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Braničevo U Istoriji Srbije PDF
Braničevo U Istoriji Srbije PDF
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ISBN 978-86-7005-068-6 INIS
ISBN 86-84969-13-8
978-86-84969-24-0 IAP
Pekograf, Zemun
300
III
6
INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM
III/6
2008.
- CONTENT -
M
................................................................................ 11
Editors & organizers introduction
I ,
1813.
........................................................................................... 15
M
(18041941).......................................................... 21
Historical dimensions of development of self-government in Serbia
(1804-1941)
....................................................... 41
Rifles Peabody in the Armament of Serbian Army
. . .
XIX ...............................................51
XX .
Military Factor in Political Life of Serbian State at the Beginning of 20th Century
Some notes on early Balkan Aviation History (1912-1913) ....................................... 71
(1912-1913)
abac, churchyard, 17th of august 1914 (notes to an investigation)........................... 91
17. 1914.
....................................................................... 99
Reprisal as a Cause of Demographic Movement of Serbian Inhabitants
in the First World War
,
5
........................................................ 113
Main characteristics of Kingdom of Yugoslavia economy, with regard to Serbia
(1934-1939.)........................... 131
(1930- .): -
Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1930s): powerless regime-crises of the state
, .
- .......................................... 145
The Direction of the Development of Commanding-Informative Systems
-
II , ,
(12411242)..... 161
Branievo and Adjacent Regions Before and After the Mongol Invasion (12411242)
(1241-1242)
.
XV ........................................................... 175
Population of Crna Reka and Timok in 15th century
XV
(1389-1459)........... 189
Turkish Break through and Demographic Changes in Branicevo district (13891459)
(1389-1459)
.
:
15. ...................................................................... 203
Turkish Population Politics in Borderland Settlements and Inhabitants
of Branicevo in the Second Half of 15th Century
:
15.
-
(1618-1621), (1625-1629)
(1631-1634).................................................................................. 215
About efforts of administrative bishops of Smederevo and Belgrade Petar Kati
(1618-1621), Albert Rani (1625-1629) and Petar Mazareki (1631-1634)
-
(1618-1621), (1625 - 1629) (1631 - 1634)
6
, ............................................ 229
Osmanli Fortifications ardaklar, kuleler and Ocaklar
-
, ! ( )...................... 243
, ! ( )
Regional version of the Kosovo legend-Milos Obilic in the Branicevo area
-
,
19. ......................................................................... 257
The Population of Branicevo District in 19th Century
XIX
- XIX ........................................................................... 273
Diplomats from Branicevo in the XIX century
XIX
-,
XIX ................................................................................................. 287
Archive fund of Zvis District in 19th Century
19.
.
. (1879-1880)..........305
The Beginning of the Radical Party. Nikola Pasic in Pozarevac
. (1879-1880)
............................................................................ 315
Restaurants in Pozarevac as basic of cultural and social life between two world war
-
...................................................................................................... 325
Charity Funds nd Legacies in the Area f Nowaday Branievo District
7
M
1941-1944....................................................................................... 345
Russian Anticommunists and the Events of the Second World War in Eastern
Serbia 19411944
J
................................................................................................. 357
Municipal Courts as Administrative and Managing Authorities in Pozarevac District
1915. ...................................... 377
Typhus in Poarevac County in 1915.
1915 .
.............................................................. 407
A Couple of Words about the Great Man of Jurisprudence in Serbia
19451955...................................................... 427
The Students from Pozarevac and its Surrounding, 19451955
1945-1955
III -
.
1809 .
..................................................................................................443
1809. .
Serbian Foreign Political Programme 1809 and Russian Diplomacy
,
1804. 1915. .................. 461
Russian Military Help in armament to Serbia from 1804 to 1915
1804 - 1915
I (1807-1811)
- -........................................................................................................... 493
Additions to the History of First Serbian Uprising and cooperation between
Serbs and Russians
-
(1807-1811) - 8
. . .
... (
18771878 ..)................................................................... 509
- 1876-1878.
Russian-Serbian War Cooperation in Eastern Serbia 18761878
J 19191941.
( ) ............... 527
Russian refugees in Yugoslav Armed Forces 1919-1941.
1919-1941.
( )
(1935-36 .) . .................................... 545
Josip Broz Tito at the Service of Comitern
(193536. .)
........................................................ 563
War doctrine of Soviet Union in the dawn of World War II on the pages
of Yugoslav military press
1944. , ................ 577
SovietYugoslav Military Cooperation in Northeast Serbia in October 1944, with
a special review on Branicevo District
1944.
- , 1947- 1948.
- 1948. ............. 587
YugoslavSoviet negotiations, December 1947February 1948. The contribution
to the study of Yugoslav (Serbian)Soviet (Russian) relationship in XXcentury
- , 1947- 1948. .
() ()
XX
1944-1948............................................................................ 607
The soviet Military instructors in Yugoslav Army 1944 1945
1944-1948 .
9
,
, 30. 2007.
- .
,
, . 19. 20.
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- 11
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. 13.
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- 1876,
;
1834.
20. , , ; ,
1879-1880.
, ,
; 19. ; ,
; - ;
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,
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,
- .
.
(, )
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,
2008.
12
,
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tific reports were presented, all with a common denominator that there is place to
reevaluate the past, because this represents a full responsibility towards the state
people live in, but also a responsibility to present to the world a corpus of systematized and verified knowledge.
There is no great and sound history without local historiography. With this
in mind questions concerning the Mongol invasion during XIII century were examined, as that invasion left deep marks on Branicevo region and the surrounding countries and had an impact on further history of this region; then, the question of Russian-Serbian war collaboration has a specific place in wars for liberation the first experience of such collaboration is seen in the participation of
Russian volunteers in the Serbo-Turkish war of 1876, mutual war operations were
important not only for the success of Russian forces but also for the drawing of future borders of Serbia; questions of demographic changes in Branicevo region from
1834 to the beginning of XX century, the changes in the number of the population and its settlements, the dynamism and structure of urban and rural population; then, Nikola Pasics sojourn in Pozarevac (1879-1880) as the most important
event in prehistory of the Peoples Radical Party; considered were questions dealing with the founding and activities of the Black Hand organization, the conflict
of its leaders with the leaders of the Radical Party in Serbia; the organization and
work of municipal courts as local bodies of state power in Pozarevac region during XIX century; then, reprisal measures practiced by aggressor army towards the
prisoners and civilians in World War I; life and work of students from Pozarevac
and its region attending Belgrade University after World War II and under ideological-political conditions and pressure by the ruling Communist Party; the importance of informational security and its display in the realm of national security and as a factor in international relations.
Organizers had a noble intention to initiate a tolerant dialogue that anew stimulates research, unmasks old assertions and leads to broadening of the knowledge.
Consequently, Historical Archives of Pozarevac and the Institute for Recent
History of Serbia as co-organizer gave a contribution towards cherishing local native history as part of historical heritage and an incentive towards further research
of Pozarevac-Branicevo region.
Our gratitude goes to all those who helped in the realization of this lasting
Historical Archives of Pozarevacs project Branicevo in Serbian history.
We owe special gratitude to the Ministry of Science of Republic of Serbia,
because without their financial support this international scientific assembly
would not take place nor would it be possible to publish the Summary Collection
in three languages (Serbian, English and Russian) that was presented to the cultural and scientific public at the day of the scientific gathering.
In Pozarevac,
September 2008.
14
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Duan Bajagi
...
With new Constitution from 1835 (Sretenjski ustav) and the Constitution
from 1838, Serbia was divided to areas, counties and municipalities, with this classification lasting until Vidovdan Constitution. In head of the counties were county
chiefs, and in head of the areas aerial chiefs, both as an instrument of central government. In head of the municipalities were municipal presidents, which were chosen by the people.
Counties were, till Constitution from 1888, just administrative units, except
state government there were non else in them. State was divided to counties because of easier ruling from the center. They were always administrated by state officials. People had no influence on processing of public tasks, and had no part in administration. Constitution from 1888 established counties as self-government organizations. With same act aerial self-government was introduced, with very restricted form. Municipal self-government was established in the Constitution from
1901. With it, the conditions were made for operating of self-government institutions-county councils and county assemblies, aerial councils and aerial assemblies,
and the assembly committees. With Vidovdan Constitution one more administrative unit was introduced-region (oblast). Later, based on the law on state administration from 1929 banovinas were made, as a units of regional self-government, while
most of the self-government institutions, in size between local and regional, were
canceled, truly and formally.
