Professional Documents
Culture Documents
May 1964
URT-D HQ
Batugade ? Rebellion ?
Viqueque Rebellion
1959
Silvester
Nai Buti
Codes Timde
Bobonaro ?
Preface
Ernie Chamberlain
Point Lonsdale
14 October 2010
Note: This monograph has been presented in A4-size paging – principally to retain
the original format of photocopied reference documents that are annexed.
3
This monograph is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private
study, research, criticism or review as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may
be reproduced by any process, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying or otherwise, without the prior
written permission of the author. Inquiries should be made to the publisher.
The Struggle in Iliomar: Resistance in rural East Timor; Editions - 2003, 2004 and
2008 (ISBN 9780980562309).
Faltering Steps – Independence Movements in East Timor in the 1950s and 1960s;
2005 (ISBN 0 97500350 2 9).
Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor – 1940s to the early 1970s;
Editions - 2007 and 2008 (ISBN 978 0 9750350 4 7).
Rebellion, Defeat and Exile: The 1959 Uprising in East Timor; Editions - 2007 and
2009 (ISBN 9780980562316).
Forgotten Men: Timorese in Special Operations during World War II, 2010
(ISBN 978-0-9805623-2-3)
Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor – 1940s to the early 1970s
Bibliography; Index.
ISBN 9780980562330
Every effort has been made by the publisher/author to contact holders of copyright to
obtain permission to reproduce copyright material. However, if any permissions have
been inadvertently overlooked, apologies are offered, and should the rightful party
4
contact the publisher, all due credit and necessary and reasonable arrangements will
be made at the earliest opportunity.
FALTERING STEPS: INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENTS IN
EAST TIMOR - 1940s to the early 1970s
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Preface
Introduction
Beginnings 35
The “Ex-Permesta 14” 36
Security Concerns on the Lautem Coast 49
2
L. Menyambut hangat atas akan Merdeka Nya Papua dan New Guinea
1967 ini, (Warmly welcoming the forthcoming Independence of Papua
and New Guinea in 1967), URT-D, Nr. III/Prespu-URT/IV/67,
Batugade, 2 April 1967 – in Bahasa Melayu.
Bibliography
Books.
INTRODUCTION
1
Lem, “Xavier Amaral: ‘Dunia akui saya proklamator’ ” (“Xavier Amaral: ‘The world acknowledges
me as the proclaimer’ ”), A Voz de Suara Timor Lorosae (STL), Dili, 20 May 2005. This was followed
in November 2005 by a series of articles in STL - eg on 15, 16, 17, 21, 23, 24 November 2005
including “Xavier laos proklamador” (15 November), “Proklamador RDTL: Xavier eh Lu-Olo ?” (21
November 2005). However, on 28 November 2006, Francisco Xavier do Amaral was publicly affirmed
by President Xanana Gusmão as the nation’s proklamador – STL, Dili, 29 November 2006. Following
the 2007 elections, Fretilin also agreed to a Parliamentary resolution (No. 91/1/5a) declaring Amaral as
proklamador – “Fretilin Rekonese Xavier Hanesan Proklamador …”, STL, Dili, 18 July 2007. In May
2008, Amaral headed a listing by the Government of Timor-Leste of “the 15 leading figures of the
liberation” as the “Proclamator of the Republic and First President of the Republic” – Lusa, 13 May
2008.
2
history of the period, this work attempts to shed some further light on the
independence movements that emerged in the late 1950s to the mid-1970s in Timor-
Leste – with some related coverage of the years preceding and following those two-
and-a-half decades. Coverage of Indonesian attempts at involvement in Portuguese
Timor before their invasion and occupation in late 1975 is also included.
Many records and statements related to these independence movements, and
also to Indonesian involvement, are patently tendentious and “self-serving” – and
sometimes quite inaccurate. Accordingly, this work concludes with a discussion
section that offers the author’s opinions on a range of interesting inconsistencies and
anomalies in the currently available records.
1959 Rebellion
In relating the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion, the sources used in this book are
principally memoranda to Canberra from Australian Consuls in Dili during the period
1956-1963 (held in the National Archives of Australia - NAA); documents in the
Archives in Lisbon ie the Torre do Tombo (TdT) and the Arquivo Histórico
19/pp. 41-42. Expanded coverage was included in Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps: Independence
Movements in East Timor in the 1950s and 1960s, Point Lonsdale, December 2005. Subsequently the
1959 Rebellion was discretely treated in Chamberlain, E.P., Rebellion, Defeat and Exile: The 1959
Uprising in East Timor, Point Lonsdale, February 2007/June 2009 – accessible on the Internet at:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/26857195/Rebellion-Defeat-and-Exile-The-1959-Uprising-in-East-Timor ;
and both the Rebellion and the URT-D were addressed in Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in
East Timor – 1940s to the early 1970s, Point Lonsdale, 2008.
8
Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial – O Diário do Tenente Pires, CEHCP ISCTE, Lisboa,
2007. For the wartime activities of the deportados – particularly of those evacuated to Australia, see
Chamberlain, E.P., Forgotten Men: Timorese in Special Operations during World War II, Point
Lonsdale, 2010 - http://www.scribd.com/doc/29688334/Forgotten-Men-Timorese-in-Special-
Operations-during-World-War-II
9
Lambert, E.T. (British Consul, Batavia), Report on Portuguese Timor, Batavia, 18 December 1937
(NAA: A1838, 376/1/1; A981, TIM P 4 Part 2).
10
Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General, Taiwan), Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941,
para 29 (NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2, pp.38-76, and his draft report of 29 April 1941 at A981, TIM P
9).
4
Former 1959 rebels: Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and
Salem Sagran ; Kuluhan – Dili, 4 April 2007
This brief work also attempts to examine the background and activities of this little-
known movement – the URT-D, and its leader, Mao Klao.
For Indonesian intervention in Portuguese Timor, sources for the early 1960s
period include Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado (PIDE) documents in the
Lisbon Archives (Torre do Tombo – TdT) and Australian diplomatic reports in the
National Archives of Australia (Canberra).
On political developments in Portuguese Timor in the 1970s, several of the
senior participants have published works – including Abílio de Araújo, Francisco
Lopes da Cruz, José Ramos-Horta, Mário Lemos Pires, and Mário Viegas
Carrascalão. Part 3 of Chega ! - The Final Report of the Commission for Reception,
Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR), also provides a description of the events of the
early 1970s.
For the period 1974-1975, cables from the Australian Embassy in Jakarta
provide useful information – together with accounts in books written from the mid-
1990s by Indonesian journalists who accompanied the Indonesian troops in 1975, ie
principally Hendro Subroto and M. Saleh Kamah. As noted above, some passages in
Australian diplomatic correspondence and intelligence-related reports in the National
Archives of Australia have been expunged or redacted. Most of this omitted material
appears to be related to intercepted signals communications or occasional meetings
between Australian and Indonesian intelligence agencies in the early-mid 1970s.21
.
20
URT-D documents are listed discretely in the first section of the Bibliography. Those provided to the
author by M.S.A. Balikh are annotated with an asterisk, ie *.
21
A large number (483) of relevant Australian diplomatic reports – together with some background and
commentary, are contained in the official publication: Way, W. (ed), Australia and the Indonesian
Incorporation of Portuguese Timor 1974-1976 (Documents on Australian Foreign Policy – Department
of Foreign Affairs and Trade), Melbourne University Press, Carlton South, 2000. However, as noted,
Australian intelligence material considered sensitive – principally related to intercepted Indonesian
communications, has been “expunged” from accessible Australian records. Since mid-2007,
submissions by Dr. C. Fernandes (Canberra) to access 1975 classified material have been unsuccessful
– see Dorling, P., “Govt sets up new obstacle in Balibo case”, Canberra Times, Canberra, 11
September 2010.
7
22
These arrivals of ship-loads of deportados to Portuguese Timor – with 528 deportados named, are
found in Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial …, op.cit., 2007, pp. 235-259.
23
For the 1950 population figures that include numbers for “Mixed Race” – ie Mestiço/Mestizo (malae
oan in Tetum) see footnote 113.
24
Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial …, op.cit., p.43. While the aims of the Aliança are not
wholly clear, it appears to have been associated with the Federación Anaquarista Ibérica (founded in
1927) – a Pan-Iberian organization of anarchists and communists.
25
BOdT (Boletim Oficial de Timor), No.50, Portaria No.84-A, 16 December 1933, p.266.
26
For this little-known revolt, see Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial …, 2007; op.cit., pp.29-
30.
27
BOdT, No.20, Despachos, 15 May 1937, p.181.
28
The alleged revolt appears to have been re-assessed as “disturbance of public order” and a local
“inter-indigenous dispute” – BOdT, No.12, Política Indígena – Despacho, 21 March 1939, pp.252-254.
8
While the results of the 1940 census were not available, in 1941 Governor
Carvalho told a visiting British diplomat – C.H. Archer, that the population of
Portuguese Timor comprised: 300 Portuguese – including slightly under 100
deportados, over 2,000 Chinese, 13 Japanese, and “about 450,000 natives”. There
were “less than a dozen other Europeans, Indians & c. Of the total, the majority of the
Portuguese, about 1,100 Chinese and 1,800 natives are in Dili.”32
In April 1941 - eight months before the outbreak of war in the Pacific, the
visiting British consul – C.H. Archer, wrote critically of the administration and
authorities in Portuguese Timor. On the Timorese, he commented that: “The natives
are devoid of the most rudimentary political consciousness, and their condition is so
primitive that I imagine few would be able even of grasping the idea that a world war
is going on.”33
At about this time, wary of Japanese political and economic “infiltration” into
Portuguese Timor, in April 1941 Australia appointed an official – David Ross, as a
representative in Dili. Ross’ tasks included: “to report to the Australian Government
on Intelligence questions and on the commercial opportunities offering in that area.”34
Ross was joined in June 1941 by an “undeclared” Australian intelligence officer –
F.J.A. Whittaker.35 Making contact with deportados, and other “anti-fascist”
29
Lambert, E.T. (British Consul, Batavia), Report on Portuguese Timor, Batavia, 18 December 1937,
para 89 (NAA: A1838, 376/1/1; A981, TIM P 4 Part 2). Soon after, further regulations were
promulgated on the fixed residence and control of deportados – BOdT, No.48, Portaria No.580, 24
November 1937, pp.447-448.
30
Lambert, E.T., (British Consul, Batavia), Report …, op.cit., 1937, p.20, para 98 (NAA: A981, TIM P
4 Part 2, p.122). Lambert however also commented positively on recently-arrived Governor Fontoura’s
“constant solicitude for the natives” – p.21, para 101.
31
Carvalho, M. de Abreu Ferreira, Relatório …, 1947, op.cit., p.5. The 1941 report by the visiting
British Consul-General (Taiwan) C.H. Archer stated there were “slightly under 100” deportados in a
total Portuguese population of about 300. The deportados were reportedly living “in liberty” in
Portuguese Timor – of whom “about 60 percent were ‘democrats’, 30 percent communists and 10
percent other criminals” – see Archer, C.H., Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941, para
29 (NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2, pp.38-76, and his draft report of 29 April 1941 at A981, TIM P 9).
Portugal ceased sending deportados to Timor in 1949.
32
Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General, Taiwan), Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941,
p.9 (NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2, p.45).
33
Ibid., p.25, para 120 (NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2, p.61).
34
War Cabinet Minute 782, Sydney, 12 February 1941 (NAA: A2676, 782, p.3).
35
For personal detail on Whittaker, see Chamberlain, E.P., Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit., Annex F.
9
Japanese forces landed in both Dutch Timor and at Dili just before midnight
on 19 February/in the very early hours of 20 February 1942.39 While the Allied forces
in Dutch Timor were soon defeated, Australian commandos in Portuguese Timor
(“Sparrow Force” – and later “Lancer Force”) conducted guerrilla-style warfare
against the Japanese until early 1943.
Soon after occupying Dili, the Japanese forces sought the collaboration of a
number of “arabs”40 and Chinese merchants.41 Among the Timorese, the Japanese
36
Director of Naval Intelligence, N.I.D. 485/IIB – Internal Political Conditions in Portuguese Timor,
Melbourne, 11 July 1941 (NAA: A981, TIM P 11, pp.106-108). Whittaker provided a list of the 20
“leading members of the group”. For detail on Australian pre-War intelligence collection activities in
Timor, see Chamberlain, E.P., Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit., pp.3-8.
37
For background and detail, see Chamberlain, E.P. Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit., pp.8-10.
According to the official British statement, a “strategical exigency necessitated the Allied action” that
was reportedly precipitated when “On December 15th Japanese submarines were identified in
immediate vicinity of Timor. One of them was attacked on December 16th. The danger was thus
immediate …” – Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs, Cable I.29078 G. No.97, London, 21
December 1941 (NAA: A981, WAR 72, pp.69-70). The British statement was reported widely eg
“Why Allies Acted in Timor”, The Argus, Melbourne, 23 December 1941, p.5. From 7 February 1942,
all Dutch and Australian forces in Timor were placed under General Sir Archibald Wavell’s Bandoeng-
based American-British-Dutch-Australian (ABDA) Command.
38
Ross, D., Report, Timor Dilli, 6 January 1942 (NAA: A981, TIM P 11, pp.9-11).
39
Two Japanese aircraft first attacked Dili with machinegun fire on 8 February 1942 – no casualties or
damage were reported – Ross, D., Cable 651, Dili, 8 February 1942 (NAA: A981, WAR 72, p.56). For
a brief Japanese account see “Dutch East Indies Operation” – Translation, Doc No.404, May 1948
(AWM54, 556/4/11); for a Dutch account, see “The Action in Timor from December 1941 – December
1942, (AWM 54, 573/4/1); for a detailed Australian account, see Wray, C.C.H., Timor I942,
Hutchinson Australia, Hawthorn, 1987, pp.22-77 and also Ross, D., Report, 29 July 1942 (NAA:
A6779, 21, pp.3-9). Japanese aircraft from four aircraft carriers and land-based aircraft from Kendari
(Sulawesi) and Ambon attacked Darwin earlier on 19 February.
40
A number of Malays and “arabs” were reportedly “forced” to work for the Japanese as “soldiers,
interpreters and police” – and several dozen were imprisoned by the Portuguese after the War as
collaborators – see Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, pp.40-41.
10
In late March 1942, unrest against the Portuguese45 arose in the Posto of
Hatolia southwest of Ermera – and the Portuguese chefe de posto, Sergeant Mortágua,
exiled four local chiefs. Further to the southwest near the border with Dutch Timor,
Faic - the régulo of Fohorém (in the Cova Lima area – about 40km west-southwest of
Bobonaro) regularly crossed the border into Dutch Timor to visit relatives at
Atambua. However, on his return, he was beaten and imprisoned by a Portuguese
official – but escaped to Atambua with some followers. The Administrator of the
Fronteira Circumscription/Circunscrição46 - António Policarpo de Sousa Santos, who
had been supporting the Australian Sparrow Force elements, accused régulo Faic of
rebellion. Santos arrested numbers of the régulo’s family and followers and exiled
them to eastern areas of the Colony ie to Manatuto, São Domingos and Lautém –
41
Chinese welcomed the Japanese in Lautém and Baucau – see ISD, T/14 – Project 24, Melbourne, 21
October 1942 (NAA: A3269, D6/A, p.38). Encarnação, D. de (?), Letter - Natives (probably to F.J.A.
Whittaker), Australia, 25 January 1943 (NAA: A373, 4058A) – provides a listing of Chinese who
collaborated with the Japanese. Encarnação notes that when the Japanese entered Lautém in November
1942, they were welcomed by the Chinese residents. An Australian officer also noted that “Japs were
friendly to the Chinese and use them eg in Lautém.” - McCabe, P.P. Lieutenant, Report on Portuguese
Timor, 8 December 1942 (AWM54, 571/1/3). Post-war, four Chinese were later exiled from
Portuguese Timor for five years – BOdT No.38, Portaria 1:285, 20 September 1947, p.343.
42
“The Japanese knew how to appeal to the natives; they simplified their propaganda and made it ‘anti-
white-man’ which of course included the Portuguese who were theoretically neutral” - Callinan, B.J.,
Independent Company, William Heinemann Ltd, Melbourne, 1953, p.154. “get rid of the white man”,
ISD, T14 – Project 24, Melbourne, 21 October 1942 (NAA: A3269, D6/A, p.37). In Viqueque,
Japanese propaganda “we ((Timorese and Japanese)) both have coloured skins, let us get rid of the
white man and then you can enjoy your own land instead of working for the Portuguese and being
exploited by them.” - ISD, T/14 – Project 24, Melbourne, 21 October 1942 (NAA: A3269, D6/A, p.37).
43
Affiliated to the Japanese Imperial Navy, the Otori Kikan’s civilian operatives were active in - at
least, Aileu, Lautém, Baguia and Ossú. They established rapport with the local liurais (chiefs) to gather
information, and to pacify and mobilize the Timorese to assist the Japanese occupation – see
Takahashi, S., “The Japanese Intelligence Organization in Portuguese Timor”, Understanding Timor-
Leste: Research Conference, Dili, 3 July 2009.
44
A more comprehensive account of the “Native Uprisings and Assistance to Australian Forces” is
included as Annex G to Chamberlain, E.P. Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit., – with Appendix 1
illustrating “Native Attitudes” (ie the December 1942 map by Lieutenant P.P. McCabe). See also
Cleary, P., The Men Who Came Out of the Ground, Hachette Australia, Sydney, 2010.
