of a frosty February morning,

a resident in the Central Mexican town


of Amozoc heard suspicious noises in the field near his house. He called
for help. When the state agents arrived, they found a truck trying to leave the area
with a whopping 5,000 gallons of crude oil in the back. The three men on board had drilled a hole
into a major oil pipeline that runs through the town and sucked the fuel into their truck through a
hose. Worst of all, the alleged culprits were town policemen .
Such oil theft has become increasingly common in Mexico amid a breakdown in law-and-order in
certain states. Last year, the government oil monopoly Petroleos Mexicanos or Pemex detected 712

It represents a
significant loss of government income at a time when revolution in the
Middle East has pushed crude oil prices to nearly $100 a barrel . (The Amozoc
haul would be the equivalent of about 120 barrels or roughly $12,000.) Adding to the alarm,
detectives working on several cases have traced the thefts to drug cartels,
such as the Zetas, an indication that the country's overlords of crime have
branched out into yet another line of business.
such pipeline taps a fivefold increase compared to the 136 spotted in 2005.

As with the narcotics business, the clandestine nature of Mexico's illegal oil market makes it
impossible to know exactly how much it is worth. Pemex is one of the world's leading oil companies
with revenues of $104 billion in 2010. That alone provides some 40% of Mexico's federal budget.

However,
energy analyst David Shields believes that figure is an underestimate; he
calculates that the fuel black market is now worth $2 billion to $4 billion
annually. "The government is so involved in other matters such as assassinations and whole towns
Company officials insist they are losing less than 1% of their black gold to the bandits.

being controlled by drug cartels, that the illicit fuel market doesn't seem such a big deal," Shields
says. "So the government has failed to see that it has to act more strenuously on this."

Oil thieves sometimes hawk stolen gasoline on the side of highways. But
other times it is actually sold by middlemen to Pemex franchise gas
stations and ends up in the cars of unknowing consumers. Meanwhile, stolen
crude is sold off to brick makers who use the fuel to fire their ovens; or it is smuggled across the
border and peddled to oil tycoons in the United States. Following a bi-national probe, U.S. police
charged five Houston-based oil brokers with receiving stolen Mexican fuel (in this case, petroleum
condesate), including the president of Continental Fuels who was given probation by a Houston
federal court in January.
As the fuel is stolen it can be sold for less than half the market price at a time of record highs. But

it impossible to know stolen from legitimate fuel and it can


pass into the refineries and tankers of legitimate companies, traveling
across Mexico, the United States and beyond. With oil in such high demand, even
once in the system,

relatively small amounts can quickly turn gangsters into millionaires.


Pemex officials argue they are getting better at detecting the illegal taps, but concede it is a tough to
stop the robbers. "We have the technology to detect any change of pressure in the pipelines. But as
you see, they are very sophisticated gangs who know our operations," Pemex Director Juan Jose

The problem is aggravated by the fact that


some of the Mexican states with the most oil are the scenes of its worst
drug violence, such as Tamaulipas on the border with Texas . Among recent
Suarez told a recent news conference.

bloodshed there: the assassination of the leading gubernatorial candidate last June; the slaughter of
an entire village that had been fleeing gangsters in December; and the killing of 18 people in a single
gunfight on March 7. Stolen oil ends up low on the list of crimes for police to deal with.

Leads to narco terrorism


Yager, 9 (Jordy, Border lawmakers fear drug-terrorism link, The Hill, 3/7/09,
http://thehill.com/homenews/news/18629-border-lawmakers-fear-drug-terrorism-link)

war-like conditions on the Mexican border


could lead to Mexican drug cartels helping terrorists attack the U.S. When
you havegangs and they have loose ties with al Qaeda and then you
have Iran not too far away from building a nuclear capability, nuclear
terrorism may not be far off, said Rep. Trent Franks (R- Ariz.), a member of the House Armed
Members of Congress are raising the alarm that

Services committee. The Mexican drug cartels violence accounted for more than 6,000 deaths last year, and in
recent months it has begun spilling over into the districts of lawmakers from the southwest region, even as far north
as Phoenix, Ariz. -- which has become, Franks noted, the kidnap capital of the U.S. Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas),

while the situation is bad, it could easily get


worse. The goal of the cartels is to make money, said Cuellar, who sits on the House
Homeland Security committee. If they can smuggle in drugs and human cargo, then
certainly they can smuggle other things in, other devices to cause us
harm. We have not heard of any associations, but is there the possibility? Ill be the first to say, yeah. They
whose district borders Mexico, said that

have the routes, they can very easily smuggle in other things. If I was a bad guy in another country, I would go into

Violence reached new levels


last week when the mayor of Juarez, a Mexican city with 1.6 million people that serves as a major transit point
Central America because the U.S. is not paying the proper attention.

for drug smugglers, moved his family to El Paso, Texas, after receiving threats against his and their lives. The move
corresponded with the resignation of the citys police chief after a drug cartel promised to kill a police officer every
48 hours if he did not step down. The citys police director of operations, a police officer and a prison guard were
killed by the cartels in days prior. That was a mistake in my judgment, Franks said of the chiefs resignation. The
federal government should have come in and said listen, were going to put a Marine division there to help you out

narco-terrorists are not going to tell America who to


elect and who resigns.
if thats whats necessary, but

That results in WMD terrorist attacks


Anderson, 8 (10/8/2008, Curt, AP, US officials fear terrorist links with drug lords,
http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2008-10-08-805146709_x.htm)

There is real danger that Islamic extremist groups such as al-Qaida


and Hezbollah could form alliances with wealthy and powerful Latin
American drug lords to launch new terrorist attacks, U.S. officials said Wednesday.
Extremist group operatives have already been identified in several Latin
American countries, mostly involved in fundraising and finding logistical
support. But Charles Allen, chief of intelligence analysis at the Homeland Security Department, said they
could use well-established smuggling routes and drug profits to bring
people or even weapons of mass destruction to the U.S.
"The presence of these people in the region leaves open the possibility
that they will attempt to attack the U nited S tates," said Allen, a veteran CIA
analyst. "The threats in this hemisphere are real. We cannot ignore them."
MIAMI

Added U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration operations chief Michael Braun: "It is not in our interest to let that
potpourri of scum to come together."

Extinction
Corsi, 5 [Jerome. PhD in Poli Sci from Harvard, Expert in Politically-Motivated Violence. Atomic Iran, Pg 1768//JVOSS]

The combination of horror and outrage that will surge upon the nation will
demand that the president retaliate for the incomprehensible damage
done by the attack. The problem will be that the president will not
immediately know how to respond or against whom. The perpetrators will have been
incinerated by the explosion that destroyed New York City. Unlike 9-11, there will have been no interval during the
attack when those hijacked could make phone calls to loved ones telling them before they died that the hijackers
were radical Islamic extremists. There will be no such phone calls when the attack will not have been anticipated
until the instant the terrorists detonate their improvised nuclear device inside the truck parked on a curb at the

Nor will there be any possibility of finding any clues, which


either were vaporized instantly or are now lying physically inaccessible
under tons of radioactive rubble. Still, the president, members of Congress, the military,
and the public at large will suspect another attack by our known enemy
Islamic terrorists. The first impulse will be to launch a nuclear strike on
Mecca, to destroy the whole religion of Islam. Medina could possibly be added to the target
Empire State Building.

list just to make the point with crystal clarity. Yet what would we gain? The moment Mecca and Medina were wiped

the Islamic world more than 1 billion human beings in countless different nations would
feel attacked. Nothing would emerge intact after a war between the
United States and Islam. The apocalypse would be upon us. [CONTINUES} Or the
off the map,

president might decide simply to launch a limited nuclear strike on Tehran itself. This might be the most rational
option in the attempt to retaliate but still communicate restraint. The problem is that a strike on Tehran would add

Muslims around the world would still see


the retaliation as an attack on Islam, especially when the United States
had no positive proof that the destruction of New York City had been triggered
by radical Islamic extremists with assistance from Iran. But for the president not to
more nuclear devastation to the world calculation.

retaliate might be unacceptable to the American people. So weakened by the loss of New York, Americans would
feel vulnerable in every city in the nation. "Who is going to be next?" would be the question on everyone's mind. For

That the president might think politically at this


instant seems almost petty, yet every president is by nature a politician.
The political party in power at the time of the attack would be destroyed
unless the president retaliated with a nuclear strike against somebody.
The American people would feel a price had to be paid while the country
was still capable of exacting revenge.
this there would be no effective answer.

2NC Narco-Terrorism Links


Oil funds Zetas
Bargent 5/10 (Oil and Gas Theft in Mexico Doubled in 2013, James Bargent, Independent
journalism from Colombia and Latin America, Friday, 10 May 2013, http://www.insightcrime.org/newsbriefs/oil-and-gas-theft-in-mexico-doubled-in-2013) //EY

In the first four months of 2013, Mexican state oil company Pemex
recorded 730 illegal siphons, in comparison to 377 last year, reported La
Jornada. Of those siphons, 666 targeted pipelines operated by Pemex's oil refining arm, 40 its gas
and petro-chemicals arm and 24 from Pemex Exploration and Production.
The worst hit states were Tamaulipas, Veracruz, Sinaloa, the state of Mexico and Jalisco. Authorities
have arrested 48 people for siphoning, and 180 more for transporting illegal fuel, so far this year.

Between 2011 and 2012, the number of illegal siphons detected jumped
23.2 percent, from 1,416 to 1,744. Pemex attributed the rise predominantly to a
growing interest in oil and gas theft among Mexico's organized crime
groups, but also to advances in detecting siphons.
In recent year, oil theft has gone from being characterized by petty theft
and corruption within Pemex, to a large scale criminal operation carried
out by major organized crime players, in particular the Zetas.
Since the drug cartels got involved in the trade, recorded theft has been
rising quickly, and appears to be still accelerating, suggesting the multimillion dollar trade is an increasingly important source of revenue for the
groups involved.
The idea that this acceleration is being fuelled by organized crime groups
is supported by the geography of the trade. Of the states identified by
Pemex, all but the State of Mexico have heavy drug cartel presence and
the Zetas, who are behind much of the trade are believed to be present in
all of them.

Zetas control oil


The Economist 12 (Black gold on the black market, Stolen petroleum is a growing source of
income for Mexicos bandits, Aug 4th 2012, http://www.economist.com/node/21559962) //EY

DRUGS, extortion, kidnapping, people-smuggling: Mexicos organisedcrime multinationals have a keen eye for diversification. A growing
sideline is stolen oil. In 2011 outlaws made off with 3.35m barrels of fuel
belonging to Pemex, the state-run oil monopoly, up from 2.16m in 2010. The thefts are
reckoned to deprive the company of more than $1 billion per year. Pemexs profits pay for a third of
the federal governments budget.

Stealing the fuel, which includes gas condensate and refined oil as well as
crude, is not hard. Some goes missing from lorries that are held up in
lonely stretches of desert. More is siphoned out of lengthy exposed
pipelines. Tapping the high-pressure pipes is dangerous: in 2010 a suspected attempt to puncture
one produced an explosion that caused 28 deaths.

Despite such accidents, ever more people are taking the risk. Last year Pemex

detected 1,324 taps, over twice as many as in 2010. The increase was partly down to better detection,

But robbers are getting more sophisticated, sometimes


pumping water back into the pipes to fool pressure sensors. Pemex
concedes that some sites have been taken over, practically, by bands of
organised criminals.
the firm says.

Oil Theft is happening and increasing every year unsustainable


Reuters 6/6 (Mexico's Pemex says losing up to 10,000 bpd to oil theft, Mexico, June 6,
2013http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/06/mexico-pemex-thefts-idUSL1N0EI1GL20130606) //EY

Crude oil theft at Mexico's state oil monopoly, Pemex , amounts to


as much as 10,000 barrels per day (bpd) and has been rising by nearly a
third annually, a top official with the company said on Thursday.
"It's between 5,000 and 10,000 barrels per day," Carlos Morales, head of Pemex's
(Reuters) -

exploration and production arm, said on the sidelines of an oil conference in the resort city of Cancun.
"The

thefts target gasoline, diesel and crude ... they vary all the time but
without a doubt they have a major impact on the (Pemex) budget. Each
year fuel theft in Mexico has increased 30 percent," he added.
Criminals have targeted oil pipelines around the country and Pemex says
that company workers are often complicit.
Mexico is currently producing just over 2.5 million bpd, well down from a peak of 3.4 million bpd in
2004.

Zetas are increasingly stealing oil


Oilprice 12 (Petroleum Theft Growing in Mexico, Joao Peixe, 21 August 2012, http://oilprice.com/LatestEnergy-News/World-News/Petroleum-Theft-Growing-in-Mexico.html) //EY

Despite the millions of dollars spent trying to battle theft of oil, petrol, and diesel by
Mexican criminal gangs, Pemex, the Mexican governments hydrocarbon monopoly,
has reported that the pilfering has actually continued to rise.
The amount of petroleum products stolen in the first half of this year is up 18
percent compared to 2011, totalling more than 1.8 million barrels.
Most of the criminal operations are coordinated by the Zetas , one of the largest and most
violent gangs in Mexico. It is thought that they steal the hydrocarbons from places such as Mexicos Burgos Basin
natural gas field in the north east of the country, and then sell it to Houston-based refineries.
Pemex is currently trying to take a number of Houston companies to court for either knowingly or unknowingly
trading in stolen petroleum products that have been smuggled out of Mexico since 2006.

Using sophisticated measuring systems which can detect drops in pipeline pressure ,
officials at Pemex discovered nearly 800 illegal taps during the first six months of
2012. In the whole of 2011 1,300 such taps were detected.
George Baker, a Houston-based expert on Mexicos energy industry, explained that this is not just small gangs

the product is being stolen in huge amounts and in broad


daylight. That raises the question of how many holes are in the system from people
looking the other way.
siphoning off petrol from pipelines,

Los Zetas have control of the land no technological


development solves
Booth 09 (Widespread oil theft by drug traffickers deals major blow to Mexico's government, William
Booth, washington post foreign service , Sunday, December 13, 2009, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2009/12/12/AR2009121202888.html) //EY

Drug traffickers employing high-tech drills, miles of rubber hose and


a fleet of stolen tanker trucks have siphoned more than $1 billion worth of oil from
Mexico's pipelines over the past two years , in a vast and audacious conspiracy that is bleeding the
MALTRATA, MEXICO --

national treasury, according to U.S. and Mexican law enforcement officials and the state-run oil company.

Using sophisticated smuggling networks, the traffickers have transported a portion


of the pilfered petroleum across the border to sell to U.S. companies, some of which
knew that it was stolen, according to court documents and interviews with American officials involved in an
expanding investigation of oil services firms in Texas.

The widespread theft of Mexico's most vital national resource by criminal organizations represents a costly new
front in President Felipe Caldern's war against the drug cartels, and it shows how the traffickers are rapidly
evolving from traditional narcotics smuggling to activities as diverse as oil theft, transport and sales.

Oil theft has been a persistent problem for the state-run Petroleos Mexicanos, or
Pemex, but the robbery increased sharply after Caldern launched his war against
the cartels shortly after taking office in December 2006 . The drug war has claimed more than
16,000 lives and has led the cartels, which rely on drug trafficking for most of their revenue, to branch out into
other illegal activities.

Authorities said they have traced much of the oil rustling to the Zetas, a criminal
organization founded by former military commandos. Although the Zetas initially
served as a protection arm of the powerful Gulf cartel, they now call their own shots
and dominate criminal enterprise in the oil-rich states of Veracruz and Tamaulipas.
"The Zetas are a parallel government," said Eduardo Mendoza Arellano, a federal lawmaker who heads
a national committee on energy. "They practically own vast stretches of the pipelines, from
the highway to the very door of the oil companies."
The Zetas earn millions of dollars by "taxing" the oil pipelines -- organizing the theft
themselves or taking a cut from anyone who does the stealing , according to Mexican
authorities. The U.S. Treasury Department this summer designated two Zeta commanders as narcotics "kingpins,"
which allows authorities to seize assets.

The Zetas often work with former Pemex employees, according to Ramn Pequeo Garca, chief
of anti-drug operations at Mexico's Public Security Ministry. The former employees "are highly skilled people who
have the technical knowledge to extract oil from the pipelines. They are now under the control of the Zetas,"
Pequeo said.

Zetas own the area


Wilkinson 10 (Mexican drug cartels cripple Pemex operations in basin, September 06, 2010, Tracy
Wilkinson, LA times reporter, http://articles.latimes.com/2010/sep/06/world/la-fg-mexico-pemex-20100906) //EY

Pemex, which is Mexico's largest income earner, pulling in nearly a third of the national budget,
once staked great hopes on the area and its prospects for yielding gas, abundant thanks
to the sandy soil and porous rock that make for ideal production and exploration conditions.
After dedicating nearly half a century to testing and exploration in the basin, Pemex in 2002 took the unusual step
of opening it up to foreign investment, in contrast to Mexico's historic protectionist attitude toward natural
resources. Pemex officials anticipated an injection upward of $8 billion.

Employees of Pemex and a handful of foreign-owned firms were earning well in the
basin, living good lives and working in relative safety.
Then convoys of mysterious gunmen started plying the roadways, followed by
shows of force, intimidation, beatings and, finally, the abductions. Pleas for help and
better protection, union leaders and workers say, went unheeded. The exact
motives behind the May kidnappings remain unclear.
Ramirez, the senator, said the cartel responsible, probably the Zetas, may be after
technical information to elude the measures Pemex is taking to guard against the
rampant thefts of gas and oil.
Whatever the motive, the effect has been to cripple operations in some areas of the basin.
"In the Burgos project, there are areas we cannot access," Carlos Morales Gil, director of exploration and production
for Pemex, said during a news conference in the Tabasco city of Villahermosa in July. It was a startling admission.

Narco-Terrorism Turns Hegemony


Drug trade violence turns Mexico into a failed state and
destabilizes the US
Broder, 9 senior editor for defense and foreign policy at Roll Call. Before joining Congressional Quarterly in
2002, he worked as an editor at National Public Radio in Washington and as a foreign correspondent for the
Associated Press, NBC News and the Chicago Tribune, based in Jerusalem, Beirut and Beijing. graduate of the
University of Virginia and studied international relations at Harvard University. (Jonathan, Mexico's Drug War:
Violence Too Close to Home 3/9/09 http://library.cqpress.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/cqweekly/weeklyreport111000003069323.) // czhang
With an approving nod from the United States, Mexican President Felipe Calderon has thrown his army into the fight
against the cartels, but the well-armed

gangs are fighting back. And according to some U.S. officials

and experts, the Drug barons are winning. In Washington, where policy debates involving Mexico
have been confined mostly to trade and immigration for the past two decades, sudden awareness of the Drug war
has produced some alarming assessments. Retired Gen. Barry McCaffrey, who was the Drug czar in the Clinton

unless the Mexican government gains control of the


Drug gangs, the United States could, within a decade, be confronting on
its southern border a narco-state meaning an area controlled by Drug
cartels. The Pentagon envisions an even worse scenario: Mexico and Pakistan, it says, are the
countries most at risk of swiftly collapsing into failed states those
whose central governments are so weak they have little practical control
over most of their territory. Beset as he is at home by the credit crisis and plunging economy,
White House, warned recently that

President Obamas response to the chaos in Mexico has so far been to continue some George W. Bush
administration policies while beginning a search for others. He is expected to focus on possible regional approaches
when he attends a Summit of the Americas in Trinidad and Tobago next month. Experts on the region, though, say

the magnitude of the Drug war in Mexico and its danger to the United
States far exceed the reach of existing federal policies, perhaps even the
policies the new administration is considering, such as stepped-up military
aid and regional cooperation. Uncontrolled Drug violence in Mexico, these
experts say, might result in tens of thousands of refugees surging across the
border, adding to the estimated 12 million immigrants already in the country illegally. U.S. Drug officials say that
a narco-state in Mexico could turn the ungoverned territory along the
border into a permanent springboard for Mexican Drug traffickers
smuggling their goods north into California, Arizona, New Mexico and
Texas. And economic analysts say that should the Mexican government completely
collapse, it would jeopardize oil exports from Mexico, from which the
United States receives a third of its supply. Any descent by Mexico into chaos, the
Pentagons Joint Forces Command wrote in November, would demand an American response based on the serious
implications for homeland security alone.

Collapses hegemony the US will be too busy dealing with


Mexico to project power in other places
Haddick 8 - a contractor at U.S. Special Operations Command who wrote the This Week at War column for
Foreign Policy - (Robert, Now that would change everything December 2008,
http://westhawk.blogspot.com/2008/12/now-that-would-change-everything.html)//WL
There is one dynamic in the literature of weak and failing states that has received relatively little attention, namely
the phenomenon of rapid collapse. For the most part, weak and failing states represent chronic, long-term
problems that allow for management over sustained periods. The collapse of a state usually comes as a surprise,
has a rapid onset, and poses acute problems. The collapse of Yugoslavia into a chaotic tangle of warring
nationalities in 1990 suggests how suddenly and catastrophically state collapse can happen - in this case, a state
which had hosted the 1984 Winter Olympics at Sarajevo, and which then quickly became the epicenter of the
ensuing civil war. In terms of worst-case scenarios for the Joint Force and indeed the world, two large and important
states bear consideration for a rapid and sudden collapse: Pakistan and Mexico. Some forms of collapse in Pakistan
would carry with it the likelihood of a sustained violent and bloody civil and sectarian war, an even bigger haven for

violent extremists, and the question of what would happen to its nuclear weapons. That perfect storm of
uncertainty alone might require the engagement of U.S. and coalition forces into a situation of immense complexity
and danger with no guarantee they could gain control of the weapons and with the real possibility that a nuclear
weapon might be used.

The Mexican possibility may seem less likely, but the government, its
politicians, police, and judicial infrastructure are all under sustained
assault and pressure by criminal gangs and drug cartels. How that internal conflict
turns out over the next several years will have a major impact on the stability of the Mexican state. Any
descent by the Mexico into chaos would demand an American response
based on the serious implications for homeland security alone . Yes, the
rapid collapse of Mexico would change everything with respect to the
global security environment. Such a collapse would have enormous
humanitarian, constitutional, economic, cultural, and security implications
for the U.S. It would seem the U.S. federal government, indeed American society at large,
would have little ability to focus serious attention on much else in the
world. The hypothetical collapse of Pakistan is a scenario that has already been well discussed. In the worst
case, the U.S. would be able to isolate itself from most effects emanating from south Asia. However,
there would be no running from a Mexican collapse .

Turns US-Mex Relations


Drug violence will collapse relations
Kurtzman, 09 (Joel, Senior Fellow; Executive Director, Senior Fellows Program; Publisher, The Milken
Institute Review, business editor and columnist at The New York Times, member of the editorial board of Harvard
Business School, AB at the University of California, Recipient of the Eisner Memorial Award, master's at the
University of Houston, recipient of a Moody Foundation Fellowship, Mexico's Instability Is a Real Problem, the Wall
Street Journal, 1/16/2009, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123206674721488169.html)
My colleague, Glenn Yago, and I calculate that if Mexico were to reduce corruption and bring its
legal, economic, accounting and regulatory standards up to U.S. levels (the U.S. ranks 13th and Finland ranks first),
Mexico's nominal per capital GDP would increase by about $18,000 to roughly $28,000 a year.
And it would also receive a lot more direct foreign investment that would create jobs. And this impacts the U.S.
Thanks to Mexico's retarded economic growth, millions of Mexicans have illegally moved to the U.S. to find work.

Unless the violence can be reversed, the U.S. can anticipate that the flow across the
border will continue . To his credit, Mexico's President Felipe Caldern has deployed 45,000 members of
his military and 5,000 federal police to fight drug traffickers. This suggests that he is taking the violence and the
threat to civil government seriously. But the path forward will be a difficult one . Not only
must Mexico fight its drug lords, it must do so while putting its institutional house in order. That means firing
government employees who are either corrupt or not willing to do the job required to root out corruption. It will also

For more than a century,


Mexico and the U.S. have enjoyed friendly relations and some degree of
economic integration. But if Mexico's epidemic of violence continues, that
relationship could end if the U.S. is forced to surge personnel to the border.
likely require putting hundreds, or even thousands, of police officers in jail.