Tendencies of Serbias law predicted creating of units of higher self-government. In Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Yugoslavia tendencies were to
provide as efficient operating as possible to self-government, in harmony with historical, economic and political circumstances.
(1804-1941)
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Dr V. J. Visnjakov
70
MA Dimitris Vogiatzis,
Greece
UDK 358.4(497)1912/1913
The Balkan Peninsula owes it name to the Balkans mountains massif, in todays Bulgaria. There are various definitions2 of which countries
1 T
he above paper was researched and written under the auspices of the program
Pythagoras II (History of the Engineers in Greece, 1920 Century) that is jointly cofinanced by the EKT (75%) and national funds.
2 In the interwar years Yugoslavia, Greece, Romania, Turkey, Bulgaria and Albania were
considered Balkan countries. The Balkan Pact (Athens, February 1934) that was signed by
the first four countries invited also Bulgaria and Albania to participate. If one accepts this
version like this author, one needs only to substitute for Yugoslavia the successor countries
that were formed after the dissolution of Federal Yogoslavia in 1991. However, according to
Le Petit Larousse Illustre, 1993, Romania is excluded from the Balkans. The Encyclopedia
Brittanica CD, 1998 includes also Moldova, includes Greece in the Balkan Peninsula (but
excludes it mysteriously from the Balkan Region), and also excludes Turkey stating that
Turkey is not a Balkan state. The Comptons Interactive Encyclopedia CD, 1998 includes
also Romania but excludes Moldova. These and other similar differences of opinion are cited
in Cioroianu, The Impossible Escape, 210211. For this papers purposes only Bulgaria,
Serbia, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire need to concern us. It is interesting that although
modern Turkey was founded in 1923, in most contemporary (191213) Greek newspapers
the term Turkey is used instead of the technically correct term Ottoman Empire.
71
Dimitris Vogiatzis
72
(August, 1913). The changes made in the map of Europe by the Balkan Wars
of 19121913, were not merely the occasion but a cause and probably the
most potent, of all the causes that eventually led to the World War I.
The conflict was largely fought with large conventional land forces,
very similar to those that appeared later in WW I. Neither side had the
mass of materiel available to the WW I combatants, and so no stalemate
resulted. Warfare was relatively fluid in spite of the appalling state of the
roads and the poor railroad network. Military technology used was a curious mixture of antiquated, established, and novel hardware. Aviation belonged to the last category. In fact there were two kinds of aviation technologies available: the older lighter than air machines(Balloons and kites)
and the untried motorized aeroplanes. Aviation played no significant part
in the conflict although the numbers of aircraft involved were by no means
insignificant for the period under study. Totals of aircraft delivered until the cessation of hostilities in July 1913 is: Ottoman Empire 18/290000,
Greece 11/110000 (including one civil example impressed by the Army
complete with the owner who was offered an Officers commission), Serbia
10/230000, Bulgaria 29/350000. These numbers can be compared with the
inventories available to United Kingdom(29), Italy(26), Japan(14), USA (6) in
19145, prior to WW I.
The numbers after the brackets refer to mobilized troops respectively. As David Edgerton has shown6, pre- 1914 aeroplanes strength should better not be compared in absolute numbers but in terms of the sizes of each
army and navy, since aircraft were supposed to provide them with reconnaissance. Although it has been stated that only Greece possessed a Navy
of any number and strength 7 the Ottoman Navy was actually larger in tonnage. But only the Greeks enjoyed exclusive use of seaplanes (3 examples)
and used them at least once in Wars. They converted also a Farman VII to a
seaplane before the Wars, replacing the wheels with locally designed floats.
It is reported8 that they held with it the World seaplane speed record for
two months.
The nascent Balkan Air Arms were generally provisional and amateurish organizations and few resources were devoted to them. However, in spite
of these retarding factors, under wartime pressure the Balkan aviators invented most tactical elements of later day Air Warfare. The Bulgarians contemplated even Air-to Air combat9, although no contemporary aeroplane was designed for that role. Thus, those responsible for aviation not only succeeded in
introducing a new technology, but also transformed for the first time in history, aeroplanes to usable instruments of War.
5
6
7
8
9
73
Dimitris Vogiatzis
74
75
Dimitris Vogiatzis
76
The Balkan Air Leagues and their subscription campaigns merit a monograph on their own. They were established earlier than similar
British organizations22 and covered the cost for the majority of aeroplanes
(at least in Greece and the Ottoman Empire). The Donanma Cemiyeti
(Fleet Society) modelled after the German Flottenverein to support the
sharp Greek-Ottoman Naval Race embraced Aviation too: An Ottoman
Lady named Belkis Sevket, incidentally cofounder of the Organization of
Defending the Women Rights, (a pioneering Muslim feminist organization)
is noted throwing leaflets over Istanbul from of a Deperdussin in support
of the Fleet Societys campaign23 in 1913. She was perhaps the first woman-passenger of Balkan provenance. The most successful fund-raising campaign, by any standards, was waged by a Greek man of letters, who allegedly raised single-handedly money from patriotic Greek-Americans, for a
Stettin-built 680 ton destroyer, an artillery battery and three aeroplanes24.
The prevalent attitude to the aeroplane is best summed up in the motives behind the first locally produced aircraft in the Balkans: it was ordered
not by the Army but by prospective volunteers who want to fight side by side
with the regular Army. It was built in the workshop of a Serb aviation pioneer,
and it was destined for irregular warfare, to support guerilla bands fighting
in unliberated Serbian lands25. It was delivered in May 1912 to its owners but
damaged due to inept handling, without harming anybody, much less the enemy. As a matter of fact irregular formations formed of civilians with or without official sanction, fought alongside all armies, later in the Wars.
On the eve of the Wars, all Balkan armies shared many similarities.
They were organized according to the European General Staff model (except Montenegro). They all followed European models for training, logistics
communications and sanitation26. They relied on conscript armies of mainly illiterate peasants but equipped with state of the art European weapons. Foreign training was not only a privilege of the higher Officer Corps.
Middle or low rank officers, mainly specialists, were sent to training courses abroad. Members of foreign military missions were given great latitude
to do their work, inflated local military ranks (in Greece and the Ottoman
Empire) and a place in the Official Officers Rank List that is used to regulate promotions ( at least in Greece). From articles in the official military
magazines, it is evident that world developments in tactics and weaponry were followed closely. The enthusiastic and simultaneous use of wireless, torpedo boats, machine guns, submarines, sea mines by some or all
the combatants during the Wars, reveals a military culture very open to
innovation. The existence of such a military culture was conductive to the
22 aris, First Air Wars ,104.
23 Diven, Guide Book, 18.
24 Rouskas, Spyros Matsoukas, 144.
25 Janic, Nastanak,15.
26 Hall, 15.
77
Dimitris Vogiatzis
adoption of promising by most contemporary western accounts new weapons such as aeroplanes and airships. Another contributing factor was the
minuscule cost of Aviation material compared to the heavy burden of the
Greek or Ottoman Naval Estimates and the overall cost of the Balkan
arms race.Experimentation with tactics and equipment was practiced in
maneuvers. Relevant here is the opinion of Vice-Admiral Mark Kerr, Head
of the British Naval Mission in Greece (191315):
Within one year of our arrival and before the Great War commenced, the Greek Navy was the only maritime Service in the World who
was practicing in maneuvers the hunting of submarines by seaplanes and
destroyers in combination and was making arrangements for catching underwater pests [submarines, authors note] in steel nets.27
Kerr was typical of the air-minded middle-aged officers like the British
Trenchard and the Austrian Uzelac, who taught themselves to fly in order to
command the first military aviation units. During WW I he became one of
the early proponents of Strategic Air Warfare, and played no small part in the
establishment of the first independent Air Force, the Royal Air Force.