45
In a speech to the National Assembly in Lisbon on 26 November 1943, Portuguese Prime Minister
Salazar claimed: “there were revolts among the native population who had been in perfect tranquility
under our rule.” – NAA: A989, 1943/731/3, p.54.
46
A Circunscrição was a modern-day District comprising several Postos, ie modern-day Sub-Districts.
11
47
Based on a map in Fontoura, Á. da, O Trabalho dos Indígenas de Timor, Agência Geral das
Colónias, Lisboa, 1942. The Portuguese enclave of Oecussi-Ambeno is inserted. In 1936, the
Portuguese authorities renamed several towns and villages from their indigenous titles:
Baucau town was renamed Vila Salazar (27 May 1936); Aileu: Vila General Carmona; Atabai: Atalaia;
Atsabe: Nova Ourém; Baaguia: Baguía; Batugadé: Caxias do Extremo; Bazar-Tete: Vila Eduardo
Marques; Bobonaro: Vila Armindo Monteiro; Com: Nova Nazaré; Fuiloro: Vila de Avis; Laivai: Nova
Ancora; Lautém: Vila Nova Malaca; Loré: Silvicolas; Maubesse: Mindelo; Ossú: Belas; Pante-
Makassar: Vila Taveiro; Same: Vila Filomeno de Câmara; Tibar: Nova Algés; Tutuala: Nova Sagres;
Uato-Carabau/Watu Carbau: Nova Bemfica; Uatolari: Leça; Venilale: Vila Viçosa - BOdT, No. 21/25,
Diploma Legislativo 85/90, 27 May/20 June 1936, p.1/pp.142-143. However, the changes were not
“popularized”, and by the early 1950s had reverted to their earlier titles - Felgas, H.A.E. Capitão,
Timor Português, 1956, pp.348-350.
12
“with orders that they were to be liquidated.”48 Several of the Faic clan dissidents
were brought back to Bobonaro and executed.
At the end of the first week of August 1942, the Japanese forces – advancing
from both Dili and from Dutch Timor, began a four-column offensive against the
Australians in the western districts. The “objective for the Japanese military was to
eliminate both native Timorese and Portuguese support for the Australian and
associated troops.”49 For this campaign, the Japanese strengthened their forces with
colunas negras ie “black columns” – Timorese auxiliaries initially recruited mainly
from West Timor.50 To intimidate the Portuguese and natives in the countryside, on 9
August 1942 Japanese aircraft bombed and strafed the postos of Mape and Beaço (in
Fronteira) and Maubisse and Same (in Suro).51
Under Japanese pressure, on 11 August, the headquarters of the Australian
Sparrow Force was forced to move, by a circuitous route, eastward from Mape to
Same – and “in the process of moving, all Sparrow’s long distance radio facilities had
been sabotaged by unfriendly natives.”52 In the southwest, a Japanese-directed
column of heavily-armed natives from Dutch Timor advanced on the Posto of Fatu-
Lulic and killed the chefe Corporal Alfredo Baptista.53 Other columns advanced to
Mape, Beaço, Suai, Maucatar and Bobonaro.54 On 11 August – threatened by the
“revolt of the people of Cova Lima and Balibo”, Administrator Sousa Santos
abandoned his Fronteira Circumscription headquarters at Bobonaro and fled with his
family eastward to the Baucau area.
48
Cardoso, A.M., Timor …, 2007, op.cit., pp.63-64. The cause and nature of the régulo’s resistance to
the Portuguese is unclear. Sousa Santos also reportedly raided the lulic (ie sacred ancestral) house of
the Faic clan and removed “jewels of the kingdom and other sacred objects” to his headquarters in
Bobonaro “which shocked the population.” The “rebellion” of the régulo Faic is also related in Santa,
J.D., Australianos e Japoneses em Timor na II Guerra Mundial 1941-1945, Notícias Editorial, Lisboa,
1997, pp.36-38. Immediately post-War, Faic – the régulo of Fohorem and Cova Lima, presented
himself voluntarily to the Portuguese authorities at Bobonaro – Carvalho, M. de Abreu Ferreira,
Relatório …, 1947, op.cit., p.658. In 1946, Sousa Santos was charged by a Portuguese Disciplinary
Court with several offences including that he “was responsible for the rebellion at Fohorem” and for
“wrongly killing some natives at Bobonaro” - see NAA: A1838, 377/3/3/6 Part 1, p.161, p.194.
49
Horton, W.B., “Ethnic Cleavage in Timorese Society: The Black Columns in Occupied Portuguese
Timor”, Journal of International Development, 6 (2), Takushoku University, Tokyo, March 2007, p.43.
50
The Governor of Portuguese Timor noted the arrival by boat in Dili on 8 or 9 August 1942 of 300
heavily armed “indígenas de Atambua” – ie a “black column” – Carvalho, M. de Abreu Ferreira,
Relatório …, 1947, op.cit., pp.308-309. For views on the origin of the term “black columns/colunas
negras”, see Horton, W.B., “Ethnic Cleavage …”, op.cit., March 2007, p.43. According to Portuguese
Lieutenant António Liberato: “the black columns were initially recruited from native populations of
Dutch Timor and neighbouring islands, their numbers were soon increased by hundreds of natives from
our land, mainly from the regions of Fronteira, Maubisse, Manufai and later from other areas of the
colony. … they became the Australians’ worst enemy, the real adversary who forced them to leave
Timor.” - Liberato, A. de Oliveira, O Caso de Timor, Invasões estrangeiras, revoltas indígenas,
Portugália Editora, Lisboa, 1947.
51
On 10 August, Bobonaro, Mape and Beaço were bombed; and on 11 August, Aileu, Mape and Beaço
were bombed.
52
The Official History of the Operations and Administration of ‘Special Operations Australia’ (SOA)
under the cover-name of ‘Services Reconnaissance Department’, Volume II – Operations, Melbourne,
8 March 1946, p.13 (NAA: A3269, O8/A, p.26). Sparrow Force used the SRD LIZARD I radio set
which was later left with Sparrow Force when the LIZARD I party was evacuated to Australia on 17
August 1942.
53
The estimated strength of the “black columns” that entered Fronteira from West Timor was “around
3,000 … along with some Menadonese with experience as colonial troops.” - Horton, W.B., “Ethnic
Cleavage …”, March 2007, op.cit., p.43.
54
For detail on the Japanese border campaign, see Carvalho, M. de Abreu Ferreira, Relatório …, 1947,
op.cit., pp.310-311.
13
Massacre at Aileu
who were nearby in Aileu giving “full coverage to the massacre”61 by the colunas
negras, escorted the surviving Portuguese to Dili the next day.62 Soon after, in late
October 1942, the Portuguese accepted the Japanese edict for “protective
concentration” and moved to “internment” areas on the northern coast west of Dili at
Liquiçá, Maubara and the nearby hill village of Bazar Tete – ie for protection against
the “rebeliões de indígenas”.63
During the War, the Australian military recruited and employed Timorese in
its Services Reconnaissance Department (SRD)/Z Special Unit for re-insertion into
Portuguese Timor and operations against the Japanese.64 In mid-November 1943, H.B.
Manderson – the head of SRD’s Timor Section, suggested promoting the creation of
an “underground movement” in Portuguese Timor among the Timorese – to be
termed: “Filhos do Timor” (“Sons of Timor”).65 The catalyst for the movement would
be the Timorese trainees at the SRD’s training camp in Darwin – and:
“the idea should stem in the first instance from the trainees themselves. As a
so-called ‘secret’ Organization, I am sure these youngsters will cleave to the
general idea like limpets. In a variety of ways it should make a valuable
contribution to the institution of the TIMOR Webb [sic] by producing NOT
emissaries from AUSTRALIA, but “SONS OF TIMOR” hell-bent as the
spearheads of recovery of their land by their own efforts etc. etc. The MISE-
IN-SCENE might include such slogans as ‘WE WILL REPAY’ ”. The scheme
has interesting possibilities.”
Oliveira, Quando Timor foi notícia – Memórias, Editora Pax, Braga, 1972; Brito, F.G. de, Tata-mai-
lau: Timor contra o Japão 1941-45, Iniciativas Editoriais, Lisbon, 1977; and also eye-witness
accounts at NAA: A989, 1944/731/1, pp.123-127.
61
Cardoso, A.M., Timor …, 2007, op.cit., p.66.
62
Callinan, B.J., Independent Company …, 1953, op.cit., pp.172-173. Portuguese Sergeant António
Lourenço Martins had been detained by the Japanese at Aileu after the massacre and taken to Dili, but
escaped. He provided the Australians with a comprehensive report on the situation in Dili covering the
period 3-16 October that precipitated successful RAAF B-24 bombing raids - The Official History … ,
Vol II – Operations, 1946, op.cit., p.20 (NAA: A3269, O8/A, p.33; D6/A, pp.41-42).
63
Carvalho, M. de Abreu Ferreira, Relatório …, 1947, op.cit., pp.406-412. See also Liberato, A. de
Oliveira, Os Japoneses Estiveram Em Timor II – A Zona De Concentração, Empresa Nacional da
Publicade, Lisboa, 1951, pp.153-208. A detailed account of the campos de concentração is included in
Santa, J.D., Australianos e Japoneses …, op.cit., 1997 – the author, José Duarte Santa (secretário de
Concelho de Dili) was the “administering authority” at the camp at Liquiçá until imprisoned by the
Japanese on Alor in July 1944. “Interned in concentration camps at Liquica and Maubara were 521
Portuguese (287 male and 234 female) of all ages and all kinds of jobs, mostly consisting of public
servants both active and retired … 14 died.” – Santa, J.D., op.cit., 1997, p.164.
64
The total number of “Porto/Natives” who were employed by SRD in the period 1942-1945 was
probably 71 – who could be categorized as: Operational personnel (“operatives”): 39; General Duties
(GD) personnel: 32 – see Chamberlain, E.P. Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit., p.50.
65
SRD – 450 to Director SRD, 9/J, Brisbane, 19 November 1943, p.2 (NAA: A3269, D/3G, p.29).
15
66
Rear - left to right: Armindo Fernandes, José Carvalho, José Rebelo; Front - left to right: Câncio
Noronha, Bernardino Noronha, João Almeida - ie as identified to author by Câncio dos Reis Noronha –
March 2009, January 2010. The photograph was taken by H.B. Manderson and is in the Australian War
Memorial (AWM) collection – PR91/101 Part, L15.
67
Manderson, H.B., 10 December 1943 (AWM, PR91/101).
68
SRD, T19, Melbourne, 23 March 1944 (NAA: A3269, L7).
69
A Timorese SRD operative (1942-1945) – Câncio dos Reis Noronha, had not heard of the proposed
“Filhos do Timor” movement. While there was sometimes occasional brief mention of “independence”
among Timorese operatives, the matter was apparently not taken seriously - author’s interview with
Câncio dos Reis Noronha, Melbourne, 6 December 2008.
16
During the War, 28 men who had been evacuated from Portuguese Timor
were interned in Australia by the authorities as they were considered – probably
unjustly, to be a risk to the security of SRD/Z Special Force operations in Timor. 22
of those interned had been deportados 71 – and, prior to their internment, several had
been in contact with trade unions in the city of Newcastle and the local branch of the
Communist Party – and had become politically active.72 A number also declared
themselves to be “communists”, and several of the Portugal-born deportado internees
remained politically active after their release – as evidenced in a January 1945 article
in the Communist Party newspaper “The Tribune” titled: “Portuguese Exiles Need
Better Deal”.73 In late 1945, five Portuguese men formally sought to remain in
Australia – but their applications were rejected.74 The Australian Security Service
reported allegations that two “were remaining in Australia in order to obtain the help
of Communists to further the revolution in Timor” and that “Bezerra dos Santos who
joined the ship, is to be the Communist agent in Timor … They are recognized as
dangerous men politically; that, probably of course, as far as the Portuguese
Authorities are concerned.”75
However, in the early post-War years, communism does not appear to have
emerged as a threat to stability in Portuguese Timor. Concerns were only to arise in
the mid-1950s.
Early Indonesian Views on Portuguese Timor – “Incorporation”
70
British Embassy – Lisbon, Aide-Memoire No.16, 14 September 1943 (NAA: A6779, 19, p.39). The
Australian High Commissioner in London informed Canberra that he had assured the Portuguese
Ambassador “that he could advise his Government that they need have no misapprehensions
whatsoever about Portuguese Timor. The Commonwealth Government had given certain undertakings
and the Portuguese Government could rest assured that we would live up to them.” – Cablegram 189,
London, 21 October 1943 (NAA: A6779, 19, p.37). The “Pacific Affairs” conference in Canberra in
January 1944 subsequently considered Portuguese Timor sovereignty issues – Pacific Affairs
Conference, Notebook No 1, Section 1, paras 45-50 – and included “qualifications” at paras 51-53
(NAA: M2319, 4). Paragraph 26 noted: “any claim for unconditional return of the colony of
Portuguese sovereignty is inadmissible”. The Portuguese account is expressed in “Timor: Semi-Official
Statement”, Dr A. de Oliveira Salazar - President of the Council, Lisbon, 29 September 1945 (NAA:
A981, TIM D 1 Part 2, pp.1-10; A1838, 377/3/1 Part 1, pp.215-223) and promulgated as President of
the Council, Official Note Regarding Timor, 6 October 1945 in Boletim – Secretariado Nacional da
Informação, Lisboa, 31 October 1945 (NAA: A1838, 377/3/1 Part 1, pp.198-205). For a discussion of
plans for an Australian-based Portuguese expeditionary force (4,000-strong) to participate in the re-
occupation of Portuguese Timor, see also Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar, Point Lonsdale.,
2008, pp.36-37; and Chamberlain, E.P., Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit., pp.70-72.
71
For profiles of the interned deportados, see Chamberlain, E.P., Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit.,
Annex A.
72
“Who Blundered ? Allies Rebuffed, Not Allowed to Aid War Effort”, Tribune, No.112, 3 March
1943 (NAA: A373, 3685A).
73
The Tribune, “Portuguese Exiles Need Better Deal”, Sydney, 11 January 1945 (NAA: MP742/1,
115/1/245).
74
Over 600 men, women and children were evacuated from Portuguese Timor to Australia during the
War – of whom 562 were repatriated aboard the SS Angola from Newcastle on 27 November 1945. For
detail on the evacuees – including those interned, see Chamberlain, E.P., Forgotten Men …, 2010,
op.cit., pp.37-47 and pp.70-79.
75
Attorney-General’s Department, N.37100, Sydney, 30 November 1945 (NAA: A367, C63656, p.29).
17
In the last months of World War II, the Japanese actively encouraged, and
organised, Indonesian nationalists in seeking independence from the Netherlands.
Mohammad Yamin, as a member of the Body for the Preparation of Indonesian
Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia -
BPUPKI), produced a paper on 31 May 1945 on the “Territory of Indonesia” that
included the proposal to incorporate Portuguese Timor as part of a future independent
Indonesia.76 On 11 July 1945, Sukarno – soon to be Indonesia’s first President,
expressed his view: “I am 100 % in agreement with the view held by Mr Yamin” ie
with Mohammad Yamin’s “Pan-Malay” proposal including the inclusion of
Portuguese Timor.77 Following Indonesia’s independence, Mohammad Yamin
continued his call for the incorporation of Portuguese Timor – including through his
newspaper “Mimbah Indonesia”.78 However, in a speech in Jogjakarta on 20 July
1953, President Sukarno declared that the Republic of Indonesia had made no
demands for, nor was she striving for, the inclusion of Portuguese Timor - but only
West Irian.79 Later as Education Minister, Mohammad Yamin modified his position,
by declaring that Indonesia did “not lay any claim” to Portuguese Timor80.
However, in late 1957, the issue of Portuguese Timor’s possible incorporation
into Indonesia was again raised during Constituent Assembly deliberations in Jakarta
on the definition of “Indonesian territory”. “All parties were of course agreed that
Indonesian territory included West Irian and representatives from certain other
parties, viz: Murba (Trotskyist) and I.P.K.I. (Proclamation of the Upholders of
Indonesian Independence) Parties, suggested that the definition of Indonesian territory
include the British territories in Borneo and Portuguese Timor. … They based their
arguments for these claims on the fact that the divisions in Borneo and in Timor were
made under colonial regimes without references to the people concerned and without
76
A copy of the paper, “The Territory of Indonesia”, can be found at NAA: A1838, 3034/7/1 Part 5.
The paper and Mohammad Yamin’s “incorporationist” views - ie to include Portuguese Timor, were
first publicly reported in Australia in an article titled “All New Guinea in Indonesian Wartime Hopes”
in The Sydney Morning Herald, Sydney, 20 June 1959. Earlier suggestions of Indonesian suzerainty
over Timor during the Sriwijaya and Majapahit empires are related in Nahar, M., “Some Historical
Notes on Timor”, Home News/Feature, Jakarta, 15 October 1975, pp.12-14 and 16 October 1975,
pp.11-13 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 3). For the Apodeti’s political party’s reference to a
Majapahit’s suzerainty over Timor see footnote 860.
77
Record of the Meeting of the Committee held on 11 July 1945, p.5. Sukarno noted however that the
“hands of the Imperial Japanese Government will decide what shall form the future state of Indonesia.”
(NAA: A1838, 3034/7/1 Part 5). A modern “Pan-Malay” or Melayu Raya (Greater Malay) movement
was founded in Kuala Lumpur by Ibrahim Yaacob/Yaakub in 1938 as the Kesatuan Melayu Muda
(KMM – Malay Youth Union). Under Japanese military auspices, Yaacob met with Sukarno and
Mohammad Hatta in Taiping (Perak, Malaya) in mid-August 1945 – but the movements Melayu Raya
and Indonesian Raya did not merge. Yaacob fled to Indonesia in late August 1945, became a supporter
of President Sukarno, died in 1979 and is buried in the Heroes’ Cemetery at Kalibata (Jakarta).