Turns Mex Econ


Drug violence negatively impacts Mexican labor markets,
employment, investments and income causes significant
economic contraction
Robles et al., 13 fourth year PhD student in Political Science with specialization in the fields of
Political Methodology and Comparative Politics; with Gabriela Caldern, Ph.D. in Economics from Stanford University
researching violence in Latin America and evaluation of public policy programs in Mexico; and Beatriz Magaloni,
Associate Professor of Political Science & Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (Gustavo,
The Economic Consequences of Drug Trafficking Violence in Mexico, Poverty and Governance, Stanford University,
19 April 2013, http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/24014/RoblesCalderonMagaloni_EconCosts5.pdf)//BI

One of the greatest challenges for governments in Latin America is to ensure


order and provide security. The levels of violence and crime in the region have
increased in the last years with Mexico as one of the most affected
countries by this crime wave. The dramatic change in the patterns of violence, especially the
increased murder rate, is clearly related to structural changes in the drug
trafficking business since 2006. External factors such as the increased flow of trade with the United
States, the greater availability of weapons, and the reduced cocaine supply from Colombia increased profitability

increase in the market


size also changed the operation and internal organization of drug trafficking
organizations from being family businesses to hierarchical organizations stratified into regional units. The
substantially and attracted new competitors and suppliers into the drug trade. The

interaction of the DTOs with local and national governments has also changed with the liberalization of politics in
the country and the entry of multiple political actors and several parties, making more complex the operation of the
business. Finally, the intense policies of President Caldern to combat and contain organized crime have

As a result of profound
domestic and structural changes, the number of people involved in drug
trafficking has grown. However, unlike the market of other products that operate in a legal arena,
drug cartels do not compete for prices but instead compete directly to
monopolize the means of distribution into the United States through the
use of force. The growing rivalries between drug trafficking factions have resulted in an unprecedented
increase in the levels of violence in the country. To estimate the impact of the increasing
levels of violence on economic activity is a complex activity because the drug related
fragmented the cohesion and organization of the narco-trafficking groups.

violence is different in nature than common crime. Most killings correspond to strategic assassinations of members
of rival organizations or clashes with authorities. Besides being focused, the drug-related violence is sporadic and
has a higher volatility than common criminal violence. Moreover, there is an identification problem as this type of
violence is not seen in all municipalities with drug production, distribution, or trafficking ties. This makes it difficult
to isolate the economic effect of increased levels of violence on the business activities of drug trafficking

the violent competition between rival drug


organizations has a negative effect on the economy. To understand the mechanism, we
organizations. This study argues that

use the analogy of Olson (2001) to imagine the cartels as stationary or roving bandits depending on how they
decide to integrate themselves into society. Stationary bandits, or benefactors, have the ability to maintain
control over their territories over the long term and therefore have incentives to reduce predatory behavior as they
look towards greater long-term gains. Roving bandits have temporary or uncertain control over their territory,
which induces them to extract rents and resources from the community at the highest rate possible through

the
war between cartels for control over certain trafficking routes has been
matched by a substantial increase in violence and petty crime, including
theft, extortion, and kidnapping. Faced with increased competition, cartels
have incentives to turn against society due to the need for greater resources to maintain their
extortion, robbery, and other crimes, to maximize short-term gain. The main argument of this study is that

armed conflicts, and because of a need to intimidate or punish members of rival organizations, as well as to exploit
new opportunities for opportunistic crime. Following the above argument, and due to the nature of drug-related

this type of violence has no linear effect on economic


performance, but instead that there is a threshold after which violence causes
economic activity to significantly shrink. Below this turf-war threshold, many individuals
violence, we can assume that

and companies can internalize any increased costs resulting from the need for
enhanced security and protection depending on their economic size and capacity. However, said
adjustments have effects on the labor market, both in the supply and
demand, and we can expect to find a marginal effect of violence on this area. Once the violence
levels have passed into the war threshold, companies and individuals
begin to change their actions in both the medium and long term, including their
location, investments, and production, in the case of commercial enterprises, and their participation in the labor

We can expect a significant


contraction in economic activity in this range of violence that might not be
market and choice of profession, in the case of individuals.

adequately captured with a linear relationship model between economic activity and violence. In our study we used
two empirical strategies to estimate both the marginal effects and the threshold effects of violence on economic
activity and labor. To estimate the marginal effects, we did an instrumental variable regression utilizing exogenous
variation of cocaine seizures in Colombia to instrument for violence. This variable was interacted with the distance

We found substantial negative effects on


labor market participation, unemployment, decision to start a company,
and income. To estimate the short-term and medium-term effects of crossing the turf-war threshold on the
of a municipality from principle points of entry.

economy, we made use of synthetic control group methodology consisting of building counterfactual scenarios by

We used the close correlation between GDP


and electricity consumption to estimate the effect of violence on economic
activity at the municipal level. We found that those municipalities that saw
dramatic increases in violence between 2006 and 2010 significantly
reduced their energy consumption in the years after treatment. By analyzing the threshold
creating optimal weighted units of control.

effect, rather than a linear effect of violence on economic activity, the present study provides a baseline for future
research to model and estimate in a more sophisticated way the relationship between violence and economic
performance, in particular when we study drug-related violence

Drug trade eviscerates foreign direct investment into Mexico


--- acts as a brake on growth
Caldwell, 12 (Deborah, senior editor for Enterprise, Crime Explodes But an Economy Booms, CNBC,
9/18/12, http://www.cnbc.com/id/49037775, Tashma)

the countrys well-publicized drug killings would


appear to be a clear disincentive to foreign investment. On the other hand, the economy has
become an under-the-radar economic juggernaut. Its like the Mexican economy is driving with
the emergency brake on , Selee said. You can only imagine if the violence werent
going on, its growth could be extraordinary . You cant help think they could
sustain 5 to 6 percent growth in one year. (Mexico is expected to grow at a rate of about 4 percent
this year.) Violence is a key factor in Mexico's low -to-middling competitiveness ranking
among the nations of the world. According to the World Economic Forum, Mexico ranked 58 out of 142
of the worlds countries in its 2010-2012 Global Competitive Index. Not surprisingly, the most problematic
factors for doing business are crime, theft, corruption, and inefficient government
bureaucracy. To put the ranking in context: The United States ranks number five out of 142; but Brazil
And that is the paradox of Mexico. On one hand,

generally considered the darling of Latin American foreign investment ranks 53 out of 142 countries. Violence
related to Mexicos drug trade increased dramatically after President Felipe Calderon took office in 2006 and

More than
47,000 people have been killed in drug violence since the start of the war on drugs
through September 2011, the last time the government released official figures. Calderon leaves
office in December after his six-year term is complete. This month he acknowledged crime is a
deterrent to foreign direct investment .
launched a war on the cartels.Almost immediately, killings in Mexico rose as the cartels fought back.

Pemex Aff Cards

Spills defense
Ecosystems resilient
Dicks 98 (THE ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT OF MARINE OIL SPILLS Effects, Recovery and Compensation,Dr.
Brian Dicks, Technical Team Manager, International Tankers Owners Pollution Federation Ltd Paper presented at the
International Seminar on Tanker Safety Pollution Prevention, Spill Response and Compensation, 601 November
1998, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil) //EY

The short-term effects of oil spills on marine species and communities are well
known and predictable. However, concems are often raised about possible longerterrn ('sub-lethal') population effects through , for example, low levels of residual oil affecting the
ability of certain species to breed successfully. In fact, extensive research and detailed post-spill
studies have shown that many components of the marine environment are highly
resilient to short-term adverse changes in the environment in which they live and that, as a
consequence, a major oil spill will rarely cause permanent effects .

Exxon Valdez proves recovery is quick


Time 11 (The BP Oil Spill, One Year Later: How Healthy Is the Gulf Now?,

Bryan Walsh ,Apr. 19,


2011, I'm a senior writer for TIME magazine, covering energy and the environment ,
http://www.time.com/time/health/article/0,8599,2066031,00.html) //EY
Carl Safina headed down to the Gulf Coast just days after the Deepwater Horizon rig exploded on April

A veteran of the Exxon Valdez spill and the head of the Blue
Ocean Institute, a nonprofit that focuses on marine health Safina
wanted to see the Gulf oil spill up close, to document something he was
sure would be an environmental catastrophe. Researching what would become the
20, 2010.

book A Sea in Flames which goes on sale April 19 Safina spent time with Gulf fishermen and
ecologists, toured oiled beaches and spoke to people involved in the cleanup. As long as the oil kept
spilling, just about everyone had the same opinion: the spill would be truly catastrophic for the Gulf
and its coast. "We didn't know how it would stop or when it would stop," says Safina. "Gulf fishermen
who'd invested their lives in the industry were convinced they'd never fish again."

Yet nearly a year after the spill began, it seems clear that the worst-case
scenario never came true. It's not that the oil spill had no lasting effects
far from it but the ecological doomsday many predicted clearly hasn't
taken place. There is recovery where once there was only fear. "A lot of questions remain, but
where we are now is ahead of where people thought we'd be," Safina says. "Most people expected it
would be much worse."
As we approach the anniversary of the spill, Safina's judgment is becoming the accepted wisdom: it
could have been worse. That isn't to minimize what did happen in the Gulf of Mexico. Roughly 4.9
million barrels of oil blew out of BP's broken well and bled into the water, with a portion of that crude
making landfall along the coastline. Add in the unknown effect of 1.84 million gallons (7 million L) of
chemical dispersants, much of which were applied directly to the well deep below the surface of the
ocean something that had never been done before.

Even the cleanup might have had


an impact on the environment, thanks to the burning of oil on the surface
of the Gulf, and the tens of thousands of workers who trampled along the
sensitive wetlands of Louisiana, corralling crude wherever they could. Scientists caution
that a single year isn't long enough to draw any final conclusions about an environmental insult so
huge.

Yet the damage does seem so far to have been less than feared. Take the
oil itself: scientists with the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration estimated last August that much of the oil had remained in
the Gulf, where it had dispersed or dissolved. Many environmentalists attacked the
report for underplaying the threat of large underwater oil plumes still active in the Gulf, yet later
independent scientific studies indeed found that oil had largely
disappeared from the water. Turns out we can thank bacteria. Scientists from Lawrence
Berkeley National Laboratory; University of California, Santa Barbara; and Texas A&M University

traveled to the site of the blown well and found that microbes had digested much of the oil and

By autumn, the levels were back to normal.


"It's very surprising it happened so fast," John Kessler, an oceanographer
with Texas A&M, told me earlier this year. "It looks like natural systems
can handle an event like this somewhat on their own."
methane that remained in the water.

Whales
Alt cause dragnet fishing and vessel strike
Care2 12 (Why Are Whales Dying? Because of Us, Kristina Chew, October 10, 2012,
http://www.care2.com/causes/why-are-whales-dying-because-of-us.html#ixzz2ZcVVnBZZ

Despite efforts including policies implemented by the U.S. and Canadian


governments, right whales, one of the most endangered species in the
ocean, are still dying because of us humans. In a new study in Conservation Biology,
Julie van der Hoop and Michael Moore of the Massachusetts Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution
analyzed data about the deaths of eight species of large whales in the northwest Atlantic between
1970 and 2009 during which they recorded 1,762 deaths and serious (likely fatal) injuries occurred
among eight species of whales.

122 right whales (Eubalaena glacialis), 473 humpbacks (Megaptera


novaeangliae), 257 fin whales (Balaenoptera physalus) and, as the journal
Nature says, scores of whales of other species died. The researchers were only
able to assign a reason for the whales deaths in 47 percent of the cases. In 67 percent of these, the
cause of death was human activity.

Specifically, entanglement of whales in fishing nets was the main reason


for their deaths, followed by natural deaths and vessel strikes.
Researchers found that the likelihood of whales being entangled or struck
by vessels with fatal results increased significantly from 1990 through
2009. The year after numerous efforts to prevent such had been enacted saw no significant
change in the local intensity of all or vessel-strike mortalities.

Oil spills inev


Oil spills are inevitable
Mitchell 10 (Are More Oil Spills Inevitable?, Lincoln Mitchell, was Arnold A. Saltzman Assistant Professor
in the Practice of International Politics at Columbia University, May 5, 2010, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/lincolnmitchell/are-more-oil-spills-inevi_b_564644.html) //EY

The oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, while an environmental tragedy in so many
respects, also could not have come at a worse time for advocates of drilling off of
America's coasts. The image of hundreds of thousands of gallons of oil daily spilling into the Gulf of Mexico is
a far more eloquent and powerful rebuttal to those who want to "drill baby, drill" than any words could have been.
However, if the primary lesson which we take from this oil spill is that we should not drill for oil off of our shores,
than we have missed the point.
To a substantial extent the "drill baby, drill" slogan from 2008 was not so much a serious policy proposal as an
emphatic verbal jab aimed at the environmental movement and the other alleged elites who recognized the
seriousness of climate change and the need to change our behavior accordingly. It was a way for Sarah Palin and
her supporters to all but shout down the knowledge and environmental realities that threatened their way of life.
"Drill

baby, drill" was not so much an energy policy but a statement about one's
views towards science, the environment and a complex and changing world . It also
succeeded in precluding a serious national discussion about energy policy

Drilling for oil


simply as a way to demonstrate that you believe that climate change is a fiction and
that every American has the unequivocal right to use as much fossil fuel as
possible, which seemed to be the argument behind this slogan, is a position that is
easy to refute. It is also not particularly relevant to serious conversations about whether or not we should drill
The "drill baby, drill" crowd is also an attractive straw man for the debate about offshore drilling.

off of our coasts.

The question of whether or not to drill offshore is something of a false construct


anyway, because it is meaningless in the absence of other options. There are, of
course, other options. We don't have to get our oil by drilling offshore. We can get it
by tapping into our reserves or by buying it from somewhere else. If we decide to
tap our reserves, we are doing little more than postponing the question about
whether or not to drill offshore . Getting our oil from somewhere else, in addition to deeply complicating
US foreign policy, is obviously not without an environmental impact. Carbon released by driving a car
powered by oil from the Middle East, Central Asia or elsewhere, for example, still
contributes to climate change.
This spill is nonetheless significant because the oil is leaking out into the sea where
it will damage marine life, make it more difficult to fish and cause other harm to the
area. This is an environmental disaster that cannot be ignored, but that probably will occur again if we increase
offshore oil drilling and do not strengthen safety and environmental regulations. However, as anybody
who can recall the Exxon Valdez spill in 1989 knows, not all marine oil spills are due
to drilling offshore. The Valdez was a tanker transporting oil, not a rig drilling for oil.
The current spill is worse than the Valdez, but stopping offshore oil drilling does not
eliminate the risk, or perhaps the inevitability, that similar accidents will happen .
Even oil that gets extracted from the desserts of the Middle East, Central Asia or the
frozen Russian North has to be moved closer to consumers . This process relies upon networks
of pipelines and shipping which can also fail leading to oil spills with disastrous environmental consequences.

The ongoing disaster in the Gulf of Mexico is, therefore, a stark reminder not only of
the perils of offshore oil drilling, but of the inevitable consequences of continuing
dependence of fossil fuels. Determining whether, when and where to drill is a difficult question, made

more difficult because we are currently staring at what can go wrong with offshore drilling. However, these are not
stand alone questions, but can only be answered in the context of a broader energy policy which includes incentives

The belief held by many


progressives -- that we have to change our way of living and our dependence on
fossil fuels in order to combat climate change -- was what initially sparked the
to move our country toward becoming less dependent on fossil fuels.

backlash and enthusiasm from Palin and her followers. Recent events only
underscore that these ideas, which are not new, are even more relevant now. President
Obama understood this two years ago, and it was reflected in his campaign rhetoric during the election. The slow
leak of oil into the Gulf of Mexico and the expanding oil slick on top of the Gulf are more reminders of the urgency of
this problem.

Things just get imported still contributes to accidents/spills


Pugliaresi et al. 10 (Offshore Drilling: An Argument in its Defense, by LUCIAN PUGLIARESI, BEN
MONTALBANO,and TRISHA CURTIS, President, Energy Policy Research Foundation, Trisha Curtis is a research analyst at
EPRINC, SEPTEMBER 2010, http://eprinc.org/pdf/EPRINC-ENI-Macondo.pdf) //EY

There is No Alternative. The direct revenue consequence to the federal government,


contribution to economic growth, employment, and energy security are all benefits
from offshore drilling.This benefit stream places the federal government as the petroleum industrys
mostimportant partner.The moratoriumisnot delivering any genuine reduction in net risk to the environment as

More
importantly, the offshore Alaska and deepwater Gulf of Mexico are the most
prospective petroleum provinces for expanding domestic supply of crude oil.
Leaving these resources in the ground will not prevent equivalent quantities of oil
and gas from being consumed; instead, unrealized production of oil and gas will
largely be replaced by imports. Although there is considerable debate over the size of the domestic
domestic offshore production will shift to imports by tanker (a more risky transport mechanism).

offshore resource, estimates of recoverable reserves continue to climband the value of the resource is substantial.
EPRINC estimates that a failure to develop these important domestic reserves could reduce prospective federal
revenues between 20-40 billion dollars per year. Large employment losses and revenues to the Gulf states are also
at risk. According to a recent estimate from Minerals Management Service offshore operations in Americaprovide
150,000 directjobs. 8 The same operations support anadditional 285,000 indirect jobs, bringing total offshore
employment (direct and indirect) to roughly 435,000 jobs. 9

China Sphere of Influence

Manufacturing
Latin American manufacturing is declining due to China
Oxford Analytica 10
(LATIN AMERICA/CHINA: Global crisis boosted trade ties, Oxford Analytica Daily Brief
Service, 9/15/10, ABI/INFORM)//Jax
China has contributed to the recovery of the rate of growth in Latin America. GDP in
the region is expected to expand at 5.2% in 2010 thanks, in large part, to high world
demand for raw materials, oil and gas (see LATIN AMERICA: Trade rebound again
commodity-dependent - September 14, 2010). Nevertheless, China's impact in
Latin America has also created some problems: Primary products
specialisation. In the last two years, Latin America has intensified its
specialisation in natural resources. In 2008-09, exports of raw materials and
primary-based manufactures amounted to 59% of all Latin American
exports compared to 55% in 2005-06 and 44% in 2001-02. Four-fifths of
Chinese imports from Latin America are primary goods, while a majority of
Chinese exports to the region are manufacturing goods with increasing
technological content. Expansion of Chinese manufacturing exports. Chinese
products in sectors like clothing, toys, furniture and electronics have
flooded Latin American countries and small and medium-sized firms are
finding it increasingly difficult to survive. In 2008, 22% of Chinese imports
of Latin America were basic manufacturing goods, 25% were
manufacturing goods with medium technology and 35% were high
technology products. Chinese competition in the US market. For example, in the
apparel sector Central American countries have failed to compete with
Chinese producers due to higher labour costs and lower productivity. In the
first seven months of 2010, the share of DR-CAFTA countries in US imports of
apparel was only 7.7% compared to 8.2% in 2008. Meanwhile, China's
market share has increased from 35% to 41% in the same period.

Chinese competition is destroying Mexican manufacturing


competitiveness
Hearn 13 - PhD in Sociology, Researcher focusing on Asia and Latin America at

the University of Sydney


(Adrian, China and Latin America: Economy and Society, LATIN AMERICAN POLICY,
Volume 4, Issue 1, June 2013, Wiley Online)//Jax
Education programs also serve the broader purpose of reducing anxieties about
China's perceived threat to the region. A case in point is Mexico, where relations
with China are characterized less by cooperation than competition.
Manufactured products, such as textiles, appliances, and automobile
parts, account for more than 85% of Mexico's exports, but China
manufactures the same products at a lower cost and consequently
surpassed Mexico's position in the U.S. market in 2002. Competition with
China has caused the loss of more than 672,000 Mexican jobs across 12
industrial sectors, with further losses resulting from the abolition of tariffs

on shoes and textiles in December 2011. El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras,


Nicaragua, and Panama face similar problems and have experienced rising poverty
and consequent disappointment with the Washington Consensus, CAFTA
notwithstanding (Len-Manrquez, 2006; Villafae & Di Masi, 2002; Villafae &
Uscanga, 2000). This situation has driven Mexico to begin emulating the
resource-intensive strategies of other Latin American countries by
increasing copper and oil production. Industry watchers note the potential
of Mexican oil output to rival that of Saudi Arabia but stress the need for
investment of some US$20 billion per year to exploit existing fields and
explore discoveries such as the deepwater Noxal field in the Gulf of Mexico (Reuters,
2004; Rueda, 2005). China, the United States, and other countries are lining
up to provide this investment, but the efforts of former presidents Felipe
Caldern and Vicente Fox to allow foreign companies into the sector met with
strong domestic opposition. President Enrique Pea Nieto, inaugurated in
December 2012, has faced comparable opposition to this agenda and has already
begun to articulate a more conciliatory position endorsing ongoing public control of
the sector (Thomson, 2012). Nationalized by the progressive President Lzaro
Crdenas in 1938 under the PEMEX Corporation, oil is one of Mexico's only
significant economic resources to remain in national hands through the economic
reforms of the past two decades. Public sensitivity about the matter stems largely
from Mexico's rather sudden entry into the world market through the 1986 General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement
(Dussel Peters, 2007, p. 20). A combination of competition in manufacturing
and pressure to export oil, both resulting largely from the emergence of
China, have essentially undermined the benefits of industrial upgrading
that Mexico achieved in the mid-to-late 20th century. Adding to the bilateral
tension, the Confederation of Industrial Chambers has asserted that, for
every two manufactured products exported by Mexico, ten enter from
China, and that between 900,000 and 1 million workers have lost their
jobs (Mural, 2011, p. 4). The informal sector is woven tightly into these indicators,
with 60% of clothing sold in Mexico thought to consist of contraband, most of which
comes from China (Mayoral Jimnez, 2011; Rodrguez, 2011). Studies conducted in
2012 found that 53% of Mexicans aged 16 to 25 habitually purchase contraband
and that the informal sector constituted 15% of GDP (Informador, 2012).

Research indicates optimistic views of Chinese investment are


wrong, decline is more severe and widespread focus on
primary goods, decrease competitiveness, destroying Latin
American industry
Jenkins 10 - D.Phil. from the University of Sussex in economics, Professor of Development Economics at
the University of East Anglia, currently focusing on Chinese investment in Latin America
(Rhys, China's Global Expansion and Latin America, Journal of Latin American Studies 42.2, November 2010,
JSTOR)//Jax

Chinese competition in export markets As was pointed out in the Introduction to


this essay, the early studies of the impact of China on other developing
countries were prompted by concerns over the effects on those countries'
exports of China's entry into the WTO. In the case of Latin America, this has

been the most widely studied of the economic effects of China's rise. Most
of the early studies were optimistic, concluding that, apart from Mexico, the
countries of the region were less threatened by Chinese exports to third markets
than were the Asian economies or the transition economies of Eastern Europe, and
that the effects were confined to a few manufacturing industries. 24 It was also
argued that over time, 'LAC's trade specialization pattern is becoming more
complementary to the specialization pattern of China'.25 However, other
authors, using more recent data and different methods, have argued that
the impact of China on Latin American exports has been both more severe,
in the case of Mexico, and more widespread, in terms of the countries that
have been affected, than this optimistic view suggests. 26 These studies
suggest that China's accession to the WTO in 2001 and the elimination of
import quotas for textiles and garments under the WTO Agreement on
Textiles and Clothing in 2005 were followed by a significant increase in
competition from China in developed country markets. Using a
methodology based on constant market share analysis developed by a
Brazilian economist, Jorge Chami Batista, the loss of exports in the US
market as a result of the increase in China's market share was estimated
for 18 Latin American countries for two periods, 1996-2001 and 2001-6 (see
Table 3). 27 The results shows clearly that while the impact of China on the
region's exports was very limited up to China's accession to the WTO in
2001, after 2001 exports to the United States from the 18 countries were
9 per cent lower than they would have been if China had not increased its
share of US imports. 28 Table 3 shows the countries most affected by Chinese
competition in the US market in the period between 2001 and 2006. Mexico is third
after the Dominican Republic and El Salvador. Other Central American countries are
also among the most severely impacted, while even the countries of Mercosur have
lost market share to China in the United States. Countries not listed, such as the
Andean countries, have been relatively unaffected, reflecting the fact that the bulk
of their exports to the United States are of primary products and resource-based
manufactures, which do not compete with Chinese exports of manufactured goods.
Table 3. Latin American Countries Most Affected by Loss of Exports to China in the
US Market, 1996-2001, 2001-6 (% of Country's Exports to the US) Source: Own
elaboration from United States International Trade Commission data available at
dataweb.usitc.gov. Thus the competitive threat from China, far from being
restricted to a few countries and diminishing over time, is both
widespread and increasingly significant. This is certainly more in line with the
perceptions of the private sector in the region than with the optimistic views put
forward by the international institutions. 29 The debate over the impacts of China
on Latin American exports takes nation-states as the key units for analysis and
regards the 'threats' as being at the country level. It should be noted, however, that
changing trade patterns often result from the strategies of multinational
corporations over the allocation of production and do not reflect the outcome of
competition between firms based in different countries. The case of the 'threat'
posed by China to personal computer (PC) exports from Mexico to the
United States illustrates this very clearly. Between 2001 and 2006 China's
share of US imports of PCs, peripherals and parts more than trebled from
14.2 per cent to 45.5 per cent, while Mexico's fell by almost half, from 13.9
per cent to 7.5 per cent. 30 This was, to a large extent, the result of several
multinational firms, such as IBM, Hewlett-Packard and Selectron,

transferring production to China. In these circumstances, where capital is


globalised, the main losers from 'Chinese' competition are the workers who lose
their jobs or see their wages and working conditions deteriorating. This reality is
obscured by an approach that takes nation-states as its focus. The example of the
PC industry also illustrates the close connection that may exist between
competition in export markets and diversion of FDI flows, which have
tended to be analysed separately in the existing literature on China and Latin
America. When a US multinational takes a strategic decision to relocate
certain products or production processes from Mexico to China to supply the US
market, this is reflected both in changes to the share of Mexico and China
in US imports and in changes to the flows of FDI from the United States to
Mexico and China. A global value chain analysis brings out these
interconnections in a way that approaches based on trade and investment
flows between countries do not. 31 Exports to China The rapid expansion of the
Chinese market has made a significant contribution to the growth of Latin America's
exports from the late 1990s. The elasticity of Chinese demand for imports from the
region was found by Daniel Lederman et al. to be high, indicating a major dynamic
boost for the area. 32 China is now one of the top three export markets for a
number of Latin American countries.33 It is also worth noting, however, that not all
the countries of the region have shared in this export growth. In 2008 China
accounted for over 10 per cent of the total exports of seven Latin American
countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Peru and Uruguay), but for
other countries in the region its significance was relatively minor. 34 Some authors
have raised concerns over the pattern of specialisation in trade between
Latin America and China.35 Not only have the bulk of exports been of
primary products and resource-based manufactures, but their share,
particularly of the least processed products, has increased over time (see
Table 1). A related concern is that exports to China from the region are further
concentrated in a narrow range of commodities (copper, iron ore,
soybeans) and show little sign of diversifying. It might be argued that the
large share of primary products in Latin American exports to China is
simply a reflection of comparative advantage based on factor
endowments: Latin America is endowed with natural resources, while China has an
abundance of labour. It would be a mistake to think of comparative
advantage as a given, however. Like other East Asian countries before it,
China has been actively creating a comparative advantage in key sectors.
36 It has used a range of trade and industrial policies to develop certain stages
of global value chains within China, which has led to Latin American
producers increasingly specialising in the early, low-value-added stages of
the chains. An illustration of this has been the development of the
soybean value chain which supplies the growing demand for animal feed
and vegetable oil in China.37 Although Argentina's total exports of
soybeans and soybean products to China have increased rapidly since the
late 1990s, this growth has been very unevenly distributed, with exports
increasing most in the case of unprocessed soybeans while soybean meal
exports to China have virtually disappeared. Compared to Argentina's exports
to the rest of the world, its exports to China are much more heavily concentrated in
the early stages of the value chain. This is explained by the decision of the
Chinese authorities in the late 1990s to develop a local oilseed crushing
industry. Several promotional measures were implemented to encourage

investment in the industry and to increase its competitiveness. A number


of modern crushing plants were established, most of them located in the
coastal provinces, near the ports, to ensure easy access to imported raw
materials Leading multinational companies such as ADM, Bunge and Cargill,
which possessed crushing plants in Argentina, invested in China and now
import soybeans from Argentina to supply their Chinese plants. Evidence from the
other major value chains in which Latin America is a significant exporter to
China suggests a broadly similar pattern. In iron and steel, Brazil's trade
with China shows an increasing specialisation in iron ore and concentrates
as China rapidly develops its domestic steel industry; in copper, refining
capacity has expanded in China with Chile exporting ore and cathodes. 38 As in the
case of competition in export markets, a detailed analysis of particular value chains
can help us to understand better the processes that underlie the observed patterns
of trade.