The formal institution of the respective Balkan Air Arms is not given the attention it deserves in the available accounts. According to the
first volume of the Greek Official History, the establishment of an Aviation
Section (under the Corps of Engineers) was based on a recommendation by
the French Military Mission that was received with alacrity28 by the War
Ministry. The Mission led by General Joseph Eydoux arrived in Athens in
January, 1911 and was assigned the task of radical reorganization of the
Greek Army.The members of the Mission were not mere advisors, they were
given Greek military ranks and actually commanded military units during multiple and very intense exercises held before the Wars. (However,
they were forbidden to take an active part in the Wars). Unfortunately, the
author of the above recommendation is unknown, as the two Engineer
Officers included in the Missions complement were assigned not to aviation related work but to traditional Corps of Engineers tasks29. Similarly the
Ottoman Aviation Section was placed under the General Inspectorate of
Technical Troops and Fortified Places and its inception (July, 1911) credited to the initiative of Ottoman War Minister Mahmut Sevket Pasa30 (1856
1913). Both the Bulgarian and the Serbian Aviation sections were formed
formally after War broke out in September, 1912, the first under the Corps
of Engineers, the second directly at the disposal of the High Command31.
Both armies operated balloons from 1906 and 1909 respectively, and
aeroplanes were received and used before the formal establishments of
27 Kerr, Reminiscences,181.
28 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A, p. 26.
29 Laroche, Mission Militaire, 179.
30 Diven, Guide Book, 23.
31 Janic, Nastanak, 22.
78
Aviation Sections. The attachment of these sections to the Engineers reflects the French practice of the time. In the Greek case, it was a rather
nominal subordination. Only the name of the Engineer Officer in charge
is known who subsequently disappears from all accounts. The fragmentary archival sources unearthed in the Hellenic Army historical archives
bear the signatures of Premier/War Minister Venizelos and Navy Minister
Stratos and some concern very mundane matters. On the other hand they
suggest that in the Greek case at least, aviation was considered important enough to trouble heads of Government and cabinet members. This
lack of data regarding the proper chain of command above the Aviation
Section level (it was a company level formation-a battalion consists of three
companies), does not allow us to place the Greek Aviation Section in its
proper military context. The subordination of a military unit reveals a lot
about its function and its relative significance. For example the Bulgarian
chain of command is given32 as follows: Army General Staff>Engineering
Troops>Railway Regiment>Aeroplane Parc (a support unit that collected
all airplanes)>aeroplane (4) or balloon detachment (2).
It is a pity that so few original accounts of flying pre-1912 airplanes
have survived. Aeroplanes between 19091912 were really a generation
apart from early WW I examples, as they had much more demanding flying
characteristics. The flying characteristics of these aircraft cannot be compared in a meaningful way, even with interwar aeroplanes, not to speak of
todays light propeller aeroplanes. The physical effort to stay aloft in such a
machine is today underrated while their potential is usually overrated. The
main points of contention were power and control. Almost all were notoriously underpowered, the average output being 50 hp and thus very prone to
the ravages of weather. Also in those days every manufacturer used his own
unique system of flight controls. Wing warping as pioneered by the Wrights
was one of the many possible configurations with many permutations. The
situation was further exacerbated by different cockpit controls33. (Control
over flight controls used in production aeroplanes was the point behind the
Wrights yearlong litigations over patents with Curtiss and others). This profusion of control systems meant that when somebody learnt to fly on a type
of aircraft, he was not automatically capable to fly on another type34 as it
32 Nedialkov, Air Power, 36.
33 For a very informed discussion on flight controls of three different early aircraft see
Taylor, Pioneer Aeroplanes, 137158.
34 A surviving telegram sent from the Greek Premier Minister to Commander in Chief of
the Army testifies to this. Venizelos complains to Crown Prince Constantine about a
hired Italian Aviator who is incapable to fly in the Greek Farman biplanes and demands
more practice. As this all happens at an advanced landing ground in the battlefield of
Epirus, he recommends upon the suggestion of a Greek officer pilot that the Italian
be barred from further flights. Telegram from Minister Venizelos, Athens to the
Crown Prince, CinC, Vodena, 4 Nov 1912, File 1602/A/36, Hellenic Army General
Staff Historical Service Archive, Athens. The hapless Italian who learned to fly in
monoplanes,is not mentioned in the Official History volume. It is amazing that Prime
79
Dimitris Vogiatzis
happens today with light aeroplanes. This factor undermined the value of
any accomplished flying training. Flying early aircraft demanded constant
attention from the pilot and proved very tiring as noted both by contemporary reports35 and modern recreators36.
The accident rate was high, a fact well known to a Serb Officer who
disobeyed orders to report for Air Training when his superiors declined
him the life insurance he requested37. All the latter Balkan accounts written
more than 50 years later treat training as the routine affair it became only after WW II. They generally mention the names of the officers who completed successfully the courses abroad: 4 Greeks, 1338 Bulgarians, 6 Serbs
(including three Non Commissioned Officers), 8 Ottomans (two as civilians at their own expenses). The Greeks decided not to train more officers
abroad than the first four, because they wanted to transfer flight training
in Greece.The majority studied in the private flight schools of the manufacturers Farman and Bleriot in Etampes, both near Paris. Most of the international pupils preferred the Farman school which offered tuition in doublecontrol two seaters, but according to the experience of the Serbs who sent
trainees to both, those sent to the Bleriot school were better trained39. This
was attributed to the exclusive users of one-seaters in training, a remarkable statement in view of later practices (during WW I, the British practice
of using double-control two seaters for training was widely adopted and
it is still in use). Two Bulgarian students demonstrated a method of landing with a dead engine that was subsequently incorporated in the Bleriots
school curriculum40 proving that the learning process benefited both sides.
It is unclear whether the Balkan trainees benefited from the reorganization of the French training syllabus undertaken in 1911. Individual exploits that impressed the public were less important for the military than
the abilities to follow orders, to fly in weather that civilians would not risk
and to function as a team under a single command. The first aviators were
required to posess civil flying certificates (Brevet civil) that were awarded after exams by the Aero Clubs and endorsed by FAI. (The Federation
Aeronautique Internationale is a Swiss based, civil and sports aviation international organization that still supervises the national Aero-Clubs). Civil
training offerered by the Aero Clubs was deemed unsufficient for military
pilots and accordingly, a new military diploma (Brevet Superieure Militaire)
was introduced that initially was passed by only 31 French pilots 41. The
Ministers and prospective Kings delve on matters that in the next War will be handled
by lowly officers and office orderlies.
35 aris, First Air Wars, 106.
36 Taylor, Pioneer Aircraft, 156.
37 Janic, Nastanak, 16.
38 Nedialkov, Air Power,13.
39 Janic, Nastanak, 25.
40 Borislavov-Kirilov, Samoletite , 12.
41 Morrow, Great War...p. 15.
80
Greek trainees were required to pass both the civil and the military Brevet
according to the official version of events. But in a report that predates the
Official History, based on oral interviews from participants, the training
given is described as being out of military context and the technical training as negligible42. All known Brevet awards bear civil FAI numbers: Fesa
Bey 780, Yusuf Kenan 797, Mihail Petrovic 979, something that means perhaps that mostly civil training was accomplished. The inadequate training
from a military point of view is reflected by the appeal of the Serb trainees
to their Ministry of War to allow them to perform flights beyond 1000 m
attitude to practice spiral descents with dead engines, as this was thought
as a suitable method for an emergency landing in small fields43.
The request was denied due to the worsening situation in the Balkans
that led to the recalling of all trainees from France, irrespective of nationality. Training was continued at home with the help of the foreign volunteers who were willing to oblige(they were hired to act as pilots not trainers), as well as with irregular practice in military exercises. Both Greeks and
Bulgarians are known to have imitated the French manoeuvres of Picardy,
September 1910, (where dirigibles and aeroplanes first made their appearance) during the Attica (May, 1912) and Sumen (September, 1912) manoeuvres. Incidentally present, as an observer in the Picardy manoeuvres was
Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the founder of modern Turkey, then a junior officer.
He was prevented by a companion to undertake a familiarization flight in
an aircraft that subsequently crashed.