78
Mohammad Yamin - when the former Finance Minister, urged incorporation of Portuguese Timor in
speeches on 22 June 1952 (Summary of World Broadcasts, 1 July 1952) and in Makassar on 26 August
1952 (Digest of Events in Indonesia, No 57).
79
Digest of Events in Indonesia, No 55, 31 July 1952.
80
On Minister Yamin’s statement in Kupang on 29 January 1954 see Antara, Jakarta, 30 January 1954
as reported in Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 121, 30 January 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part
1); and also The Times of Indonesia, 1 February 1954, p.4. In a speech on 28 October 1958, Yamin
declared: “Greater Indonesia has a wider territory and greater authority than the former Dutch East
Indies” – Persbiro Indonesia, 3516A, 29 October 1958 (NAA: A1838, 303/4/1/1 Part 2). However, for
a subsequent repudiation by Foreign Minister Subandrio of an “incorporationist” remark by Yamin in
Bandung in February 1960 see footnote 611.
18
the true interests of both Borneo and Timor being taken into account. Nevertheless the
Constituent Assembly did not accept these arguments … .”81
Following the end of the war in the Pacific, the Portuguese re-established
administration and control in their colony of Timor in September 1945 – although
81
Australian Embassy - Jakarta, Memo 1733, 29 November 1957 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 4). The
Constituent Assembly unanimously resolved to define Indonesian territory as “all area belonging to the
former Dutch East Indies at the moment of the outbreak of the Pacific War in December 1941” ie not
including Portuguese Timor. The Constituent Assembly was dissolved on 5 July 1959.
82
Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration - The Determined Will of
the People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 1976, p.75 – this publication, which includes an
introduction by Lieutenant General Yoga Soegomo, the Head of the Indonesian State Intelligence
Coordination Agency ie Bakin, claims the “Rebellion” was inspired by Indonesia’s proclamation of
independence and its participants sought integration with Indonesia – p.79. The claims of a “Lospalos
Rebellion 1945-1949” and a “Massacre” are repeated in Rusdie, H., Suratama K. & Soares, A.J.O.,
Perjuangan Kemerdekaan Rakyat Timor Loro Sa’e, 1997 at p.20 and p.27. A “Lospalos rebellion” is
also mentioned briefly at p.37 in Cruz, F.X. Lopes da, Kesaksian – Aku dan Timor Timur (A Testimony
– East Timor and I), Yayasan Tunas Harapan Timor Lorosae, 1999, Jakarta.
83
Author’s discussions with Justino Valentim – former CNRT official and local historian/linguist,
Lospalos, 27-30 October 2008.
84
Duarte, a Timorese collaborator, reportedly replaced Barros. For World War II events in Lautém, see
Chamberlain E.P., 2004, The Struggle …, op.cit., 2008, pp.28-35. A “Portuguese half-caste” who was
“responsible for Timorese collaboration in the Lautém area … received a sentence of 10 years – the
evidence available did not allow for a heavier sentence”: see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo
12/1/1, 8 February 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3038/7/1 Part 1).
85
Soamole, A.D., “Persatuan Timor-Timur – Kembalinya Si Anak Hilang, Antara, Jakarta, 22 July
1976, p.71 in Dokumentasi – Kliping tentang Integrasi Timor Timur 1976 (I), 68/P/XI/1983, CSIS,
Jakarta, November 1983.
19
precluded by the victorious Allies from participating in the ceremony for the
surrender of regional Japanese forces in Kupang.86 On their return to power, the
Portuguese also dealt with Timorese who had collaborated with the Japanese –
particularly those who had been involved in killings of Portuguese officials and
civilians.87 In early April 1946, the Governor reportedly ordered the imprisonment of
1,150 people accused of war crimes.88 This included some members of Portuguese
Timor’s “Arab” community – “who had been forced to assist the Japanese as soldiers,
police and interpreters … and who were imprisoned for several years … ((ie post-
WWII by the Portuguese authorities as Japanese collaborators)) on Ataúro and at
Ainaro.”89
At the end of World War II, a number of Timorese who had collaborated with
the Japanese in Portuguese Timor reportedly fled to Dutch Timor and settled in the
border districts. In May 1946, the Australian Consul, Group Captain C. Eaton,
reported “250 natives who collaborated with the Japanese have recently been deported
to Kambing Island”90 (ie Ataúro). He also noted that the Fronteira Circunscrição “was
the Province where most of the collaboration with the Japanese occurred and,
according to the Portuguese, was caused by the infiltration of natives from Dutch
Timor.”91
86
Japanese Surrender – Arrangements in Respect of Portuguese Timor (NAA: A1838, TS377/3/3/2
Part 1). Portuguese Governor Carvalho took “control” of the remaining 110 Japanese troops in
Portuguese Timor on 5 September 1945, but the surrender of all Japanese military forces in Timor was
taken by an Allied officer (Australian Brigadier L.G.H. Dyke – Commander Timforce) in Kupang on
11 September. On 12 September, Lisbon advised that Portugal was “unable to assent” to the landing of
Australian troops in Dili. However, Brigadier Dyke and his party travelled to Dili on 23 September,
advised Governor Carvalho of the surrender arrangements concluded in Kupang, and assumed control
of the Japanese military in Portuguese Timor. A detailed description of events can be found in Forsyth,
W.D. (political advisor to Brigadier Dyke), “Timor – II: The World of Dr. Evatt”, New Guinea,
Australia, the Pacific and South East Asia, May/June 1975, pp. 31-37 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2,
pp.82-88). A Portuguese Expeditionary Force – commanded by Brigadier Roque de Sequeira Varejão,
arrived in Dili on 27-29 September 1945 (aboard the naval sloops Gonçalves Zarco and Bartolomeu
Dias; and the merchant vessel N/M Angola – with "2,223 troops, including infantry and artillery”) -
Bessa, C., A libertação de Timor na II Guerra Mundial: importãncia dos Açores para os interesses dos
Estados Unidos: subsídios históricos, Academia Portuguesa da Historia, Lisboa, 1992. The N/M Sofala
arrived in Dili on 9 October 1945 with the 10th Companhia de Caçadores Indígena (Mozambique)
which moved to Bobonaro to control the border area.
87
Brigadier Varejão reportedly “conquered the capital Dili and led a second military expedition into the
interior of Portuguese Timor.”
88
Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial …, op.cit., 2007, p.118. For collaborators, see also
footnotes 35, 36, 82-83, 156, 157.
89
Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, pp. 40-41 lists 19 men of the
Islamic faith who, “together with others”, were detained and reportedly mistreated.
90
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 1, 5 May 1946 (NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 3). See also his
earlier “Report on Portuguese Timor”, 20 February 1946, p.7 (NAA: A1838, 376/1/1). According to
Relatorio sobre os tribunais judiciais de Timor, only 45 cases were processed against Timorese
collaborators in 1946 – increasing to 243 in 1947 and 372 in 1948, then declining to 78 in 1949, 70 in
1950 and 56 in 1951 (email to author from Takahashi Shigehito, 26 June 2008). By early 1954,
according to the Chief Justice of Portuguese Timor, about 1,000 Timorese who had collaborated with
the Japanese had been tried and sentenced – most of whom had been associated with massacres at
Aileu, Ermera and Lautém. A further 100 were awaiting trial – see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo
12/1/1, 8 February 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3038/7/1 Part 1). For articles on administration and society in
Portuguese Timor immediately post-WWII, see Landman, J.R. & Plant H.T., “Notes on Portuguese
Timor I & II”, Vol 2 No 11 & Vol 3 No 1; South Pacific, Sydney, August & September 1948 (NAA:
A1838, 376/1/1).
91
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 2, 19 May 1946 (NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 3). In late
August 1942, the tribes of Maubisse – reportedly inspired by Japanese propaganda, rebelled against the
20
The Australian Consul reported in early December 1946 that “the initial
enthusiasm of the natives to the Portuguese Authorities, which was very evident after
the Japanese occupation, is now on the wane. This is on account of the head tax
imposition of 16 patacas per year ((about ₤1.5.-. per year)). After what had been said
by the Portuguese Authorities when they again took over the Administration of the
Colony, the amount of the tax has come as a shock and grumblings can be distinctly
heard. However, there is no organised opposition to the tax at the present time.”92
Following a visit to the western districts, the Consul reported that:
“Approximately 50% of the natives in the districts visited have paid their taxes, but
considerable difficulty is being experienced by district administrative officers in the
collection of the outstanding taxes. Some natives have gone bush to avoid payment
and others are brought before the Chefes de Postos for explanations regarding non-
payment. In some districts many natives who have not made their payment were
stated to be bad men who cooperated with the Japanese during the war and they
receive corporal punishment for non-payment.”93 The Consul also reported that, west
of Dili: “During 1948 most of the able-bodied males from Maubara crossed the border
to avoid ‘voluntary’ labour on the construction of a new road. The road was
completed by women and children under police guard.”94
Portuguese and killed the Chefe de Posto, Francisco Martins Coelho and two deportados: José Faria
Braga and Fernando Augusto Mariz – see Carvalho, Dos Santos J., Vide e Morte …, op.cit., 1972, p.53.
Portuguese-led natives from Ainaro, Same and Manatuto soon crushed the rebellion – Wray, C.C.H.,
Timor 1942, op.cit., 1987, pp.131-132. The Japanese subsequently instigated the massacre at Aileu of
the Portuguese military commander, Captain Freire da Costa, his wife and several officials on 1-2
October 1942 – see preceding footnotes 59-63.
92
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No.16, 4 December 1946 (NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 1) and
paraphrased in Intelligence Digest No.13, 25 March 1947 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The
“Regulations of Census and Native Head Tax” were included as an attachment from the Consul’s
Despatch No.2 of 26 February 1947 – the Regulations included the four cumulative criteria by which
some natives could be classified as “similar to Europeans” and the ten categories of exemption. The
Consul noted that the head tax was 14 and 16 patacas per annum “according to the district in which the
natives reside.” (NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 1; 3038/2/1 Part 1). In mid-1948, in a total native
population of 420,430 - 105,273 were enrolled for the native head tax with a further 22,948 exempt:
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 53, 15 March 1949 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 1). The “pre-war”
head/poll tax was “a basic rate of 6 patacas per annum. Besides this, coolies working for employers
other than the government, pay an additional 5 patacas, thus making a total of 11 patacas per annum.
Besides this again, higher-paid workers such as in-door servants pay another five patacas as
‘Professional Tax’, making a total of 16 patacas per annum. The wages of a coolie are 3 to 4 patacas a
month, plus his food. … in terms of sterling, the pataca is equal to about 1s 2 ½ d officially, and
procurable as low as 11d on the black market.” - Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General, Taiwan),
Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941, para 31-34. (NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2. pp.38-
76).
93
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No.17, 18 December 1946 (NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 1).
94
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 221, 20 December 1949 – the Consul added that “the men are
now returning.” (NAA: A1838, 378/15/3)
95
Governor Óscar Freire Vasconcelos Ruas was appointed on 23 June 1946.
21
96
BOdT, No.4, Portaria 1:177 (signed 5 April 1946), 25 January 1947, pp.23-24. The Portaria cited
Decreto No.35:048 of 22 October 1945 and included a short history of earlier attempts to relocate Dili
due to problems of sanitation – and the “80 percent incidence of paludismo ((malaria)) among
workers”. “Delli” had been cited in Joseph Conrad’s 1915 novel “Victory: An Island Tale” (Chapter 2)
as: “that highly pestilential place” and “a god-forsaken spot”. “Nova Dili” was to be in the hills about
16km by road from the port. In late December 1941, malaria was “rife” among Australian troops in the
Dili area – until they were moved to the higher altitude of Railaco – Wray, C.C.H., Timor 1942, pp.31-
32; AWM54, 571/3/3 Part 4; MP508/1, 211/776/101.
97
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No. 6, 27 April 1947 (NAA: A1838, 377/1/3 Part 1).
98
Australian Embassy – Den Haag, Ministerial Despatch 26/47, 8 October 1947 (NAA: A1838,
378/15/3).
99
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 151, 26 November 1947 (NAA: A1838, 378/15/3).
100
Australian Consulate – Dili, Ministerial Despatch No. 4/47, 19 August 1947 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 1).
22
however, a Japanese officer from a party of POW escapees from Kupang was later
captured west of Liquiça.101
Post-war, security remained a concern in Portuguese Timor. The first “post-
war” Timorese infantry company, 230-strong, was recruited from 1,000 volunteers in
November 1947, with the flag swearing-in ceremony on 29 March 1948.102 However,
it was reliably reported that “eight companies, fully trained and equipped are held in
readiness in Lourenço Marques ((Mozambique)) to meet any contingency that may
arise in any Portuguese colony.”103
In September 1948, wharf labourers in Kupang (West Timor) went on strike
demanding higher pay – and this delayed the arrival of the routinely-scheduled Dutch
ship to Dili. Portuguese authorities reportedly concealed news of this industrial unrest
in Kupang lest it influence workers in Dili. The Australian Consul reported:
“The Governor has always expressed himself as being convinced of the
complete loyalty of the natives, but statements made at the recent ceremony of
swearing-in the flag of the 2nd Timorese infantry company indicate that he may
now be entertaining some doubts. His argument was that if the natives are
loyal, troops are unnecessary, whereas if they are not, two or three companies
would be quite adequate. Emphasis was given to this later by an incomplete
and perhaps thoughtless remark by the Governor’s aide-de-camp – ‘If we have
trouble with the natives, as we may …’. My own impression is that the natives
are unlikely to resist the Portuguese, even though they may resent individual
administrators or Chefe de Posto, unless they were roused and organized by an
outsider. This view may be held by some of the Portuguese themselves, as I
was told by the Administrator of Dili that Murjani was under constant
supervision because of his suspected connection with the Indonesians.
Illiteracy would probably be a factor also – I have heard of an estimate, which
is probably high, that 10% of the natives are literate to some extent, although it
has been suggested that the Chinese keep the natives informed about
international developments. If this is really so, the meaning of international
political developments should probably be limited to the possibility of war.
”104
A few years later, a brief scare in Portuguese Timor saw large numbers of
troops deployed to the south coast to repel a feared foreign military incursion. In early
March 1950, the Portuguese authorities in Dili received reports of landings from a
101
Australian Consulate – Dili, Ministerial Despatch No. 6/47, 16 September 1947 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 1).
102
For information on the “pre-war” Timorese company, see Lambert, E.T. (British Consul, Batavia),
Report on Portuguese Timor, Batavia, 18 December 1937, para 95 (NAA: A981, TIM P 4 Part 2;
A1838, 376/1/1); and for its capability and equipment, see Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General,
Taiwan), Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941, paras 121-124 (NAA: A981, TIM D 1
Part 2. pp.38-76).
103
Australian Consulate – Dili, Ministerial Despatch No.15/48, 25 April 1948 (NAA: A5954, 2269/4).
In mid-1949, two Timorese companies were prepared for movement to Macau following the
Communist Chinese advance to Nanking. However, in July 1949, the “Macau task” was reportedly
undertaken by an “expeditionary force” from Portugal and troops from Angola.
104
Australian Consulate – Dili, Departmental Despatch No. 21/48, 27 October 1948 (NAA: A5954,
2269/4). “Murjani” is not identified – however, it is likely that Murjani was a businessman or trader
with a British India or Goan background.
23
submarine on the south coast of “80-150 Indonesian and Dutch troops”.105 Armed
Portuguese reinforcements were flown to the Viqueque and Barique regions - about
160 km east-southeast of Dili, and Governor Óscar Ruas also flew to the area to
manage the response. Local Timorese chiefs “guaranteed not only the existence of an
armed group – they indicated various numbers from a hundred to many hundreds – of
whom twenty five were Europeans, white and blonde … they were convinced that
these were Dutchmen.”106 The Governor added that “the information came from
natives of different regions and was in agreement in all points and so could not have
been invented, not even by the fertile imagination of the Timorese.” Military
detachments, including Timorese troops and police, were deployed to search for the
reported intruders: from Viqueque – a platoon of regular troops and 150 moradores107;
from Barique – a force including companies from Manatuto and Lacló; and from Alas
and Fato-Berliu – native troops from the Circunscrição of Suro with 140 armed
moradores and a platoon of regular troops. The Governor also dispatched a request to
Lisbon that the Minister for Overseas Territories arrange “to despatch as soon as
possible a Portuguese warship from those which are stationed at Macau to keep watch
on the coast and, above all, the south coast.”108 However, despite over two weeks of
extensive searches, no trace was found of the alleged “foreign military force”, and the
Portuguese troops and Timorese auxiliaries returned to their home bases by 6 April
1950.109 The Australian Consul cited a senior Portuguese official who, after “close
questioning of natives from Barique and Viqueque”, opined that “if foreigners had
landed in those districts, they would be hidden by the natives out of resentment
against the administrator ((of Viqueque)) Peão. Peão has long been notorious for his
harsh, if not brutal administration, and has apparently incurred greater resentment
recently by rifling natives’ tombs for gold ornaments. As a result, the natives are in a
frame of mind to welcome any foreigners who promised improved conditions.”110
However, the Portuguese concerns may not have been unfounded. It appears
that there may have been brief incursions by a small group of Indonesians in
December 1949 and March 1950. A former Portuguese deportado living near the
south coast at Alas later admitted meeting six or seven Indonesians at these times –
105
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable I.4230, 22 March 1950 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1; A5954,
2269/4). In a memorandum (23 May 1950) to the Australian Minister of External Affairs, his
Department noted the “infiltration” and advised that such “underlines the need for interest by Australia
in this island” (NAA: A1838, 377/3/1 Part 1).