General China Bad


Chinese hackers could shut down the grid for up to 6 months
Hjortdal 11 - M.Sc. in Political Science, researcher associated with CHINA-SEC, Centre for Military Studies
at the University of Copenhagen (Magnus, China's Use of Cyber Warfare: Espionage Meets Strategic Deterrence,
Journal of Strategic Security, 2011, http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1101&context=jss)//Jax

The Deterrence Effect on the United States: Electricity Grids and an Airbase
Cyber capabilities have a real deterrent effect when a state shows its
capabilities to the world. This happened when the United States became
aware that its electricity network had been hacked into in 2009 and that
parts of the network allegedly could be shut down whenever the hacker
wished to do so.51 Other sources, even though a little more skeptical about the
scope of such intrusions, indicate that although these foreign intruders did
not cause immediate damage, they left behind software programs that
could be used in the future to disrupt this critical infrastructure.52 This
attack was traced to China, and the chief of counterintelligence in the
United States at the time stated that "[w]e have seen Chinese network
operations inside certain of our electricity grids."53 The fact that
Americans were not able to protect their electricity network is one critical aspect,
but another is that this shows that the United States could have a serious problem
in meeting the challenge of an ambitious Chinese cyber program.54 U.S. security
experts have previously expressed their concerns. After the April 2007 cyber
attacks on Estonia, following a surge of nationalism from Russia that caused a
severe breakdown and paralyzed the heavily IT-based Estonian infrastructure,
Pentagon cyber security expert Sami Saydjari told the U.S. Congress that
"a similar mass cyber attack could leave the United States without
power for six monthssufficient time to allow China to occupy Taiwan, or
Russia to 'liberate' Georgia."55 Such statements pinpoint the vulnerability of
U.S. critical infrastructure. At present, the United States is also behind China with
regard to the training of engineers who can be used in cyber-related functions.56

Chinese can also negate the US airforce


Hjortdal 11 - M.Sc. in Political Science, researcher associated with CHINA-SEC, Centre for Military Studies
at the University of Copenhagen (Magnus, China's Use of Cyber Warfare: Espionage Meets Strategic Deterrence,
Journal of Strategic Security, 2011, http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1101&context=jss)//Jax

In 2009, there was a forced electronic entry into the Joint Strike Fighter
program and large amounts of data were copied.59 According to present
and former employees at the Pentagon, the attack can be traced to
China.60 This could mean that it would be easy for China to defend itself
against the aircraft (which many western countries expect to acquire) and,
assuming the attackers have acquired enough data, they may even be able to
copy parts of it.61 The American chief of counterintelligence has been
reported as saying that "our networks are being mapped" with reference
to American flight traffic control, and also as having warned about a
situation in which "a fighter pilot can't trust his radar."62

Hegemony stuff
PLA is incapable of projecting military power in the squo, and
while the PLA has made no public announcement of
establishing a Latin American base now, longterm it would be
consistent with PLA ideology. This would pose significant
threat to you US security in its backyard
Ellis 11 - Assistant Professor of National Security Studies in the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies at
the National Defense University
(R. Evan, CHINA-LATIN AMERICA MILITARY ENGAGEMENT: GOOD WILL, GOOD BUSINESS., AND STRATEGIC
POSITION, Strategic Studies Institute, Aug. 2011, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA548685) //Jax

Positioning China Strategically in the Region. Chinese military thinkers, as


others around the world, recognize the implications of the emergence of
the PRC as a principal global actor, including the need to prepare for
large-scale hostilities to protect these global interests. Although the PLA is
very careful to cast its military preparations as defensive in nature,
debates within the PLA over the need to develop a deterrent force, and
references to an active defense16 implicitly acknowledge that Chinese
thinkers have contemplated the necessity of carrying a future conflict
to the adversary. Moreover, although the PRC currently lacks the
capability to project significant military capability beyond Asia, the pursuit
of defense in depth by the PLA Navy foresees conducting the battle as
far away from its shores as capabilities will allow, while references in the
2008 Defense White Paper to close coordination between military struggle and
political, economic, and diplomatic endeavors17 suggest a global approach to
thinking about warfare. Nothing in the public discourse of the Chinese
leadership, policy papers, or debates suggests that Latin America is
considered in the short term as a base for military operations.
Nonetheless, in the long term, when the PRC is both economically and militarily
more powerful than it is today, the ability to deter a strategic adversary such as
the United States through holding it at risk in its own theater, and to disrupt
its ability to project power at home before those forces can reach the
PRC, is consistent with the aforementioned concepts, including a holistic,
asymmetric approach towards warfare.18 Within this broad approach, Chinas
military ties in Latin America afford geographically-specific benefits,
such as collecting intelligence on the operation of U.S. forces, creating
diversionary crises, closing down strategic chokepoints such as the
Panama Canal, or conducting disruption operations in close proximity
to the United States.

Chinese telecommunication activities in Latin America would


be a threat in a US-Sino conflict
Ellis 11 - Assistant Professor of National Security Studies in the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies at the
National Defense University
(R. Evan, CHINA-LATIN AMERICA MILITARY ENGAGEMENT: GOOD WILL, GOOD BUSINESS., AND STRATEGIC
POSITION, Strategic Studies Institute, Aug. 2011, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA548685) //Jax

With respect to telecommunications, another sector with strategic value in


the information operations and defense technology realm, Chinese firms
are major players in virtually every major nation in Central and South
America. The principal companies involved are Huawei, ZTE Corporation, and to a
lesser extent Shanghai Alcatel Bell. Both Huawei and ZTE have established
regional hubs for operations and training in Brazil. Both have participated
in various projects in the modernization and expansion of major South
American telecommunications architectures, including those of Brazil,
Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela.129 In the cases of both Huawei and ZTE,
Venezuela presented the companies, and the PRC, with a major
commercial opportunity, with each establishing a cell phone
manufacturing facility in the country, with plans to export production from the
factories into other parts of the region.130 In addition, Huawei has played a
major role in building Venezuelas fiber optic network, and has been
involved in a series of military projects as noted earlier, such as the
establishment of a command and control facility, and the training of Venezuelan
military personnel. In the case of Shanghai Alcatel Bell, the company is the
principal contractor laying a new fiber optic cable tying Cuba and
Jamaica into the China-built Venezuela telecommunications
infrastructure.131 In Honduras, although the nation does not diplomatically
recognize the PRC, a Chinese consortium was reportedly interested in purchasing
the state telecommunications firm Empresa Hondurea de Telecomunicaciones
(Hondutel), pursuant to plans to privatize it.132 As in aviation and space,
Chinese activities in telecommunications have strategic military
implications in two areas. First, they support Chinese efforts to acquire
and improve technical capabilities in this strategically important sector.
Second, as a complement to space cooperation, when Chinese companies
sell hardware and build the telecommunications infrastructure in a region,
the PRC is afforded opportunities to exploit these networks for future
information collection and disruption activities in the unlikely but possible
event of a future conflict with the United States. Moreover, such a
presence makes possible the use of commercial telecommunication offices
and activities as cover for the potential introduction of personnel into
the region and performance of information operations.

Current Chinese presence in Latin America provides a spring


board for greater military presence
Ellis 11 - Assistant Professor of National Security Studies in the Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies at the
National Defense University
(R. Evan, CHINA-LATIN AMERICA MILITARY ENGAGEMENT: GOOD WILL, GOOD BUSINESS., AND STRATEGIC
POSITION, Strategic Studies Institute, Aug. 2011, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA548685) //Jax

Chinese Physical Presence within Latin America with Military-Strategic Implications.


To date, the PRC has been extremely cautious to avoid establishing an overt
military presence in Latin America that could facilitate the emergence of a
consensus within the United States and its allies to oppose PRC engagement with
the region. Where it has done so, it has maintained a very low profile, or
emphasized the scientific or nonmilitary character of that presence. As noted

previously, the PRC has had military police in Haiti as part of the
MINUSTAH peacekeeping force since September 2004.133 Such
participation has arguably provided a valuable learning experience and
engagement opportunity for them. While far more benign than other forms
of presence, such as military bases, its activities in Haiti allows the PRC to
gain experience and develop contacts in the region, while fostering good
will among Latin American militaries that could facilitate its military
access to the region in the future. In Cuba, the PRC reportedly has a
physical presence at three or more Soviet-era monitoring facilities:
Lourdes, Bejucal,134 and Santiago de Cuba.135 With their proximity to the United
States, the bases are reportedly used by the Chinese for the collection of signals
intelligence, such as intercepting radio and cellphone transmissions, and also for
the operation of a cyber espionage and training facility in the country. In addition
to their explicitly military presence in Haiti and Cuba, the PRC also has a series
of government-operated scientific bases in Antarctica, since establishing its
first base there, Great Wall, in 1985.136 Although the sites are not of a military
character, they are supported by the PLA Navy, with the 1st Task Group
established in 2004 for the specific purpose of supporting the base and
conducting operations in the southern ocean.137 Although the frigid
temperatures and remoteness of its Antarctic facilities from the majority
of Latin American states limit their military utility, as with Haiti they have
provided opportunities to interact with the Argentine and Chilean
militaries. The Chilean base in Antarctica, for example, is located in close physical
proximity to that of the Chinese, providing opportunities for communication
and collaboration. In addition, some have speculated that the PRC presence in
Antarctica may strengthen its claim to exploit mineral deposits there,138
particularly when the current international treaty banning mining in Antarctica
expires in 2048.139 Beyond Haiti, Cuba, and Antarctica, the presence of
Chinese logistics companies in major ports of the region arguably has
some strategic military value, presenting a platform from which the PRC
could smuggle people or material into the region under the cover of
commercial operations, in the event that relations between the United
States and the PRC significantly worsen in the coming decades. Indeed,
there is a precedent for the use of Chinese commercial shipping for
military purposes. In 1991, the PRC enlisted the help of the commercial
cargo ship Yongmen, owned by China Overseas Shipping Company (COSCO), to
evacuate Chinese embassy personnel from Somalia.140 While it is important
to acknowledge the long-term strategic military value of the PRC physical presence
in Latin America, it is also necessary to put it in proper context. It would be very
difficult for the PLA to employ this commercial presence to support its
own projection of military power in the region, since com- mercial facilities
cannot be readily transformed into military bases. Moreover, the proximity to the
United States of any improvised military facilities would make them highly
vulnerable to military action in the event of overt hostilities. Nonetheless, in
such a worst case scenario, such a presence would arguably allow the
PRC to more easily deny the use of those facilities in the future by U.S.
and allied warships, or to disrupt commercial flows that support the
United States. The possibility that the firm Hutchison-Whampoa could
use its port operations at Cristobal and Balboa in the Panama Canal Zone
to close the canal to U.S. warships is illustrative.141

Lots of Random Stuff

China war Good


US intervention prevents escalationsanctions
Cooke 10 [Shamus Cooke=news correspondent, Another U.S. War? Obama Threatens China and Iran, February 1 2010
http://www.globalresearch.ca/another-u-s-war-obama-threatens-china-and-iran/17330]
The possibility of yet another U.S. war became more real last week, when the Obama administration sharply confronted both China and Iran. The first
aggressive act was performed by Obamas Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, who warned China that it must support serious economic sanctions
against Iran (an act of war). Clinton

said: China will be under a lot of pressure to recognize the


destabilizing effect that a nuclear-armed Iran would have, from which they receive a significant
percentage of their oil supply. The implication here is that China will be cut off from a major
energy source if they do not support U.S. foreign policy this, too, would equal an act of war.

China cant challenge the USthe war will be quick


Reed 11 [John Reed= news correspondent, PLA: Chinese Military Doesnt Compare to U.S. Military, May 19, 2011,
http://defensetech.org/2011/05/19/pla-chinese-military-doesnt-compare-to-u-s-military/]
This is interesting. The PLAs top officer, Gen. Chen Bingde,

announced during his recent visit to Washington that


Chinas is no where close to matching the United States in terms of military capability. Yes, were
fretting over Chinas rise as an economic power, but according to the general, his nation has a long way to go before it catches the U.S. militarily. From
Fox News: Through my visit over the past couple of days in the United States ,

I am surprised by the sophistication of the


U.S. military, including its weapons and equipment and doctrines and so on, Peoples Liberation Army
leader General Chen Bingde said. I can tell you that China does not have the capability to challenge the
United States. As a matter of fact, the reconnaissance activities along Chinas coast by U.S. military aircraft and vessels are seen in China as
deterrents. For emphasis, the general added, What Im trying to say is that we do not have the capability to challenge the United States. He even
went so far as to try to answer the question thats long been on U.S. defense officials minds: What do Chinese officials mean when they says they want
to defend what is theirs with their new military might? As it is known to all, the United States is a super-power in the world today; how can China
easily have the ability to challenge it? That is simply not part of Chinese culture and we do not have that capability. We would strive for world peace,
civility and development and well being of the whole humankind The

United States has far more advanced weapons


and equipment. Chen took some exception to the accusation, insisting the routine test flight was not targeted at Gates visit, and questioned
why similar issues were frequently raised to China but not the United States. The general insisted, After 30 years of reform and opening up, Chinas
economy has made tremendous progress and we are now the worlds second-largest economy Our

efforts to grow our economy


is to ensure that the 1.3 billion people are better off. We do not want to use the money to buy
equipment or advanced weapons systems to challenge the United States. From the generals answer, it
sounds like China has no intention of getting into Cold War II with the United States . Arms races can be notoriously expensive
and distracting from the buildup of other sectors needed to support a healthy economy;
something China is strongly focused on. For now, it seems like China wants to be the big military power
in the region while focusing more on the long-term growth of its economy. This reminds me of how the U.S.
overtook Britain as the worlds most powerful economy decades before it overtook the empire in terms of military and global political might. However,
once China overtakes the U.S. as the worlds largest economy (predicted to happen sometime in the next 20 years if current trends hold) who knows
what kind of military investments it will make?

China War Bad


US-Sino war destroys the economy
Lieven 13 [ANATOL LIEVEN=news correspondent, Avoiding a U.S.-China War, June 12, 2012,
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/13/opinion/avoiding-a-us-china-war.html?_r=0]

With communism dead, the Chinese administration has relied very heavily and successfully on
nationalism as an ideological support for its rule. The problem is that if clashes erupt over these
islands, Beijing may find itself in a position where it cannot compromise without severe damage to its domestic legitimacy very much the position
of the European great powers in 1914. In these disputes, Chinese nationalism collides with other nationalisms
particularly that of Vietnam, which embodies strong historical resentments. The hostility to China of Vietnam and most of
the other regional states is at once Americas greatest asset and greatest danger. It means that most
of Chinas neighbors want the United States to remain militarily present in the region. As White argues, even if
the United States were to withdraw, it is highly unlikely that these countries would submit meekly to Chinese hegemony. But if the United
States were to commit itself to a military alliance with these countries against China,
Washington would risk embroiling America in their territorial disputes. In the event of a military clash between Vietnam
and China, Washington would be faced with the choice of either holding aloof and seeing its credibility as an ally destroyed, or fighting China.

Neither the United States nor China would win the resulting war outright, but they would certainly
inflict catastrophic damage on each other and on the world economy. If the conflict escalated
into a nuclear exchange, modern civilization would be wrecked. Even a prolonged period of
military and strategic rivalry with an economically mighty China will gravely weaken Americas
global position. Indeed, U.S. overstretch is already apparent for example in Washingtons neglect of the crumbling
states of Central America.

US will lose a china war


Snyder 13 [Michael Snyder=news corrispondent, Why The Next War With China Could Go Very Badly For The United States, May 29
2013, http://www.infowars.com/why-the-next-war-with-china-could-go-very-badly-for-the-united-states/]
Most Americans

assume that the U.S. military is so vastly superior to everyone else that no other nation
would ever dream of fighting a full-scale war against us. Unfortunately, that assumption is dead wrong. In recent years, the
once mammoth technological gap between the U.S. military and the Chinese military has been closing
at a frightening pace. China has been accomplishing this by brazenly stealing our technology and
hacking into our computer systems. The Pentagon and the Obama administration know all about this, but they dont do anything
about it. Perhaps the fact that China owns about a trillion dollars of our national debt has something to
do with that. In any event, today China has the largest military in the world and the second largest
military budget in the world. They have stolen plans for our most advanced jets, helicopters,
ships and missile systems. It is estimated that stealing our technology has saved China about 25 years of research and development. In
addition, China is rapidly developing a new generation of strategic weapons that could potentially
enable it to actually win a future war against the United States. At one time such a notion would have been
unthinkable, but as you will see below, the next war with China could go very badly for the United States.

China War Inevitable


Conflict is inevitable characteristic of rising power
Friedberg 05 (The Future of U.S.-China Relations, Aaron L. Friedberg, Aaron L. Friedberg is
Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. From June 2003 to June 2005, he
served as Deputy Assistant for National Security Affairs and Director of Policy Planning in the Office of
the Vice President, International Security, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Fall 2005),
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/is3002_pp007-045_friedberg.pdf) //EY

In contrast to liberals, most realists are pessimists . Where liberals see progressive
forces leading the world ineluctably to ever-higher levels of prosperity and peace , realists see
inescapable laws of nature compelling a recurrent struggle for power and
survival. For liberals, history is a smoothly ascending curve; for realists, it
is a vicious circle. The reason, most contemporary realists claim, is the persistence
of international anarchy. In the absence of any higher authority to resolve disputes and
impose order, peace has usually proved fleeting and conflict has been the norm. Under conditions of
anarchy, it is the material power and, in particular, the military strength of the various units in an
international system that has typically been decisive in shaping the patterns of relations among
them.25
chinas power: rising

For realist pessimists, the single most important feature of the PRC today
is its rising power. Everything else, including the likely character of the
U.S.-China relationship, follows from this fact. Taking aggregate economic capacity as
a rough surrogate for overall national power, it is apparent that Chinas growth has
been extraordinarily rapid. Since the start of economic reforms in 1978,
the PRCs gross national product (GNP) is thought to have increased by a
factor of four and, according to some estimates, it could double again by the
middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century .26 What is especially
impressive about the Chinese economy is not only the speed with which it appears to be expanding
but its growing mass and enormous potential. Given the sheer size of its population and the rising
productivity of its workers, China may one day regain its historic position as the worlds largest
economy. Although such projections are fraught with difficulties and uncertainties, some experts have
calculated that Chinas economy could overtake that of the United States as early as 2015.27 The
combination of the speed and the magnitude of Chinas growth in recent decades appears to be
unprecedented. The closest analogy is probably the emergence of the United States as the worlds
preponderant economy
over the course of the nineteenth century.

As was true of the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, so too is Chinas rapidly growing economy bringing expanding
military capabilities in its train. A fast-growing GNP has made it comparatively easy for the
PRC to sustain a large and expanding military effort and, in recent years, Chinas spending on arms

The rising levels of


productivity, per capita incomes, and technological competence that
accompany economic growth should also translate into an increasing
ability both to absorb sophisticated weapons imported from foreign
suppliers and eventually to develop such systems indigenously. 29 Although
and military equipment has grown at an impressive pace.28

the picture is mixed, and the PRC continues to lag in many areas, these expectations too are borne out

There are
good reasons to expect that China will be able to build and deploy more
increasingly capable military systems in the years ahead.30
by the general pattern of Chinese military development over the last several decades.

chinas aims: expanding

rising powers have tended to be


troublemakers, at least insofar as their more established counterparts in
the international system are concerned. This is the case, in the realists view,
Realist pessimists note that, throughout history,

regardless of regime type; it was as true of a rising, democratic United States as it was of a rising,

autocratic Germany. As Samuel Huntington has pointed out, The external expansion of the UK and
France, Germany and Japan, the Soviet Union and the United States coincided with phases of intense
industrialization and economic development.31

There appear to be a number of reasons for this pattern. As a states


capabilities grow, its leaders tend to define their interests more
expansively and to seek a greater degree of influence over what is going
on around them. Rising powers seek not only to secure their frontiers but to reach out beyond

them, taking steps to ensure access to markets, materials, and transportation routes; to protect their
citizens far from home, defend their foreign friends and allies, and promulgate their values; and, in
general, to have what they consider to be their legitimate say in the affairs of their region and of the
wider world. This correlation between growing power and expanding interests has been succinctly
summarized by Robert Gilpin:

A more wealthy and more powerful state... will


select a larger bundle of security and welfare goals than a less wealthy
and less powerful state.32
As they seek to assert themselves, rising powers are often drawn to challenge
territorial boundaries, international institutional arrangements, and
hierarchies of prestige that were put in place when they were relatively weak. Their
leaders and people often feel that they were unfairly left out when the pie
was divided up, and may even believe that, because of their prior weakness, they were robbed of
what was rightfully theirs. Like Germany at the turn of the twentieth century, rising powers
tend to want their place in the sun, and this often brings them into
conflict with more established great powers, which are typically the architects and
principal beneficiaries of the existing international system.33

The collision between the expanding interests of a rising power and those
of its more established counterparts can be dealt with in a number of
ways, but the resulting disputes are seldom resolved peacefully . Recognizing
the growing threat to its position, a dominant power (or coalition of status quo powers) may attempt
to use force preventively to destroy a rising state before it can achieve its full potential. Less
bellicose, established powers have also at times sought to appease emerging states, looking for ways
to satisfy their demands and ambitions without conflict and to engage them and incorporate them
peacefully into an existing international order. However sincere and well intentioned these efforts may
be, they have usually failed. Sometimes the reason is clearly the character of the demands of the

As was true of Adolf Hitlers Germany, for example, a rising


power may have ambitions that are so extensive as to be impossible for
the status quo powers to satisfy without effectively committing suicide .
rising state.