Reflecting the western trend, the surviving accounts about the early
aviators are mainly hairaising stories about pilots stunts. They form in fact
the traditional flying personnels lore, recounted in squadron messes since
the beginnings of military aviation, but because they are sensationalistic,
some of them get collected and printed. On the contrary, relatively little
has survived in written form about the mundane aspects of maintenance,
servicing, and support infrastructure. We can extrapolate only backwards
from WW I experience about the exact nature of the work performed by
the 57 soldiers, 1 Naval Non Commissioned Officer, 1 French Mechanic44
who accompanied the three aeroplanes (one of them was captured as a war
booty from the Ottomans) and two pilots sent by the Greeks to the Epirus
Front. The corresponding Bulgarian support element for an Detachment
(Otdelenje) of three aircraft is given as 62 men, 31 horses, 12 carts45. The
Greek Section was moved about preferably by sea, while the Bulgarians depending on internal lines of communications were more mobile. They es42 Report concerning the Action of the Hellenic Air Force(sic) in the Balkan War 19123,
Section 060/51A,File 5222/A,Hellenic Air Force Historical Service, Athens,on page 2.
43 Janic, Nastanak,18.
44 Telegram from Prime Minister Venizelos, Athens, to Commander Epirus Army, Arta, 18
November 1912, File 1626/A/4, Hellenic Army General Staff Historical Service Archive,
Athens.
45 Nedialkov, Air Power...p. 15.
81
Dimitris Vogiatzis
tablished base, forward, reserve landing grounds and dispersed POL (Petrol,
Oil, Lubricants) facilities as well. Balloons present in almost all inventories
needed hydrogen bottles that had to be imported and were cumbersome to
transport. Only the Serbs produced hydrogen in a permanent filling station
completed after long delays with imported Swiss machinery in Nish during the first months of 191346.
It would be misleading to treat the numerous foreign volunteers hired
by the Balkan governments in the 191213 as a body of aeronautical experts.
The only thing they had in common was some form of flying training and/or
proficiency as mechanics. In some cases they outnumbered the local aviation
trained personnel by a wide margin. Also, if the Serbian example is typical,
pilots were paid per day a Serb Non Commissioned Officers monthly salary47.
Numbers given in the table below are by no means definite:
Russia
Bulgaria
4
Serbia
1
France
GermanyAustria
USA
Romania
Switzerland
Italy
Bulgaria
United Kingdom
4
1
1
1
1
1
1
Ottoman Empire
Greece
1
2 (1 regular French Army
2 (given Ottoman
officer, possibly, member
Army commissions)
of the Mission)
2
1
Out of these pilots, some who served with the Bulgarians were technical representatives of aircraft manufacturing companies Sommer (Ernest
Burie France), Albatross Werke (Albert Rupp Germany) and Bristol
(Snowden-Hedley UK). They did not necessary take part in operations
(Burie did), but their presence attests to the seriousness of the Bulgarian
effort, which was the most thorough of all combatants. Also an unknown
number of Austrian48 and Russian mechanics assisted the Bulgarians. French
aircraft mechanics were present in all countries. Some of the foreign pilots
were dismissed after short service due to their incompetence(including all the
pilots from western countries in Greece,1 Russian in Serbia, 1 German in the
Ottoman Empire). At least one of the foreign pilots (from the USA) changed
sides and deserted from the Ottomans to the Bulgarians. Also of interest
is that that Serbians employed 4 Bulgarian49 pilots, and the Bulgarians one
46 Janic, Nastanak, 35.
47 According to a Belgrade newspaper, foreign pilots were paid 100 to 200 dinars per diem
while a NCOs monthly wage was less than 100 dinars. Foreign mechanics had to be
content with 800 dinars per month. Beograd, Vetserne Novosti, 23 Jan. 1913.
48 The names of three mechanics from Vienna are mentioned in Avdis, Protoporoi, 117.
49 Janic, Nastanak, 24.
82
Romanian pilot (with a very Greek- sounding name) although their respective countries were enemies in the Wars.
Thus, the pursue of the very nationalistic war objectives of the Balkan
combatants was observed by a decidedly cosmopolitan assembly of fliers
and mechanics. Apart from their war service (as they were more experienced, they flew the more demanding missions) more relevant here is their
performance as tutors. The first Aviation School in the Balkans opened
in the first half of 191250 in Yesilkoy airfield in Istanbul and operated under German direction. The Frenchman Jules Vendrine(holder of the World
speed record since September 1912) proposed to the establishment of a similar school in Nish, Serbia and trained local pilots himself. Others were less
proficient. German Mario Scherff was sent home from Yesilkoy because he
was not a successful teacher51. The Greeks set up a technical school under
the direction of a French mechanic52 (Mr.Chaveux) but the planned establishment of a Flying School was not accomplished until the end of the Wars.
The Bulgarians acquired unexpected technical advice on photography by
the local British war correspondents53. Thus they were able to mount cameras on their aircraft, and perform regular photo-reconnaisance missions.
All Greek sources agree that the flying skills of the foreign pilots were
worse than those of their own inexperienced pilots. In the Greek Official
History volume, only one foreign pilot is mentioned (in fact there were at
least three) who is subsequently dismissed, some time after quarrelling with
a Greek Officer over the choice of a landing ground54. He was the future
Aviation Chief55 of the French High Command (19151917), then Captain
Bares. In Bares 1994 biography it is stated56 that Crown Prince Constantine
did not approve of Bares flying missions on behalf of the Greek Army, because he(Constantine) was pro-German57.
Summing up, the Balkan countries benefited more from technical
support and advice than from advice on flying proficiency. All countries
relied heavily on the services of foreign mechanics that usually were hired
in pairs with the corresponding pilot to service his aeroplane. Relatively
50 Nicolle, Ertugrul, 47.
51 Diven, Guide Book, 12.
52 Athens, Estia, 26 May 1912.
53 Nedialkov, Air Power, 28.
54 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A., 45.
55 Morrow, Great War, 63.
56 Castex et al, General Bares, p.57.
57 This statement reflects perhaps WW I developments. King Constantines position
regarding Germany is a very important matter in Greek historiography. It is considered
that his pro-German stance during the beginning of WW I did not allow Greece to
join the Entente powers against Germany. He disagreed on this matter with Premier
Venizelos and the ensuing dispute led to the great National Schism (Dichasmos) that
polarized Greek political life throughout the whole interwar period. Kerr, who as
the head of the British Naval Mission in Greece and Costantines Naval advisor had
many reasons to know Constantines position, insists vehemently that he was not a
Germanophile. Kerr, Reminiscences, 191192.
83
Dimitris Vogiatzis
few local mechanics were trained abroad, the most numerous group comprising of a dozen Greeks58 that were sent to France like six Bulgarian colleagues. The Serbs didnt train mechanics abroad for reasons of economy.
Mechanics were responsible for tending the temperamental, predominantly
Gnome-Rhone rotaries that needed service after a few hours and their services were deemed invaluable. However, the very inconsistent quality of the
foreign volunteers due to the mercenary nature of their employment destroyed any semblance to a structured training program.
Lighter than Air machines were much in evidence in the inventories
of the Balkan armies (except Greece), one year before the Wars: 1 spherical
observation balloon, 1 captive Parzeval kite (Serbia), 2 Godard type balloons
(one of them locally made from imported Russian materials), 1 unspecified
type (Bulgaria), 1 Parzeval kite, one kite balloon (Ottoman Empire).
Captive balloons were permanently tethered to the earth to be used
as observatories, and by 1912 these were mostly kite balloons (developments
of the original 19th Century spherical balloons with a more refined aerodynamical shape). Dirigibles were essentially motorized kites that could travel on their own power. Since the second half of the 19th Century, the utility of balloons in War was taken for granted, an opinion shared also by the
armies of Europe. They were used for observation, communication (during the siege of Paris in 18701), even as unmanned bomb carriers during the siege of Venice in 1841. In fact, during WW I lighter than air machines used, as captives were more important to the military effort as artillery observatories, than the better-known dirigibles used for bombing and
long range reconnaissance. This cornucopia of today-defunct military aviation technology is a classic example of a technology that disappeared because a competing technology with similar purposes (military aeroplanes)
finally prevailed.
Balkan use was constrained by the availability of hydrogen that was
difficult to procure and transport and the scarcity of trained personnel (1
Serb and 2 Bulgarians officers were trained as balloonists in Russia before
the Wars). Balloons and kites were supplanted, not replaced in use by aeroplanes, when they became available
However, during the Wars it was ascertained that aeroplanes were
more useful from a military point of view than lighter-than air machines.