106
Ruas, Ó. F., de V. Governor & Ferreira, M. Secretary, Act No.5 – Extra-ordinary Session of the
Government Advisor Board, Dili, 23 March 1950. This four-page document details the Government’s
reaction and authorises an allocation of 50,000 patacas for the operation (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part
1). Governor Ruas’ correspondence of 23 and 29 March 1950 is available at Gunter, J., Haree Ba Uluk
(blogsite), 23 March 2004 – which describes the event as the “Incidente Vicarda.”
107
Moradores were “native troops enlisted by the kingdoms (“reinos”) and equipped by the chiefs
(“chefes”) - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.33, footnote 1.
108
Ruas, Ó. F., de V. Governor & Ferreira, M., Secretary, op.cit., p.3.
109
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo, 12 April 1950 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).The Incidente
Vicarda event has also been cited as the “pro-Indonesian revolt at Vicarda in 1950” – at footnote 1 in
Fernandes, M.S., “A União da República de Timor: o atrófico movimento nacionalista islâmico-malaio
Timorense, 1960-1975” at pp.355-431 in Guedes, A.M. & Mendes N.C. (eds), Ensaios sobre
nacionalismos em Timor-Leste, Collecção Biblioteca Diplomática do MNE – Série A, Ministério dos
Negócios Estrangeiros Portugal, Lisbon, 2005.
110
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 70, 8 May 1950 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). “Peão” was
Adminstrator Manuel Dias Peão (b. 23 October 1920) appointed as the Secretário in Viqueque in
November 1946 – and who subsequently served in Dili from May 1956 and was appointed the
Administrator of the Suro Circunscrição in late April 1958.
24
and a “native chief, who was completely loyal to the Portuguese during the last war,
corroborated the story under torture.”111
Governor Óscar Ruas returned to Portugal on 6 June 1950, and an Acting
Governor officiated until the arrival of his replacement, Captain César Maria de Serpa
Rosa, on 31 December 1950. The Australian Consul in Dili provided a nine–page
critique to Canberra on “The Administration of Governor Óscar Ruas” noting:
“… there is no denying the Governor’s zeal and very real interest in the
Colony, … Without question he has been the hardest working official in the
Colony. … For dealing with the native population as a whole, the system of
divide and rule has been adopted. Rather than attempt to settle tribal or district
rivalries, these are actively encouraged. Exploitation of the natives by
administrators and lower officials is widespread, and in most cases provides
the means for the transference of money … The wretched physical condition
of many natives is clear evidence of a very low standard of living. … It is not
surprising therefore, that the administrator with the longest experience in the
Colony once gave the opinion that, in an emergency, the Portuguese could
count on the loyalty of only 10% of the natives. To my mind the lack of
organization and initiative amongst the natives would suggest a much higher
figure, although there is no lack of reason for discontent.”112
officials know the full facts. … The sporadic flareups have devastated the
land. … Two-thirds of the reinforcements sent last summer from
Mozambique to Macao were diverted to Dilli to strengthen the battle-tried
garrison on the island. Another 4000 have just been despatched. There are
no signs that the fighting will fizzle out or decrease in ferocity. The guerillas
are well supplied with instructors and arms. Reinforcements are regularly
sluiced [sic] across the Indonesian side of the border.”115
In mid and late 1953, there were several clashes in the border area - with
Indonesian military elements reportedly firing on Portuguese Angolan troops who
returned fire. The Portuguese Army commander, Major Arnaldo Dionisio Carneiro de
Sousa e Meneses, replaced the Angolan troops with Timorese soldiers in the “25 mile
strip” adjacent to the border to reduce tension and, in his reports to the Minister of
Defence in Lisbon, requested that the Army’s strength in Portuguese Timor be
increased from about 900 to 2,000 - and that Portuguese African troops be equipped
with sub-machine guns.116 However on 3 January 1954, at the request of Governor
Serpa Rosa, Major Meneses was recalled from Timor. According to the Chief Justice
of the Colony, Major Meneses was “too militaristic for the political situation on the
border and went out of his way to antagonise the Indonesians with whom at present
the country is enjoying reasonably cordial relations. Major Meneses also mixed
politics with soldiering and His Excellency the Governor had no option but to request
his recall.” 117
Chinese Communists ?
communists – although the Consul was unable to provide any evidence for his
accusations.120 In mid-July 1956, the Nationalist Chinese Government in Taipeh
despatched a “Special Envoy” to Dili to investigate these charges. After a month-long
investigation, the Envoy found no evidence of communist leanings – and the Chinese
Consul - described as “an eccentric scholar”, was recalled to Taiwan. The Australian
Consul reported that the Chinese were “strongly in favour of Nationalist China” –
while there was “only a hint” that “there are perhaps a few Chinese Communists, they
do not reside in Dili, but in the interior, where they are in business.”121
Australian Government officials however, were wary of the potential for
communist infiltration into Timor. An intelligence assessment of November 1954
reviewed the situation in both Indonesian and Portuguese Timor and concluded:
“there is no internal security problem in either part. However, two Area Commanders
in the Eastern Indonesian Territorial Command are known to have pro-Communist
leanings and the possibility should not be excluded of these Commanders conniving at
a revolt against Central Government control.”122
120
A Chinese Consulate was established in Dili in late October 1947 – but closed briefly in mid-May
1950 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/5/1). For the Chinese Consul’s complaint, see also Australian Consulate –
Dili, Memo 9, 23 June 1954 (NAA: A11604, 605/15). The Chinese population in the mid-1950s was
about 3,800. Most Chinese were of Kek (Hakka) ethnicity from Canton and Macau.
121
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 182/56, 28 August 1956 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2/2).
122
Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC), “Strategic Importance of Timor – Appreciation”, Canberra, 11
November 1954, paragraph 7 (NAA: A1838, 383/7/1 - and papers in A7942, P62).
123
As detailed at footnote 113, official Portuguese Timor population statistics for 1950 showed a
“Civilised Population” of 7,471 – including “2,022 Mixed” - ie Mestiço/Mestizo (malae oan in Tetum).
27
somewhat deeper within the country’s political scene, in the sense of the
following: -
‘… the indigenous native still continues to pay head tax and is still
conscripted for cheap labour …should there at anytime be a plebiscite as to the
continuance under Portuguese rule, or otherwise, the indigenous native would
vote to come within the framework of Indonesia …’.”
124
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 9, 23 June 1954 (NAA: A11604, 605/15; TS656/1/2/3).
125
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 3, 14 April 1955 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
28
The Portuguese Government’s concern was evidenced in the 1955 budget for
the Province that included funding for the establishment in Portuguese Timor of the
PIDE (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado) –
the regime’s secret security and intelligence agency.
A PIDE staff - comprising five personnel at a salary
cost of 45,600 patacas, was planned for 1956 to
strengthen the existing “public security police” force
in Dili of 54.126
In late 1954, an item in the Jakarta press warned of the strategic danger to the
Republic of Indonesia presented by Portuguese Timor: “It has become clearer every
day how dangerous Portuguese Timor is for the security of Indonesia, the more so
after it has turned out that certain foreign powers have included Portuguese Timor in
their scheme to strengthen their strategic defence systems in South East Asia. This
situation has drawn the attention of the Indonesian government which is planning to
take speedy steps to meet this threat.”129
One source of Indonesian complaint was the illicit trafficking of copra from
the islands of Eastern Indonesian to Portuguese Timor - and thence to Singapore, that
avoided Indonesian taxes and duties.130 In February 1954, the Australian Consul was
126
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 312/55, 16 November 1955 (NAA: 3038/1/1 Part 1). The PIDE
proposal was based on Decree Law 39749, Lisbon, 9 August (BOdT, No.38, 18 September 1954,
pp.494-500) on the “reorganization” of the PIDE service. Funding for 1956 detailed in BOdT, No.53
Suplemento, 31 December 1955, p.1044. However, a PIDE “delegation” was not established in
Portuguese Timor until March 1961 – ie after the 1959 “Viqueque Rebellion”.
127
Australian Embassy – The Hague, Memo 411/54, 20 May 1954 reporting on an item in the
Netherlands newspaper Het Parool (Independent Labour) of 18 May 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3
Part 1).
128
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 9, 23 June 1954 (NAA: A11604, 605/15).
129
The Times of Indonesia, Jakarta, 17 December 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
130
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 138/51, 18 September 1951 (NAA: A1838, TS656/1/2/3)
describes the illicit copra trade including the “handsome profit” of Chinese traders in Dili - and noted
that “Timor’s Government finances benefit by import and export tax, and the Colony’s Financial Fund
benefits … There is no doubt that the Local Authorities know what is going on but are loath to enforce
29
told by the Portuguese police chief in Dili that “on one occasion there were
approximately 87 Indonesian copra boats in the port and their respective crews
exceeded 900 Indonesians.”131 In January 1955, following representations by the
Indonesian Government, Lisbon directed the authorities in Dili to cease the
clandestine copra trade by debarring further ship visits – and all copra vessels in the
port were ordered to leave on 16 January. The Australian Consul commented that the
cessation of the copra trade would have “a very adverse effect on the finances of the
merchants of Dili … many of whom conducted a very lucrative contraband trade with
the captains of the Indonesian sailing vessels … cigarettes, piece-goods, tinned goods
and miscellaneous items.”132 However, copra smuggling through Portuguese Timor
had reportedly all but ceased by mid-1955 following the Government’s direction.133
Visiting Indonesian copra vessels had also traded in explosives and ammunition
recovered from Japanese wartime caches in north-eastern Portuguese Timor.134
136
Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno …, 2005, marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, p.2 – citing an interview with
Marcelino – pictured above in 2007 (a purported “youth observer” in Bandung from Portuguese
Timor), in Venilale (East Timor) in 1996; and Rohi, P.A., email to author, 19 January 2007. In the
article, Rohi stated that his interview with Marcelino was “in the context of reconstructing the
Viqueque Rebellion of 3 June 1959.” According to Rohi, Marcelino had brought back a “painting of
President Soekarno by Basoeki Abdoellah from the 1955 Africa-Asia Conference as a souvenir”
measuring about 100cm x 65cm. To date, articles/emails by P.A. Rohi are the only known written
source on Marcelino and the reported visit of three Timorese youth to Bandung as observers in 1955.
Rohi also briefly related Marcelino’s visit to Bandung and advice from President Sukarno in
“Kemenangan Fretilin dan Dampak Politik bagi Indonesia”, Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 5 September
2001.
137
An official Indonesian publication: Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun,
Jakarta, 1996 – makes a brief allusion to activity in this period at p.27 as follows: “In 1955 in fact,
there was a planned resistance rebellion by youth in the territory in Dili. This plan was then widely
spread to all the districts of the territory.” This passage is also quoted verbatim in Wila, M.R.C.,
Konsepsi Hukum …, Bandung, 2006. In September 1955, the Portuguese Administration reacted to
reports of a submarine allegedly landing personnel on the south coast, but no intruders were
discovered: see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 189/56, 5 September 1956 (NAA: A5954, 2269/4).
31
In 2007, the author met three times with Marcelino – ie Marcelino António
Fausto Guterres138, in Dili on 3 and 10 April - and in Baucau on 28 June. Marcelino
related that in 1955, the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Leopoldo Lasut, had “recruited”
three “top-achieving” Timorese students to attend the 1955 Bandung Conference:
Marcelino, Januario dos Reis139 and “Chiquito”140. They visited the Indonesian
Consulate in Dili, completed forms and were photographed. However, they did not
travel to Bandung as planned - due to “tensions between Indonesia and Portuguese
Timor”. The Consul advised them to return to their homes and await further contact –
but, according to Marcelino, none occurred.141
138
Marcelino was born in Venilale on 25 February 1931 – and was 24 years old at the time of contact
with the Consul. His father, Dom Cristóvão Fausto Guterres (died September 1992, aged 87), was the
traditional head of the Venilale “jurisdição” – a grouping of six villages. “Cristóvão Fausto Guterres”
is identified as the Chefe de Suco of Uato Haco (Venilale) in 1952 – Sherlock, K., East Timor: Liurais
and Chefes de Suco; Indigenous Authorities in 1952, Kevin Sherlock, Darwin 1983, p.19. The
dedication and merit of Cristóvão Fausto Guterres during WWII as a chefe de jurisdição was formally
acknowledged in BOdT, No.1, 1 January 1963, p.7. In 1937, Cristóvão da Silva Guterres – the chefe
de suco of Uato-Huco was appointed a captain in the Segunda Linha – vide BOdT , No.37, Portaria
524, 11 September 1937, pp.357-358. According to Marcelino, a forefather - Dom Cristobal Guterres,
had been the raja of Venilale.
139
Born in Baucau - according to Marcelino, Januario dos Reis subsequently became a member of the
regional parliament (DPRD I) in Dili during the Indonesian period.
140
Marcelino could not recall Francisco’s family name, but knew that he was from Manatuto and had
been killed by Fretilin in Aileu in early 1976. It is highly probable that “Chiquito” was João Pereira da
Silva – who was subsequently a leader of the 1959 Rebellion and, in 1974-75, a founding and senior
member of the Apodeti political party (see footnotes 186, 269, 270, 506, 515, 523, 528, 547 and 867).
141
Marcelino visited Bandung for nine days in December 1996 with an Indonesian-sponsored party of
60, including a tour of the “Gedung Merdeka” – the site of the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference (author’s
discussions with Marcelino in Dili on 3 and 10 April 2007 – and 28 June 2007 in Baucau). Marcelino
confirmed that he had possessed a large portrait of Indonesian President Sukarno (see footnote 136) –
but he had purchased it in Dili. In 2007, the author also discussed the purported 1955 visit to Bandung
with Marcelino’s son, Joni (in Dili), and Marcelino’s younger brother, Virgílio Cristóvão Fausto
Guterres - b. 21/5/1941, resident in Melbourne (Australia).
142
Australian Consulate – Dili, SAV.3/I.1103, 15 August 1955 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
32
and that the purpose of this clandestine contact was to encourage a separatist
movement against the Portuguese.”148
In 1959, Dom Martinho da Costa Lopes – a Roman Catholic priest and a
Deputy to the National Assembly in Lisbon (see footnote 326) declared that “the
shadow of Protestanism in the villages of Beloi, Biqueli and Macdada” presaged “a
danger to our national sovereignty” through “deleterious and anti-national
propaganda” and also represented an “evident danger to public morality”.149
Converting local Catholic and animist villagers, by 1961 the Rabuta
movement reportedly had 1,350 followers among the 3,397 inhabitants of Ataúro –
compared with only 396 declared Catholics.150 The movement encouraged the
learning of Malay and used Malay in their liturgy and folkloric songs. The Rabuta
movement also had more direct political elements – with one song exhorting the
“bringing down and sending home of the Portuguese”.151 In late March 1961, when
four Indonesian naval vessels visited Dili, the followers of the Rabuta movement
believed that this “hopefully heralded their ‘proxima libertação’.”152 On 1 January
1964, Rabuta followers held celebratory parades carrying white and also red-and-
white flags (ie red and white being the colours of the Indonesian national flag) –
displayed as “an omen for Portugal’s mourning at the loss of its colony of Timor,
including also Atauro”.153 The movement was reportedly “still very alive, with its own
schools and chapels and “gúrus” (“teachers”) in the late 1980s.154
148
The chief’s “son was secretly taken to Kisar by the Indonesians to observe conditions under
Indonesian administration.” - Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable I.11073, 15 August 1955 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
149
Lopes, D. M. da Costa, Breve resenha de alguns factos ocorrido em Viqueque e Uatolari (1959),
Dili, October 1959.
150
This represents a Protestant percentage of 39.7 percent – with animists at about 48.6 percent and
Catholics at 11.6 percent. Protestantism – brought by missionaries from the Moluccas, reached Ataúro
before Catholicism which only spread from mainland Portuguese Timor in the 1950s. In 2004, Ataúro
was 57 percent Protestant – ie compared with the figures in the 2004 Census for the nation of Timor-
Leste of: 96 percent Catholic, 2.24 percent Protestant/Evangelical, .33 percent Islam, and .8 percent
“traditional”.
151
Duarte, J.B. Padre, “O fenomeno…, op.cit., p.49 – “vinde depressa, expulsai-os (aos portugueses)
para a terra deles”.
152
Ibid., p.49. For detail of the visit of Indonesian naval Task Force 123.1, see footnote 633.
153
Ibid., p.48.
154
Ibid., p.41.
155
“Let us have no truck with it”, The Times of Indonesia (English language), Jakarta, 4 April 1956.
156
Shaw, P., Memo/Record of Conversation, Australian Department of External Affairs, Canberra, 4
April 1956 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1).
34
Inspiration165
157
“Movement Calls For Plebiscite in Portuguese Occupied Timor”, Persbiro Indonesia (PIA), Jakarta,
10 October 1956 – see also “Group is formed aimed at liberation of Eastern Timor”, 10 October 1956
covered by Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 424, 11 October 1956 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). The
Movement also cautioned that Portuguese Timor constituted a danger to Indonesia - as Portuguese
Timor “might be used as a war base by the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, of
which Portugal is a member” … and the Netherlands, also a NATO member, “would be able make use
of such a base … in the dispute … over West Irian”. This fear of the Netherlands exploiting NATO to
access Portuguese Timor was also later raised in the Jakarta communist daily, Bintang Timor, on 8 July
1961 and in Harian Rakyat of 23 September 1965.