Even when the demands being made of them are less extensive, the status quo powers may be too
reluctant to make reasonable concessions, thereby fueling the frustrations and resentments of the
rising power, or too eager to do so, feeding its ambitions and leading to escalating demands.

Successful policies of engagement/appeasement are certainly possible in


theory, but in practice they have proven to be difficult to implement.34
Looking at the raw facts of its expanding economy and growing military capabilities , most realist
pessimists would be content to conclude that China is a rising power and
that, as such, it is unlikely to behave differently than have others of its
type throughout history. Thus Huntington, after describing the correlation
in past cases between rapid internal growth and external expansion,
predicts that China too will undoubtedly be moving into such a phase in
the coming decades.35 Similarly, according to John Mearsheimer, so long as Chinas power
continues to grow, China, like all previous potential hegemons, [will] be
strongly inclined to become a real hegemon.36
Some analysts go a step further, arguing that China is especially likely to behave
assertively, even at the risk of coming into conflict with others. Recent Chinese
history, the century of humiliation that began with the Opium Wars of the 1840s and ended only
with the final expulsion of foreign powers from the mainland after World War II, appears to have left
Chinas leaders and its people acutely sensitive to perceived slights to national honor and prestige

a result of the painful


experiences of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, contemporary
and especially alert to threats around their periphery.37 As

Chinese strategists may be even more eager than they might otherwise be
to establish a sphere of influence or zone of control that would prevent
such threats from reemerging in the future.38
Reaching even further back into the past, other observers point to the fact that, before its decline and
domination by outside powers, China was for many centuries the preponderant force in Asia and the
hub of a Sinocentric Asian international system. As they adapt to the reality of their growing power

the
leadership in Beijing could hearken back to this earlier era of glory and
seek to reestablish China as East Asias preponderant power.39
Some U.S. government agencies have concluded that Chinas current
leaders aim to maximize [Chinas] influence within East Asia relative to
the U.S. or, more bluntly, to become the preeminent power in Asia.40 If
and look for models to guide their behavior under increasingly favorable conditions,

this is true, and assuming that the United States continues to adhere to its century-old policy of

the stage will


be set for an intense and possibly protracted strategic competition
between the two Pacific giants.41
opposing the dominance of either half of Eurasia by a hostile power or coalition,

Conflict inevitable because the governmental form isnt stable


Friedberg 05 (The Future of U.S.-China Relations, Aaron L. Friedberg, Aaron L. Friedberg is
Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. From June 2003 to June 2005, he
served as Deputy Assistant for National Security Affairs and Director of Policy Planning in the Office of
the Vice President, International Security, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Fall 2005),
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/is3002_pp007-045_friedberg.pdf) //EY

Liberal Pessimists
Just as there can be optimistic realists, so also it is possible to be
pessimistic on what are essentially liberal groundsthat is, with reference
primarily to the internal structures and domestic political dynamics of the
United States and Chinaand to the interactions between them that may
arise as a result of their very different regimes.57
China: an authoritarian regime in transition?
Whatever it may eventually become, most observers would agree that
China today is neither a totalitarian state nor a democracy, but rather an
authoritarian regime of dubious legitimacy with an uncertain grip on
power. Its leaders are the inheritors of an ideology that has lost most of
its appeal and, far from being able to rely on the freely given support of
their people, they are heavily dependent on the military and domestic
security services for the preservation of domestic order. The Beijing
government now bases its claim to rule less on communist principles than
on the promise of continued increases in prosperity (and the avoidance of
social chaos), combined with appeals to nationalism. This is a dangerous
and unstable mixture. If economic progress falters, the present
government will have little choice but to lean even more heavily on
nationalist appeals as its sole remaining source of support. It may also be
inclined to resort to assertive external policies as a way of rallying the
Chinese people and turning their energies and frustrations outward, most
likely toward Taiwan or Japan or the United States, rather than inward,
toward Beijing. Indeed, many analysts believe that Chinas rulers have
already shown an increased inclination to behave in this way over the
course of the past decade.58
These tendencies toward hypernationalist rhetoric and action may actually
be made worse by movement toward a more open and competitive

political system. Based on a statistical analysis of historical cases, Edward


Mansfield and Jack Snyder have concluded that it is precisely when
nations are in transition from authoritarianism toward democracy that
they are most likely to initiate conflict with their neighbors. Both stable
autocracies and stable democracies are generally less war-prone.59 The
reasons for this pattern appear to lie in the internal processes of societies
in which the pressures for political participation are increasing, but in
which effective democratic institutions have yet to emerge. Elites in such
societies often use militant nationalist appeals in an attempt to mobilize
and channel mass support without surrendering their grip on power. In
Snyders words, the resort to nationalism has often been accompanied by
militarism and by the scapegoating of enemies of the nation at home and
abroad.60 If past patterns hold, and if China is indeed in the early stages
of democratization, the road ahead may well be bumpy. Ironically, the
prospects for a worsening in U.S.-China relations may actually be greater
than they would be if China were to remain a stable autocracy.
Suppose that China does come to more closely resemble a fully
functioning democracy, with elections, competing political parties, and an
open press. Will this lead to a transformation in relations between it and
the United States? Liberal pessimists might agree that, in the long run,
this will probably be the case. But they would also point out that even a
much more democratic China may still be prone to behave in ways that
could bring it into conflict with the United States. Democracies are not
always placid or peaceful, especially in the early stages of their political
development. Some observers have suggested that, at least for a time, a
democratic government in Beijing could well be more nationalistic and
assertive than the present regime. According to one scholar, such a
regime free from the debilitating concerns for its own survival but likely
driven by popular emotions, could make the rising Chinese power a much
more assertive, impatient, belligerent, even aggressive force, at least
during the unstable period of fast ascendance to the ranks of a worldclass power.61
The united states: a crusading liberal democracy?
Changes in Chinese political institutions may increase the likelihood that
China will collide with the United States. If China does not change,
however, certain persistent features of Americas domestic regime appear
likely to incline the United States toward conflict with the PRC. This
conclusion follows first of all from the obverse of the democratic peace
argument. Democracies may be less likely to come into conflict with other
democracies, but they have historically been more prone to be suspicious
of, and hostile toward, what they perceive to be nondemocratic regimes.
As Michael Doyle has pointed out, The very constitutional restraint,
shared commercial interests, and international respect for individual
rights that promote peace among liberal societies can exacerbate conflicts
in relations between liberal and nonliberal societies. Relations between
liberal and nonliberal states are always conducted in an atmosphere of
suspicion in part because of the perception by liberal states that
nonliberal states are in a permanent state of aggression against their own
people.62

Whatever it may ultimately become, China is not now a liberal democracy.


It should therefore come as no surprise that many Americans regard it
with suspicion and a measure of hostility. Seen in this light, disputes
between the United States and China over human rights (for example) are
not just a minor irritant in the relationship. They are instead symptomatic
of a deeper difficulty that cannot easily be smoothed over. From the U.S.
perspective, human rights violations are not only intrinsically wrong; they
are also a sure sign that a regime is evil and illegitimate, and therefore
cannot be trusted. The possibility of a stable relationship with such a
regime is remote, at best.
If the United States is more likely to be hostile toward China because it is
not a democracy, it is also more inclined to assist polities that it perceives
to be democratic if they are threatened by China, even if this is not what a pure
realpolitik calculation of its interests might seem to demand. Thus it was one thing for Henry Kissinger
and Richard Nixon to distance the United States from Taiwan when it was widely perceived by

It will be considerably more


difficult for future U.S. leaders to do so to the extent that the American
people come to regard Taiwan as a functioning fellow democracy even if
U.S. support for Taiwan risks a worsening in relations with the PRC and
perhaps even if it threatens to lead to war. For better or worse, the United
States is a profoundly ideological country, and its foreign policy has
always been shaped by its ideals, even when those might appear to
conflict with its material interests.63
Americans to have a corrupt, authoritarian government.

Interdependence doesnt solve


Friedberg 05 (The Future of U.S.-China Relations, Aaron L. Friedberg, Aaron L. Friedberg is
Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. From June 2003 to June 2005, he
served as Deputy Assistant for National Security Affairs and Director of Policy Planning in the Office of
the Vice President, International Security, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Fall 2005),
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/is3002_pp007-045_friedberg.pdf) //EY

Even though the domestic structures of the Chinese and U.S. regimes are
obviously profoundly different, their internal workings may be similar in
certain respects. Some liberal pessimists would argue that, just as there
are groups in China whose narrow political or bureaucratic interests may
be served by a competitive relationship with the United States, so also
there may be groups in the United States whose members believe they
will gain from U.S.-China tension. Such groups will naturally be inclined to
favor more confrontational policies, and they will point to each others
utterances as evidence of the need for such policies. In short, there may
exist a tacit, mutually reinforcing alliance of hawks that will make it
much harder to achieve better, more stable relations. Assessments that
overlook the existence of such factors will overstate the prospects for
harmony between the United States and the PRC.65

Chinas aggressive strategy in Asia assures conflict with the


US
Global Research 12 (Is US-China collision inevitable?, S P Seth, Global Research,
February 06, 2012, http://www.globalresearch.ca/is-us-china-collision-inevitable/29117) //EY

As part of a new resolve to play a more assertive role, the US has


reinforced and strengthened its strategic ties with Vietnam, the
Philippines, India, Australia and Japan.
It is pertinent to remember that wars have often been caused by
miscalculation rather than deliberation. And this is even more so when an
emerging power is staking its claims impinging on the existing
superpowers perceived interests and/or seen to be threatening its
regional allies. This is how the two World Wars started.
Even as Iran has come centre-stage of another likely military conflict in
the Middle East with the US and its western allies determined to force it to
forgo its nuclear programme, the Asia-Pacific region is emerging as
another potential trouble spot pitting China against the US. With the US
now disengaged from Iraq, and in the process of military withdrawal from
Afghanistan by 2014, it has dawned on Washington that China has
strengthened its role in the Asia-Pacific and is slowly, but steadily,
working to push it out of the region. China regards the Asia-Pacific as its
strategic space and the US as an external power. The US has decided to hit
back by declaring that it is not going anywhere and, indeed, will beef up
its military presence in the region. Straddling both the Pacific and the
Atlantic Oceans, the US considers itself a legitimate Pacific country.
US-China relations have never been easy. They are likely to become even
more complicated after the recent announcement of a US defence review
that prioritises the Asia-Pacific region. Even though the review seeks to
make sizeable cuts of about $500 billion in the USs defence budget over
the next 10 years, it would not be at the cost of its engagement with the
Asia-Pacific region. Indeed, as President Obama told reporters, We will be
strengthening our presence in the Asia-Pacific
Washingtons decision to make the Asia-Pacific a priority strategic area
was presaged during Obamas recent visit to Australia. He hit out at China
on a wide range of issues, while announcing an enhanced US role,
including the use of Australian bases/facilities for an effective military
presence. He urged China to act like a grown up and play by the rules.
Elaborating on this in an address to the Australian parliament, he said,
We need growth that is fair, where every nation plays by the rules; where
workers rights are respected and our businesses can compete on a level
playing field; where the intellectual property and new technologies that
fuel innovation are protected; and where currencies are market-driven, so
no nation has an unfair advantage.
This catalogue of US economic grievances against China has been the
subject of intermittent discussions between the two countries without any
satisfactory results. On the question of human rights and freedoms in
China, Obama said, Prosperity without freedom is just another form of
poverty.
The US is upping the ante in its relations with China, with Asia-Pacific
centre-stage. It does not accept Chinas sovereignty claims in the South
China Sea and its island chains. This has caused naval incidents with
Vietnam, the Philippines, and with Japan in the East China Sea, and a close
naval skirmish or two with the US. As part of a new resolve to play a more
assertive role, the US has reinforced and strengthened its strategic ties
with Vietnam, the Philippines, India, Australia and Japan.

In announcing cuts to the defence budget over the next decade, President
Obama seemed keen to dispel the notion that this would make the US a
lesser military power. He said, The world must know the US is going to
maintain our military superiority with armed forces that are agile, flexible
and ready for the full range of contingencies and threats.
The USs continued military superiority has a catch though, which is that
the US will be adjusting its long-standing doctrine of being able to wage
two wars simultaneously. Defence Secretary Leon Panetta maintains that
the US military would still be able to confront more than one threat at a
time by being more flexible and adaptable than in the past.
Be that as it may, the increased focus on Asia-Pacific has upset China. Its
hope of making the region into its own strategic backyard, with the US
distracted in the Middle East and its economy in the doldrums, might not
be that easy with the new US strategic doctrine prioritising Asia-Pacific.
Not surprisingly, the Chinese media has not reacted kindly to it. According
to the Chinese news agency Xinhua, the US should abstain from flexing
its muscles, as this will not help solve regional disputes. It added, If the
US indiscreetly applies militarism in the region, it will be like a bull in a
china shop [literally and figuratively], and endanger peace instead of
enhancing regional stability.
The Global Times called on the Chinese government to develop more longrange strike weapons to deter the US Navy.
Australia, the USs closet regional ally, fears that Chinas rising economic
and military power has the potential of destabilising the region. Foreign
Minister Kevin Rudd hopes though (as he told the Asia Society in New
York) that there was nothing inevitable about a future war between the
US and China, emphasising the need to craft a regional architecture that
recognised the coexistence of both countries, and the acceptance of US
alliances in the region. He also saw hope (as a counterpoint to China) in
the collective economic might of Japan, India, Korea, Indonesia and
Australia, which means that, hopefully, Chinas perceived threat might be
balanced and contained with the USs enhanced commitment to the
region, and the rising clout of a cluster of regional countries.
There are any number of issues that could become a flashpoint for future
conflict, like Taiwan, Korea, the South China Sea and its islands, the
maritime dispute with Japan and so on. With China determined to uphold
its core national interests, and the US and others equally committed to,
for instance, freedom of navigation through the South China Sea, it only
needs a spark to ignite a prairie fire.
As it is, neither China nor the US wants military conflict between their two
countries. Chinas official position was expounded the other day in Beijing
by its Vice-President Xi Jinping, who is also the countrys president-inwaiting. Xi, who is expected to visit the US next month, hoped that the
US can view Chinas strategic intentionsin a sensible and objective way,
and be committed to develop a cooperative partnership. And he
emphasised that: Ultimate caution should be given to major and sensitive
issues that concern each countrys core interests to avoid any distraction
and setbacks in China-US relations.
The problem, though, is that when it comes to core interests, objectivity
is generally the first casualty. For instance, the US complains that Chinas

strategic doctrine, if there is one, lacks transparency. The double-digit


growth in Chinas defence budget, as viewed in Washington, is way
beyond its defensive needs. On the other hand, the US has the largest
defence budget of any country in the world. It is pertinent to remember
that wars have often been caused by miscalculation rather than
deliberation. And this is even more so when an emerging power is staking
its claims impinging on the existing superpowers perceived interests
and/or seen to be threatening its regional allies. This is how the two World
Wars started.

China rise good


Chinas economic growth creates stability no risk of aggressive
posturing
Fravel 11 [M. TAYLOR FRAVEL= Associate Professor of Political Science and member of the Security Studies Program at MIT,
Economic Growth, Regime Insecurity, and Military Strategy: Explaining the Rise of Noncombat Operations in China, November 3 2011,
Asian Security vol. 7 pp. 195-196, http://taylorfravel.com/documents/research/fravel.2011.AS.noncombat.operations.pdf]hw
This article examines why Chinas

armed forces have sought to strengthen their ability to conduct


noncombat operations, especially domestic ones, even though Chinas military modernization for traditional
combat operations is far from complete. The answer lies in the relationship between economic growth
and political instability. Although key to the legitimacy of leaders in developing countries,
growth also creates new sources of domestic unrest and increases the vulnerability of
the economy to external shocks, both of which, if unchecked, can harm future growth. Thus, developing countries such
as China may use their armed forces to manage or prevent domestic unrest as well as to
provide services that the state lacks, such as emergency disaster relief. For this same reason,
they may also use their forces to help maintain stability in their international security
environment, as such stability allows leaders to concentrate resources on domestic
affairs. The logic linking economic growth and regime insecurity with noncombat operations is not unique to China and should apply to
other countries undergoing similar transformations. The role of regime insecurity in Chinas military strategy should not be overstated.
Chinas economic growth continues to generate additional resources for the PLAs modernization drive, which emphasizes potential
contingencies around its immediate periphery, especially Taiwan and increasingly the South China Sea. China now spends more on defense

the principal effect of economic growth


has not been to identify expansive interests overseas that require new capabilities for
offensive operations and long-range combat power projection for their protection. Instead, it has
reinforced Chinas interest in external stability as an important factor in its development and in its
domestic stability, both to avoid a costly conflict and to ensure the ability to access
resources in other countries and the free flow of trade upon which Chinas economy relies. The relationship between regime insecurity
than any other country apart from the United States. Nevertheless, to date,

and other foreign policy outcomes in China since the end of the Cold War strengthens the plausibility of the argument in this article.

Throughout the 1990s, for example, China compromised in numerous territorial disputes to
enhance regime security, especially within its large ethnic minority frontier regions. 104 Similarly, one of the key goals in the
2006 Foreign Affairs Work Conference was to ensure that foreign policy would serve Chinas domestic priorities linked with growth and
stability. 105 Because the CCPs legitimacy depends heavily on continued economic growth, concerns about political instability among
Chinas leaders are likely to persist and should continue to influence Chinas military strategy. Whether Chinas rise will continue to be

The growing role for noncombat operations


in Chinas evolving military strategy provides cautious ground for limited optimism . These
peaceful is a question that animates scholars and policymakers alike.

operations are manpower intensive and, moreover, require specialized training and organization. Although they may enhance the ability to

they draw resources away


from other aspects of military modernization and may help to dampen heightened
security competition, especially in areas far from China. In particular, the rise of noncombat
operations suggests that the PLA is devoting fewer resources to long-range power
projection than it otherwise might and that such capabilities will grow at a slower rate than they otherwise would. The
emphasis on noncombat operations, especially domestic ones, also suggests that
Chinas leaders will continue to maintain an inward orientation and preoccupation with
domestic politics, not foreign policy. As long as Chinas leaders remain wary of potential
threats to regime security, the importance of developing noncombat operations is likely
to continue.
conduct traditional combat operations, especially in the areas of logistics and communications,

China rise bad


China rise threatens global normsif too powerful their
collapse would create unsolvable conflicts
Ming 08 [MING XIA=Professor of Political Science at the Graduate Center and the College of Staten Island, "China Threat" or a
"Peaceful Rise of China"?, http://www.nytimes.com/ref/college/coll-china-politics-007.html]hw
"China's

rise" can be seen as a quintessentially political processthrough which the ruling Communist
shore up its legitimacy after the Cultural Revolution irreversibly changed the nation and caused three
crises of ideological belief, faith in the CPC, and confidence in the future. As the Party realized that the
performance-based legitimacy was the only hope for prolonging its rule, economic
development became the highest politics. Consequentially, the success of economic development would have to
Party has sought to

cause political implicationsthe external ones are carefully monitored and evaluated by China's neighbors and the only superpower of the

The reason for


American concern mainly arises from its hegemonic status in the world politics and the
ideological incompatibility of China with the Western value system. China's stunning economic growth
has convinced the West that it is just a matter of time until China becomes a world
superpower. But its ideological orientation makes China a revolutionary power that is
threatening both to the United States' status and global structure. Three different logics have been constructed to
substantiate the "China threat" thesis. First, ideological and cultural factors make China a threat. For neoworldthe United States. Will China become a threat to the United States, Japan, and surrounding countries?

conservatives in the Bush Administration, the mere factor that China still sticks to communism makes view it adversely. Samuel Huntington
has added a cultural factor: in the clash of civilizations, the "unholy alliance between Islamic and Confucian civilizations" is the most
fundamental threat to the West. For people using this logic, the sensible response from the U.S. is, in the short run, a containment policy,

Second,
geopolitical and geoeconomic factors. For many realists, even China has shed off its ideological
straitjacket, as a great power in size (territory, population, and economy), China has to pursue its own interest
and respect. Nationalism may still drive China into a course of clash with the United
States, if the latter refuses to accommodate or share the leadership with China as a rising power. Some scholars fear that
democracy can unleash strong nationalism and popular nationalism can make China
even more aggressive toward the United States. Third, the collapse of China. Opposed to the
previous two perspectives, some people are concerned that if China suffers a Soviet-style suddendeath syndrome and spins out of control, it can create an even worse scenario. The sheer size
of the population makes refuge problem, the failed state and the followed crises
(warlordism, civil war, crime, proliferation of nuclear weapons, etc) impossible for the
world to deal with. Due to these three different considerations, the United States often oscillates from demonization to
romaticization of China, from containment to engagement. The U.S.-China relationship has shifted from
conflict, to confrontation, to competition and back to conflict, but so rarely features with
cooperation. One American China specialist characterizes the bilateral relationship as "the sweet-and-sour Sino-American
and confrontation is possible if needed; in the long run, the promotion of a peaceful transformation within China.

relationship."

Democracy Good
Democracy creates world stability
Lagon 11
[Mark P. Lagon =Adjunct Senior Fellow for Human Rights at the council for forging relations, Promoting Democracy: The Whys and Hows for the
United States and the International Community, February 2011 http://www.cfr.org/democratization/promoting-democracy-whys-hows-united-statesinternational-community/p24090]
Furthering democracy is often dismissed as moralism distinct from U.S. interests or mere lip service to build support for strategic policies. Yet

there

are tangible stakes for the United States and indeed the world in the spread of democracynamely,
greater peace, prosperity, and pluralism. Controversial means for promoting democracy and frequent mismatches between
deeds and words have clouded appreciation of this truth. Democracies often have conflicting priorities, and democracy promotion is not a panacea.

Yet one of the few truly robust findings in international relations is that established democracies
never go to war with one another. Foreign policy realists advocate working with other
governments on the basis of interests, irrespective of character, and suggest that this approach
best preserves stability in the world. However, durable stability flows from a domestic politics built on
consensus and peaceful competition, which more often than not promotes similar international conduct for governments. There
has long been controversy about whether democracy enhances economic development. The dramatic growth of China certainly challenges this notion.
Still, history will likely show that democracy yields the most prosperity. Notwithstanding the global financial turbulence of the past three years,

democracys elements facilitate long-term economic growth. These elements include above all
freedom of expression and learning to promote innovation, and rule of law to foster predictability
for investors and stop corruption from stunting growth. It is for that reason that the UN
Development Programme (UNDP) and the 2002 UN Financing for Development Conference in Monterey, Mexico, embraced
good governance as the enabler of development. These elements have unleashed new
emerging powers such as India and Brazil and raised the quality of life for impoverished
peoples. Those who argue that economic development will eventually yield political freedoms
may be reversing the order of influencesor at least discounting the reciprocal relationship between political and
economic liberalization. Finally, democracy affords all groups equal access to justiceand equal
opportunity to shine as assets in a countrys economy. Democracys support for pluralism
prevents human assetsincluding religious and ethnic minorities, women, and migrants from being squandered. Indeed,
a shortage of economic opportunities and outlets for grievances has contributed significantly to
the ongoing upheaval in the Middle East. Pluralism is also precisely what is needed to stop
violent extremism from wreaking havoc on the world.

Democracy bad
Middle east democracy promotion leads to instabilityempirics
Hamid 11 [Shadi Hamid= Director of Research, Brookings Doha Center, The Struggle for Middle East Democracy, April 26,
2011, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2011/04/26-middle-east-hamid]
It always seemed as if Arab countries were on the brink. It turns out that they were. And those who assured us that Arab autocracies would
last for decades, if not longer, were wrong. In the wake of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, academics, analysts and certainly Western

What has happened since


January disproves longstanding assumptions about how democracies canand should
emerge in the Arab world. Even the neoconservatives, who seemed passionately attached to the notion of democratic
revolution, told us this would be a generational struggle. Arabs were asked to be patient, and to wait. In order to move
toward democracy, they would first have to build a secular middle class, reach a certain level of
economic growth, and, somehow, foster a democratic culture. It was never quite
explained how a democratic culture could emerge under dictatorship. In the early 1990s, the United
States began emphasizing civil society development in the Middle East. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the
George W. Bush administration significantly increased American assistance to the
region. By fiscal year 2009, the level of annual U.S. democracy aid in the Middle East was more
than the total amount spent from 1991 to 2001. But while it was categorized as
democracy aid, it wasnt necessarily meant to promote democracy. Democracy entails
alternation of power, but most NGOs that received Western assistance avoided anything
that could be construed as supporting a change in regime. The reason was simple. The United
States and other Western powers supported 'reform,' but they were not interested in
overturning an order which had given them pliant, if illegitimate, Arab regimes. Those regimes became part
of a comfortable strategic arrangement that secured Western interests in the region, including
a forward military posture, access to energy resources and security for the state of Israel .
Furthermore, the West feared that the alternative was a radical Islamist takeover reminiscent of the Iranian revolution of 1979. The
regimes themselves including those in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Algeria, and Yemen dutifully created the
appearance of reform, rather than its substance. Democratization was defensive and
managed. It was not meant to lead to democracy but rather to prevent its emergence.
What resulted were autocracies always engaging in piecemeal reform but doing little to
change the underlying power structure. Regime opponents found themselves ensnared in what political scientist
Daniel Brumberg called an 'endless transition.' This endless transition was always going to be a
dangerous proposition, particularly in the long run. If a transition was promised and never came, Arabs were
policymakers must reassess their understanding of a region entering its democratic moment.

bound to grow impatient.