The use of aircraft was greatly constrained due to lack of spares and
the high attrition caused by accidents. Accidents that led to total write-offs
of aircraft were very common. Fatalities due to flying accidents, not enemy
action were surprisingly low, totalling 4 for all countries including one civilian passenger. The victorious Balkans powers which were in the offensive, had the oportunity to supplant their aircraft strengths with captured
58 T hey were low-ranking Army Non Commissioned Officers with technical
specializations. Details about this little known foreign assignment are known only from
contemporary newspapers, Athens, Akropolis, 22 March 1912.
84
Ottoman examples that were then re-used: 2 each were taken in charge by
the Greeks and the Bulgarians, 1 captured during rail transit by the Serbs.
Even with this unexpected addition, the end of the Wars reduced total aircraft strength to a third. The Bulgarians who had 29 aircraft, were left with
8 servicable aircraft by the time the second Balkan War started. Instructive
is the fate of the 7 French R.E.P. aircraft used by the Ottomans as described
in a report by Captain Mehmet Cemal59:
The 1st REP. It is a two-seater school plane. It cannot climb to more than
200 meters.
The 2nd REP. It is a single-seat trainer. Its cylinders cracked during trials
and spares replaced them.
The 3rd REP. It is a ground rolling plane deployed for teaching cadets how
to maneouver them on ground.
The 4th REP. It is a war plane. It was flown to Saloniki by Nuri and it was
left there during the Balkan War.[It was captured by the
Greeks and sent by boat to the Epirus front, authors note]
The 5th REP. It was used by me. While flying over Ayastefanos (Yesilkoy)
its engine stopped. Necessary care for reconstruction was
not taken.
The 6th REP. It was commanded by Nuri. It has no military significance
since it cannot lift more than a single man.
The 7th REP. It was a war plane but it was confiscated by the Serbians.
The aircraft referred to, as warplanes are those that were powered
with higher power engines and were capable of lifting two-men crews.
According to a recent study concerning Turkish military aircraft, of the 6
REP aircraft 4 were withdrawn from use because of unrepairable engines,
or other mechanical defects.60
With the exception of dirigibles, Aviation material represented a fair
range of the then available aviation technology ranging from the outmoded Slavic spherical balloons to the Ottoman DFW Mars biplanes, the most
up to date aeroplane used by any combatant. The most numerous type used
was the one seat Farman VII biplane. It appears both in the original French
built version and the deficient in workmanship Russian-built version utilised
by the Bulgarians. The type used by all sides was the Bleriot monoplane in
its one seat Militaire and two seat Artillerie variants, one of the first aeroplanes with military designations given by the constructor. In all inventories the 50 hp Farmans and other aircraft with a similar power range were replaced wherever possible with higher-powered aircraft capable of transporting a second crewmember as an observer. It became apparent to all, at an early stage, that the single pilot that most early aeroplanes were capable to lift.
had a doubtful military value. As reconnaissance was then the major mis59 S evel, Haluk, M., REP Pre WWI Period TUAF Aircraft, October 2005, http:www.
tayyareci.com/digerucallar/turkiye/preww1/rep.asp
60 Nikolajsen, Turkish Aircraft, 78.
85
Dimitris Vogiatzis
sion of aircraft, the need for a second crewmember trained for observation
become urgent. Relevant here is an excerpt from the combat report of Greek
Engineer 1st Lieutenant Moutoussis, who flew a combined reconnaissance/
bombing, raid over the Ottoman Fleet anchorage in January, 1913:
Specialized observers should be trained for observation from aeroplanes as it is difficult if not impossible for the pilot to perform observation
duties as well. Another[he flew before on behalf of the Army, authors note]
reconnaissance I accomplished in Naval Service gave far better results than
the expected, because I had with me a special observer, an Naval Officer.
That Officer[Ensign Moraitinis ,authors note] managed to identify by name
the position of the enemys ships.61
The effect of this first known attack by aeroplanes against ships is described in the Turkish Official History volume, as a 15 cm crater in a field62
a typical result for bombing missions in the Balkan Wars. Due to the low
weight of the projectiles, bombs were in fact glorified handgrenades.
Bombing was performed as a matter of routine by all combatants except the Serbs. The Greeks fitted wooden bomb releasing boxes for 4 x 0,5 Kg
bombs to their early one seat Farmans63. The bombs are interesting, as they
had cruciform tails to improve ballistics. Mention is also made64 of Greek
use of crude petrol bombs. The Bulgarians enhanced the capabilities of aeroplanes of various types with locally manufactured Velicko (light) and Gelgar
(heavy) bombs, bomb releasing mechanisms and bombsights. Another experimental bomb type devised by one Lieutenant Petrov fitted with a surface action fuze, was reportedly65 copied by the Central Powers during WW I. It became known as the Chataldza bomballuring to the name of one of the battlefields in the Bulgarian-Ottoman front. Its cratering effects revealed during
tests are described as 4-5 m in diameter and more than 1 m in depth, a very
reasonable performance, for the period under study. From the many improvised inventions devised during the Wars it is the only one known to remain
in use after their end. It is noteworthy, that standardization and production
status was achieved outside its place of invention.
It seems that all modifications on the imported equipment were initiated by service personnel pressured by wartime exigencies. That meant
that it was at their Commanding Officers discretion to allow or disallow
the experimentations. Testing was done by trial and error and every device
was accepted on its utility value alone. Science and Industry are noticeably absent. The only person with formal scientific training, who is known
61 Aviators Moutousis Report on Action in Epirus, File 1622/A/6, Hellenic Army General
Staff Historical Service Archive, Athens, on pp. 67. The emphasis given to the
significance of two-men crews is evident and in the Ottoman report mentioned before.
62 Kansu et al, Havatsilik p. 138.
63 Report concerning the Action of the Hellenic Air Force(sic) in the Balkan War 19123,
Section 060/51A,File 5222/A, Hellenic Air Force Historical Service, Athens,on p. 3.
64 Avdis, Protoporoi, 109.
65 Borislavov Kirilov, Samoletite, 36.
86
to have some connection with the Balkan modifications, did so reportedly because he was a friend of the pilot and because of his love of aviation66
not because of his qualifications. As there was no modus operandi to perform proper tests, write manuals and perhaps start industrial production,
even the most useful from a military point of view device, was doomed to
oblivion after initial use. Manufacture of bombs, bombsights, bomb releasing mechanisms, floats etc. was really a manual labour process. In fact, in
the available accounts little information is provided on where and how they
were manufactured. Even if they were produced in small batches like the
Greek bombs made in the Athens Maltsiniotis powder factory under the
supervision67 of a officer, they remained prototypes. The factory is used as
a convenient place of manufacture, undertaken under the watchful eyes of
the officer-inventor. He could as well go to a foundry, or use the services of
his military workshop if their facilities could be adapted for rapid manufacture. The development and innovation stages were never reached due to the
lack of testing and approving agencies and anything resembling a defence
industry. The last deficiency was not important at the time, as pre-1914 aeroplanes were the products of workshops not factories. Aviation could be
hardly termed then an industrial enterprise.
The introduction of military aviation technology in the Balkan region in 19121913 was not subject to the more formal service and scientific tests usually associated with military hardware in the West. Also, there
were no interservice rivalries, no discussion about the relative merits of
aeroplanes and dirigibles amidst decision makers. No comparison can be
made with the protracted and convoluted process noted in the Western armies between 19091912. The adoption of military aircraft was rapid, numbers rising from nil in early 1912 to 60 in one and a half years. This can
be explained by the willingness of the Balkan armies to experiment with
any military technology that could give a competitive edge over the neighboring countries, including aeroplanes. This is reflected in the overwhelming positive public reception, the aeroplane being hailed from the beginning as a weapon of War and an instrument for the liberation of oppressed
brothers. Another contributing and perhaps crucial factor, can be found
in the aircrafts structure. Pre-1914 aeroplanes were the products of workshops not factories. Extensive industrial infrastructure was not a prerequisite for building aircraft, not to speak of maintaining them. Aviation could
be hardly described as an industrial enterprise in 191213, and thus it was
suitable for the underdeveloped Balkan countries.
Flying skills were acquired through eager but inadequately prepared local trainees. Further tutelage was provided by foreign pilots who doubled also
as combatants, with mixed results. The transfer of technical know-how, also ac66 He was Dimitrios Hondros an Athens Physics University proffesor who helped with the
pre-war Greek seaplane conversion. Kartalamakis, Ellinika Ftera 38 and 46.