158
The Movement’s address was given as “4 Djalan Kawi, Djakarta”.
159
“Indonesia has no territorial claim”, Persbiro Indonesia (PIA), Jakarta, 11 October 1956.
160
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable 424, 11 October 1956 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
161
The Indonesian Consulate opened on 20 May 1954. Leopoldo Lo de Wijk Lasut (born in Menado),
the first Indonesian Consul, served 23 April 1954 – 3 February 1956. He was replaced by Dominggus
Octavianus Lahallo (born in Ambon) who arrived in Dili on 31 December 1955.
162
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 259/56, 3 December 1956 (NAA: A1838, File 3006/4/3 Part 1).
163
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 153/57, 19 July 1956, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1).
164
A discrete study of the rebellion has been published as: Chamberlain, E.P., Rebellion, Defeat and
Exile: The 1959 Uprising in East Timor, Point Lonsdale, June 2009 -
http://www.scribd.com/doc/26857195/Rebellion-Defeat-and-Exile-The-1959-Uprising-in-East-Timor .
165
Much of the information for this “Inspiration” section is sourced from Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan
Rakyat Timor Timur 1959, Mutiara, Edition 775, Jakarta, 29 August – 4 September 1995; and
35
Beginnings
Sr. Eng. Carlos Abecassis (right) meeting the widow of Régulo Dom. Aleixo
Corte Real at Ainaro. Governor Serpa Rosa is on the left.178
family contacts in West Timor.180 Acknowledging their inspiration from West Timor,
the group in Portuguese Timor reportedly adopted a Tetum-language slogan:
“Hamutuk ho manu alin sira, ita sadere sa sira, sira sae ita mir sae, sira tun
ita mir tun.”
(“Uniting with our brothers elsewhere, we depend on them – they advance and
we will also, they fall and we will too.”)181.
In July 1956, José Manuel Duarte (1934-2003), who was to become one of the
movement’s Timorese leaders – and later in the 1990s, the principal spokesman of
the surviving rebel veterans, moved with his family from his government position
(assistant observer) in the meteorological office in Dili to a regional post in the
Viqueque Circunscrição.182
The Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, invited several of the
Timorese activists to the Consulate – including Luís da Costa Rego, João Pereira da
Silva, José Beny Joaquim, Fernando Woodhomal183 and, together “with ‘elementos
árabes’ , began a pro-Indonesia propaganda campaign among the natives” – assisted
by the Chancellor at the Consulate, Suwarno. 184
One of the leaders of the “Dili group” was reportedly Francisco Maria Xavier
Jesus de Araújo - a Timorese with considerable land holdings, who was a member of
the Conselho de Governo in Dili.185 His ambitions to become the Governor of the
Province had been frustrated, and he reportedly joined the independence activists in
their efforts for greater rights and freedoms for the indigenous Timorese.
The group expanded – reportedly proselytising from “door-to-door”, and by
late 1958/early 1959 had reportedly gained adherents across Portuguese Timor with
the following organization186:
186
As listed in Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit., p.14. Some Indonesian
reports have also claimed that the 1959 Rebellion was also supported in the Aileu, Same and Ermera
areas – ie south and south-west of Dili; see Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1992,
op.cit., p.44. Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian”, op.cit., Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta,
21 May 1999 reports that one of the rebel leaders, João Pereira da Silva, was killed in Aileu – but João
Pereira da Silva is noted as being among those arrested on 3 June 1959 (see footnote 292). João Pereira
da Silva was reportedly killed in the Aileu area by Fretilin – but in very early 1976. Barata, F. T.,
Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 59 relates the conspirators’ “infiltration of the interior of the
Province” with “links in Remexio, Aileu, Lete Foho, Ermera, Same and Ainaro.”
187
Luís da Costa Rego (also known as Luís Cina/China) was a civil servant (driver) in the Serviços de
Agricultura. His father was Chinese and his mother, Timorese. He and Frederico Almeida Santos da
Costa were related – both living in the same residential compound off Kuluhan Road in Audian/
Bemori (Dili).
188
Amaro de Araújo had been a civil servant in the Treasury Department from 1919 until dismissed for
corruption in August 1948 – see detail at Annex E. Amaro de Araújo, together with his brother Mateus,
is listed as a retired civil servant in Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola
do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola),
6 June 1960 – see Annex F. Aged 58 years, Amaro was the oldest of the rebel leaders and reportedly a
grandson of the 1912 rebel leader Dom Boaventura. Amaro died in exile in Angola in April 1969 – see
footnotes 467 and 521 for further background.
189
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59.
190
Permesta (Perjuangan Semesta – Total Struggle). The Movement’s Charter (Piagam) was signed in
Makassar (now Ujung Pandang), Sulawesi/Celebes on 2 March 1957 by the Region VII/Wirabuana
military commander, Lieutenant Colonel Herman Nicolas Ventje Sumual. The Permesta Movement
had been defeated by September 1961. See Harvey, B. S., Permesta: pemberontakan setengah hati,
1984 for reference to Permesta in the Lesser Sundas at p.83 and p.228 – and, more generally also:
Conboy, K., Kopassus – Inside Indonesia’s Special Forces, 2003, pp.37-59; Conboy, K. & Morrison,
J., Feet to the fire: CIA covert operations in Indonesia 1957-1958, 1999; and the Permesta Information
Office website at http://permesta.8m.net/. For the “companion” PRRI rebellion in Sumatra see
footnotes 196, 203, 225-226 and 263.
40
Indonesia and opposed the growing influence of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI -
Communist Party of Indonesia) on President Sukarno and his government. Soon after,
Permesta representatives arrived in Kupang (the capital of Indonesian “West Timor”)
and were welcomed by several of the local leaders and gained support from youth,
schoolteachers and some military personnel191 – where “support for Permesta was
certainly linked to a fear of Muslim domination” and resentment of rule by officials
from Java.192 On 3 April 1957, pro-Permesta military personnel and youths in
Kupang seized control of the security forces and detained public officials – and, while
“there was no blood spilt”, “for many months the situation was somewhat
uncertain.”193 On 13 April 1957, Lieutenant Colonel Sumual, the Permesta leader,
visited Kupang from Makassar (Sulawesi) and was warmly welcomed.194 The
Indonesian “army estimated that about 100 of its soldiers in Kupang supported the
movement”, and “there was support also from some members of the police and some
schoolteachers and their students.”195
However, in March 1958, Sukarno government forces moved against the
Permesta Movement in the Lesser Sundas196 and, soon after, Yonif (Batalyon
Infanteri) 701 was despatched to restore control in Flores and Indonesian Timor.197
The Indonesian armed forces - ie Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI)198, arriving in
Kupang met little resistance. Several hundred Permesta supporters led by a police
officer - Kotadia199, initially fled into the countryside but soon surrendered to the
191
“Many of the soldiers involved in Kupang were ex-KNIL Christians from Manado and Timor” –
KNIL ie Koninklijk Nederlandsch Indisch Leger (Royal Netherlands East Indies Army) - Farram, S.G.,
From ‘Timor Koepang’ to ‘Timor NTT’: A Political History of West Timor 1901-1967 (unpublished
PhD thesis), Darwin, 2004, p.298. Termed the “4 April Incident”, the Permesta supporters forced the
resignation of the Yonif 712 commander, Major Abdul Latief – see Angkatan Bersenjata Republik
Indonesia (ABRI) – Kodam IX/Udayana, 42 Tahun Pengabdian Kodam IX/Udayana (42 Years of
Service by Military Region IX/Udayana), Kodam IX/Udayana, Denpasar, 1999, p.76.
192
Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ …, op.cit., 2004, p.298.
193
Ibid, p.299.
194
ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit.,1999, p.77. At this time, Lieutenant Colonel Sumual was the “Head of
the Military Government” – and became Chairman of the Permesta Supreme Council and Chief-of-
Staff of the Permesta Revolutionary Army.
195
Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ …, op.cit., 2004, p.300. An official Indonesian military
history records that “between one and two companies of Yonif 712, together with its headquarters and
the Kompi Pemuda (Youth Company) supported the Permesta movement.” – ABRI, 42 Tahun …,
op.cit., 1999, p.77.
196
The Lesser Sundas (Sunda Ketjil) – or Nusa Tenggara, comprised the island groups from Lombok to
Timor inclusive, but not the Moluccas or Sulawesi to the north and east. In October 1958, the Lesser
Sundas was formally divided into the regions of Bali, Nusa Tenggara Barat (NTB) and Nusa Tenggara
Timor (NTT). The Permesta movement had established a nominal command in Nusa Tenggara (ie the
Lesser Sundas) on 5 May 1957 with a “Regional Military Command” under “Military Governor”
Lieutenant Colonel R. Minggu. For Permesta activity in Eastern Nusa Tenggara – initially on the island
of Flores, see “Permesta di Nusa Tenggara” in Permesta Membangun sourced from Leirissa, R., PRRI
Permesta - http://permesta.8m.net/relates/artikel_permesta_membangun.html .
197
C Company of Yonif 701 under Captain Soegiri was the principal sub-unit deployed to Kupang that
“detained and internally cleansed Yonif 712 personnel … that was achieved smoothly without recourse
to armed violence.” – see ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., 1999, p.77. Following its “cleansing”, Yonif 712
was used against the rebels ie to “neutralise sympathisers … and disarm civilians” and, in a
reorganisation to limit opportunities for further unrest, several of its companies were swapped with
elements from Bali and Flores – pp.77-78.
198
The TNI was retitled Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (Indonesian Armed Forces – ABRI)
on 21 June 1962 – and formally reverted to TNI in 2000.
199
Kotadia (-1991), while serving with the Netherlands Indies police at Ende (Flores), had befriended
Sukarno who had been exiled on the island in the period 1934-1938. In 1958, Kotadia reportedly
surrendered his group to avoid bloodshed – and pledged loyalty to the new Republic. Several of the
41
authorities. However, eleven dissident soldiers from the resident Yonif 712 fled in a
seized military truck. “Following a pursuit, nine surrendered with their weapons, but
the other two fled into Portuguese Timor together with twelve civilians.”200
In March 1958, the Jakarta press reported that 14 Indonesians – all military
personnel, had fled from Indonesian West Timor and sought asylum in Portuguese
Timor. One press report related that: “As a result of the ban against the Permesta
Movement, a few days ago, and as a consequence of the local purge carried out by the
26th Regiment, all supporters of the so-called Permesta Movement have fled into
Portuguese Timor”201, and Portuguese Timor has “granted asylum to one officer, two
sergeants and 11 soldiers from Nusa Tenggara.”202
Several contemporary reports – including statements by an Indonesian Consul
in Dili, and several later English-language publications have suggested however that
the “14” came from Sulawesi.203 An “official” Indonesian version of the “14” was
published in a high school text-book in 1992.204 This briefly related that in 1958, 14
pro-Permesta officers, including Lieutenant Sine (Army) and Lieutenant Stall (Air Force), were
reportedly imprisoned in Denpasar (Bali). The foregoing information was provided to the author by
Peter A. Rohi (Jakarta) – email 25 October 2006.
200
ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., 1999, p.77.
201
“Penjokong2 ‘Permesta’ kabur ke Timor Portugis” (“Permesta Supporters Run Away to Portuguese
Timor”), Merdeka, Jakarta, 3 April 1958, p.1.
202
“Pem. Portugis Tim beri asyl politik pada 14 orang ‘Permesta’ dari Nusatenggara” (“Portuguese
Timor Government Grants Political Asylum to 14 Permesta Fugitives from Nusa Tenggara”), Merdeka,
Jakarta, 16 April 1958, p.1. See also Casey, R.G. (Minister for External Affairs, Australian Department
of External Affairs), Record of Conversation with the Australian Consul – Dili (F.J.A. Whittaker),
Canberra, 29 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1; A10302, 1958/769) – the Consul reported
“two N.C.Os and 11 O.R. … had come by small boat … they said they had come from the ‘Eastern
Indonesian Movement’ ” … “presumably from the South Moluccan Republic” (see footnote 145 for
background) – ie totalling the figure of “13” first reported in Merdeka on 3 April 1958. Minister
Casey’s discussion with Consul Whittaker is also briefly mentioned in Millar, T.B. (ed), Australian
foreign minister: the diaries of R.G. Casey, Collins, London, 1972, p.295. The erroneous belief that the
14 Permesta fugitives were “RMS” and had come from the Moluccas is also included in the editor’s
preface to Araújo, Abílio de (Jolliffe, J. & Reece, B. eds), Timorese Elites, Canberra, 1975 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2) ie “As recently as 1959, several hundred Timorese were killed in an uprising
led by Moluccan separatists.” Similarly, the Governor of Portuguese Timor 1974-1975 – Mário Lemos
Pires, incorrectly wrote that the Indonesians had entered Portuguese Timor following the “failed revolt
in Ambon and the Southern Moluccas and sought asylum in Timor” - Pires, M.L., Descolonização de
Timor – Missão impossível ?, Círculo de Leitores – Lda, Lisboa, 1991, p.115.
203
Tengku Usman Hussin (Indonesian Consul - Dili, who replaced Nazwar Jacub on 3 June 1959)
initially declared to the Australian Consul that the “Permesta 14” had come from “Manado” (Northern
Sulawesi) as reported in Australian Consulate - Dili, Saving 25, 19 April 1960 and Memo 78/60, 18
June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1 and 3038/2/9). For English-language publications that
address the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion in general terms see Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46;
Jolliffe, J., Balibo, 2009, pp.62-63; Dunn, J., East Timor – a rough passage to independence, 2003,
pp.27-28; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999, p.260; Taylor J.G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War,
1991, pp.21-22. Taylor, J.G., East Timor: The Price of Freedom, 1999, p.21 states that the Permesta
group had come “from southeast Sulawesi” as does Nicol B., Timor - A Nation Reborn, Equinox
Publishing, Jakarta, 2002, p.33 ie “fled from Sulawesi”. Dunn, J., East Timor …, 2003, p.27 discusses
the “14” seeking political asylum and implies that “Among the remnants were Lubis, Kawilarang from
Jakarta, Simbolon and Hussin from Sumatra and Warouw, five colonels, and Major Sumual.”
However, this should not be misinterpreted - the detailed bio-datas of these senior PRRI/Permesta
officers do not indicate that any entered Portuguese Timor after the failure of their separatist
movements. For PRRI background, see footnotes 190, 196, 225-226 and 263.
204
Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah
Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School),
Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1992 – see translated extract
at Annex B.
42
“youths” from Kupang crossed into Portuguese Timor, made contact with Timorese
youth205 and “proselytised the spirit of independence as enjoyed in the Republic of
Indonesia.”
In 1960, an Australian Methodist Minister in Kupang, the Reverend G.S.
Dicker, related the following to the Australian Consul in Dili on “the escape of the
Army deserters to Portuguese Timor in 1958”: “He ((Dicker)) came across the party
of deserters at a river crossing in the Soe area ((about 110 kilometres east of Kupang,
on the main road to Dili)). They had just crossed the river when their pursuers arrived
on the scene. Dicker expected some sort of fight. However, the pursuing force halted
in full view of the deserters and made no attempt to capture them or molest them in
any way. Dicker’s interpretation of this is that both the parties were heavily under the
influence of the Permesta which, he says, was very strong in Kupang at the time.”206
From Indonesian Timor, the fleeing Permesta 14 crossed into the Portuguese
Timor enclave of Oecusse – but their route is unclear. The 14 may have entered the
Oecussi enclave from the west – ie taking a route from Kupang along the northern
coast through Lelogama district. On their arrival in Oecussi, the group reportedly
robbed a Chinese trader, taking his radio – a “very well-known incident that created
negative attitudes to the escapees.”207 They met with the Acting Administrator of
Oecusse, Fernando Plínio dos Santos Tinoco208 on 23 March 1958 and sought
“assistance (political asylum)”.209 The Permesta 14 – with their ages and declared
“PRRI” military ranks (see Annex C) were:
Lambertus Ladon210, 28 years, Lieutenant; Gerson Pello, 26, Lieutenant; Jobert
Moniaga, 25, First Sergeant; Eddy Welong, 22, First Sergeant; Albert Ndoen, 36,
Second Sergeant; Jeheskial Folla, 29, Second Sergeant; Ambrocius Dimoe Logo,
27, Corporal; Urias Daniel, 23, Corporal; Dominggus Adoe, 29, soldier; Lourenz
Tangsi, 29, soldier; Paulus Adoe, 29, soldier; Anderias Therik, 21, soldier;
Jonathan Nenotek, 21 soldier; and Jermias Pello, 18, civilian.211
All were born in Nusa Tenggara Timor (NTT) – most in Kupang, except for:
Lambertus Ladow - Surabaya (East Java); Jobert Moniaga - Menado (Sulawesi);
205
Ibid, “such as José Peirera Da Costa, Abel Bello [sic] as well as with Ricardo, Germano Peirera Da
Costa and others.” p.43.
206
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60: Visit to Kupang (by Consul W.A. Luscombe), 23
November 1960, p.6 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/6 Part 1).
207
Rohi, P.A. (Jakarta), email to author, 27 October 2006.
208
Secretary Fernando Plínio dos Santos Tinoco (b. 31 August 1914) – with long service in Oecusse
and a fluent Bahasa speaker, was promoted to Administrator of the Oecusse Circunscrição on 11
October 1958.
209
A translation of their formal written request for political asylum ie “Declaration” signed in Dili on
27 March 1958 is at Annex C. This was forwarded to Lisbon under cover of a letter from Governor
Serpa Rosa - No 11, Dili, 1 July 1958 (AHU, Lisbon: MU/GM/GNP/084, Part 15).