Democracy promotion has led to each world warempirical


imperialism backlash
Boyle 12 [Francis Boyle professor of international law at the University Of Illinois College Of Law, Unlimited Imperialism and the
Threat of World War III. U.S. Militarism at the Start of the 21st Century The Legacy of Two World Wars, December 25 2012, Global Research,
http://www.globalresearch.ca/unlimited-imperialism-and-the-threat-of-world-war-iii-u-s-militarism-at-the-start-of-the-21st-century/5316852]
Historically, this

latest eruption of American militarism at the start of the 21st Century is akin to that of
America opening the 20th Century by means of the U.S.-instigated Spanish-American
War in 1898. Then the Republican administration of President William McKinley stole their colonial empire from
Spain in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines; inflicted a near genocidal war
against the Filipino people; while at the same time illegally annexing the Kingdom of Hawaii and
subjecting the Native Hawaiian people (who call themselves the Kanaka Maoli) to near genocidal conditions. Additionally, McKinleys

military and colonial expansion into the Pacific was also designed to secure Americas
economic exploitation of China pursuant to the euphemistic rubric of the open door policy. But over the next
four decades Americas aggressive presence, policies, and practices in the Pacific
would ineluctably pave the way for Japans attack at Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 194l, and thus Americas

imperial aggressions launched and


the Republican Bush Jr. administration and now the Democratic Obama administration are
threatening to set off World War III. By shamelessly exploiting the terrible tragedy of 11
September 2001, the Bush Jr. administration set forth to steal a hydrocarbon empire from the Muslim
states and peoples living in Central Asia and the Persian Gulf and Africa under the bogus pretexts of (1) fighting a
war against international terrorism; and/or (2) eliminating weapons of mass destruction;
and/or (3) the promotion of democracy; and/or (4) self-styled humanitarian
intervention/responsibility to protect. Only this time the geopolitical stakes are infinitely
greater than they were a century ago: control and domination of two-thirds of the worlds hydrocarbon
resources and thus the very fundament and energizer of the global economic system oil and gas. The Bush
Jr./ Obama administrations have already targeted the remaining hydrocarbon reserves of
Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia for further conquest or domination, together with the strategic
choke-points at sea and on land required for their transportation. In this regard, the Bush Jr. administration announced the
establishment of the U.S. Pentagons Africa Command (AFRICOM) in order to better control, dominate, and
exploit both the natural resources and the variegated peoples of the continent of Africa, the
very cradle of our human species. Libya and the Libyans became the first victims to succumb to AFRICOM under the
Obama administration. They will not be the last. This current bout of U.S. imperialism is what Hans Morgenthau
denominated unlimited imperialism in his seminal work Politics Among Nations (4th ed. 1968, at 52-53): The outstanding
historic examples of unlimited imperialism are the expansionist policies of Alexander the
Great, Rome, the Arabs in the seventh and eighth centuries, Napoleon I, and Hitler. They all
have in common an urge toward expansion which knows no rational limits, feeds on its own successes and, if not stopped by a
superior force, will go on to the confines of the political world. This urge will not be satisfied so long as
precipitation into the ongoing Second World War. Today a century later the serial
menaced by

there remains anywhere a possible object of dominationa politically organized group of men which by its very independence challenges
the conquerors lust for power. It is, as we shall see, exactly the lack of moderation, the aspiration to conquer all that lends itself to
conquest, characteristic of unlimited imperialism, which in the past has been the undoing of the imperialistic policies of this kind It is the
Unlimited Imperialists along the lines of Alexander, Rome, Napoleon and Hitler who are now in charge of conducting American foreign
policy. The

factual circumstances surrounding the outbreaks of both the First World War
and the Second World War currently hover like twin Swords of Damocles over the heads
of all humanity.

Increased military bad


Increase in military capability increase chance of conflict
Fordham 04 [Benjamin O. Fordham= Professor of Political Science Binghamton university, A Very Sharp Sword: The Influence of
Military Capabilities on American Decisions to Use Force, October 2004, The Journal of Conflict Resolution Vol. 48 No. 5,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4149813]hw

The evidence presented here supports the argument that the possession of greater military
capability has made American decision makers more likely to use force. The possession of a very sharp sword
indeed appears to have been a source of temptation. This relationship is not an accident of a single measure of
military capability but rather one that holds across several indicators. There is little evidence that
this relationship stems from policy makers' endogenous anticipation of their choices about the
use of force when procuring military capabilities. The use of force-capabilities relationship does not run entirely in one
direction, however. Although policy makers' ability to predict the future is limited, they can and do consider past experience when constructing future
capabilities. An important caveat on these results is that the military spending is not equivalent to military capabilities in contributing to more frequent
uses of force. The force structure that has prevailed since the 1980s-with a relatively smaller number of high value weapons and well-paid personnel-does not appear to promote the use of force as much as the force structure that characterized the first 30 years of the cold war, in spite of higher levels
of peacetime spending. That

fewer units are available limits the number of contingencies in which a use
of force can be undertaken. For those who worry that greater spending will encourage unwise or unnecessary uses of force, this is
good news. On the other hand, the results are consistent with the complaints of those who favor an interventionist foreign policy that the military is

the current military budget is large by postwar


standards, it does not offer the capacity for intervention that the same level of spending would
have had in the 1950s or 1960s. It is important to be clear about the implications of the relationship between capabilities and the use
of force. First, finding that presidents are more likely to use military force when they have greater military
capabilities is not the same as finding that military buildups or arms races lead to international
military conflict. Such an outcome depends on the responses of other states. A state might use or threaten
currently too small to implement such a strategy effectively. Even though

force more often yet not become involved in more serious military conflicts with other states. "Uses of force" are not the same as "militarized interstate
disputes," either conceptually or operationally in the data sets usually used to examine them (Fordham and Sarver 2001). This distinction stems from
the familiar levels of analysis problem (Singer 1961; Waltz 1959). International conflict is a systemic outcome, whereas the foreign policy decisions of
particular states are unit-level events. In previous research, "arms races" are generally defined as a simultaneous buildup of military capabilities by two
or more states, something that can only be observed at the dyadic or systemic level (e.g., Diehl and Crescenzi 1998; Sample 1997, 1998; Wallace
1998). Variation in military capabilities, like the decisions it helps explain, is a unit-level phenomenon. Many uses of force, such as those undertaken
against nonstate actors or with the permission of the target state, do not result in disputes with other states. Although this evidence that greater military
capabilities increase the propensity to use force will not settle the debate over whether arms races lead to war, it nevertheless supports a claim implied

The
notion that military capabilities, including those ostensibly acquired for defense, make a state
more aggressive suggests that the security dilemma may be rooted in more than the
misperception of other states' intentions. Greater military capability might itself lead a state to
resort to force more often. Normatively, if military force should be used only for defense, or at least only as a last resort-the outlook
but not tested in a substantial body of international relations research. It also illuminates an important feature of the policy-making process.

behind Colin Powell's response to Madeleine Albright-then that being prepared to use force lowers the threshold for doing so is troubling. Analogously,
many of those who own a gun to guard their home would find it disturbing to imagine that they might be tempted to use it for other purposes, such as
making a point in an argument with the neighbors. Just as Colin Powell and Caspar Weinberger sought to establish guidelines to limit the use of
American military forces, the National Rifle Association promulgates strict rules about gun safety and for many of the same reasons. Additional military
capabilities are usually thought to provide a margin of safety against potential threats. From this perspective, other things being equal, greater military

International relations theorists have long


noted that the reactions of other states can cancel out the potential security benefits of a military
buildup. These results point to another potential danger. Military capabilities are inputs into an
imperfect decision-making process and may encourage risk taking. In extreme cases, as the opening quotation
from Walt Rostow suggests, these capabilities may provide decision makers with just enough rope to hang
themselves.
strength is always a good thing. Other things are not always equal, however.

North Korea War Good


War with North Korea is better for stabilityregime change
Ayson and Taylor 10[Robert Ayson= Professor of Strategic Studies and directs the Centre for Strategic Studies: New
Zealand, Brendan Taylor=professor at the Australian national university with research in Korean Peninsula security issues, US-China relations,
economic sanctions, Asia-Pacific security architecture., Attacking North Korea: Why War might Be Preferred, June 24 2010, Routledge,
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/01495930490479051]
Conclusions The logic of the status quothe continuing oscillation between alarm over North Koreas nuclear ambitions and attempts to
dampen them through measures short of waris less robust than some might think. Even if the US ultimately decides against forced regime
change as a means to resolve the North Korean nuclear crisis, the resilience of arguments advocating this line could still adversely affect
both the negotiation and subsequent implementation of any preferred diplomatic alternative. There is no doubt that any major attack on
North Korea by the United States would have very serious consequences, not least for neighboring South Korea. Even if the advocates of
forced regime change can get a consensus in the Oval Office, the job of persuading Seoul that theirs is the preferred option would be a
truly formidable one. There is every chance of a very serious loss of life, and major infrastructural damage on both sides of the demilitarized
zone. Some sort of catastrophic retaliation from the North, including the potential use of weapons of mass destruction, cannot be ruled out.
The longer-term diplomatic consequences of the deliberate use of force which would face the United States could harm its regional relations

all of these become less convincing arguments for


avoiding war on the peninsula at any cost, when any cost consists of the types of
alternatives which are seen as even less acceptable than conflict. It is certainly possible that the latest
and global image in very significant ways. But

diplomatic approaches will come to be seen as failures in dealing with North Koreas nuclear weapons program, (and there are some in the

the costs of going to war may not look


so bad as the dangers of living with an increasingly nuclearized North Asian rogue state
that continues to defy the international community. Hence advocates of the use of force will
not need to demonstrate that their option is a particularly good, let alone optimal, one. Instead in
a world of bad options, the least-worst is king. And as time goes on, the use of force to
precipitate regime change may increasingly look like the least-worst option. Unless the current
diplomatic initiatives produce the sort of permanent and satisfactory result which is rather unheard of in relations with North Korea,
they will be seen as playing for time when there is precious little time to be played with . The
Bush Administration who seem to be expecting them to fail). 50 In such a case,

problem, advocates of an attack may well argue, is not so much with North Koreas nuclear weapons program itself, but with the regime

Without a change in that regime, there is no way of achieving any


semblance of long-term security on and with the peninsula. And the only way for regime
change in any reasonable timeframe is for it to be achieved through the use of force. At the
same time, the major use of force will present opportunities to degrade North Koreas WMD
capabilities in the sort of direct ways that negotiation, verification and even coercion
have so far been unable to deliver. This is not to say that the deliberate use of force to change the regime is the most
which is behind the program.

likely course of events. The chance of such an attack being ordered in the next few years is perhaps something between 10% and 30%. But a
one in three chance, or even a one in ten chance, is worth taking very seriously indeed in light of what is at stake. After five decades of
stalemate on the Korean peninsula and in light of the potential consequences of the deliberate use of force, it is all too easy for analysts to

forced regime change may


come to be seen as increasingly plausible by key decision-makers in Washington. The world
regard the attack option as both unlikely and irrational. But in an imperfect world of ugly choices,

needs therefore to prepare for the possibility of a deliberate and very major attack on North Korea.

North Korean war prevents EMP attack killing US primacy


readiness
Maloof 13 [Michael F. Maloof a former senior security policy analyst in the office of the secretary of defense, Expert: Attack Hermit
Kingdom to prevent EMP disaster, 7/04/2013,http://www.wnd.com/2013/07/expert-attack-hermit-kingdom-to-prevent-emp-disaster/]

its time to pre-emptively attack North Korea to prevent


it from using what he believes is a nuclear weapon specifically designed to generate a powerful
electromagnetic pulse that could threaten the future of U.S. society, according to a report in Joseph
Farahs G2 Bulletin. R. James Woolsey said that the North Koreans already have such a weapon, has conducted
three nuclear tests and has orbited a satellite which could be a nuclear weapon itself. Woolsey, who was a
WASHINGTON A prominent foreign policy expert now thinks

director of the Central Intelligence Agency during the Clinton administration, said that previous and current administrations have appeased North Korea
rather than halt its nuclear weapons program. He said that even the George W. Bush administration ignored advice given in 2008 by now deputy

They proposed a surgical pre-emptive


strike to destroy North Korean launch pads to halt any testing of intercontinental ballistic
missiles. Woolsey said that failure to adhere to that advice back then has now put the U.S. at
Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter and William Perry, secretary of defense under Clinton.

risk from a North Korean EMP attack. He said that North Korea may have developed a nuclear weapon to make what other
analysts call a super-EMP weapon to produce more gamma rays while giving off a low explosive and
radiation yield. North Korean nuclear devices are assessed to be in the kiloton rather than megaton range. However, if it is designed to emit
more gamma rays to produce a powerful EMP effect, it would have a more debilitating impact on unprotected
electronics, including the vulnerable U.S. national grid system. Gamma rays are a form of electromagnetic energy
that emits a high-intensity burst caused by the rapid acceleration of charged particles. They can be so
powerful and supercharged that they can knock out or completely fry any unprotected electronics, or
electrical systems, depending on its intensity. An EMP from a nuclear explosion is rated as the most powerful of three classes E1 being nuclear, E2
being lightning and E3 from a direct sun flare impact on electrical and electronic components. The effect of a North Korean EMP nuclear attack would

This makes Pyongyang very dangerous


in conducting asymmetric warfare with the U.S. In this instance, one high-altitude explosion would
effectively knock out unprotected electronics and the national grid on which the military in the U.S. depend
by 99 percent. It could effectively limit any military response that the U.S. could mount,
especially if North Korea were to mount launch a missile, especially over the South Pole and
orbit a package that would not be identified until the North Korans took some action. Separately,
former Ambassador Henry Cooper has pointed out that the U.S. lacks an Aegis anti-ballistic missile system
positioned to launch against a south polar attack from North Korea. Woolsey pointed out that North Koreas
be conducted anywhere from 150 miles to 300 miles, using a satellite orbiting the earth.

space launch vehicles resemble a secret weapon developed by the then Soviet Union called a Fractional Orbital Bombardment Systems, or FOBS. The
FOBS is designed to launch a surprise nuclear attack on the U.S. by using one of its intercontinental ballistic missiles disguised as a space launch
vehicle.

Proliferation Good
Proliferation deters conflict
Drake 11 [Bennett Drake=staff writer for Bloomberg Businessweek, GIVE NUKES A CHANCE ; CAN THE SPREAD OF
NUCLEAR WEAPONS MAKE US SAFER?, Boston Globe, original publication date 3/20/05 Last updated 8/31/11, PAIS International]hw
KENNETH N. WALTZ, adjunct professor of political science at Columbia University, doesn't like the phrase "nuclear proliferation." "The term
'proliferation' is a great misnomer," he said in a recent interview. "It refers to things that spread like wildfire. But we've had nuclear military
capabilities extant in the world for 50 years and now, even counting North Korea, we only have nine nuclear countries." Strictly speaking,
then, Waltz is as against the proliferation of nuclear weapons as the next sane human being. After all, he argues, "most countries don't need
them." But the eventual acquisition of nuclear weapons by those few countries that see fit to pursue them, that he's for. As he sees it,

nuclear weapons prevent wars. "The only thing a country can do with nuclear weapons is
use them for a deterrent," Waltz told me. "And that makes for internal stability, that makes for
peace, and that makes for cautious behavior." Especially in a unipolar world, argues Waltz, the
possession of nuclear deterrents by smaller nations can check the disruptive ambitions
of a reckless superpower. As a result, in words Waltz wrote 10 years ago and has been reiterating ever since, " The
gradual spread of nuclear weapons is more to be welcomed than feared." Waltz is not a crank. He
is not a member of an apocalyptic death cult. He is perhaps the leading living theorist of the foreign policy realists, a school that sees world
politics as an unending, amoral contest between states driven by the will to power. His 1959 book, "Man, the State, and War," remains one of
the most influential 20th-century works on international relations. In recent weeks, however, the spread of nuclear weapons has taken on
what might appear to be a wildfire- like quality. North Korea has just declared itself a nuclear power. Iran is in negotiations with the United
States and Europe over what is widely suspected to be a secret weapons program of its own. Each could kick off a regional arms race. And

Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty, the backbone of nonproliferation efforts for the past 35 years ,
comes up for review this May, there's an increasing sense that it is failing. In such a context, Waltz's
argument may seem a Panglossian rationalization of the inevitable. Still, although heads of state,
North Korea in the past has sold nuclear technology to Libya and Pakistan, while Iran sponsors Hezbollah and Hamas. As the

legislators, intelligence officials, and opinion columnists are nearly united in their deep concern over the world's nuclearization, the
scholars who spend their time thinking about the issue are in fact deeply divided over the consequences of the spread of nuclear weapons,
even to so-called "states of concern" like Iran and North Korea. Few among Waltz's colleagues share his unwavering confidence in the
pacifying power of nuclear weapons. But plenty among them see at least some merit in the picture he paints. In part, the disagreement
between Waltz and his critics is over the meaning and value of nuclear deterrence in a post-Cold War world. But it's also an argument over
the motives that drive some countries to pursue nuclear weapons and others to want to keep the nuclear genie to themselves. . . . Waltz
spells out his theory most thoroughly in the 1995 book "The Spread of Nuclear Weapons," co-written with the Stanford political scientist
Scott D. Sagan in the form of an extended debate. Updated and republished two years ago to take into account the nuclearization of India

Put simply, a war between nuclear


powers cannot be decisively won without the risk of total destruction. Since the risk of
escalation in any conflict is so high, nuclear states grow cautious. "If states can score
only small gains because large ones risk retaliation," Waltz writes, "they have little
incentive to fight." When fighting does break out, it is likely to be a localized proxy
conflict like the Korean War instead of, say, a Soviet invasion of Western Europe. Nuclear weapons, he adds,
even blunt the urge for territorial expansion, since they contribute far more to a country's
security than any geographical buffer could. Even Graham Allison, a dean and professor at Harvard's Kennedy
and Pakistan, it contains the same arguments Waltz makes today in interviews.

School of Government and one of the country's most visible nonproliferation crusaders, concedes some of Waltz's argument. "There's
something known in the literature as a 'crystal ball effect,'" Allison says. "With a nuclear war, probably most of the people living in the
capital are going to be killed, including the leader and his family, so it brings it home. You have a positive effect, and you can certainly see
that in the India-Pakistan relationship" since both countries acquired their nuclear arsenals. Yet Allison - whose latest book, the widely
noted "Nuclear Terrorism: The Ultimate Preventable Catastrophe," was published last August - dismisses Waltz's larger linkage between
proliferation and security as "perverse, but nonetheless interesting." In particular, Allison argues, the time period just after a country goes
nuclear - in the case of North Korea, the present moment - is the most dangerous. This is partly because nascent nuclear nations don't have
the best command and control systems for their weapons. More troubling is that historically, in every so-called nuclear "conflict dyad" - US/
USSR, USSR/China, India/Pakistan - the first of the two to go nuclear came close to launching a preemptive attack to profit from its nuclear
advantage. And the precarious hold on power of the government in a nuclear nation like Pakistan only adds to the volatile mix. Even today's
long-established nuclear powers, Allison points out, may owe their continued survival as much to luck as logic. John F. Kennedy himself put
the chance of nuclear war during the Cuban Missile Crisis at one in three - odds, Allison notes, that are twice as high as those in Russian
Roulette. To share Waltz's faith in the pacifying effects of proliferation, says David Goldfischer of Denver University's Graduate School of
International affairs, is to subscribe to a sort of "nuclear theology." (Goldfischer is himself a proponent of what he calls Mutual Defense
Emphasis - a proposed treaty regime in which nuclear arsenals would be sharply reduced and mutually acceptable missile defenses
installed by opposing nuclear powers.) Waltz, Goldfischer charges, "is utterly convinced that there's a rational core in every brain similar to
his own, which will act somehow at the critical moment, and that no one will be able to reach a leadership position in any society who will
make the potentially suicidal decision to launch when a massive retaliation is a certainty." And that doesn't begin to account for the
possibility of an accidental launch or an attack by an Al Qaeda operative whose effective statelessness and hunger for martyrdom make him
undeterrable. John J. Mearsheimer, a political scientist at the University of Chicago and another preeminent realist thinker, describes

Mearsheimer agrees with Waltz, for example, that


nuclear states, no matter how "rogue," are unlikely to give their weapons to terrorists.
himself as closer to Waltz than to Allison on the issue.

Whatever its sympathies, Mearsheimer argues, "Iran is highly unlikely to give nuclear
weapons to terrorists, in large part because they would be putting weapons into the
hands of people who they ultimately did not control, and there's a reasonably good
chance that they would get Iran incinerated" if the weapon was traced back to the regime in Tehran. "Any country
that gave [nuclear weapons] to terrorists who would use them against the US," Mearsheimer adds, "would disappear from the face of the
earth." . . . The problem of "loose nukes" - in particular, Russia's inability in the years since the Cold War to keep track of all its nuclear
materials - shows that even a country's strong interest in maintaining control of its nuclear weapons is no guarantee that some won't fall
into the wrong hands, raising the threat of nuclear terrorism. Nevertheless, thinkers like Waltz and Mearsheimer, with their dogged focus on
the calculus of national advantage and interest, raise a question that tends to get lost in much of the news coverage of proliferation: Do
nuclear states like the United States oppose proliferation simply out of concern for their citizens' safety, or is there something more
strategic at work? In Waltz's formulation, nations acquire nuclear weapons not to menace their neighbors but to protect themselves. And to
the governments of North Korea and Iran, the primary threat is the United States. "If you were making decisions for North Korea or Iran,"
Waltz asks, "wouldn't you be deadly determined to get nuclear weapons, given American capability and American policy?" Seen this way,

the near- term proliferation threat is less to our homeland - neither North Korea or Iran, for example, has
the missile technology to deliver a warhead to the continental US - than to our ability to project power and shape
world affairs. The United States, in other words, worries as much about being deterred as
being attacked. "The truth is that countries that have nuclear weapons will be off-limits,"
says Mearsheimer, "which is why [those countries] want them." The more nuclear nations, then, the less
leverage America has. According to political scientist Robert Jervis, Waltz's colleague at Columbia, " We can't threaten to
invade them. We even will have less ability to launch really heavy covert operations." Even
our allies, should they go nuclear, will start to distance themselves, Jervis predicts. "If proliferation were to spread to Japan, South Korea,
and Saudi Arabia - they will obviously still need us, but not as much, and it reduces our leverage in that way as well." By this logic, one

Washington's deep
and vocal concern over proliferation only enhances the perceived value of such
weapons. "But we have overwhelming conventional superiority," says Jervis, "and we'd be much better off if [nuclear weapons] were
option for the United States would be to play down the importance of nuclear weapons. As Jervis notes,

abolished. We should be saying they're not such a big deal. What has France gotten from its nuclear weapons?" Ultimately, however, no
amount of military might allows a country to wish away the Bomb. Whether or not nuclear weapons make the world a more dangerous place,
they certainly make it a more humbling one, and their spread only narrows the options of the world's sole superpower.