67 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A..., p. 36.
87
Dimitris Vogiatzis
complished largely by foreigners sometimes by unorthdox means, was more successful. Spurred by the exigencies of War, imported equipment was improved or
tailored to use, by sometimes very creative local add-ons. However, local inventions failed to get wider acceptance due to them being introduced strictly within
a military framework. The Militarys role was twofold: it facilitated through investments in training, infrastructure and material the introduction of a then very
new technology and encouraged local modifications. However, it was unable to
assess and standardize the latter. It also failed to develop a deeper understanding
of the new technology due to a lack of suitable military departments, scientific institutions and industrial support. Later, these failings will be addressed by the creation of appropriate organizations which even today are directly or indirectly under military control. During WW I all Balkan Air Arms were reformed as clones
of their respective Great Power Allies Air Arms, adopting their equipment, organizational structure and tactics. The very original experience of the proto-Aviation Sections of the Balkan Wars era was labeled then as backward or primitive,
relegated to the scrapyard of History and thus largely forgotten.
This early 20th Century Balkan exercise in mastering a new technology offers perhaps a framework for understanding better, more recent developments. The coming of age of new nation-states in the postcolonial era coupled to the disappearance of restraints imposed formerly by the Cold War
balances, have fuelled regional arms races in many less developed parts of
the World. The new military technologies may be different, the problems associated with infrastructure, training, technical support remain the same. On
both sides of disputed borders even the official rhetoric is strikingly similar to
that used in the Balkans before the 191213 Wars.
References
88
-- Hall, Richard C.The Balkan Wars 19121913, Prelude to the First World War. London: Routledge,
2000.
-- Hellenic Air Force General Staff. Istoria tis Ellinikis Polemikis Aeroporias 19081918, Tomos 1
[History of the Hellenic Air Force, Volume 1]. Athinai: Dieuthinsi Istorias Aeroporias: 1980
-- Holley, Irving B., Ideas and Weapons, New York: Yale University Press: 1953.
-- Janic, Cedomir, Professor. Nastanak, razvoj I dejstva srpske aviatike u periodu 19121916 [Institution,
development and service of the Serb Aviation in the period 19121916] in Srpska Aviatika 19121918,
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Aviation, Air Enthusiast 96 (2001):4655 on p. 47.
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Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992.
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92 for the 80 Years since the Balkan War of 1912, Greece: 1992: 142144.
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89
Dimitris Vogiatzis
(1912-1913)
.
(1912-1914) .
( ) , ,
. , ,
?
:
,
;
, , .
(19121913)
,
,
. (19121913) , , ( ) .
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90
mizing the quantity of available grounds for suspicion, had many thousand
questionnaires dispatched to the survivors of the war, and researched the
printed media (mostly the newspapers) thoroughly in searching for new evidences. Despite the large-scale campaign, however, a relatively few utilizable facts have become known, and only a small part of the investigations
ended with raising a judicial accusation.1
The massacre of abac, committed on the 17th of august, 1914, had
been coming into the scope of the Commission in another way. In summer 1919, in the curse of a criminal procedure against Kasimir Ltgendorf 2
(commander of the 7th infantry division during the first Austro-Hungarian
offensive on the Serbian soil in 1914), the investigating judge had been informed from a testimony about shooting down ca. 1503 Serbian POWs in
abac on the 16th or 17th of august 1914. This happened allegedly by the order of infantry general Lothar Hortstein, commander of the 9 th AustroHungarian army corps, who decided to withdraw his H.Q. to the Northern
bank of the Save River, and did not want to have the prisoners either transported or released. On this basis, the investigating judge felt himself obliged
to institute a legal proceedings against Gen. Hortstein. The case had been
registered under Nr. B/209/19.
The Commission set to work systematically, and made considerable efforts to reveal the circumstances of this horrifying event. It must be stressed,
however, that the main (in fact the only) purpose of the investigation was Inf.
Gen. Hortsteins charging for or clearing from the suspicion of having had
committed mass murder. In other words, the Commission was interested in
identifying the responsible person only in so far as Hortstein might be concerned. Since the investigators, having proved to be unable to gain clear and
unambiguous evidences against him, concluded the proceedings without accusation, hereinafter nothing could be done to find out who the real guilty
might be. (Apart from this, the Commission could have, of course, obtained
knowledge about this person, so to say incidentally. If so, another branch of
the original case would have to be established.)
That the massacre was really accomplished, it might seem to be beyond all doubt for the members of the Commission. This case was given, by
all means, the most publicity among such war crimes committed by AustroHungarian troops during the WWI. The Swiss criminalist and jurist, R. A.
Reiss, the then correspondent of the Gazette de Lausanne in Serbia during
the war, did not keep on hesitating to proclaim from the housetops all inferi
Wolfgang Doppelbauer, Zum Elend noch die Schande. Das altsterreichische Offizierskorps am Beginn der Republik. Wien, 1988.
2 Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv/Kriegsarchiv Wien , Feldakten, Armeeoberkommando,
Kommission zur Erhebung militrischer Pflichtverletzungen B/107/19
3 Archduke Josef, the then commander of an Austro-Hungarian infantry division, also
mentioned it in his war memoires with rather naturalistic details. Jzsef
fherceg, A vilghbor amilyennek n lttam. Vol. I., Budapest, 1926., p. 36. Archduke Josef gave the
number of the death toll in 53.
92
ority Austro-Hungarian armies had made against Serbia and the Serbian people. The mass media of the entente and neutral states took over Reiss reports.
Therefore, western people were very well aware of the bestiality of the AustroHungarian military. The Swiss professor let the audience know about what he
learned and heard of the massacre in abac many times.4
Whether its members informally knew about the massacre or not,
the Commission needed official evidences. For that reason, all the institutions were questioned which might preserve documents relating to such a
case. Curiously enough, the answers coming from the Austrian military
archives (the Kriegsarchiv), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministerium
des ussen) in Liquidation, the former Supreme Command of the Army
(AOK), or the new Ministry of Foreign Affairs were equally negative. 5 It
does not mean, naturally, that any files of the kind would not have existed at all. During the WWI, the Ballhausplatz felt itself at least two times
to defend against Reiss accusations. Not denying the fact of killing Serbian
peoples in the churchyard, the official explanation given by the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs tried to claim the Austro-Hungarian soldiers behaviour as
justifiable, for the civilians attacked the invaders clandestinely. The official
standpoint was based on investigations previously ordered by the Ministry.
Unfortunately, the files of these investigations remained unknown to the
Commission.
Among the negative responses the Commission having received, the
one coming from the military archives contained a rather detailed expertise
about the possibility of Inf. Gen. Hortsteins guiltiness in the case in question. This document, while surveying the corps commanders activity on
the critical day, precluded the possibility of his giving such an order on the
understanding that there was not any withdrawal of the Austro-Hungarian
troops from abac to the other bank of the River Save, therefore Hortstein
could not even have taken into consideration the shooting down of the prisoners. The experts of the archives, however, obviously misunderstood the
suspicion on the corps commander: he really had his H.Q. transported to
the other bank because of the increasing Serbian attacks and must have as
well calculated with the evacuation of the town.
The Commission tried to determine the circle of witnesses who might
have got reliable information about Hortsteins movement on that day in
question. For understandable reason, this circle was identified with the staff
of the 9th army corps command. The investigators assumed if anybody had
heard Hortstein give the ominous order that must have been close to him.
The Commission managed to collect testimonies of almost all persons from
the former staff, although Colonel Martinek, the chief-of-staff had died in the
4 Report upon the atrocities committed by the Austro-Hungarian Army during the first
invasion of Serbia. London, 1916.; How Austria-Hungary waged war in Serbia: Personal
investigations of a neutral. 1916.
5 B 209/19/ 7, 13, 45, and 56 resp.
93
meantime. The written statements, however, not only failed to provide any
damning evidence or even indication against Hortstein, but some of them
definitely denied his liability. Thus, the Commission could not see the sense
of further investigations and closed the case as mentioned above.