210
A typing/translation error – should be “Lambertus Ladow”.
211
In interviews in late July 1995, three of the “Permesta 14” related that they had all been resident in
Kupang – and that their group comprised: “Gerson Tom Pello, Jezkial Fola, Jermias Toan Pello, Paul
Adu, Albert Ndoen, Eddy Welong, Am Dimulogo, Dominggus Adu, Yuber [sic] Moniaga, Lambert
Kling Ladaw, Orias Daniel, Andrias Therik, Laurens, and Jonathan Neno Ta Ek”. See Rohi, P.A., “Apa
Kata Pelaku Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959 – Integrasi itu Tekad Historis dan Etnis”,
Mutiara, Edition 776, Jakarta, 5-11 September 1995, pp. 14-15 – interviews of Gerson Pello, Jeremias
Pello, Jezkial Fola and José Manuel Duarte. The article related that the Pello brothers and Am
Dimologo were from Camplong – about 45 km east of Kupang. “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga was
Manadonese ie from Northern Sulawesi. See also Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian” (“The
Loneliness of an East Timorese Warrior”), Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta, 21 May 1999 – when
interviewed in the Kupang area in mid-May 1999, “Jeremias” Pello did not admit to service in either
the Indonesian military or the Permesta movement before fleeing with the group to Portuguese Timor.
43
he was suffering from malaria.216 Consul Jacub also complained of a sore shoulder –
however while the “physiotherapist at the hospital in Darwin could find nothing
wrong”, Yacub persisted in his assertion and asked for permission to travel to Sydney
for specialist examination.” The escape of the 14 Indonesians to Portuguese Timor –
and Consul Nazwar Jacub’s sudden visit to Darwin and Sydney, apparently
precipitated concerns in the Australian Department of External Affairs on “Political
Asylum for Indonesians”:217
“If the revolt in Sumatra is suppressed, it is just conceivable that we will be
confronted with isolated requests for political asylum by Indonesians
belonging to the dissident movement. Another contingency, although the
likelihood of it is very slight, is that we may receive requests for political
asylum from Indonesian officials serving in or visiting in Australia.”
Within a few days of their arrival in Dili, the 14 Indonesians were soon settled
in Baucau - the Province’s second-largest town about 135 kilometres by road east of
Dili. The Government provided the Indonesian “asilados políticos” (Portuguese -
political exiles) with a “daily subsidy of seven patacas per day (43$.75 escudos).” “At
the time, this was a generous amount considering the very modest lifestyle of the
Timorese – and a worker with the construction service did not receive a weekly wage
of much more than this.”218 “They lived without great problems, in a climate of
idleness, the majority of them in the company of local girls.”219 However, the
Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, is also reported to have provided funds
to the Indonesian exiles in Baucau as “subsistence” - as they were “neither paid
enough by the Portuguese nor allowed to earn enough to live on.”220
A few months after the arrival of the ex-Permesta group, the Australian
Consul in Dili met with three of the “Indonesian political refugees” when visiting
Baucau in early July 1958 and reported221 that the group comprised: “two majors, one
first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, two sergeants, and seven other ranks” (ie a total
216
Department of External Affairs – Canberra, 1529/11, 23 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11). The
Australian Consul - F.J.A. Whittaker, was absent on recreation leave in Australia, and Consul Nazwar
Jacub reportedly “stood over” the locally-engaged clerk/interpreter at the Australian Consulate (C.J.
Sequeira) on 29 March demanding an authorization to travel to Darwin – Whittaker, F.J.A., Letter to
Secretary, Melbourne, 14 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11).
217
Department of External Affairs – Canberra, Memo, 16 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11)
218
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.53. At pp. 90-92, Barata provides
comparative salaries in Timor in 1959, in escudos, together with prices for rice, sugar, potatoes and
tobacco. The weekly wage for a civil construction worker is cited as 48 escudos. The pataca was
replaced in early 1959 by the escudo – at a rate of one pataca = 5.6 escudos. In 1958, one pataca was
the equivalent of 21.5 Australian pence. In 1958, at USD 76, Timor had the lowest per capita GDP of
Portugal’s colonies eg: Macau at USD 232; Mozambique: USD 121; Cabo Verde: USD 97. In 1959,
Portugal’s per capita GDP was USD 246 – such economic statistics of the period are related in Barata,
F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 87-93.
219
Ibid, p.53.
220
As advised to the Australian Consul by the “replacement” Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman
Hussin: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9). The
Australian Consul also reported that the Portuguese police alleged “much larger sums were drawn from
the bank than the Consulate would normally need” and that “the rebels, after arrest, had admitted
receiving money from the Consul.” Governor Barata also indicated that the Portuguese stipend was not
always paid on time and the asilados were in debt to local storekeepers in Baucau - Barata, F. T.,
Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.79. Consul Nazwar Jacub’s alleged disbursement of funds is
also related in an affidavit submitted to the UN Secretary General by José Martins (b. 29 September
1941-1996, see footnotes 526 and 960), President of the KOTA political party: Implicação da
Republica da Indonesia na Vida de Timor Português [sic], stamped Provisório and Secreto, 23 March
1976 – paragraphs 4-15 cover the 1959 Rebellion (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/13/1 Part 2).
45
of 13); they were all living in a recently-constructed guest house in Baucau owned by
“Mr Ricardo”222; were “all staying in Baucau on the bounty of the Portuguese
Government”; and that their spokesman, the First Lieutenant, “mentioned that they
were extremely grateful to the Portuguese Government for having granted them
asylum, and for the kind way they were being looked after.” The First Lieutenant also
related to the Australian Consul that “at the time they made their break from Kupang,
a much larger group set off for Portuguese Timor by another route but were overtaken
and captured.”223
According to the Australian Consul, “this First Lieutenant went on to say that
if only they could contact Menado [sic] ((ie, the Permesta headquarters in northern
Sulawesi)), Menado would most certainly find a means of transporting them to that
Port by ship.” The Consul noted his impression that all members of the ex-Permesta
group in Baucau “were of the Christian faith”, and the three personnel that he had met
impressed him “by their intelligence and courteous bearing.”
221
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 109/58, 4 July 1958 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). On ranks, see
footnote 214. According to Rohi P.A., the other ranks cited above were “semacam pengakuan di
antara mereka sendiri” (“a type of rank self-granted among their group”) – email to author, 27 October
2006. Note that a listing of all deportees - prepared in Angola by the exiled rebels in June 1960, shows
Gerson Pello as an alferes (second lieutenant), Albertus Nundun (sic – ie Ndoen/Ndun) as a sarjento
da Aviassão (Air Force sergeant), Jeremias Pello as a soldado (soldier) and Lambertus Ladow as a
tenente (lieutenant) – and refers to all 14 Indonesians as “homens Armados” (military men) - Costa,
F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the
Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – see Annex F.
222
José dos Santos Ricardo – who reportedly bought the land from Venâncio Boavida and built a guest
house and small soap and cheese factories (author’s discussions with Marcelino Guterres, Baucau, 28
June 2007). The guest house/hotel, “Estalagem de Santiago”, was acquired by the Government in the
mid-late 1960s – correspondence to the author, Sherlock, K., Darwin, 5 October 2007. The “guest
house” is now the Pousada de Baucau – ie renamed from the “Hotel Flamboyant” during the
Indonesian period. The photographs at the Estalagem were provided by the family of José dos Santos
Ricardo to the author in 2007.
223
This may have been a reference to the far larger group led by Kotadia – see footnote 199.
46
224
Australian Consulate - Dili, Memo 144/60, 20 October 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1) – the
Indonesian Consul also related that the “full details of the case were forwarded to the Portuguese with a
request to return the men as fugitive criminals. However no reply was ever received from the
Portuguese; presumably they preferred the political refugee story of the deserters themselves.” Earlier,
the Portuguese Army Chief-of-Staff in Dili, Captain Manuel Herculano Chorão de Carvalho, had told
the Australian Consul that the Indonesians were part of a group of “385 rebels” from “Indonesian
Timor” who had been granted asylum in mid-1958 and relocated to three areas in Portuguese Timor in
1959 – Australian Consulate – Dili, Sav 2, 11 December 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
225
Consensus of Opinion on Main Issues, Meeting of Australian Heads of Mission in South East Asia
-1958, Singapore, March 1958, p.3 (NAA: A1838, TS383/1/2/2). For discussion on continuing “to
sustain the dissidents by clandestine means” by the United Kingdom and the US, see United Kingdom
High Commission – Canberra, Memorandum to Prime Minister R.G. Menzies, 12 March 1958 (NAA:
A6705, 34).
47
the 14 Indonesians who had fled from Kupang.226 However, this claim has yet to be
substantiated by credible evidence.
Immediately after the 14 Indonesians were settled by the Portuguese
administration in Baucau (as noted, the Province’s second-largest town, east of Dili),
Marcelino (from Venilale, 35 kilometres by road south of Baucau - see footnote 138)
reportedly visited the group. Gerson Pello - a leader of the “Indonesian 14”, and
Marcelino - a local bangsawan (Bahasa Indonesia - “noble”), became close friends
and Gerson regularly visited Marcelino’s home where – according to an Indonesian
journalist, they “discussed efforts to struggle to free Timor from Portuguese
colonialism as had been suggested by Sukarno. As an initial step, they set up a soccer
((ie football)) coaching programme under which youth - whose nationalist spirit had
been awakened, were recruited. Marcelino provided a truck for the training and for
travel to matches outside the local area. These soccer matches however were only a
cover. The real objective was to establish an underground movement to drive out the
Portuguese from East Timor. It was agreed to form two groups. The first group would
engage in physical acts using armed force. The smaller second group, as the
‘konseptor’, would prepare a government for when independence was achieved by the
first group. Contact between the two groups was conducted secretly – so that if the
first group failed and were captured, they could not reveal the role of the second
group, enabling the second group to continue the struggle.”227
In the author’s 2007 interviews with Marcelino (Marcelino António Fausto
Guterres), Marcelino related meeting Gerson Pello at a Baucau hospital in late 1959
while seeking medical assistance for his (Marcelino’s) young blind daughter and
developing a friendship with Gerson – and both played football together. However,
Marcelino denied any involvement with the 1959 Rebellion or any “underground
226
The PRRI (Pemerintah Revolusionir Republik Indonesia) was declared at Bukittinggi (Sumatra) on
15 February 1958. While there were also regional autonomy issues, the secessionist PRRI led by
dissident Army officers was opposed to the growing influence of communists in the Sukarno
Government in Jakarta. The Permesta movement aligned itself with PRRI on 17 February 1958 – and
the two rebellions subsequently proposed amalgamation into a united front - ie the Federal Republic of
Indonesia. United States covert support to the PRRI/Permesta (Operation HAIK: CIA with US Navy
and Air Force support) is well documented – see Kennedy, D.B., Operation HAIK …, 1996. For
alleged Australian involvement see Slater, S. and Waterford, J., “Finger in the Pie”, The Canberra
Times, Canberra, 17 February 1991, p.1 and pp.17-18. This press item cites Australian Department of
External Affairs cables and contends that the Australian External Affairs Minister - Richard Casey,
directed the Secretary of the Department of External Affairs - Arthur Tange, to “get in touch” with
Portuguese authorities ie with a view to using Portuguese Timor as a “communications base” and
monitoring events in “Ambon and the Moluccas” – p.17. The foregoing is also cited extensively in an
Indonesian publication: Soebadio, H., Keterlibatan Australi dalam Pemberontakan …, 2002, pp.226
-251 and in a reviewing article by Piliang, I.J., Australia Terlibat dalam Pemberontakan PRRI/
Permesta, Jakarta, 14 August 2002. Moreover, a report by the Australian Senate – citing the press
article “Finger in the Pie” by Slater and Waterford (above), asserts: “The officers had come to
Portuguese Timor as a result of a request by the Menzies Government to Portugal in March 1958 for
co-operation in assisting a rebel movement (Permesta) in Sulawesi and Maluku.”: Australian Senate
Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee, Final Report on the Inquiry into East Timor, Canberra,
7 December 2000, p,116, paragraph 6.16, footnote 21. However, as yet, there appears to be no direct or
credible evidence that Australia specifically requested the Portuguese authorities to accept the 14
“Permesta asylum seekers” – see also the concluding Summary and Discussion section of this
monograph.
227
Rohi, P.A., email to author, 19 January 2007. Peter Rohi - then a Surabaya-based journalist, and
Gerson Pello reportedly visited Marcelino in Venilale in 1996. Rohi’s interview with Marcelino is
related briefly in Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, Kongres, Jakarta, 28 April 2005 &
marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005. For Marcelino’s alleged attendance at the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference in
Bandung, see footnotes 136-141. The veracity of Rohi’s account of Marcelino’s involvement is further
considered in the concluding “Discussion” section of this monograph.
48
movement” – although he was acquainted with Abel da Costa Belo of Baucau and
several other Timorese who were actively involved. Rather, according to Marcelino,
he remained committed to the concept and ideals of the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference
and its “Movement” – and continued to await further contact from the Indonesian
Consul.228
Some months later, on 21 December 1958, following an internal argument
among the Indonesian group, five were relocated by the Portuguese authorities from
Baucau Town further south to the Viqueque Circunscrição 229 ie about 205 kilometres
by road east-southeast of Dili. According to Gerson Pello: “because I quarrelled with
Lambert Kling Ladaw [sic], the 14 of us from Kupang were divided into two groups.
Five were sent to Uatolari and exiled there.”230 This “Uatolari Group” comprised:
Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Albert Ndoen, Jezkial Fola and Jobert Moniaga. In the
1950s, the Uatolari (Leça) Posto administrative centre was located in Afaloicai
village, about 47 kilometres by road from Viqueque Town ie in the hills - (altitude
257 metres) about three kilometres to the north of the south coast road and about three
km east of the Bebui River – see the map of the Viqueque Circunscrição at Annex
A.231
However, despite being termed the “Uatolari” group, the five Indonesians
resided in the centre of Viqueque Town – in houses on the eastern side of the Town’s
main square ie opposite the Posto headquarters and residence of the Portuguese
Administrator (see map at page 64). Soon after their arrival, all five Indonesians
began to openly criticize the excesses of Portuguese rule and proselytize the success
and advances of Indonesian independence – with Gerson Pello the most active. The
Indonesians also attracted the attention and admiration of Timorese youth by teaching
pencak silat – an Indonesian form of martial arts, and by their skilled participation in
local football matches including in Luca, Ossú, Uatolari and Uato-Carabau.232
In May 1959, the Army Chief-of-Staff in Dili reported that Indonesian boats
from the Celebes (Sulawesi) and the nearby island of Kisar, crewed by “Celebes
rebels” (ie Permesta – see footnote 190) were continuing to visit the Lautém north
coast and “intimidate the local administrative authority.”238 Accordingly, in May, a
military detachment - commanded by Portuguese Army Sergeant Carneiro Cirineu,
was stationed at Lospalos as a security measure. In late May, an Indonesian vessel
(“prau” or “corcóra”) landed on the Lautém coast and its crew came ashore. Several
rifles were seized from the Indonesians – and the weapons were flown from Baucau to
Dili.239 The Acting Governor despatched the Chief of Administrative Services,
Intendente Dr Lisboa Santos, to the area to investigate matters – including to the
233
Captain César Maria de Serpa Rosa served as Governor from 31 December 1950 to July 1958 – he
had previously served as the Governor of Zambesia Province, Mozambique. A replacement Governor,
Major (Engineer - Materiel Services) Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata (1918-2003), arrived in Dili
on 22 June 1959 and assumed his appointment – ie a few days after the end of the military action
against the rebels in the Viqueque Circunscrição. He should not be confused with Brigadier Francisco
António Pires Barata - the commander of military forces in Portuguese Timor from 1961, who became
Acting Governor in April 1963 on the departure of Governor (then) Lieutenant Colonel F.J.F.T. Barata.
234
Lieutenant Colonel (Infantry) Manuel Albuquerque Gonçalves de Aguiar – arrived in Portuguese
Timor on 7 May 1957 and relinquished his position as Acting Governor to F.J.F.T Barata in late June
1959 and his appointment as Military Commander in October 1959 to Lieutenant Colonel (Cavalry)
Serpa Soares.
235
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 42, p.50 – comment by Governor F.T.
Barata.
236
Australian Department of External Affairs, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor” (Brief by J.A.
Benson), Canberra, May 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3). “Fillipe Ribeiro” [sic], the
Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição, was described by a visiting United States official as
“reportedly inept, corrupt and slightly unbalanced.” - US Embassy - Djakarta, Despatch 138, 19 August
1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). For the career of Administrator 2nd Class José Maria Ribeiro
Filipe (b. 11 June 1910) see BOdT, No.51, 26 December 1959, p.844. Filipe was transfered from
Baucau to Ermera on 12 March 1960.
237
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.
238
Carvalho, M.H.C. de, Captain, “Incidents with Indonesian Rebel Boats”, Report 2/59, Dili, 14 May
1959. For earlier landings of Moluccan RMS rebels in the Lautém area in 1955, see footnote 145.
239
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 123/59, 7 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The
Consul reported that there were no casualties in the clash - and also reported seeing eight of the seized
rifles being off-loaded from the Portuguese aircraft in Dili on 30 May 1959.