Proliferation creates deterrence


Berkowitz 85 [Bruce D. Berkowitz= Associate Lecturer in Political Science at George Washington University, Proliferation,
Deterrence, and the Likelihood of Nuclear War, The Journal of Conflict Resolution Vol. 29, No. 1 , Mar., 1985,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/174041]hw
The pro-proliferation argument. Other writers have argued that although proliferation may increase the probability of nuclear war in the
short run, in

the long run, proliferation will decrease and eventually eliminate the probability
of nuclear war. Often these writers admit that, in the best of worlds, nuclear weapons would not exist. But they go on to argue that,
because nuclear technology has been discovered and widely promulgated, nuclear
disarmament is impossible. Therefore, they conclude, the best feasible goal is to proliferate
nuclear weapons selectively, but steadily. One of the earliest proponents of this argument was the retired French Air
Force General Pierre Gallois (1961). More recently, the argument has been formalized and elaborated by such scholars as Intriligator and
Brito (1981), Waltz (1982), and Bueno de Mesquita and Riker (1982). The argument of these writers is as follows: Any nuclear power can

nuclear powers
cannot attack other nuclear powers (at least not with nuclear weapons), because any
such attack will be returned in kind. These theorists admit that proliferation 1. ." in its early stages may raise the
launch a nuclear attack against any nonnuclear power, because there is no threat of retaliation. However,

probability of nuclear war, because an increasing number of nuclear powers would be poised to attack a fairly large number of nonnuclear
powers. But, they say, in its later stages proliferation will lower the probability of nuclear war because most states would then have the

these theorists would claim that when all


states have nuclear weapons, the probability of their being used would be zero, because
every state could threaten retaliation. The main danger of proliferation, according to this argument,
is that obstacles to proliferation may stop the spread of nuclear weapons halfway, so that a
significant number of nuclear powers would be presented with a large number of
nonnuclear powers, the kind of situation most likely to breed nuclear war.' Governments have
ability to retaliate and would thus be immune from nuclear attack. Indeed,

tended to choose between the two classical arguments pragmatically, the rule for policy being that "where you stand depends on where you
sit." Supporters of the anti-proliferation argument tend to be states that already possess nuclear weapons (or that have firm alliances with
nuclear powers), states that have little hope of developing nuclear weapons, and states that either have no need for nuclear weapons or that
have rejected them on moral grounds. Supporters of the pro-proliferation argument tend to be states that have some real prospects for
developing nuclear weapons in the near future (e.g., Argentina and Brazil), and especially the subset of these states that face unfriendly
neighbors that have either a nuclear force of their own or conventional forces so large that

Proliferation Bad
Proliferation leads to nuclear warpast deterrence theory fails
Walton 06 [Dale C. Walton= Associate Professor of International Relations at Lindenwood University, Navigating the Second Nuclear
Age: Proliferation and Deterrence in the Twenty-First Century, Global Dialogue, winter 2006, PAIS International]hw
The simple - indeed the perfect - answer to these uncertainties is to deny nuclear arsenals to "roguish", or potentially roguish, states.
Unfortunately, however, there is every reason to believe that it will be impossible to do so consistently. Rather, we should expect the number
of nuclear states to increase over time. This is not to say that there will be no non-proliferation victories. Some states seeking nuclear
weapons will be dissuaded from acquiring them (as Libya apparently was), and on rare occasions a nuclear state may even denuclearise (as
South Africa did). However, it would be naive to assume that this means that the spread of nuclear weapons can be reversed overall.
Knowledge about any technology can be expected to spread over time and nuclear weapons are an old invention: they were first built six
decades ago. Unsurprisingly, there are increasing numbers of individuals from (currently) non-nuclear countries who are knowledgeable
about nuclear technology. Moreover, given ongoing advances and concerns about the price of fossil fuels, it is quite likely that nuclear
power is about to enjoy a worldwide revival in popularity, a development that would in tum make it all the more difficult to control the spread
of fissile material. Although well-designed counter-proliferation efforts can slow the spread of nuclear weapons, further proliferation should
be regarded as a certainty. This means that there

will be more powers that possess the physical means


to initiate nuclear war and consequently, an increasingly complicated deterrence
environment worldwide. The Second Nuclear Age Some knowledgeable observers have argued compellingly that the
world is entering a "Second Nuclear Age", distinct from the first in a number of respects, one of
the most important of which is the increasing unreliability of deterrence.2 As nuclear
weapons proliferate horizontally - that is, are acquired by non-nuclear states, as opposed to the "vertical" proliferation of
increased acquisition by a nuclear-weapon state - the risk of nuclear war occurring somewhere on earth
can be expected to rise, especially as the proliferating states tend not to be models of
international propriety. While nuclear weapons have not been used in anger since 1945,
we should not expect this record to continue for another sixty years. If it is to endure it will require
both a well-designed deterrence policy and, frankly, a bit of good luck, for if a truly undeterrable leader ever comes
to possess nuclear weapons and is determined to use them, deterrence would be
impossible. Leaders ultimately choose to be deterred which is to say that they choose not to accept the consequences that would
flow from taking a particular action; if they are willing to accept the consequences of that action, they
may do as they like. This Second Nuclear Age is, in short, an era in which deterrence must be carefully
tailored to the cultural, political, military, and other characteristics of the state that one is
endeavouring to deter. Not all leaders are similar to those individuals who led the Soviet
Union; even if deterrence truly "worked" during the Cold War, it must be assumed that deterrence theory as it
developed during that period is not infallible. We should expect and prepare for deterrence failures. If
responsible powers - particularly the United States and its allies - design sound
deterrence policies and prepare for the possibility of deterrence failure, the likelihood of
a catastrophic failure of deterrence will be minimised, though it can never be eliminated. This analysis is not
intended to counsel despair. Indeed in many respects, humanity as a whole is far safer today than it was during the Cold War. As alluded to
above, a

US-Soviet nuclear war may have been only narrowly avoided. Such a conflict could
well have spelled the end of modern civilisation, at least in the northern hemisphere. Today, there appears to be
little immediate danger of a civilisation-shattering nuclear conflict. It is far more likely that the next nuclear conflict will involve, at most, a
few dozen warheads rather than the tens of thousands that might have been used in a US-Soviet war. That may be cold comfort when one
contemplates the horrors that even a "small" nuclear war would entail, but the fact that today there is little danger that the modern world will
be wiped out in an afternoon is important nonetheless.

Proliferation turns all impacts


Toon et al 07 Consequences of Regional-Scale Nuclear Conflicts [Owen B. Toon=

chair of the Department of

Atmospheric and Oceanic Sciences at CU-Boulder , Alan Robock=Distinguished Professor of climatology in the Department of Environmental
Sciences at Rutgers University, Richard P. Turco=Professor of Atmospheric Sciences and Director of the UCLA, Charles Bardeen= is a graduate
student in PAOS, with interests in the observation and modeling of stratospheric aerosols, Luke Oman= Research Physical Scientist NASA Goddard
Space Flight Center Earth Sciences Division Atmospheric Chemistry and Dynamics Laboratory, and Georgiy L. Stenchikov=Research Professor
Department of Environmental Sciences Rutgers, Science,New Series, Vol. 315, No. 5816 Mar. 2, 2007, pp. 1224-1225 Published by: American
Association for the Advancement of Science, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20035690] hw

acquiring
nuclear weapons has been considered a potent political, military, and social tool (1-3).
The world may no longer face a serious threat of global nuclear warfare, but regional conflicts continue. Within this milieu,

National ownership of nuclear weapons offers perceived international status and


insurance against aggression at a modest financial cost. Against this back drop, we provide a
quantitative assessment of the potential for casualties in a regional-scale nuclear
conflict, or a terrorist attack, and the associated environmental impacts (4,5). Eight nations are
known to have nuclear weapons. In addition, North Korea may have a small, but growing, arsenal. Iran appears to be seeking nuclear

Of great concern, 32 other


nations including Brazil, Argentina, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan have sufficient
fissionable materials to produce weapons (1, 6). A de facto nuclear arms race has emerged
in Asia between China, India, and Pakistan, which could expand to include North Korea,
South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan (7). In the Middle East, a nuclear confrontation between
Israel and Iran would be fearful. Saudi Arabia and Egypt could also seek nuclear
weapons to balance Iran and Israel. Nuclear arms programs in South America, notably in Brazil and Argentina, were
weapons capability, but it probably needs several years to obtain enough fissionable material.

ended by several treaties in the 1990s (6). We can hope that these agreements will hold and will serve as a model for other regions, despite

Nuclear arsenals containing 50 or more weapons of low


yield [15 kilotons (kt), equivalent to the Hiroshima bomb] are relatively easy to build (1,6). India and Pakistan, the smallest
nuclear powers, probably have such arsenals, although no nuclear state has ever disclosed its inventory of warheads (7). Modern
weapons are compact and light weight and are readily transported (by car, truck, missile,
plane, or boat) (8). The basic concepts of weapons design can be found on of the
Internet. The only serious obstacle to constructing a bomb is the limited availability of purified fissionable fuels. There are many
political, economic, and social factors that could trigger a regional scale nuclear conflict,
plus many scenarios for the conduct of the ensuing war. We assumed (4) that the densest population
centers in each country usually in megacities are attacked. We did not evaluate specific military targets and related casualties. We
considered a nuclear exchange involving 100 weapons of 15-kt yield each, that is, -0.3%
of the total number of existing weapons (4). India and Pakistan, for instance, have previously tested nuclear weapons
Brazil's new, large uranium enrichment facilities.

and are now thought to have between 109 and 172 weapons of unknown yield (9). Fatalities were estimated by means of a standard

such an
exchange between India and Pakistan (10) could produce about 21 million fatalities about
half as many as occurred globally during World War II. The direct effects of thermal radiation and nuclear
blasts, as well as gamma-ray and neutron radiation within the first few minutes of the
blast, would cause most casual ties. Extensive damage to infrastructure, contamination
by long-lived radionuclides, and psychological trauma would likely result in the indefinite
abandonment of large areas leading to severe economic and social repercussions. Fires
ignited by nuclear bursts would release copious amounts of light-absorbing smoke into the
upper atmosphere. If 100 small nuclear weapons were detonated within cities, they could generate 1 to 5
million tons of carbonaceous smoke particles (4), darkening the sky and affecting the
atmosphere more than major volcanic eruptions like Mt. Pinatubo (1991) or Tambora
(1815) (5). Carbonaceous smoke particles are transported by winds throughout the atmosphere but also induce circulations in response
to solar heating. Simulations (5) predict that such radiative dynamical interactions would loft
and stabilize the smoke aerosol, which would allow it to persist in the middle and upper
atmosphere for a decade. Smoke emissions of 100 low yield urban explosions in a regional nuclear conflict
would generate substantial global scale climate anomalies, although not as large as in previous "nuclear
winter" scenarios for a full-scale war (11,12). However, indirect effects on surface land temperatures,
precipitation rates, and growing season lengths (see figure, page 1225) would be likely to
degrade agricultural productivity to an extent that historically has led to famines in
Africa, India, and Japan after the 1783-1784 Laki eruption (13) or in the northeastern
United States and Europe after the Tambora eruption of 1815 (5). Climatic anomalies could
persist for a decade or more because of smoke stabilization, far longer than in previous
nuclear winter calculations or after volcanic eruptions. Studies of the consequences of full-scale
1224 nuclear war show that indirect effects of the war could cause more casualties than
direct ones, perhaps eliminating the majority of the world's population (77, 72). Indirect effects such as damage
population database for a number of countries that might be targeted in a regional conflict (see figure, above). For instance,

to transportation, energy, medical, political, and social infrastructure could be limited to the combatant nations in a regional war. However,
climate anomalies would threaten the world outside the combat zone. The

predicted smoke emissions and fatalities

per kiloton of explosive yield are roughly 100 times those expected from estimates for
full-scale nuclear attacks with high-yield weapons (4). Unfortunately, the Treaty on Non
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has failed to prevent the expansion of nuclear states. A
bipartisan group including two former U.S. secretaries of state, a former secretary of defense, and a
former chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee has recently pointed out that
nuclear deterrence is no longer effective and may become dangerous (3). Terrorists, for
instance, are outside the bounds of deterrence strategies. Mutually assured destruction may
not function in a world with large numbers of nuclear states with widely varying political
goals and philosophies. New nuclear states may not have well-developed safeguards and
controls to prevent nuclear accidents or unauthorized launches. This bipartisan group detailed
numerous steps to inhibit or prevent the spread of nuclear weapons (3). Its list, with which we concur, includes removing nuclear weapons
from alert status to reduce the danger of an accidental or unauthorized use of a nuclear weapon; reducing the size of nuclear forces in all
states; eliminating tactical nuclear weapons; ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty worldwide; securing all stocks of weapons,
weapons usable plutonium, and highly enriched uranium everywhere in the world; controlling uranium enrichment along with guaranteeing
that uranium for nuclear power reactors could be obtained from controlled international reserves; safeguarding spent fuel from reactors
producing electricity; halting the production of fissile material for weapons globally; phasing out the use of highly enriched uranium in civil
commerce and research facilities and rendering the materials safe; and resolving regional confrontations and conflicts that give rise to new
nuclear powers. The analysis summarized here shows that the world has reached a crossroads. Having survived the threat of global nuclear
war between the superpowers so far, the

world is increasingly threatened by the prospects of regional


nuclear war. The consequences of regional-scale nuclear conflicts are unexpectedly
large, with the potential to become global catastrophes. The combination of nuclear
proliferation, political instability, and urban demographics may constitute one of the greatest
dangers to the stability of society since the dawn of humans.

Iran proliferation kills middle east heginstability


Kroenig 09
[Matthew Kroenig= an assistant professor of Government at Georgetown University, Beyond Optimism and Pessimism: The Differential Effects
of Nuclear Proliferation november 2009, Harvard Kennedy school, http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/Beyond-Optimism-andPessimism.pdf]
The argument of this article helps us to better understand the consequences of other important real-world nuclear proliferation challenges.
At the time of writing in 2009, Iran was on the verge of mastering the uranium-enrichment capabilities that it could use to develop nuclear
weapons. Proliferation optimists contend that the United States should learn to live with a nuclear-armed Iran. 144 They claim that an Iranian
bomb does not directly threaten the United States because Tehran can be deterred. This analysis misses the point. U.S. strategists are quite
confident that nuclear deterrence will work in Iran; they are concerned that it is the United States that might be deterred. Presently, the

Against a nuclear-armed
Tehran, however, Washingtons military freedom of action is greatly constrained,
undermining the U.S.s strategic position in the region. On the other side of the debate, proliferation
pessimists argue that a nuclear Iran threatens the United States primarily because an
unstable Iranian regime and loose government control over the Iranian security services could lead to
some kind of nuclear accident. A nuclear accident may one concern of U.S. strategists, but if so, it is at the bottom of the
list. As we saw above, it is likely that the United States fears nuclear proliferation in Iran for the same
reasons that it has been threatened by nuclear proliferation to other states in the past. A
nuclear Iran could: deter the United States from using military force in the Middle East,
reduce the effectiveness of American coercive diplomacy against Iran , trigger instability
in the region that could require U.S. intervention, undermine U.S. alliance relationships in
the region and beyond, and lead to further nuclear proliferation in the region
compounding these strategic costs.
United States has the option to use military power to its advantage in its relationship with Iran.

Terrorism bad
Terrorism leads to supply chain disruption--piracy
Boles 04 [Tracey Boles, Global Economy's Reliance on China Shipping Lanes An Easy Target for Terrorists, Sunday Business, London,
March 14 2004, http://search.proquest.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/docview/463722116?accountid=14667]
Mar. 14--One

of the global economy's greatest areas of vulnerability -- its reliance on


shipping lanes to China -- is an easy target for terrorist attack, according to leading
intelligence experts. Shipping lanes passing through the Red Sea or Malacca Straits are
the most likely targets of an attack from terrorists who have picked up tips from pirates, says Aegis Defence
Services, the commercial intelligence and risk advisory firm. If one or two of the four major choke points
between East and West were blocked, either through positioning or exploding the tanker,
it would turn a three-week freight journey into a seven- week one. Even a perceived risk
of terrorist attack could be enough to drive insurers away from the market and bring
shipping to a standstill, threatening the whole global economy. The risk is highlighted in the latest
quarterly report from Aegis on the global threat from terrorism, which outlines developments likely to become apparent this year. One of the

the $58 billion (UKpound 32 billion,


E47 billion) bill from the 2002 US port strike as proof of the havoc that can be wreaked by
disruption to shipping. The strike lasted just 12 days. Armstrong told The Business: "Terrorists are
the new highwaymen threatening the global economy. We are living in a global village,
but the roads are very, very dangerous." The main terrorist threat to developed countries this year continues to be
that from Islamist extremism, the report says. The terrorists are watching and learning from pirates, Armstrong believes. Piracy
worldwide is up 30 percent year on year. The waters around Indonesia are a hotbed for this sort of crime. "Sea
mugging could soon become hijacking," said Armstrong. Last year, terrorists are believed to have staged a
practice run at kidnapping a tanker near Indonesia. After boarding the ship, they did not demand money as
report's authors, Dominic Armstrong, Aegis' head of research and intelligence, cites

pirates would, but went to the bridge to steer the tanker and replace its communications system with one of their own. After checking the
system worked, they disembarked the ship. Armstrong said: " The

stock market has rewarded cheap


manufacturing to China. But what if the boat doesn't come? Businesses are ill-prepared
for such an eventuality and should make back up plans, such as having a shadow facility somewhere nearer to home."
Revolutionaries are the most active terrorists globally, according to the Aegis report, accounting for 31 percent of atrocities. Islamists are
responsible for 17 percent, and separatists 8 percent. The Palestinian conflict has generated 6 percent of the total attacks. Aegis was
launched by Colonel Tim Spicer in 2002.

Nuclear terrorism crushes the economy


Ferguson and Lubenau 11 [Charles D. Ferguson= is an adjunct professor in the security studies program at
Georgetown University, Joel O. Lubenau,Understanding and Stopping Nuclear and Radiological Terrorism orginaly published winter 2006
last updated 6/2/2011, Centre for world dialogue, http://search.proquest.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/docview/211504385?accountid=14667 ]
There has been controversy about what constitutes nuclear terrorism. While some analysts strictly define it as use of a nuclear explosive,
others include radiological attacks designed to cause harm through release of radiation without producing a nuclear detonation.

Terrorist use of a nuclear explosive could take two forms. First, the terrorist group could
seize and detonate an intact nuclear weapon originating from a military arsenal. Second
the group could acquire enough weapons-usable fissile material - highly enriched
uranium (HEU) or plutonium - to make and explode a crude nuclear bomb, termed an
"improvised nuclear device". Radiological attacks could involve the sabotage of, or an attack on, nuclear facilities such as
nuclear power plants and spent-nuclear-fuel storage pools, or the use of radiation dispersal devices, one type of which is popularly known
as a "dirty bomb". Many people would probably lump all of these attacks together as nuclear terrorism because each type involves a
"nuclear asset". However, the likelihood of these acts varies considerably. Experts have reached consensus that terrorist detonation of
nuclear explosives is far less likely to occur than terrorist use of a dirty bomb or terrorist attack on a nuclear power plant. In particular,
making even a crude nuclear explosive is much harder to do than building a dirty bomb. Fissile materials to power nuclear weapons are far
less available than potent radioactive sources to fuel dirty bombs. Intact nuclear weapons are less prevalent and usually much more secure
than either weapons-usable fissile material or radioactive sources. Building even a crude nuclear explosive demands technical skills that

making a dirty bomb, which could be as simple as a


radioactive source coupled to a stick of dynamite. As regards attacks on nuclear facilities, it would be difficult
are more advanced than those necessary for

to cause a release of radiation by such means because of the strong security typically surrounding commercial nuclear sites and because of
the safety systems that can mitigate the effects of an attack. Nonetheless, compared to the multiple challenges in acquiring or making a
nuclear weapon, a terrorist attack against a nuclear power plant appears less daunting. Nuclear and radiological terrorism also differ
markedly in their consequences. Although dirty bombs could cause dozens of fatalities from the conventional blast, they would typically kill

few, if any, people in the near term from exposure to ionising radiation. Over a period of several years, however, many people might develop

dirty bombs, or radiation dispersal devices, as weapons


main effects would probably be psychological and social disruption
caused by fear of radiation and by radioactive contamination that could shut down large
areas of a city. Similarly, a successful terrorist attack on a nuclear power plant or
radioactive-waste storage site would release radiation, spark fear, and cause widespread
disruption. While both types of radiological terrorism - the detonation of a dirty bomb, or assaults on
nuclear facilities - could harm the nation under attack and might hurt the global economy,
they would pale in significance compared to a nuclear explosion in a city. Such a
transformative event would immediately kill upwards of tens of thousands of people and
completely devastate a vast urban area. The ripple effects would spread throughout the
globe. Panic in the financial sector could result in the loss of trillions of dollars. Fear of
additional nuclear explosions in other cities around the world could cause loss of
confidence in government.
cancer as a result of this exposure. Experts have labelled
of mass disruption because the

Agricultural terrorism increases food prices and undercuts the


US economyloss of production
Wheelis, Casagrande, and Madden 02
[MARK WHEELIS= works in the Microbiology department at the University of California Davis, ROCCO CASAGRANDE= research interests in the
development and testing of devices to detect and analyze biological weapons and in biological defense policy, LAURENCE V. MADDEN= is with the
Department of Plant Pathology at the Ohio State University, Attack on Agriculture: Low-Tech, High-Impact Bioterrorism., July 2002, American Institute
of Biological Sciences, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1641/0006-3568%282002%29052%5B0569%3ABAOALT%5D2.0.CO%3B2, Vol. 52, No. 7 pp.
569-576]hw

Diseases have a significant negative impact on agricultural productivity The burden on agriculture of endemic
and naturally imported epidemic disease is high, confirming the capacity of animal and plant diseases to cause economic harm. The United States is
free of many globally significant livestock diseases because of effective surveillance of herds and imports and aggressive eradication campaigns. Even

from animal disease


account for 17% of the production costs of animal products in the developed world and nearly twice that
amount in the developing world (ARS 2002). The total cost of crop diseases to the US economy has been
estimated to be in excess of$30 billion per year (Pimentelet al. 2000).The costs include reduction in the quantity (e.g.,
so, approximately $17.5 billion dollars are lost each year because of diseased livestock and poultry. In general, losses

reduced bushels per acre) and quality (e.g., blemished fruit, toxins in grain) of yield; short-term costs of control (e.g., cost of purchasing and applying
pesticides) and long-term costs (e.g., development of resistant varieties of crops through breeding and development of new pesticides);extra costs of
harvesting and grading diseased agricultural products (e.g., separating diseased from disease-free fruit);costs of replanting blighted fields; costs of

higher food prices; unavailable


foods; trade disruptions; and public and animal health costs caused by the production of toxins
by some plant pathogens (Zadoks and Schein 1979, James et al. 1991,Madden and Nutter 1995). In contrast to the sweeping
campaigns undertaken to eliminate the most virulent diseases of livestock, efforts generally have not been made to
eradicate diseases of crops (Strange 1993). One goal of plant disease control has been to maintain most indigenous diseases at a low
growing less desirable crops that are not susceptible to the dominant plant pathogens in an area;

or very low incidence level through a range of management techniques (Fry 1982).The exception is when a disease has a very narrow geographic
distribution (as would a newly introduced exotic disease),spores are not dispersed great distances, and disease incidence is low. In such a situation,
eradication may be feasible. Despite

the high toll endemic disease and periodic incursions of epidemic


disease exact on agriculture, many pathogens have not appeared in the United States at all, while
others have made only very rare appearances, and still others were eradicated decades ago (especially with animals); many of these are
considered to be serious threats to agriculture (Brown and Slenning 1996,Madden 2001).Thus, the exotic, highly
contagious pathogens causing these diseases could be chosen as bioweapons for the large
economic consequences that could result from their introduction. Pathogens that cause
diseases such as FMD, rinderpest, African swine fever (ASF), soybean rust, Philippine downy
mildew of maize, potato wart, and citrus greening could, if introduced into the continental United
States, have serious consequences for the US economy.

Agricultural terrorism kills the economy


Wheelis, Casagrande, and Madden 02
[MARK WHEELIS= works in the Microbiology department at the University of California Davis, ROCCO CASAGRANDE= research interests in the
development and testing of devices to detect and analyze biological weapons and in biological defense policy, LAURENCE V. MADDEN= is with the

Department of Plant Pathology at the Ohio State University, Attack on Agriculture: Low-Tech, High-Impact Bioterrorism., July 2002, American Institute
of Biological Sciences, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1641/0006-3568%282002%29052%5B0569%3ABAOALT%5D2.0.CO%3B2, Vol. 52, No. 7 pp.
569-576]hw

Agricultural bioterrorist attack can have severe economic consequences Even a massive
outbreak of plant or animal disease in the United States would not cause famine; the agricultural sector is
too diverse, too productive, and too closely regulated for that to be a realistic possibility. However, a successful attack could have
severe economic consequences. The most substantial impact would be the loss of
international markets for animal or plant materials. Member nations of the World Trade Organization
are entitled to ban imports of plant or animal materials that may introduce exotic
diseases into their territories (Wheelis 1999b, FAS 2001). Thus, importing countries that are
themselves free of a particular highly contagious animal or plant disease will routinely impose
sanitary or phytosanitary restrictions on trade with countries in which that disease
breaks out. This can result in billions of dollars of lost trade. For instance, as soon as the first case
of FMD was reported in the United Kingdom last year, the European Union (and other
countries) immediately blocked imports of British beef, sheep, and swine and products derived from them. The total sum
of lost revenues from contracted international markets has not yet been determined, but it will certainly be billions of dollars. For the
United States, with $41 billion of beef, $19 billion of diary, and $14 billion in pork sales
annually (USDA 1997), the trade consequences of an outbreak of FMD could be much
larger. A recent study of the impact that an outbreak of FMD would have on California agriculture concluded that losses, using
conservative estimates, would be $6 billion to $13 billion even if the outbreak were contained within California and eradicated within 5 to 12
weeks (Ekboir 1999). Karnal bunt of wheat, caused by the fungus Tilletiaindica, provides another example of severe economic

About 80 countries ban wheat imports from regions with


karnal bunt infections, even though the disease does not have a large direct effect on
crop yield (Bandyopadhyay and Frederiksen 1999). When the disease was discovered in Arizona and surrounding areas in 1996
(probably from an accidental introduction from Mexico), there was an immediate threat to the overall $6 billion
per year US wheat crop, since about 50% of produced wheat is exported. Because of this threat,
consequences caused by agricultural disease.

the Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) immediately mobilized efforts to contain
the outbreak within the original small area and to eradicate the disease. From 1996 to 1998, APHIS spent over $60 million on the effort, and
growers in this small affected area lost well over $100 million from lost sales and increases in production costs (Bandyopadhyay and
Frederiksen 1999; John Neesen [APHIS], personal communication, 2 April 2002). In this case, the localized nature of the outbreak allowed
the United States to convince its trading partners that none of the contaminated wheat was entering the market, and wheat exports
continued from the rest of the country. Unfortunately, karnal bunt was recently discovered again, this time in Texas (AgNet 2001), and a new

domestic demand can also be


significantly affected. Even minor outbreaks of disease that can potentially infect people
can have severe economic consequences. Since September 11, a mere three cases of mad cow
disease have been found in Japan; yet as a consequence, Japanese beef sales dropped
approximately 50% during this period (Watts 2001). In addition to the costs that result from reduced international and
domestic demand, the costs of containment can be quite substantial, as the examples discussed above make
clear. Thus, even for commodities that are not exported in large amounts, an outbreak of disease that provokes
vigorous eradication efforts may have a substantial economic effect. Taiwan, for
instance, spent about $4 billion in an unsuccessful effort to eradicate FMD after it was introduced
round of containment and eradication efforts has been initiated. In some cases,

to the country in 1997 (Wilson et al. 2000).