However the Commission of Inquiry had been left empty-handed by
the offices while requesting documents, the Austrian Military Archives (the
Kriegsarchiv) still preserves at least one interesting file concerning the massacre of abac. In fact, this dossier6 contains the papers of the case of Count
Zedtwitz, discharged commander of the 29 th Infantry division in August
1914. Among these documents there are two testimonies, in which the massacre of abac was mentioned. Unfortunately, neither of them was written
by eyewitness, and both mentioned the same source of information: Moritz
Count Esterhzy, adjutant to the commander of the 7th infantry division,
Kasimir Ltgendorf. Of the two testimonies the first was made by the adjutant Lieut. i. R. Johann von Wettstein. Its main passages are as follows:
At the command of the administrative department I report my observations about the conduct of His Excellency Infantry General Hortstein,
commander of the 9th army corps, in abac und Klenak on the 17th of
August, as well as by special order of army chef-of-staff, Major General
Mecenseffy, about the verbal information concerning the case I was given
by Lieut. i. R. Moritz Count Esterhzy.
[...]
In the churchyard I saw a huge pile of dead bodies, ca. 80 corpses. To answer my question (what is this?), Lieut. Count Esterhzy told me these were
captured civilians who had been shot down that day in the morning (before
noon). He happened to arrive there, when at about 11 a.m. the troops standing outside the church opened a wild fire on these prisoners. He ordered cease
fire! immediately, and called to account an infantry cadet, a passive onlooker
of the whole action. As an excuse, the cadet said just before a general unknown
to him, in passing by car, had given the order that from the prisoners (since they
grew excited because of the news about Serbians coming and bombarding the
town) the Bulgarians had to be separated and the rest killed. The troops had
heard that and started to fire. The intervention of Lieut. Count Esterhzy came
too late; all the prisoners were lying dead or deadly injured in a huge pile. I saw
this hecatomb at about 6 p.m.; the corpses were unburied in the sunshine.
The others author is Karl Glckner, Lieut. Colonel of the general
staff. He wrote among others:
() on the occasion of leaving abac, he [Inf. Gen. Hortstein] ordered without any ground or right to shoot down the local inhabitants
(among them also Serbian POWs) interned in the churchyard. Herewith
he did not only offend the international law but by the effect of acting in
public significantly contribute to a general stir.
6 AOK 516 Res. See: Rudolf Jeabek, Potiorek. General im Schatten von Sarajevo. GrazWien-Kln, 1991., p. 164.
94
95
17. 1914.
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97
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110
...
To get the idea about the war there must be a significant interest of those who
wont to use this law-regulated means. The nation of the state which declares war will
be prepared in an adequate way that it is necessary for the further development of
their territorial and political aims.
As many years before 1914 Austro-Hungary had had some aspiration when
Serbian territories were in question, we supreme commanding military staff, on German
initiative used assassination in Sarajevo as a motive to develop hatred as a strong emotion, among their soldiers and the masses in Austro-Hungary, towards the Serbs.
The blame was put on the Serbs and they were considered to be evil. Their
malice was experienced as a cause which imperiled certain values of the Monarchy,
so it was easy to have people wish to go to war. This attitude of empire created the
opinion of the masses, which turned into a passion, which caused fanatic hatred
from which war conflicts resulted as were as reprisals
The research of reprisals on the territory of Serbia in the First World War by
the Central Powers, to which Bulgaria joined, pointed to destruction which caused
the sufferings and martyrdom of Serbian people. Confessional, ethnic and cultural
differences were emphasized in order to inflame hatred.
After the war, in all allied countries, commissions were formed with the task to
collect and systematize all data about the damage in occupied countries. Such a commission was established in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and their
members were main from Britain, Banansie from France and Raiss from Switzerland.
The commission relyed mainly on Raiss research. They wrote down the
crimes of Austro-Hungarians, Germans and Bulgarian in many volumes and made
the reviews in tables of all violations of Geneve and the Hague convenctions. It is
concluded that the Austrians and Germans did 21 violations, and Bulgarians 11 violations of International Law.
However the Austrians, Hungarians, the Germans and the Bulgarians were
accused of the same crimes. The list of Bulgarian crimes is shorter but with more
victims and the brutality is more emphasized.
The mentioned distinctions in crimes do not have influence on the degree of
responsibility, but none of the states which made them in the First World War were
accused of those crimes, were only noted and recorded.
,
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Beograd 1979, str.19
2 () () 765285,
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3
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1931. .
4
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2/3 .
5
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. Mijo Mirkovi,
Ekonomska historija Jugoslavije, Zagreb 1968, str. 303304.
115
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6,5% . 8
,
6 Ivo Vinski, Klasna podjela stanovnitva i nacionalnog dohodka u Jugoslaviji 1938. godine,
Zagreb 1970, str.153.
7 31. 1921. ,
11.742.717. 1.741.042 9.215.514 ,
. , 1931. , 13.934.038, 1.963.403 10.565.000
. 1929, . 1, 1932. . 8689 . 7, 1937, . 3235; , 19291934,
1968, 58; : , 1962, . 4.
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10 ivojin Peri, Ustanova naglavice kod diobe u srpskom agrarnom pravu, Ekonomist
br.7, Zagreb 1937, str. 304305.
11 .... 56.
12 , , 764775, ; , , 1940, .38; Jakob
Hoptner, Jugoslavija u krizi 19341941, Rijeka 1968, str.124.
13 Branko Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije 19181988, prva knjiga, Nolit, Beograd ( ) str.5253; , 181519141,
2004, .200.
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18 Ivan M. Beci, Finansijska politika Kraljevine SHS 19181923, Beograd 2003, str.2526.
19 1. 1928.
488.533.395 13.500.00 . - , 350.000.000 .
. . 21.
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25 1915. .
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privrednog zivota Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata I Slovenaca, Istorija XX veka, Zbornik radova
br. X, Beograd 1969, str.178/180.
26 .
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121
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29 .
30 Godinji izvetaj Britanskog poslanstva u Beogradu za 1921. godinu. ivko Avramovski,
Britanci o Kraljevini Jugoslaviji 19211930, knj I, Zagreb 1986, str. 73
122
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36 . , .... 530531.
37 : ., , , ....31; : Goran Nikoli, Kurs dinara i devizna politika Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1918
1941, Beograd 2003, str.74.
124
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. 6
. Foreign Office 4. : Boban, Ljubo. Maek i politika Hrvatske Seljake Stranke 1928-1941. II. Zagreb,
1974. S. 46
5, 1931.,
, II.
133
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Beogradu 1921-1938. Knj.2. Zagreb, 1986. S. 79.
7 1929-1931. , 2002. . 63.
8 . 68, 206, 208.
134
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11 . LXI.
12. : Stojkov T. Opozicija u vreme estojanuarske diktature. Beograd, 1969. S. 191.
135
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( ..)
, 13. : Dobrivojevi I. Dravna represija u doba diktature Kralja Aleksandra 19291935. Beograd, 2006. S. 48.
14. : Boban, Ljubo. p.cit. I. S. 51.
136
...
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50% , , ,
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. ( 1935.),
- . 15 .. . . ., 2006. . 68.
16. : Stojkov T. Op. cit. S. 195.
17 . : Boban, Ljubo. p.cit. I. S. 175.
137
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18 , . . 1936-1941. , 2000. .
19 Stojadinovi M. Ni rat ni pakt. Jugoslavija izmeu dva rata. Rijeka, 1970. S. 467.
20 Ibid. S. 342.
21 . : Stojkov T. Vlada Milana Stojadinovia (1935-1937). Beograd, 1985. S. 58.
22 , . .. . 35-36.
138
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1939.
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. 23 . : Boban, Ljubo. p.cit. I. S. 175.
24 1920, 1923, 1925, 1927, 1935, 1938.
139
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25 . : Boban, Ljubo. p.cit. II. S. 153, 158.
26 . : Boban, Ljubo. p.cit. II. S. 162.
140
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successful direction and commanding of the army, which cause defeat inevitably. It
can be easily noticed that in the base of all these activities the essential part has informative aspect and that its automatisation represents the base of modernization of
the system of direction and command.
Commanding-informative and automatic informative systems, generally
speaking, are very complex systems which demand accurately defined structure,
modern technology and well-trained staff. However, dependence on informative
technology can be dangerous, because it causes a series of problems (untrained staff,
technologically out-of date telecommunication system, unaccustomed commands
to manage a great number of relevant information, too late essential information
etc.) which potential enemy can use successfully. Thats why in projecting and in introduction of commanding-informative and automatic informative systems the development by stages is necessary where the projected and operating system, by introduction of new components, develops into high-quality and more effective informative system.