50
Laivai area (about 60 km east of Baucau town), but his report was inconclusive.240
Subsequently, the Australian Consul reported that the confiscated rifles “were of the
old Dutch NEI pattern” and confirmed that “the crew members were returned to their
prau, and ordered put to sea. The authorities now believe, as one of the crew members
said, that those who possess rifles carry them on their trading ventures as there is very
little security in their areas and a rifle is a necessary possession. However, the
authorities also believe that these Indonesians intended contacting local Chinese in the
Lautém district with a view to bartering copra for manufactured goods.”241
there. People had to work for paltry wages. The administration had cut the
wages offered to the local labourers by the Australian-owned Timor Oil
Company to less than one third of what the company had offered.”248 Further,
and more specifically – “the rebellion … was triggered by dissatisfaction of
local villagers against the corruption by the Portuguese administrador (district
head). One of his corrupt practices was to reduce the wages provided by Timor
Oil for villagers involved in the company’s oil production activities in
Aliambata. The corrupt district head reduced the A$300 and A$90 wages
provided by the company to A$21, and pocketed the lion [sic] share. Yet the
villagers still had to work for Timor Oil. Those who refused, were locked up.
Eventually, the people could not stand this exploitative behaviour of their
colonial master, and the 1959 Viqueque rebellion started.”249
Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance – A Testimony, South
End Press, Boston, 1997, pp.33-34. See also Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959”, op.cit., 2009, p.1.
For the Australian military’s revulsion at such punishment during World War II see Ayris, C., All The
Bull’s Men, PK Print Pty Ltd, Hamilton Hill, 2006, p.84; and Callinan, B.J., Independent Company …,
1953, op.cit., pp.127-128.
248
Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit of East Timor – the life of Martinho da Costa Lopes, Pluto Press,
Annandale, 2000, p.63.
249
Aditjondro, G.J., Is oil thicker than blood ?, 1999, footnote 10 - cites interviews to support the
above. His references indicate that his indirect source on this misappropriation of wages however is
Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento, op.cit, p.3 – included in
Annex D, that details this corrupt activity by the “Administrador da Circunscrição”. Accordingly, the
“A$” figure cited by Aditjondro should be $ as “escudos” – ie at a rate of escudos per month (compare
with figures at footnote 218). Timor Oil Limited had held concessions on the south coast since 1908
(see, Timor Development Syndicate, A Few Impressions of Portuguese Timor, Sydney, 1912 - NAA:
A1336, 2526; and references in Chamberlain E.P., The Struggle …, 2004/2008, op.cit.). Post-WWII,
the company was re-established in early 1957, and a company work camp was established in Uatolari
near the Posto offices. Drilling recommenced at Aliambata in mid-October 1957 but was moved
westward to Beaco several months later. In September 1960, Timor Oil’s operations ceased in
Viqueque, and drilling operations recommenced at a site in Suai. When drilling commenced at
Aliambata in 1957, the Administrator of Viqueque was Francisco de Salles d’Andrade e Castro Botelho
Torrezão (since at least 1955 until mid-July 1958) – and replaced by Artur Marques Ramos (b. 9
October 1928) on 10 October 1958 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/12/2 Part 2; 756/2/4/1).
250
Hicks, D., “Unachieved Syncretism: the local level political system in Portuguese Timor”,
Anthropos Institut, 78, Edition St-Augustin, Switzerland, 1983, p.24, footnote 8 – focusing specifically
on Viqueque.
251
“Todos estes maus tratos e abusos praticados pelos mandantes de Timor, à sombre da sua
autoridade, levaram-nos à cabeça a ideia de planear a revolta para reclamar os nossos direitos de
cidadãos livres.” - Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, 31 August
1960, op.cit,, p.7. Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46 and 325-326 quotes from Duarte’s
Memorandum that “described whippings, torture, arbitrary injustices and racial discrimination” – see
also Jolliffe, J., Balibo, 2009, p.62. Duarte’s Memorandum was forwarded by the PIDE Delegation in
Angola to Lisbon – then sent by the Director of the PIDE to the President of the Council of Ministers
(PIDE, No. 7.434-S.R., Lisbon, 2 November 1960). Duarte’s statement is also related in Jolliffe, J.,
“Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17.
52
Portuguese use of forced labour, whipping and other forms of corporal punishment,
and wage discrimination against Timorese.”252 Duarte also wrote of Timorese being
“beaten with whips (called chouriços - or ‘sausages’, in Timorese slang)” and noted
that the “many abuses in Timor are the reason for the planning of a revolt to ask for
our rights as free citizens.”253 He also related a clash in 1958 between him and the
then recently-arrived Secretary/Acting Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição,
Artur Marques Ramos.254
Indignant at Portuguese oppression and injustices, it appears that some of the
Indonesian exiles - with the encouragement and some funds from the Indonesian
Consul, collaborated with local dissident Timorese and planned an uprising in the
Viqueque Circunscrição (and possibly the Baucau Circunscrição to the north) in
support of the main effort to be undertaken in Dili. Jeremias Pello - the youngest of
the 14 Indonesians, related that “after we mixed with the local people, we joined in
their struggle against the Portuguese … they all felt oppressed and therefore had to
fight to free themselves from their colonial shackles.”255
At about this time, the Australian Consul in Dili summarised the seemingly
benign security situation in Portuguese Timor, noting:
“There are no political factors in Portuguese Timor and therefore no political
leaders … no Secondary Industry – therefore there are no labour troubles.”256
252
Australian Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee, Final Report on the Inquiry into
East Timor, p.116, paragraph 6.16. See also Australian Consulate – Dili, SAV.3, 15 August 1955
(NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1, Part 1) – as noted earlier (at footnote 142) in mid-1955, the Australian Consul
- citing a senior Portuguese administrator, had reported: “recent calls on conscripted labour …, life
under the Administrator of Manatuto ((to the northwest of Viqueque)) was worse than under the
Japanese.” For later descriptions, see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60 “Visit to Kupang”, 23
November 1960 (NAA: A4359, 201/2/8/12); Memo 73/61 “Conditions in Portuguese Timor”, 10 May
1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 1 & 3038/2/1 Part 3) – including on race and class relations; and
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 172, 20 September 1963 – later disseminated as Dunn, J.S., “The
Timorese under Portuguese Administration” – five pages, Digest of Despatches, Serial No. 19,
Department of External Affairs, Canberra, 13 December 1963 (NAA: A1838, 756/2 Part 1). José
Alexandré (Xanana) Gusmão also recounted whippings and other abuses by functionaries of the
Portuguese administration – although use of the whip and cane had, in theory, been banned by the
Government in 1956: Gusmão, X. (Niner, S. ed), To Resist is to Win !, 2000, p.6. and Chega !, CAVR
Final Report, Part 3, para 27. Such practices contrasted with the concept of a benign “civilizational
plurality” and harmonious racial interaction espoused in the concept of Lusotropicalismo (Gilberto
Freyre, 1900-1987 and António de Almeida, 1900-1984) – see Sousa, I.C. de, “The Portuguese
Colonization and the Problem of East Timorese Nationalism”, pp.183-194 in Lusotopie 2001, Paris,
2001 and also related articles analysing this concept and its practice in Lusotropicalisme - Lusotopie
1997, Paris, 1997.
253
Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, 31 August 1960, op.cit.,
p. 5 and Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006. See also footnote 413, for Francisco Xavier do
Amaral’s similar criticisms of corporal punishment by Portuguese using the “chicote” (a two-tailed
hand whip) and also Pinto, C. and Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle, op.cit., 1997, p.33.
254
Ibid (Duarte, J.M.), p.9 – Acting Administrator Ramos tore up Duarte’s submission – “to show who
was the boss”. Artur Marques Ramos (b. 9 October 1928) was appointed a trainee (estagiario) Chefe
de Posto in May 1955 vide BOdT, No.19, 7 May 1955, p.415, and his first appointment was as the
Chefe de Posto at Laga in July 1955 vide BOdT, No.31, 30 July 1955, p.672, and transferred to
Laclubar in May 1956. A “diplomado” of the “Overseas Administration Course”, he does not appear
to have served as an aspirante or sat the Chefe de Posto examinations. Secretary Artur Marques Ramos
– who had been transferred to Viqueque on promotion from Ermera, was appointed Acting
Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição on 10 October 1958 (BOdT, No.43, 25 October 1958,
p.653).
255
Sarong, F., “Pejuang …”, 1999, op.cit., p.2.
256
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 45/59: “Biographical Notes on Personalities in Portuguese
Timor”, 2 March 1959 (The National Archives – Kew: FO 371 143954).
53
The principal Timorese rebels were Luís da Costa Rego (Luís Cina/China) in
Dili and Amaro de Araújo in Viqueque – assisted by José Ramos de Sousa Gama
(Zeca), Domingos da Conceição Pereira, João Pereira da Silva (Chiquito), José
Manuel Duarte, David Verdial (known as “Garuda”), and Germano das Dores Alves
da Silva – while the leaders of the Indonesian exiles involved in the Rebellion were
Gerson Pello and, possibly, Lambertus Ladow.
According to the analysis of the Australian diplomatic service: “apparently,
the revolt was fomented by the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Nazwar Jacub257, who
organised and presided at secret meetings in Dili of certain discontented elements of
the population. The half-castes and the assimilated Timorese who were employed in
the lower grades of the Civil Service were undoubtedly dissatisfied by pitifully
inadequate wages … It seems certain that the Consul was not acting under
instructions from Jakarta: this much was admitted by the Portuguese Government.”258
Soon after the uprising, the Australian Consul had reported to Canberra that “the ADC
to the Governor has informed me that they do not intend to make any issue with
Djakarta concerning the activities of the Indonesian ‘Political Refugees’ and their
former Consul Nazwar Jacub. They will merely ask Djakarta to take the Indonesians
now held in custody as being unwanted here.”259 Two weeks later, the recently-
arrived Governor, Major Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata, wrote to the Ministry of
the Interior in Lisbon reporting that: “The former Indonesian Consul (Nazwar Jacub)
and Consulate personnel had taken a preponderant and active part in the preparations;
and the Indonesian political refugees (at least the senior ones) had links with
Indonesian authorities (Government rebels ?) … and expected armed support via the
north coast … ((and)) were, without doubt, the heads of the insurgency, and at least
for some of the time acted in accordance with Consul Jacub.” Importantly, however,
Governor Barata noted: “Nothing was found that allowed us to confirm or deny that
the Indonesian Government had instigated or was aware of the event.”260 Governor
Barata also noted that the majority of the natives that supported the rebels were naïve
and had been influenced by reports of a “secret revelation” by “Lucia, the clairvoyant
of Fátima” that “1960 would be the era of liberation for Timor.”261
257
Nazwar Jacub/Yacub Sutan Indra (born Padang Panjang, West Sumatra – 2 June 1925) served as the
Indonesian Consul in Dili from 3 November 1956 until recalled on 4 June 1959 (see footnotes 215,
263, 275 and 440) – having reportedly completed his designated tour of duty. His replacement -
Tengku Usman Hussin, claimed that Nazwar Jacub had been “mentally deranged” and that Jacub was
later reprimanded by the Indonesian authorities for his involvement with the uprising : see Australian
Consulate – Dili, Saving 25, 19 April 1960 and Sav 37, 10 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
258
Australian Department of External Affairs, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor” (Brief by J.A.
Benson), Canberra, May 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
259
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). The
Governor of Portuguese Timor, Major Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata (footnote 233) took up his
post on 22 June 1959 – about two weeks after the uprising in Viqueque. Several years later - in October
1969, as a Colonel, Barata was elected to the National Assembly in Lisbon as the representative of
Portuguese Timor.
260
Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter No.15 to the Minister of the Interior, Dili, 27 July 1959,
paragraph 2. However, Portuguese authorities reportedly informed United States officials that the
Rebellion “had been caused by Indonesians given asylum from the revolts in Sumatra and Celebes”:
Australian Embassy - Washington, Cable, 25 July 1959 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). Connect with later
personal views by Barata on official Indonesian involvement described at footnotes 1019-1022.
261
Ibid, Barata, F.J.F.T., Letter No. 15, paragraph 3. This is a reference to the prophecies of Lucia dos
Santos - one of the children who reportedly spoke with an apparition of the Virgin Mary at Fátima,
54
Portugal, in 1917.
262
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
263
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The
PRRI was proclaimed at “Bukit Tinggi”, Sumatra – see preceding footnote 226; and for data on
Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub Indra - see footnotes 215, 216, 257, 263, 268, 274, 275, 278, 440 and
518.
264
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.73.
265
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.4 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). In
mid-1960, Tengku Usman Hussin commented that “Djakarta … used Sumatrans for posts such as Dili,
while all the popular ones went to Javanese officers … Sumatrans had to either go where they were
posted or resign.” : Australian Consulate – Dili, Sav 38, 10 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
The first “Javanese” Consul to serve in Dili, Raden Emas Jonopranoto, replaced Tengku Usman Hussin
in August 1961.
266
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 114/60, 25 August 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
Connect also with Governor Barata’s later views on official Indonesian involvement at footnotes 1019-
1022.
55
of the previous Consul General, Mr. JACUB in fomenting and exploiting [sic] the
insurrection of 1959.”267
Jacub’s replacement as the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Tengku Usman Hussin,
later told the Australian Consul that Jacub “simply hated the Portuguese ((he blamed
them for the death of his wife, Asma Yunus – died 7 January 1957, buried at
Taibessi)) and may have encouraged the Indonesians privately. He was certain to help
them financially, but this could be explained by the fact that the Portuguese neither
gave them enough, nor allowed them to earn enough money to live on.”268 The
Tengku also related that “Jacub apparently had the Indonesians using the ‘Merdeka’
((‘Freedom’)) cry”, and “he ((the Tengku)) said that Jacob had behaved oddly in a
number of ways before his departure and implied he had become perhaps a little
unbalanced at the shock of his wife’s death.” The Australian Consul also reported:
“As for the suggestion that the Indonesian Government was behind the affair, the
Tengku dismissed this as a convenient invention by the Portuguese to hide the fact
that there is genuine discontent in the country.” Much later, in a 1999 interview – as
related earlier, Jeremias Pello, one of the “Indonesian 14” exiled to Lisbon and
Angola, indicated that the Indonesian role in the uprising in the countryside was not
pre-eminent eg “Under the coordination of a number of local identities such as João
Pereira da Silva (killed in Aileu), Luís da Costa Rego, David Verdial, Salem Sagran,
and Domingos da Conceição Pereira – we ((ie the Indonesians)) were given tasks.”269
The Plan
Indonesian Consul and his “emissaries”, two of the Indonesian group, “Lieutenant”
Lambertus Ladow and “Lieutenant” Gerson Pello reportedly travelled “frequently and
clandestinely” throughout the Circunscrições of Baucau and Viqueque – with
Lambertus visiting villages in Baucau, Laga (35 kilometres by road east of Baucau),
and Ossú (21 kilometres by road north of Viqueque town); and Gerson visiting
villages in the Postos of Uatolari and Uato-Carabau (northeast of Viqueque town).271
In Dili, two of the conspirators, accompanied by a “corporal” (probably Francisco
Orlando de Fátima Soares), reportedly made a reconnaissance of the Portuguese
military headquarters at Taibessi – noting the locations of military stores, guard posts,
sentries, and the duty officer.272 By early March 1959, the plan for the uprising had
reportedly been completed.273
The Timorese conspirators originally planned the uprising for 28 May 1959 –
when the two major recreational clubs in Dili, the Sporting Club de Timor and
Sporting Club e Benfica, would be holding functions to celebrate the anniversary of
their founding. However, in the first days of May 1959, Indonesian Consul Nazwar
Jacub reportedly convened a planning meeting at Areia Branca - a beach area on
Dili’s eastern outskirts, attended by “tens” of the conspirators274, and convinced them
to delay the date of the revolt until the night of 31 December when the uprising could
exploit Portuguese unpreparedness during the New Year celebrations.275 He noted that
any noise of the revolt would then be covered by the sound of “panchoes” - ie
fireworks and rockets. However, the meeting was reportedly tense – several of the
Timorese disagreed with the deferment of the revolt and left the meeting. Before
closing the meeting, the Consul reportedly stated: “We are all Indonesians, we all
have the same flag.”276
The deferral of the uprising until December 1959 is also noted in a
“Memorandum” by one of the rebels - Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa277, a
seaman, as follows:
271
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.54. Governor Barata refers to both as
“Lieutenants”.
272
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.56. According to one Timorese source, there
were reportedly “factions” within the rebel movement in Dili in early 1959 – as related in Lisbon in
2002 by the deported rebel Matias Guterres de Sousa (of Uatolari) to his cousin Carlos da Silva (email
to author – 12 June 2009) – ie contending that assistance would only be sought from Indonesia if
Portugal rejected the rebels’ demands for the dismissal of “corruptors” and improved social and
economic conditions.
273
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 218 – Annex V, Report of the Police
Superintendent, Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.
274
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59 – also notes the attendance of Jacub’s
children. However, in discussions in Dili with the author on 2 April 2007, former rebels Evaristo da
Costa, Frederico de Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran insisted that the only meeting at Areia
Branca attended by the subsequent rebels was hosted by Crispim Borges de Araújo to thank Vicente
Vidal and Mário Martins for their assistance in facilitating “trade certificates”. Evaristo joined the
“movement” in April 1959, Frederico in May 1959 – while Salem stated that he was never involved
with the movement - but rather was an “innocent”.
275
For the deferment of the uprising, see also “Kepulangan Pejuang Integrasi Timtim”, (“Return of
East Timor Integration Fighters”), Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995; “Pejuang Timtim:
Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (East Timor Fighter: I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas
Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8; and Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit. quoting
Marcelino (footnote 138) on the change of dates. It is perhaps relevant to note that Consul Nazwar
Jacub was scheduled to conclude his appointment as Consul and depart Portuguese Timor in June
1959.