Agricultural terrorism would be easy to start and hard to stop


Wheelis, Casagrande, and Madden 02
[MARK WHEELIS= works in the Microbiology department at the University of California Davis, ROCCO CASAGRANDE= research interests in the
development and testing of devices to detect and analyze biological weapons and in biological defense policy, LAURENCE V. MADDEN= is with the
Department of Plant Pathology at the Ohio State University, Attack on Agriculture: Low-Tech, High-Impact Bioterrorism., July 2002, American Institute
of Biological Sciences, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1641/0006-3568%282002%29052%5B0569%3ABAOALT%5D2.0.CO%3B2, Vol. 52, No. 7 pp.
569-576]hw
Unfortunately, the same difficulties do not exist for many of the diseases that would make effective agricultural bioterrorist weapons.

These diseases of animals and crops are highly contagious and spread effectively from a
point source, as the recent FMD outbreak in the United Kingdom dramatically confirms. Moreover, humans can safely handle the
causative organisms, with no risk of becoming infected. None of the plant pathogens of concern, nor most of the animal pathogens, cause
disease in humans. Thus, there is no need for vaccination, prophylactic antibiotic use, or special precautions to prevent infection of the
perpetrators. Although a small outbreak may not produce a large psychological impact (relative to a single person dying of anthrax or
smallpox), several of these pathogens owe much of

their economic impact to trade sanctions that are

imposed in response to a few cases; thus, even small outbreaks can have very large
economic effects. A few cases of FMD scattered around the country could interrupt much of US animal product exports for several
months, even if the outbreaks were promptly contained (importing countries would want to
wait several weeks or months to verify that the outbreak was truly contained before resuming
imports). Obviously it is technically easier to cause a few scattered cases of disease than to prepare a kilogram-sized stockpile of

Material to initiate an outbreak of plant or animal disease


not have to be prepared in large quantitya few milligrams could be
sufficient to initiate multiple outbreaks in widely separated locationsif the goal is to disrupt international trade, or if
weaponized agent for aerosol distribution.
therefore does

the terrorists are sufficiently patient to allow a crop disease to develop over several months by transmission from individual to individual.
And the

agent does not necessarily have to be grown in the laboratory or otherwise


manipulateda small amount of natural material taken from a diseased animal or plant
can serve without any additional manipulation. For instance, a few hundred microliters of scrapings from the
blistered mucosa of an FMD-infected animal, or blood from an animal hemorrhaging from ASF, or a handful of wheat tillers heavily infected
by the stem rust pathogen can provide more than enough agent to initiate an epidemic .

Such materials are readily


available in many places in the world where the diseases of concern are endemic, and
they can be obtained and transported without any particular expertise other than what is necessary
to recognize the disease symptoms with confidence. Since only small amounts are needed, they can be
easily smuggled into the country with essentially no chance of detection. Dissemination of many
introduced pathogens likewise requires relatively little expertise. Animal virus preparations could be diluted and
disseminated with a simple atomizer in close proximity to target animals, or the
preparation smeared directly on the nostrils or mouths of a small number of animals. This
could be done from rural roads with essentially no chance of detection. Dissemination of animal
diseases could also be done surreptitiously at an animal auction or near barns where
animals are densely penned (as in chicken houses or piggeries). For plant diseases, simply exposing a mass of sporulating
fungi to the air immediately upwind of a target field could be effective, if environmental conditions were favorable for infection. The biggest
challenge of introducing a plant pathogen is probably timing the release with the appropriate weather conditions (Campbell and Madden
1990). If pathogens are released immediately before the start of a dry period, few, if any, infections are likely to result. However, if released at

The technical ease of introducing many


agricultural pathogens makes it more likely that terrorists or criminals would release
pathogens in several locations in an attempt to initiate multiple, simultaneous outbreaks.
This would ensure that trade sanctions would be imposed, because it would undermine
any argument that the outbreaks are localized and do not jeopardize importing countries. It would also be
more likely to overwhelm the response capacity and lead to the uncontrollable spread of
disease. This is the principal way in which a bioterrorist attack would differ from a
natural disease introduction, and it raises the question whether a system designed to respond to natural introductions can
the start of a rainy period, these pathogens could cause a major epidemic.

deal effectively with sudden, multifocal outbreaks.

Terrorist are likely to use a dirty bombkills the economy and


agriculture
Worcester 08
[Maxim Worcester is a Berlin based British security consultant, former Managing Director Control Risks Deutschland GmbH, International Terrorism
and the Threat of a Dirty Bomb, Jan 25 2008, ISPSW, http://www.isn.ethz.ch/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?id=46567]
Given the difficulties faced in acquiring a nuclear device by an organisation such as al-Qaida or the technical problems associated in

it would seem likely that terrorist would revert


to the use of a dirty bomb in order to achieve escalation. Such a bomb could be a crude and
small device using conventional explosives and radioactive material such as Caesium137, Strontium-90, Cobalt60, or even Plutonium. Whilst difficult to purchase on the open market such isotopes can be
found in any major hospital or laboratory. Currie-level Isotopes are used for Radiotherapy and blood
transfusion centres carry significant stocks of Caesium-137 for irradiating transferred blood to prevent
transfusion related diseases. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission furthermore reports that at least 1.6 million devices
containing radioisotopes which could be used in a dirty bomb have been licensed in the
US. Should such a device go off in a major down town area and expose 100.000 people it
would have a major impact. The area would have to be rapidly evacuated and closed off for decontamination which could
building and delivering either a chemical or bacteriological weapon

the
economic damage and disruption caused would be out of all proportion. The
psychological impact of 3 such an outrage, mass hysteria and uncertainty amongst the population of
the longer term effects of exposure to radiation, could outweigh the impact of the
September 2001 attacks. Offices in affected areas would have to be evacuated and employees would refuse to return to work
take months, depending upon the degree of contamination. Fatalities would not compare with the attacks in September 2001; however

because of fears of radioactive contamination meaning some key offices could not remain open. Whilst the IRA attacks on the City of
London in 1992 (Baltic Exchange), 1993 (Bishopsgate) and 1996 (Canary Wharf) were conventional attacks resulting in relatively few
casualties, the economic cost of these attacks came to an estimated 2000 million Pounds Sterling. The financial and psychological impact of

An accident in Goainia,
Brazil in 1987 illustrates the impact of a radiological attack. In this case workers dismantling a
laboratory unknowingly exposed 100 g. of Caesium-137. As a result, 112.000 persons had to be examined for signs of
exposure, a process which took months to conduct. Exposure to radiation resulted in 4 deaths and 260
persons showed signs of exposure, of which 49 required hospital treatment. Furthermore,
even non affected persons showed signs of stress induced symptoms of radiation
poisoning including vomiting and blistering. Goainia is an agricultural centre and all
deliveries of produce to other regions were suspended until the clean up was concluded
resulting in economic hardship and closure of factories. The international sign for radioactive hazard is
a dirty bomb attack on any one of the three locations would by far exceed the damage done by the IRA.

today integrated in the flag of the province, a clear indication of the impact this accident had on the region.

Terrorism good
Terror not an existential risk but that rhetoric has sustained US
heg
Marcopoulos 09 [Alexander J. Marcopoulos, J.D. from Tulane, BA in Economics and Philosophy Terrorizing Rhetoric: The
Advancement of U.S. Hegemony Through the Lack of a Definition of Terror, January 13 2009, SSRN,
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1327155]hw
In summary, an examination of U.S.

rhetoric during the Cold War provides useful insight into the
ways in which U.S. rhetoric regarding terrorism has been exploited as a vehicle for
maintaining U.S. hegemony. Because of its ability to shape conceptions of truth and cater
to human emotions such as fear, language can be an effective tool in a nations quest to
project power. Specifically, because the U.S. has (perhaps strategically) failed to provide a static definition for the word terror, it
has been able to invoke that word to construct threats, to inspire fear, and to plot a particular strategic foreign policy course. It is thus
submitted that not

since the red scare rhetoric of the Cold War has a single word been able
to affect such tremendous policy change in the world. Having established that the lack of a definition of the
word terror has allowed the U.S. to exploit it as a vehicle for hegemonic power
projection, this Paper will conclude by inquiring whether in doing so, the U.S. has engaged in a sustainable enterprise. In terms
of the U.S. being able to invoke the word terror to justify throwing its weight around in
the international community, it appears as though the Bush Administrations War on
Terror strategy successfully preserved U.S. hegemony in some ways. However, this Paper will
attempt to prove that the current approach is growing increasingly untenable and will force the incoming Obama Administration to plot a
new foreign policy course with regard to terrorism. As previously discussed, the U.S. has done many things to exploit the lack of a static
definition of terror. It is here that the dots should be connected to paint a picture of the mechanics of the U.S.s hegemonic strategy
regarding the use of the word terror. The U.S. has taken a word traditionally used to describe a certain type of criminal act.166 It has

the U.S. has applied its recently


adopted policy of preemption and preeminence, sometimes referred to as the Bush Doctrine, so that it
may invoke the word terror to justify preemptive exertions of its power in the world.168
But in invoking the word terror, the U.S. has proceeded carefully in only justifying
actions that are in its strategic best interest.169 Since it is in the best interest of the U.S. to (1) not be bound to act
when it does not want to, and (2) to choose to act when strategically beneficial, the U.S. has benefited from not having
a static definition of terror because the status quo usage of the word provides it with
the flexibility to act only when it chooses to.170 While the foregoing process demonstrates how the U.S. has been
able to apply the word terror to instances of its choosing, it does not explain how the U.S. has been able to act
hegemonically in persuading the rest of the world to follow suit.171 That capability stems
from the word terror itself and the way it has been molded into a tool of power
projection.172 The rhetoric of the U.S. regarding terror has created an existential threat out
of what is actually just a set of violent tactics.173 The mere invocation of that word has been able to set the
morphed the meaning of that word so as to cause it to connote an act of war.167 As such,

international community in motion at the drop of a hat (or bomb), as evidenced by the quickness with which the U.S. has been able to use it

The U.S. has made it clear that the rest of the


world faces a forced choice of either supporting the U.S. or being deemed a terrorist
state.175 Fearful of the consequences of what the latter may entail, the U.S. has been
able to coerce countries to allow for a U.S. military, economic, and intelligence presence
within their borders.176 Thus has evolved a predominant norm in U.S. foreign policy,
centered on the quintessentially hegemonic behavior that stems from one undefined
term. All seems well for the U.S. in this scenario as it may ostensibly do as it pleases as long as the issue is relevant to its wide-sweeping
in garnering the support of otherwise unfriendly countries.174

War on Terror. However, as time goes by and the shock of the September 11 attacks has subsided, the international community has become
less and less sympathetic to the demands of the U.S. regarding terrorism.177 That fact is underscored by the decline of support for the
Bush Administrations policies domestically and the failure of the Republican Party to retain its control of the executive and legislative
branches of the federal government. Perhaps the U.S. is unable to sustain this form of hegemony after all. There was a time immediately
following the September 11 terror attacks when the U.S. was able to capitalize on the sympathy of the rest of the world regarding the

When the attacks were still fresh in the minds of people all
over the world, it seemed as though the U.S. could garner support for almost any
shocking blow that it had just been dealt.178

retaliatory measure it conjured up within the bounds of reason (and sometimes


without).179 It is during this time that the U.S. was most able to embark on its practice of
unilateralism in its response to terrorism.180 The rest of the world sat back and watched
as the U.S. forewent the New World Order multilateral approach to security employed by
President Bush, Sr., and instead, invoked the right to self-defense under the UN Charter in invading Afghanistan.181 A few years later, the
rest of the world did not give the U.S. as much room to exert itself, as many influential countries expressed resentment at the unilateral
policies of the U.S. regarding its war in Iraq.182 As an attempt to quell hostilities and justify its presence there, the U.S. even invoked the
word terror regarding Iraq, trying to establish some tie between Saddam Husseins regime and Al Qaeda.183 Partly because the deep
sympathy the rest of the world expressed over September 11 had waned somewhat, the invocation of the word terror in this context was
not the trump card it used to be.184 It is clear now that the rest of the world will expect an altogether different strategy from Presdient-elect
Obama, because terror, unlike the Visa card, is no longer accepted everywhere.

Terrorism solves the economy-liquidity


Mieszkowski 01 [Katharine Mieszkowski, news correspondent, Will the war on terrorism be a recession buster?,
September 21 2001, salon , http://www.salon.com/2001/09/21/fiscal_stimulus_3/]hw
Will last weeks terrorist attacks and the coming war effort finally plunge the U.S. economy into the recession its been teetering on the brink
of for months? Or will the opposite happen? Might wartime spending act as a fiscal stimulus package that would jump-start the countrys

Congress has already approved $40 billion in spending to rebuild and fight
terrorism after last weeks attacks, and theres a good chance that many more billions
will be ladled for tasks such as rescuing the beleaguered airline industry and upgrading
national security. Economists are hoping that the burst of wartime spending will counteract not only the financial fallout from last
weeks attacks, but also the long decline of the economy over the last year. The bottom line is that, in a sufficiently
aggressive military posture, you could actually have a positive economic effect from
this, says Robert Litan, director of economic studies at the Brookings Institution, in a briefing. Just look, for example,
at the postwar prosperity resulting from the United States involvement in World War II.
Such government spending acts as a stimulus, because those funds would have otherwise
been languishing in the so-called Social Security lock box. Otherwise that money would have been sitting
flagging finances?

in T-bills [Treasury bonds] with an IOU to the Social Security trust fund, said Ross DeVol, an economist at the Milken Institute. The

terrorist attacks signaled an immediate change in the governments economic priorities.


All the talk about balancing the budget and protecting social security thats gone
now, said Steve Golub, an economics professor at Swarthmore College, adding, Im fairly confident that theyll do what it
takes to prevent a sustained recession.

Terrorism increase infrastructure and government efficiency


9/11 proves
Webster 11 [Graham Webster, news correspondent and former Intern of the National Bureau of Asian Research., The Next Ten
Years of Post-9/11 Security Efforts, National bureau of Asian research, September 1, 2011, http://www.nbr.org/research/activity.aspx?
id=171#.UeYs_21t5vg]hw

Ten years after the attacks of September 11, 2001, the U.S. security infrastructure has
changed dramatically. Sen. Slade Gorton, the first permanent appointment to the 9/11 Commission, tells NBR that much has
improved. Intelligence-sharing and cooperation within the government have drastically
increased. Meanwhile, the United States has fallen short of the commissions recommendations for allocating intelligence funding and
reforming congressional oversight. Ahead of the 9/11 Conference that NBRs Slade Gorton International Policy Center will host on
September 9, Sen. Gorton reviewed the last decade of security policy and previewed the challenges to come. What has the United States

We are sharing intelligence far more effectively. Before


9/11 even the two divisions of the FBI couldnt effectively share intelligence, much less
could the CIA share with the FBI. Those walls, or stovepipes, were broken downsome of
them before the 9/11 Commission even came into existence. In addition, the intelligence community was reformed
by Congress as a result of 9/11 Commission recommendations and the creation of the
National Counterterrorism Center together with the Directorate of National Intelligence
(DNI) to preside over all intelligence activities in the federal government and serve as the chief adviser to the president. Thats
worked fairly well. It hasnt worked as well as we think it could have, however, because our recommendation was that the DNI
done well after 9/11 to improve its security efforts?

have budgetary authority over the other intelligence agencies, and Congress did not give the DNI that authority. Nonetheless, our gathering,
our sharing, and our use of counterterrorism intelligence have been greatly improved. They ought to be;

were spending $80

billion a year now, double the amount that we were spending before 9/11. I think weve
tripled the amount that were spending on the CIA, though much of that is for technical
equipment and infrastructure. I think the number of people working for the CIA has only increased by about a third.

Terrorist attacks secure infrastructure


Moteff 11 [John D. Moteff, Specialist in Science and Technology Policy, Critical Infrastructures: Background, Policy, and
Implementation, July 11 2011, CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress,
http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/homesec/RL30153.pdf]hw
Post-September 11 Soon after

the September 11 terrorist attacks, President Bush signed two


Executive Orders relevant to critical infrastructure protection. These have since been amended to reflect
changes brought about by the establishment of the Department of Homeland Security (see below). The following is a brief discussion of

E.O. 13228, signed October 8, 2001, established the Office


of Homeland Security , headed by the Assistant to the President for Homeland Security . 19 Its mission is to develop and
the original E.O.s and how they have changed.

coordinate the implementation of a comprehensive national strategy to secure the United States from terrorist threats and attacks.

Among its functions was the coordination of efforts to protect the United States and its
critical infrastructure from the consequences of terrorist attacks. This included
strengthening measures for protecting energy production, transmission, and
distribution; telecommunications; public and privately owned information systems;
transportation systems; and, the provision of food and water for human use. Another
function of the Office was to coordinate efforts to ensure rapid restoration of these
critical infrastructures after a disruption by a terrorist threat or attack. Many of the functions of the
Office of Homeland Security were transferred to the Department of Homeland Security when the latter was established (see below). 20 The
EO also established the Homeland Security Council . The Council is made up of the President, Vice-President, Secretaries of Treasury,
Defense, Health and Human Services, and Transportation, the Attorney General, the Directors of FEMA, FBI, and CIA and the Assistant to the
President for Homeland Security. The EO was later amended to add the Secretary of Homeland Security. Other White House and
departmental officials can be invited to attend Council meetings. 21 The Council advises and assists the President with respect to all
aspects of homeland security. The agenda for those meetings shall be set by the Assistant to President for Homeland Security, at the
direction of the President. The Assistant is also the official recorder of Council actions and Presidential decisions. 22 In January and
February 2003, this E.O. was amended (by Executive Orders 13284 and 13286, respectively). The Office of Homeland Security, the Assistant
to the President, and the Homeland Security Council were all retained. However, the Secretary of Homeland Security was added to the
Council. The duties of the Assistant to the President for Homeland Security remained the same, recognizing the statutory duties assigned to

The second Executive


Order (E.O. 13231) signed October 16, 2001, stated that it is U.S. policy to protect against the
disruption of the operation of information systems for critical infrastructure ... and to
ensure that any disruptions that occur are infrequent, of minimal duration, and
manageable, and cause the least damage possible. 23 This Order also established the
Presidents Critical Infrastructure Protection Board . The Board, consisting of federal officials, was
authorized to recommend policies and coordinate programs for protecting information
systems for critical infrastructure. The Board also was directed to propose a National
Plan on issues within its purview on a periodic basis, and, in coordination with the Office of Homeland Security,
review and make recommendations on that part of agency budgets that fall within the purview of the
the Secretary of Homeland Security as a result of the Homeland Security Act of 2002 (see below).

Board. The Board was chaired by a Special Advisor to the President for Cyberspace Security . 24 The Special Advisor reported to both the
Assistant to the President for National Security and the Assistant to the President for Homeland Security. Besides presiding over Board
meetings, the Special Advisor, in consultation with the Board, was to propose policies and programs to appropriate officials to ensure
protection of the nations information infrastructure and to coordinate with the Director of OMB on issues relating to budgets and the

The Order also established the National Infrastructure Advisory


Council . The Council is to provide advice to the President on the security of information
systems for critical infrastructure. The Councils functions include enhancing publicprivate partnerships, monitoring the development of ISACs, and encouraging the private
sector to perform periodic vulnerability assessments of critical information and
telecommunication systems. Subsequent amendments to this E.O. (by E.O. 13286) abolished the Presidents Board and the
security of computer networks.

position of Special Advisor. The Advisory Council was retained, but now reports to the President through the Secretary of Homeland
Security. In July 2002, the Office of Homeland

Security released a National Strategy for Homeland


Security . The Strategy covered all government efforts to protect the nation against terrorist attacks of all kinds. It identified
protecting the nations critical infrastructures and key assets (a new term, different as implied above by
the FBIs key asset program) as one of six critical mission areas. The Strategy expanded upon the list of sectors

considered to possess critical infrastructure to include public health, the chemical


industry and hazardous materials, postal and shipping, the defense industrial base, and
agriculture and food. The Strategy also added continuity of government and continuity of
operations to the list, although it is difficult to see how the latter would be a considered sector. It also combined
emergency fire service, emergency law enforcement, and emergency medicine as
emergency services. And, it dropped those functions that primarily belonged to the federal governments (e.g., defense,
intelligence, law enforcement). It also reassigned some of the sectors to different agencies, including making the then proposed Department

It also
introduced a new class of assets, called key assets, which was defined as potential targets whose
of Homeland Security lead agency for a number of sectorspostal and shipping services, and the defense industrial base.

destruction may not endanger vital systems, but could create a local disaster or profoundly affect national morale. Such assets were defined
later to

include national monuments and other historic attractions, dams, nuclear facilities,
and large commercial centers, including office buildings and sport stadiums, where large
numbers of people congregate to conduct business, personal transactions, or enjoy
recreational activities. 25

Terrorist attacks increased disease prevention world wide


Khan 11 [Ali S Khan, director of CDCs Office of Public Health Preparedness and Response, Public health preparedness and response
in the USA since 9/11: a national health security imperative, Sep 2 2011, CDC,
http://www.cdc.gov/phpr/documents/Lancet_Article_Sept2011.pdf]hw

The 2001 terrorist attacks underscored the importance of the minor investments made in
public health preparedness in the last decades of the 20th century. These investments were
made largely in response to a growing awareness of the emergence and re-emergence of
infectious diseases and to reports of an extensive Soviet bioweapons programme. 3,4 New funding resources for
infectious diseases led to improvements in epidemiological capacity at the state and
local levels, a core national stockpile of medical assets, and a novel laboratory diagnostic network for bioterrorism agents. Since
9/11, the US public health system has received unprecedented national investments in
recognition of its importance to the national security. These investments have resulted in increased capacity that is most evident in well

The terrorist attacks also led to a


cultural shift in the way state and large city health departments work and interact with
other agencies and sectors. Health departments are now becoming increasingly
accepted as equal partners by traditional first responders, such as law enforcement agencies, -re
populated states and large urban areas where new resources were mostly directed.

departments, and emergency medical services. These interactions are supported by the incorporation of public health components into the

Public health bodies at the local, state,


and federal levels now routinely use this system to ensure that everyone has the same
focus, whether responding to daily incidents or major disasters. Further substantial investments were made in
state and local preparedness and response infrastructure, planning, and capability
development for routine outbreaks and to help ensure health security in the event of
large disasters or epidemics. The US Department of Health and Human Services
established several additional resources, including deployable teams from the US Public Health Service that can
rapidly assist in a response to a public health emergency. The National Disaster Medical
System expanded its mission to include medical treatment for victims of terrorist attacks .
Sustained efforts to leverage technology in advanced research and development of countermeasures to
increase protection from radiological or nuclear, chemical, and biological agents have
improved diagnostic tests and led to new vaccines and antitoxins for smallpox and
botulism, and drugs for anthrax, smallpox, and influenza. CDCs Strategic National
Stockpile increased its core formulary to support the prophylaxis of more than 50 million
people to prevent anthrax, plague, or tularaemia, and acquired enough smallpox vaccine
to immunise every person in the USA. The Stockpile also started the forward placement
of lifesaving antidotes for terrorist attacks with chemical or nerve agents (the CHEMPACK
National Response Framework and the National Incident Management System.

programme 5 ). The mission of the Laboratory Response Network has expanded from biological and chemical agents to include emerging

and from US borders to international


partnerships with Mexico, Canada, the UK, and others. After 9/11, the US Congress passed the USA PATRIOT
infectious diseases and other public health threats and emergencies,

Act of 2001 6 and the Bioterrorism Act of 2002, 7 which substantially strengthened the ability of the USA to oversee select agents and toxins

that could pose public health threats. A recent Presidential Executive Order 8 stipulated that the list of select agents will be adjusted to
focus on agents of greatest concern. Several US Government programmes (eg, CDCs Global Disease Detection,
Department of Defenses Biological Threat Reduction Program, Department of States Global Threat Reduction Programs, and USAIDs

have also been involved in enhancing worldwide capacity to


rapidly detect and contain emerging health (and bioterror) threats. These programmes increasingly
focus on the development of local health capacity to support WHOs revised international health regulations in conjunction with
other worldwide and native efforts directed at epidemic preparedness and response. 9
Emerging Pandemic Threats Program)

Although preparedness and response capabilities for public health emergencies have been difficult to define and measure 10 (a task that
CDC continues to address 11 ), reports from CDC and organisations such as the Trust for Americas Health have documented substantial
improvements. 12,13 These reports show that public health departments are now better equipped to identify health threats rapidly and have
improved their abilities to respond effectively to and communicate emergencies. For example, 48 of 50 states (96%) have shown their ability
to activate staff and their emergency operations centres. Similarly, the medical response to a public health emergency has been
strengthened. 14 Progress in preparedness made in the past decade has benefited routine and large scale or unexpected responses,
therefore saving lives and preventing illness and injuries. 15 Annual investments through CDCs Public Health Emergency Preparedness
cooperative agreement with states support crucial everyday systems. These investments support more than 5000 front-line public health
workers who routinely assist local and regional responses for incidents 24 h per day 7 days per week, such as outbreaks of foodborne and
infectious diseases, and regional environmental disasters, such as wildfires, floods, and ice storms.