The study deals with analysis of conditionality of modernization of commanding system applying computer-telecommunication technology and their interrelation and influence on development and use of armed forces as well as on future digital battlefield, that is, on space where combat operations will be performed
(in professional literature known as combat area)
The system of commanding is put in correlation with the development of
computer-telecommunication technology and appliance of commanding-informative system in the process of decision-making, managing and commanding. It is
pointed to higher dependence of modern commanding on the appliance of informative-telecommunication technology and need for integration of digital systems and
staff who will worn on those systems.
Commanding-informative systems can be treated as hardware (technical)
and software (program) material achievements in the field of war skill. However,
it is not one way relation, because the appearance of commanding-informative systems has recurrent influence and dictate essential changes in the field of war skills,
especially tactics.
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Historians dislike nomads. This feeling is perhaps understandable, since our
sedentary habits keep us from a full comprehension of people whose prosperity
depended so much on continual movement and opportunistic raiding.
Rudi Paul Lindner1
12411242.
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and Religion from the Pacific to the Adriatic, Toronto 1994, 3462; . Papacostea,
Between the Crusade and the Mongol Empire Romanians in the 13th Century, trans.
L. Bleoca, Cluj-Napoca 1998, 146162; D. Sinor, The Mongols in the West, Journal of
Asian History 33 (1999) 144.
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Valwen. , .3
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II (12051235) ,
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,
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Dr L.V. Kuzmiceva
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1940, 182183, 292 316; M.Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine Srba,Hrvata i Slovenaca 1918
1921, Beograd 1988, 92; M.Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 19221935, Beograd
1994, 13, 60, 280281; M.Bjelajac, Jugoslovensko iskustvo sa multietnikom armijom 1918
1991, Beograd 1999, 27, 38, 4142; . ,
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1919/46, 1919/628, 1919/898,1921/756, 1921/862, 1921/863, 1921/1721, 1921/1787,
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12 1919/628, 1919/46,1919/898, 1921/756, 1921/862,1921/863, 1921/1721,
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18 . , ., 394399.
19 M.Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 19221935, 60 ; . , ., 400.
20 . , ., 399401.
21 M.Bjelajac, Jugoslovensko iskustvo sa multietnikom armijom 19181991, 27.
22 , 38.
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550
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552
. . 299, 334.
. KI, 1935/495.
Broz Tito J. Ibid. S. 259.
Ibid. S. 255.
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36 Ridley J. Ibid. S.134.
37 . MG, 2047/2. . 13.
38 Broz Tito J. Ibid. S. 284.
559
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MA Ivan Mijatovi
show, all this will be insufficient for serious resistance in the period of border battles, till the Soviet experience from pre-war combats and first phase of World War
II up to turning point at Stalingrad will show flexibility in appliance of one such rigid and strict war doctrine.
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Dr Dragan Petrovic
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ea during the occupation. Besides that, a very important factor was a generally affirmatory attitude in traditional relationship to Russia, which whole Serbian people had,
as well as all south slavs. The key factor of this sympathy towards red army in this fight
in eastern serbia was allied co-action of the soviet troops with the forces of National
Liberation Army of Yugoslavia.
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1949. . .
MA Slobodan Selinic
604
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after war cooperation signed in Moscow on 11 April 1945. The soviet examples
were emphasized on every step of the public life, the successes of the Soviet state, invincibility of its army and ingenuity of their leaders were exalted, and the society of
YugoslavSoviet Friendship was founded in Belgrade. Help was expected from the
soviet Union in many segments of life, from making intelligence, through the development of economy, to strengthen the army. Thats why 467 students were sent to
that big and far country, exchange of goods was done with the Soviet Union, trade
and investment agreements were signed, mixed societies were made, the soviets experts worked in Yugoslavia and Yugoslav officers were educated in the Soviet Union.
However, despite the cooperation with the soviet union from 1945 up to the
end of 1947 in many segments of life, there were problems. There were many difficulties in carrying out trade contracts, the work of mixed societies had many problems
and the Yugoslav side was unsatisfied. The Yugoslav party leaders showed strong eagerness to popularize everything Soviet in their country, but they were not ready to
deprive of their independence and originality of their successful revolutionary project.
The atmosphere of spoiled relationship was additionally stirred up by foreign
policy move of Yugoslav ruling circles (the politics to Albania, the relationship with
Bulgaria, a series of friendship agreements with the countries of national democracy) which were not in accordance with foreign political interests of the Soviet Union
in the period when the world was dividing East West.
In order to overcome misunderstandings, military, economical and political negotiations were led in Moscow from December 1947 to February 1948. Many
Yugoslav leaders (Djilas, Popovic, Crnobrnja) were trying, unsuccessfully, to agree
on further military help and economical cooperation. The most important conversation were at the meeting of Yugoslav and Bulgarian delegation with Molotov and
Stalin on 10th February. However, the solution of existing problems was not found
during these negotiations which became the introduction to open YugoslavSoviet
(Information Bureau) conflict (MarchJune 1948).
- , 1947 1948. .
() () XX
- 1947. , .
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.1
,
1 N. Popovi, Jugoslovensko-sovjetski odnosi u Drugom svetskom ratu (19411945),
Beograd 1988.
607
.2
3,
.4
, 5
6, 7,
.8
.9 ,
,
.10
1944.
.
.
2 B.Dimitrijevi, JNA od Staljina do NATO pakta. Armija u spoljnoj politici Titove Jugo
slavije, Beograd 2006; Isti, Jugoslovenska armija 19451954. Nova ideologija, vojnik i
oruje, Beograd 2006; Isti, Jugoslovensko ratno vazduhoplovstvo 19421992, Beograd 2006.
3 , () 19411945.
, 1996.
4 B. Petranovi, (prireiva), Zapisnici sa sednica Politbiroa Centralnog komiteta KPJ (11.
jun 1945 7. jul 1948), Beograd 1995.
5 (
: ), ( : ) ,
1947. , ( : . ) IV.
6 ( : ),
( : ), I3b.
7 ( : ), 507/IX
( : ), , . 1 2.
8 ( : ),
( : , 2 10 ( : 2, 10),
( : .)3,13, 364 372.
9 Narodna armija (19451948); Front (19451948).
10 . ilas, Susreti sa Staljinom, Beograd 1990.
608
...
.
,
.11
- 22.
1944.
1944. .
142 48 .12
1. 12. , ,
,
.
1. 33 17 ,
12. 15 8 .
10
, 6 . 10 ,
10 . 1.
2. 16 , 37 17 ,
5 .
94 23
.13
. 14
11
1944. 1945. : B.
Dimitrijevi, Jugoslovenska armija 19451954. Nova ideologija, vojnik i oruje, Beograd
2006; M.S. Bjelajac, Jugoslovensko iskustvo s multietnikom armijom (19181991),
Beograd 1999.
12 N. Popovi, navedeno delo, str. 230.
13 Isto.
14 ( 10.
- )
16.
1944. . 17. 10. , 236. 9.
250 , 500 5500 .
609
. 1945.
, 14 ,
.15
1945.
,
.16 .17
.
, , .18
,
.
,
.
10, 8, 2,
11. 42.
9.
, .
15 B. Dimitrijevi, Jugoslovensko ratno vazduhoplovstvo 19421992, Beograd 2006, str. 60.
16 , 1945. .
. (. ilas, navedeno delo
, Beograd 1990, str. 7476. N. B. Popovi, navedeno delo, Beograd 1988, str. 193198.)
17 . .
. , , ()
19411945. , 1996, . 655656.
18 , . 656.
610
...
1, 3,
1, 1, ,
1. 2. 5, 3. 6. 3 4. 5. 8 2.
12,
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. 162
.19
1947.
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20 , , 1947, . IV, 270, -
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1936. .
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(19411942), 10. , 29. ,
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90.31
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35,
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31 , , 1947, . IV, 198, -
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- -
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32 , 507/IX , , . 1, 12. 1946.
33 B. Dimitrijevi, JNA od Staljina do NATO pakta. Armija u spoljnoj politici Titove Jugo
slavije, Beograd 2006, str. 22 23.
34 . , (19451950), 1998, .459460.
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