US support for Taiwan bad


US support for Taiwan causes military investment, failure of
US-Sino cooperation and democratization
Kennedy 07 [Andrew Bingham Kennedy= Ph.D. Political Science from Harvard University, China's Perceptions of U.S. Intentions
toward Taiwan: How Hostile a Hegemon?, March/April 2007,Asian Survey Vol. 47 No. 2, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/as.2007.47.2.268]hw

International politics is notoriously rife with


misperceptions, and the U.S. China relationship is particularly prone to misunderstanding. In this
case, Chinas pessimistic perceptions have a number of disturbing implications. First, Chinese officials who believe the U.S.
secretly opposes unification will be less sanguine about the prospects for peaceful unification
with Taiwan, other things being equal. This expectation in turn makes it harderif not impossibleto
persuade Taipei to come to the negotiating table, while making coercion appear more
necessary. Such a conclusion naturally increases support for investments in military hardware
and training while undermining arguments for diplomatic initiatives and compromises. In addition, pessimism
about the possibility of persuading Taiwan subverts arguments for democratization on the
mainland, insofar as these arguments cite the boost that such reforms would give to cross-strait relations. To be sure, the U.S. cannot dictate
political outcomes on Taiwan. At the same time, Chinas influence over the island is rising as cross-strait
economic ties continue to grow. It is thus possible that Chinese officials will see non-coercive
approaches to Taiwan as increasingly viable in the future, even in the face of American
resistance. Even so, Chinese perceptions of American opposition no matter how impotentto closer crossstrait ties are likely to foster skepticism about broader American intentions toward China, hindering
cooperation on a variety of issues. Should China ultimately succeed in unifying with Taiwan peacefully, the U.S. has no interest in Chinese
The results of this study may be troubling, but they should not be surprising.

analysts believing that Beijing somehow triumphed over Washingtons implicit resistance. Given the stakes involved, it would be imprudent to allow

The key here is not merely assuring Beijing that the U.S. does
not support Taiwanese independence, as both the Clinton and Bush administrations have done. This is an essential part of the
task, to be sure, but it is not enough. Instead, American representatives must also stress that the U.S. is
prepared to accept unification if it is reached peacefully and consensually.
Chinas overly pessimistic perceptions to persist.

Large scale terrorist attacks spur economic growth; 2 reasons


Powell 2001 - Ben Powell is a Ph.D. student in economics at George Mason
University
Ben Powell, Is Terror Good for the Economy? Ludwig von Mises Institute,
December 2001, https://mises.org/freemarket_detail.aspx?control=372 Volume 19,
Number 12]
In this particular column Krugman discussed the economic impact of the attack on
the World Trade Towers. Krugman says, "the terror attack could even do some
economic good." How could the death and destruction of September 11 do us some
economic good? Krugman offered three assertions. Assertion one: "If people rush
out to buy bottled water and canned goods, that will actually boost the economy."
Krugman sees people spending money on one particular type of good, but he does
not grasp what is unseen. If people were not spending their money on bottled water
and canned goods, they would be spending it on something else or saving it. All that
has changed are the particular goods that are bought, not the absolute level of
economic activity. People buying bottled water and canned goods neither improved
nor harmed our economic condition. Assertion two: "The driving force behind the
economic slowdown has been a plunge in business investment. Now, all of a
sudden, we need some new office buildings. As I've already indicated, the

destruction isn't big compared with the economy, but rebuilding will generate at
least some increase in business spending." Krugman is committing the brokenwindow fallacy on a massive scale. Since the World Trade Towers were small as a
percent of our economy, and their destruction will lead to a small amount of
increased business investment, and this is good for our economy, all we need to do
to really improve our economy is encourage lots of business investment by this
method.

Warming Bad
Global warming is real, the brink is now and will lead to
extinction.
Hansen et. al 12
[James Hansen, Makiko Sato, Reto Ruedy, Perceptions of Climate Change: The New Climate Dice, Jan 5, 2012, NASA Goddard Institute for Space
Studies and Columbia University Earth Institute, http://www.columbia.edu/~jeh1/mailings/2012/20120105_PerceptionsAndDice.pdf]hw
The question then becomes, what is the most appropriate base period to use. We will argue that the appropriate base period is close to our initial
choice, 1951 1980. Also

we suggest that the "small" 0.5C global warming of the past three decades
already has practical effects, which will become major impacts if projected global warming of
2C or more this century is allowed to occur. The most useful base period, we suggest, is one representative of the climate to which life
on Earth is adapted. Paleoclimate data show that global temperature has been quite stable for a long period, more than ten thousand years, the

the climate of the most recent few decades must be warmer


than prior Holocene levels, given the fact that the major ice sheets in both hemispheres are presently
losing mass rapidly and global sea level is rising at a rate of more than 3 m/ millennium, much greater
Holocene period (Fig. 5, (6)). However, (6) argue that

than at any time in the past several thousand years. Global temperature in 1951 1980, which is the earliest period with good global coverage of
meteorological stations, is ore representative of the Holocene and the climate to which plant and animal life on the planet is adapted. Changes of

Amplification of hot, dry


conditions by global warming is expected, based on qualitative considerations. For example, places
experiencing an extended period of high atmospheric pressure develop dry conditions, which
we would expect to be amplified by global warming and by ubiquitous surface heating due to elevated
greenhouse gas amounts. The other extreme of the hydrologic cycle, unusually heavy rainfall and floods, is also
expected to be amplified by global warming. The amount of water vapor that the atmosphere holds increases
rapidly with atmospheric temperature, and thus a warmer world is expected to have more rainfall occurring in more extreme
events. What were "100 year" or "500 year" events are expected to occur more frequently with increased global warming. Rainfall data
reveal significant increases of heavy precipitation over much of Northern Hemisphere land and in the tropics ( 3 ) and
attribution studies link this intensification of rain fall and floods to human made global warming
global temperature are likely to have their greatest practical impact via effects on the hydrologic cycle.

( 24 26 ) . Although extreme heat waves and record floods receive most public attention, we wonder if there is not also a more pervasive effect of
warming that affects almost everyone. Natural ecosystems are adapted to the stable climate of the Holocene. Climate fluctuations are normal, but the

The fact that warmer winters


have led to an epidemic of pine bark beetles and widespread destruction of forests in Canada
and western United States is well known. However, as an anecdotal data piece suggesting the possibility of
more widespread effects , consider that several tree species (birch, pin oak, ash, some maple varieties) on the
rapid monotonic global trend of the past three decades, from an already warm level, is 12 highly unusual.

eastern Pennsylvania property of one of us (JH) exhibit signs of stress. Arborists identify proximate causes (borers and other pests, fungus, etc.) in
each case, but climate change, including longer summers with more extreme temperature and moisture anomalies, could be one underlying factor. The
tree species in this region have existed for millennia; it is implausible that Native Americans had to water the birch trees to keep them alive, as is the

Climate change of recent decades is also having


effects on animals, birds and insects that are already noticeable (17, 27, 28). Although species migrate to stay
within climate zones in which they can survive, continued climate shift at the rate of the past three decades is
expected to take an enormous toll on planetary life. If global warming approaches 3 C by the
end of the century, it is estimated that 21-52% of the species on Earth will be committed to
extinction (3). Fortunately, scenarios are also possible in which such large warming is avoided by placing a
rising price on carbon emissions that moves the world to a clean energy future fast enough to limit further global warming to several
tenths of a degree Celsius ( 29 ). Such a scenario is needed if we are to preserve life as we know it.
case at present during summers with anomalously hot summers.

Global warming leads to extinctionLaundry list


PIK 12
[A Report for the World Bank by the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research and Climate Analytics, Turn Down the Heat Why a 4C Warmer
World Must be Avoided, November 2012, , http://wwwwds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2012/12/20/000356161_20121220072749/Rendered/PDF/NonAsciiFileName0.pdf]h
w
Although impact projections for a 4C world are still preliminary and it is often difficult to make comparisons across individual assessments,

report identifies a number of extremely severe risks for vital human support systems.

this

With extremes of

temperature,

heat waves, rainfall, and drought are projected to increase with warming; risks will be much
the most adverse impacts on water
availability are likely to occur in association with growing water demand as the world population
increases. Some estimates indicate that a 4C warming would significantly exacerbate existing water scarcity in many regions, particularly
northern and eastern Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia, while additional countries in Africa would be newly
confronted with water scarcity on a national scale due to population growth. Drier conditions are projected for southern
Europe, Africa (except some areas in the northeast), large parts of North America and South America, and southern Australia, among others.
Wetter conditions are projected in particular for the northern high latitudesthat is, northern North America,
higher in a 4C world compared to a 2C world. In a world rapidly warming toward 4C,

northern Europe, and Siberiaand in some monsoon regions. Some regions may experience reduced water stress compared to a case without climate

Subseasonal and subregional changes to the hydrological cycle are associated with
severe risks, such as flooding and drought, which may increase significantly even if annual
averages change little. With extremes of rainfall and drought projected to increase with warming, these risks are expected to be much
higher in a 4C world as compared to the 2C world. In a 2C world: River basins dominated by a monsoon regime,
such as the Ganges and Nile, are particularly vulnerable to changes in the seasonality of runoff,
which may have large and adverse effects on water availability. Mean annual runoff is projected to decrease by
change.

20 to 40 percent in the Danube, Mississippi, Amazon, and Murray Darling river basins, but increase by roughly 20 percent in both the Nile and the

The risk for disruptions to ecosystems as


a result of ecosystem shifts, wildfires, ecosystem transformation, and forest dieback would be
significantly higher for 4C warming as compared to reduced amounts. Increasing vulnerability to heat and
drought stress will likely lead to increased mortality and species extinction. Ecosystems will be
affected by more frequent extreme weather events, such as forest loss due to droughts and
wildfire exacerbated by land use and agricultural expansion. In Amazonia, forest fires could as much
as double by 2050 with warming of approximately 1.5C to 2C above preindustrial levels. Changes
would be expected to be even more severe in a 4C world. In fact, in a 4C world climate change seems likely to become
the dominant driver of ecosystem shifts, surpassing habitat destruction as the greatest threat to
biodiversity. Recent research suggests that large-scale loss of biodiversity is likely to occur in a
4C world, with climate change and high CO 2 concentration driving a transition of the Earth s ecosystems into a state unknown in human
experience. Ecosystem damage would be expected to dramatically reduce the provision of
ecosystem services on which society depends (for example, fisheries and protection of coast lineafforded by coral reefs
and mangroves). Maintaining adequate food and agricultural output in the face of increasing
population and rising levels of income will be a challenge irrespective of human-induced climate
change. The IPCC AR4 projected that global food production would increase for local average temperature rise in the range of 1C to 3C, but
Ganges basins. All these changes approximately double in magnitude in a 4C world.

may decrease beyond these temperatures. New results published since 2007, however, are much less optimistic. These results suggest instead a

Large negative effects have been observed at high and


extreme temperatures in several regions including India, Africa, the United States, and Australia.
For example, significant nonlinear effects have been observed in the United States for local daily
temperatures increasing to 29C for corn and 30C for soybeans. These new results and
observations indicate a significant risk of high-temperature thresholds being crossed that could
substantially undermine food security globally in a 4C world. Compounding these risks is the
adverse effect of projected sealevel rise on agriculture in important low-lying delta areas, such
as in Bangladesh, Egypt, Vietnam, and parts of the African coast. Sea-level rise would likely impact many midrapidly rising risk of crop yield reductions as the world warms.

latitude coastal areas and increase seawater penetration into coastal aquifers used for irrigation of coastal plains. Further risks are posed by the

The projected increase in intensity


of extreme events in the future would likely have adverse implications for efforts to reduce
poverty, particularly in developing countries. Recent projections suggest that the poor are
especially sensitive to increases in drought intensity in a 4C world, especially across Africa, South Asia, and other regions.
Large-scale extreme events, such as major floods that interfere with food production, could also
induce nutritional deficits and the increased incidence of epidemic diseases. Flooding can
introduce contaminants and diseases into healthy water supplies and increase the incidence of
diarrheal and respiratory illnesses. The effects of climate change on agricultural production may
exacerbate under-nutrition and malnutrition in many regionsalready major contributors to child
mortality in developing countries. Whilst economic growth is projected to significantly reduce childhood stunting, climate change is
likelihood of increased drought in mid-latitude regions and increased flooding at higher latitudes.

projected to reverse these gains in a number of regions: substantial increases in stunting due to malnutrition are projected to occur with warming of 2C

Despite significant efforts to


improve health services (for example, improved medical care, vaccination development, surveillance programs), significant
additional impacts on poverty levels and human health are expected. Changes in temperature,
precipitation rates, and humidity influence vector-borne diseases (for example, malaria and dengue fever) as well as
to 2.5C, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, and this is likely to get worse at 4C.

hantaviruses, leishmaniasis, Lyme disease, and schistosomiasis. Further health impacts of climate change could include injuries and deaths due to

Heat-amplified levels of smog could exacerbate respiratory disorders and heart


and blood vessel diseases, while in some regions climate changeinduced increases in concentrations of aeroallergens (pollens,
extreme weather events.

spores) could amplify rates of allergic respiratory disorders

Warming leads to extinction


Lemonick 13 [Michael D. Lemonick=news correspondent, "Climate Change a Bigger Extinction Threat than Asteroids", February 15th
2013, http://www.climatecentral.org/news/climate-change-a-bigger-threat-for-extinction-than-asteroid-strike-15625]hw
But devastating as that would be, it pales next to the strike that happened 65 million years ago, when a much bigger chunk of space rock, a few miles
across, slammed into the sea right off the Yucatan Peninsula in what is now Mexico .

The debris thrown into the atmosphere in


the aftermath of that gigantic impact is thought by many to have caused one of the greatest
mass extinctions of species in the planets history, by blocking off enough sunlight to chill the planet dramatically. About
70 percent of all living species disappeared during that episode of abrupt climate change. Now
many scientists believe another mass extinction is under way this one entirely of our own making. A
combination of pollution, habitat destruction and the global warming from greenhouse-gas
emissions has already driven the species-extinction rate well above normal, and theres every
reason to believe it will continue to skyrocket as the warming starts to overwhelm these other
effects during the coming century and beyond. Unlike the extinction that wiped out the dinosaurs, this one will result from
rising temperatures, not abrupt cooling, making it tempting to wonder if a well-placed asteroid strike could actually be a good thing. If it hit out in the
middle of nowhere, it could generate a pall of atmospheric dust that would cool things for a while, counteracting the heat-trapping effects of greenhouse
gases. Scientists are already speculating about doing this sort of thing on purpose (albeit less dramatically) in the process known as solar radiation
management, a type of geoengineering.

Warming Good
No impact to warming and a laundry list of benefits outweigh
progress
Baliunas 02
[Sallie Baliunas= an astrophysicist at the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics PhD degrees in astrophysics from Harvard
University, The Kyoto Protocol and Global Warming, May 2002, http://www.lavoisier.com.au/articles/greenhouse-science/climatechange/Baliunas.pdf]

No catastrophic humanmade global warming effects can be found in the best measurements of climate. The
alleged impacts havent occurred. Hurricanes have not increased in the United States over
the last half of the twentieth century; key infectious diseases such as malaria have been eradicated in
the United States by the health, living and technological advances made in the last century. 2.
Energy-use helped accomplish this last advance and it has also fed vast numbers of people while elevating
them from poverty. The longevity, health, welfare and productivity of humans have
improved with the use of fossil fuels for energy, and the resulting human wealth has
helped produce environmental improvements beneficial to health as well. 3. Carbon dioxide, the
primary greenhouse gas produced by burning fossil fuels is not a toxic pollutant. It is
essential to life on earth. Plants, including crops, have flourished owing to the aerial
fertilization effect of increased carbon dioxide in the air. Agricultural experts estimate a 10 per cent
increase in crop growth in recent decades owing to the heightened concentration of
carbon dioxide in the air. The best science offers little justification for the rapid cuts in carbon dioxide mandated by the Kyoto
Protocol. Furthermore, the economic consequences come with considerable human and
environmental risk, at the cost of no significant climatic improvement in terms of avoided
temperature rise by the middle of the twenty-first century, according to the climate simulations. Given the lack of benefits for the
Three things can be said about the risk of perilous global warming from human energy use: 1.

Kyoto Protocol, what then is guiding its international momentum? One strong factor is the philosophy of the Precautionary Principle in
environmental regulation. The Precautionary Principle disallows an action that might harm the environment, until the action is certain to be
environmentally harmless. That philosophy is antithetical to science in practice, because it sets an impossible goal in proving harmlessness
with certainty. Despite the lack of evidence for catastrophic global warming and its calamities, the temptation to adopt a policy of doing

That portrayal of insurance as a


prudent hedge is wrong on two counts, notwithstanding the scientific lack of detection of
significant humanmade warming. First, the actuarial notion of insurance is that of a carefully calculated premium paid
something is promoted as needed insurance against the possible risk to the earth.

against a risk known reasonably well in outcome and probability of outcome. In the case of human-made global effects, the risk, premium

risk calculations have been attempted by averaging the


ensemble of results from various computer simulations, none of which yields reliable
results. More important is the second element of the flawed insurance analogy: the notion that buying the Kyoto Protocol is effective
and outcomes cannot be well-defined. Yet

insuranceas stated above, the averted temperature resulting from mandated emission cuts will be inconsequential in terms of natural
climate variability. The underlying basis for the international negotiations is the Rio Treaty of 1992, which specifically states that
concentrations of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, not emissions, be stabilized. In order to stabilize the airs concentration of

fossil fuels are the key


to improving the human condition. The scientific facts show that the liberation of fossil
fuels from their geologic reservoirs and mankinds use of them provide many economic,
health and environmental benefits, whereas the environmental catastrophes forecast
from their use by critics have yet to be demonstrated.
greenhouse gases, emissions would have to be cut some 6080 per cent. For the next several decades,

Warming causes negative feed backs that solves warming


plant growth
Robinson et. al 98 [ARTHUR B. ROBINSON, SALLIE L. BALIUNAS, WILLIE SOON, AND ZACHARY W. ROBINSON,
Environmental Effects of Increased Atmospheric Carbon Dioxide, Oregon Institute of science and medicine, January 1998,
http://webs.uvigo.es/esuarez/RNL/Petition%20Project.pdf]hw
FERTILIZATION OF PLANTS How high will the carbon dioxide concentration of the atmosphere ultimately rise if mankind continues to use

Since total current estimates of hydrocarbon reserves are approximately


2,000 times annual use (47), doubled human release could, over a thousand years, ultimately be 10,000 GT C or
coal, oil, and natural gas?

25% of the amount now sequestered in the oceans. If 90% of this 10,000 GT C were absorbed by oceans and
other reservoirs, atmospheric levels would approximately double, rising to about 600 parts per
million. (This assumes that new technologies will not supplant the use of hydrocarbons during the next 1,000 years, a pessimistic
estimate of technological advance.) One reservoir that would moderate the increase is especially
important. Plant life provides a large sink for CO2. Using current knowledge about the
increased growth rates of plants and assuming a doubling of CO2 release as compared
to current emissions, it has been estimated that atmospheric CO2 levels will rise by only
about 300 ppm before leveling off (2). At that level, CO2 absorption by increased Earth biomass
is able to absorb about 10 GT C per year.

Warming increases agriculture and biodiversityplant growth


and resilience
Robinson et. al 98 [ARTHUR B. ROBINSON, SALLIE L. BALIUNAS, WILLIE SOON, AND ZACHARY W. ROBINSON,
Environmental Effects of Increased Atmospheric Carbon Dioxide, Oregon Institute of science and medicine, January 1998,
http://webs.uvigo.es/esuarez/RNL/Petition%20Project.pdf]hw

As atmospheric CO2 increases, plant growth rates increase. Also, leaves lose less water
as CO2 increases, so that plants are able to grow under drier conditions. Animal life,
which depends upon plant life for food, increases proportionally. Figures 17 to 22 show examples of
experimentally measured increases in the growth of plants. These examples are representative of a very large research literature on this
subject (49-55). Since plant response to CO2 fertilization is nearly linear with respect to CO2 concentration over a range of a few hundred
ppm, as seen for example in figures 18 and 22, it is easy to normalize experimental measurements at different levels of CO2 enrichment.
This has been done in figure 23 in order to illustrate some CO2 growth enhancements calculated for the atmospheric increase of about 80
ppm that has already taken place, and that expected from a projected total increase of 320 ppm. As figure 17 shows, long-lived (1,000- to
2000-year-old) pine trees have shown a sharp increase in growth rate during the past halfcentury. Figure 18 summarizes the increased
growth rates of young pine seedlings at four CO2 levels. Again, the response is remarkable, with an increase of 300 ppm more than tripling
the rate of growth.

Figure 19 shows the 30% increase in the forests of the United States that has
taken place since 1950. Much of this increase is likely due to the increase in atmospheric
CO2 that has already occurred. In addition, it has been reported that Amazonian rain forests are
increasing their vegetation by about 34,000 moles (900 pounds) of carbon per acre per
year (57), or about two tons of biomass per acre per year. Figure 20 shows the effect of CO2 fertilization on
sour orange trees. During the early years of growth, the bark, limbs, and fine roots of sour orange trees growing in an
atmosphere with 700 ppm of CO2 exhibited rates of growth more than 170% greater than
those at 400 ppm. As the trees matured, this slowed to about 100%. Meanwhile, orange production was 127%
higher for the 700 ppm trees. Trees respond to CO2 fertilization more strongly than do
most other plants, but all plants respond to some extent. Figure 21 shows the response of
wheat grown under wet conditions and when the wheat was stressed by lack of water.
These were open-field experiments. Wheat was grown in the usual way, but the
atmospheric CO2 concentrations of circular sections of the fields were increased by
means of arrays of computer-controlled equipment that released CO2 into the air to hold the levels as
specified. While the results illustrated in figures 17-21 are remarkable, they are typical of those reported in a very
large number of studies of the effect of CO2 concentration upon the growth rates of
plants (49-55). Figure 22 summarizes 279 similar experiments in which plants of various types were raised under CO2 -enhanced
conditions. Plants under stress from less-than-ideal conditions a common occurrence in
nature respond more to CO2 fertilization. The selections of species shown in figure 22 were biased toward plants
that respond less to CO2 fertilization than does the mixture actually covering the Earth, so figure 22 underestimates the effects of global
CO2 enhancement. Figure 23 summarizes the wheat, orange tree, and young pine tree enhancements shown in figures 21, 20, and 18 with
two atmospheric CO2 increases that which has occurred since 1800 and is believed to be the result of the Industrial Revolution and that
which is projected for the next two centuries. The relative growth enhancement of trees by CO2 diminishes with age. Figure 23 shows young

agriculture has already benefited from CO2 fertilization; and


benefits in the future will likely be spectacular. Animal life will increase proportionally as
shown by studies of 51 terrestrial (63) and 22 aquatic ecosystems (64). Moreover, as shown by
a study of 94 terrestrial ecosystems on all continents except Antarctica (65), species
richness (biodiversity) is more positively correlated with productivity the total quantity
of plant life per acre than with anything else.
trees. Clearly, the green revolution in

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