276
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59.
277
Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa was related to Luís da Costa Rego – both living in the same
residential compound off Kuluhan Road (about 200metres to the south) in Audian/Bemori (Dili).
57
“On the night of March of the last year … I met with Mr Luís da Costa Rego
… at his house … I began to tell about the treatment I received in my job. I
told him that I had had enough of working and never having enough money
and never having the possibility to live well. … he told me that in December,
there will be a surprise and they ((our governors)) will all be taken and all be
sent off to Lisbon. Some days passed, and on one morning … he gave me
some papers to look after, together with some letters. … Out of curiosity, I
glanced over them and observed a plan drawn with all of the points marked
with various numbers and relating the names involved, and mine also – and
the letters, I was not able to read.”278
However, the plan had already been compromised. The Government had
apparently first received information about the rebel movement “at the end of March
and the beginning of April 1959 from a Timorese closely associated with the rebels –
but who disagreed with their plans.”280 According to the Australian Consul in Dili, the
Acting Governor had reportedly received anonymous letters in March and April
warning of the planned uprising, but had decided not to react in order to “give enough
rope” to the plotters.281 The Australian Consul’s report also related that the Indonesian
Consul, Nazwar Jacub, had also presided over “secret meetings” in Dili in the first
half of 1959, and that his locally-employed staff had been noted photographing public
278
Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960 – and as discussed by
Frederico with the author in Dili on 2 and 6 April 2007. Frederico’s Memorandum implies that the
deferral of the uprising to December was known in March – while Governor Barata (footnote 274)
relates that Nazwar Jacub convinced the conspirators “in the first days of May” to delay the revolt until
31 December.
279
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59.
280
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.52. Governor Barata related that the
informant “cautiously” reported the rebels’ plan to a “well-respected intermediary” in the informant’s
region and “sought advice”. However, the intermediary did not take the information seriously, and “it
was a delay of some months” before the Government was told of the plan and the Indonesian Consul’s
meetings.
281
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). Also
related by Governor Barata in Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 52-53.
58
buildings.282 So, the plan for the uprising was known to the Portuguese authorities in
Dili – with some sources reporting that it had been disclosed by a vengeful female
Timorese informant to the Chief of Police (ie “cherchez la femme” – ie betrayed by a
woman).283 In 2007, a group of former rebels related to the author that the plot was
disclosed by Inácio Fernandes - the son of the liurai of Betano (João Batista) in the
Alas/Same area. Inácio Fernandes had originally been one of the conspirators but
“became afraid” and revealed the plans to Pantaleão (a mestizo of African descent),
who informed the Portuguese authorities.284
However, Father Jorge Barros Duarte contends that “the son of the régulo of
Lacló (D. Luís dos Reis Noronha) – Câncio dos Reis Noronha, heard of the plans
through family connections and denounced the rebel movement to the Government
through Bishop D. Jaime G. Goulart in May 1959”.285 In 2008, Câncio Noronha286
related to the author that he had been informed of the plot in November 1958 by
Inácio Fernandes287 – a disaffected member of the rebel group who was employed as a
driver for the Agricultural Service. Câncio Noronha passed the information to the
Bishop of Dili, Dom Jaime Goulart.
Arrests in Dili
While aware that the date of planned revolt had been delayed until December,
the Acting Governor - Lieutenant Colonel Aguiar, was worried that some of the more
radical conspirators might still launch attacks at the end of May. On the morning of 27
May, he informed the Army Chief-of-Staff, Captain Carvalho, of his concerns – who
then ordered heightened security measures: military patrols and picquets, a stand-by
army detachment, and increased police patrols.288 Captain Carvalho also briefed the
282
In May 1958, the Indonesian Consul had received six “commercial” cameras that, after an initial
impounding by the Portuguese authorities, were released to the Consul in July 1958: see Australian
Consulate – Dili, Memo 109/58, 4 July 1958 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). Governor Barata also noted
the clandestine photography and the discreet, but active, anti-Portuguese campaign by the Indonesian
Consul - Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.
283
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 130/59, 29 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1; A1828,
383/7/1) and as also related by José Manuel Duarte - ie who contended that one of the rebel group in
Dili, a low-level civil servant, revealed the plan to his mistress who informed the Portuguese authorities
- Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.20. Gunter, J., “Communal
Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.31 relates that an “angry wife … denounced her husband’s
subversive activities to officials in Baucau.” A later Australian Consulate – Dili Memo (12 February
1963 – NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 2) suggested the plotters’ failed attempt to acquire arms from the
Army Ordnance Depot in Dili compromised their plans.
284
Email from Evaristo da Costa to author - 28 March 2007 and 3 March 2009; and author’s
discussions with former rebels Evaristo da Costa, Francisco Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem
Sagran in Dili on 2 April 2007 and Evaristo da Costa on 29 October 2008. Evaristo stated that Inácio –
a “Tropas” (soldier), was the driver for a Portuguese major. Evaristo and Inácio had been long-term
friends.
285
Duarte, J.B., Em Terras de Timor, Tiposet, Lisboa, 1987, p.137.
286
Discussion with Câncio dos Reis Noronha, Melbourne, 6 December 2008. Câncio knew of
Pantaleão, but stated that Pantaleão was not involved in the disclosure of the rebels’ plans.
287
Inácio Fernandes was recorded as a driver “second class” in the Agriculture and Forestry Service in
1974 – BOdT, No.4, 26 January 1974, p.54; and as “lugar da guarda florestal” – BOdT , No.28, 13
July 1974, p.549.
288
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.60. The Acting Governor/Military
Commander had apparently earlier consulted with the Chefe de Gabinete (Head of the Cabinet
Department) - Lieutenant Daniel Rudolfo Sottomayor Carvalho Braga, on the developing plot – but not
the Army Chief-of-Staff, Captain Carvalho. Lieutenant Braga also functioned as the aide-de-camp to
the Acting Governor/Military Commander. The rivalry and jealousy between Lieutenant Braga and the
Army Chief-of-Staff, Captain Carvalho, is noted by Governor Barata at pp.42-43 and p.60. Daniel
59
two Army company commanders in the Dili barracks on security contingency plans.
However, the festivities planned for the night of 27 May at the two clubs in Dili were
amended but not cancelled – with a ball scheduled at the Club Benfica. Military
personnel attending the ball were advised to go in civilian clothing, but to remain
“armed”. News of the possibility of unrest became known to the public “with the
topic being argued openly in a restaurant.”289 The Australian Consul in Dili attended
the Club Benfica ball on the evening of 27 May and reported that beforehand “stories
were circulating to the effect that subversive elements would attempt to throw bombs
into the Benfica Club … Nothing eventuated at the Club, or elsewhere in Dili, and the
festivities ended at 3 a.m. without any bangs … .”290 However, many people cancelled
their attendance at the Club Benfica ball – including Francisco de Araújo, a suspected
conspirator and member of the Conselho de Governo (see footnote 185).
Having precipitated “panic among the population”, the Acting Governor now
felt forced to initiate a “repressive phase” against the conspirators. The first to be
arrested was reportedly the rebel who had been tasked with action against the police
and who had been planning to leave Dili – the authorities were fearful that an early
attempt might be made to seize arms from the military depot.291 On the afternoon of 3
June, the Portuguese police reportedly arrested 15 of the cabecilhas da revolta
(leaders of the revolt) in Dili:
Braga retired from the military in the mid-1960s (BOdT, No.32, 6 August 1960, p.428; BOdT, No.43,
22 October 1960, p.595) with a “louvado” (commendation) - and served as a senior civil servant in
Dili, receiving a medal for his service in late 1974 (BOdT, No.46, 16 November 1974, p.840).
289
Ibid, pp. 60-61.
290
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 123/59, 7 June 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
291
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 claimed arrests began on 27 May and all
the Dili conspirators had been arrested by 30 May (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
292
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 218-219 – Annex V, Report of the Police
Superintendent Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.
293
Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, an Administrator 3rd Class, was apparently also appointed Superindente
da Polícia.
294
Author’s discussions with Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, Audian - Dili, 1 and 7 July 2009.
Frederico was related to Luís da Costa Rego – and both lived in the same residential compound off
Kuluhan Road in Audian/Bemori (Dili).
295
Evaristo da Costa – email to author, 24 January 2007. Evaristo da Costa declared that he was
arrested on 2 June. Arrests in Dili continued into June – eg Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa was
60
Conceição Castro), António Soriano and Francisco Dias da Costa302 were later exiled
– departing Dili for Angola aboard the N/M India in early October 1959 and,
subsequently, transferred to Mozambique.303
The first indications of unrest in the Viqueque area apparently arose at the end
of May 1959 when the Administrator of the Baguia Posto (about 50 kilometres
directly southeast of Baucau Town - see the following map) reported to the Baucau
Circunscrição that two of the exiled Indonesians in the Viqueque Circunscrição had
held clandestine night-time meetings with village chiefs in the Uatolari and Uato-
Carabau Postos to plan a revolt.305
On 1 June, while enroute to a meeting in Dili, the Administrator of the Baucau
Circunscrição, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, was contacted at Manatuto by the Secretary
of the Baucau Circunscrição, Francisco Menezes306, and advised that, in Dili, “a
revolt had been spoiled, and the ringleaders imprisoned.” 307 The next day in Dili,
Administrator José Filipe was ordered by the Acting Governor to fly back to Baucau,
arrest Abel de Costa Belo (in charge of the Baucau Postal Office) and “Zeca Gama”
(José Ramos de Sousa Gama) - a resident of Laga, and return with them to Dili.
including the “Maubisse uprising” in late August 1942 (see footnotes 57-58). In 1967, the movement
conducted an activity on the outskirts of Dili at Fatu Metan that “expressed abhorrence for the
sovereignty of Portugal and sympathy for Indonesia”. One of their cult symbols, the Menino Jesus
(Baby Jesus) was reportedly “affiliated” with the Apodeti political party in 1975.
302
According to Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, Francisco Dias da Costa was not connected with
the Rebellion, but was confused with one of the plotters who was not arrested ie – Francisco Dias
Ximenes of Laleia, a nurse with the veterinary service.
303
In April 2007, three of the returned rebels declared to the author that Paulo de Castro and the
“Movimento de Aileu” had no connection with the plot or the uprising. Rather, they opined that his
“troublesome group” was falsely implicated by the Portuguese in the “1959 Rebellion” as a convenient
means of ridding themselves of the group. In Angola, Paulo was among those classified as “Não
considerado culpado” (“not considered guilty”) – see the listing at Annex F. According to several
returned rebels, two Timorese were killed in Aileu during Portuguese suppression operations – author’s
discussions with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico de Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran, Dili, 2
April 2007. According to Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, none of the “Aileu group” were
connected with the Rebellion movement. Rather, “Lieutenant Braga wanted to eliminate the group” –
discussions with author, Audian - Dili, 1 and 7 July 2009.
304
The following description of the Rebellion draws principally from the following sources: Barata, F.
T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit; a report written in 1959 by Monsignor Martinho da Costa
Lopes; a report to Lisbon by Governor F.T. Barata dated 6 October 1959; interviews by Indonesian
journalists (Rohi, Diatmika, Sarong, Herman) of Indonesian and Timorese participants in the
Rebellion; and memoranda from the Australian Consulate – Dili.
305
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 228 – Annex VIII, Report of the
Administrator of the Circunscrição of Baucau (José Maria Ribeiro Filipe), 3 February 1961.
306
Secretary Francisco Xavier Aleixo Santana de Menezes (b. 14 August 1929) had earlier served an
attachment in Viqueque as Acting Administrator after Viqueque Administrator’s Torrezão’s departure
to Portugal in July 1958. On the appointment of Secretary Artur Marques Ramos to Viqueque on 10
October 1958, Menezes returned to his post in Baucau.
307
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.227. For comment on Baucau Administrator
José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, see footnote 236.
62
Uatolari, had been given a pistol and 100 rounds of ammunition by Abel da Costa
Belo – and that Joaquim Ferreira was also involved in the plot. Ramos immediately
telephoned the Uatolari Posto – the Encarregado de Posto (Posto Administrator)
Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues311 was absent in Dili, and directed that António Metan - as
well as Joaquim Ferreira (the son of the raja of Uma Kiik village) and Zeferino dos
Reis Amaral (the régulo and village chief of Luca), report to the authorities (ie the
Administração) in Viqueque Town as soon as possible.312
On the morning of Sunday, 7 June, António Metan – together with Joaquim
Ferreira and Zeferino dos Reis Amaral, were interviewed in Viqueque Town, with all
denying any knowledge of a plot. António Metan was ordered to stay in the
moradores quarters in Viqueque Town until the investigation concluded – but was
permitted to return beforehand to the house of Amaro de Araújo (a former civil
servant) in the Town to collect some clothing. There, he met Gerson Pello – the leader
of the Indonesian exiles in the Viqueque Circunscrição, who directed António Metan
to return immediately to Uatolari - about 47 kilometres by road northeast of Viqueque
Town, and begin the uprising.313 António Metan - a sub-village head (chefe de
povoação) and a descendant of the liurais of Afaloicai, reportedly “had grievances”
against the acting Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues.314
On arrival at Uatolari, António Metan called the six village chiefs together – including
Abílio Meneses of Afaloicai315, and convinced them and the local Timorese police
(sipaios) to support the uprising.
311
Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues (b. 20 February 1927) - Encarregado 3rd class, was first appointed to
Uatolari in May 1956 vide BOdT, No.19, 12 May 1956, p.227. He returned to Uatolari on 1 July 1957
(vide BOdT, No.27, 6 July 1957, p.477) following the suspension and subsequent dismissal of the
Encarregardo de Posto of Uatolari, Policarpo Soares on 6 May 1957. Policarpo Soares (b. 26 January
1916 – of the Mascarenhas Ingles clan), was appointed amanuese [sic] in the Health and Hygiene
Department on 18 July 1946, and became an Encarregado do Posto 3rd Class vide BOdT, No.40, 4
October 1952, p.574. The suspension of Policarpo Soares under a Penal Code provision was
promulgated in February 1957 - BOdT, No.8, 23 February 1957, p.112; BOdT, No.16, 20 April 1957,
p.249; BOdT, No.19, 11 May 1957. Policarpo Soares was dismissed vide BOdT, No.24, 15 June 1957,
p.437 for an offence apparently related to his previous service at Lacló (Manatuto). For Eduardo Caeiro
Rodrigues, see also footnotes 315 and 434.
312
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.224 – Annex VII, Report of the
Administrator of the Circunscrição of Viqueque (Administrator 3rd Class Artur Marques Ramos), 23
January 1961. Zeferino dos Reis Amaral - as the liurai of Luca was commended for his wartime loyalty
by the Portuguese administration ie Louvando - BOdT, No.15, Portaria 1:197, 12 April 1947 (signed 5
September 1946), p.127. Zeferino dos Reis Amaral is also identified as the Chefe de Suco of Luca
village in 1952 in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.40. Beginning in late 1959, he was imprisoned on
Ataúro Island for two-three years for his involvement in the 1959 Rebellion.
313
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.224. It appears that a group of moradores
had been assembled to guard a quantity of money awaiting disbursement to local vendors for copra that
had recently been purchased by the Government.
314
Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.30. Gunter notes that Eduardo
Caeiro Rodrigues was a “mestizo” ie of mixed race.
315
See however footnote 310 on António Metan’s reported connection with the suku of Caraubalo.
Abílio Meneses is noted as the Chefe de Suco of Afaloicai in 1952 in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.41.
64
Footnote 316
According to José Manuel Duarte (see footnotes 174, 177, 180, 182, 251),
“when the arrests occurred in Dili, those of us in Viqueque became worried. Sooner or
later, we would surely be caught also. But we didn’t want to just surrender. Finally,
we decide to take action. If we remained quiet – we would still surely be arrested. So
to demonstrate our resolve, we took direct action … we were aware that we wouldn’t
be successful, but through our Movement we wanted to tell the international
community that we did not want to be under Portuguese colonial rule.”317
Accordingly, the uprising in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições began
on the late afternoon of Sunday 7 June 1959318 with a raid by a small rebel group led
by António Metan and Abílio Meneses - aided by several local sipaios and villagers,
on the Posto administration offices at Uatolari – during which they cut the telephone
line to Viqueque Town. As noted earlier, the Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari -,
Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues, was absent in Dili. There were no casualties in the seizure
of the Uatolari Posto, and 12 rifles were reportedly seized by the rebels. That
afternoon, according to Governor Barata, several of the Indonesians in the Viqueque
Circunscrição who were not involved in Uatolari attack “peacefully played football –
when the national ((ie, Portuguese)) flag had already been pulled down in Uatolari.”319
From Uatolari, the rebels sent a messenger eastward to two villages in the
316
This sketch map of Viqueque Town is based on Map 27 “Viqueque” in Terrain Study No 50: Area
Study of Portuguese Timor, Allied Geographic Section and Directorate of Intelligence - AAF SWPA,
27 February 1943 (NAA: A6779, 20). Amendments include the location of the “Secretária/Office”
building.
317
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.21.
318
Abílio de Araújo incorrectly cites the date of the revolta in Uatolari and Uato-Carabau as 11 May
1959 - and does not mention the arrests in Dili nor any involvement by the Indonesian Consul –
Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos Voltaram a Cantar: Das Guerras Independentistas à
Revolução do Povo Maubere, Trama, Lisbon, June 1977, p.165 and p.182.
319
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.64. The local police at Uatolari apparently
did not resist the rebels – and two were later dismissed and imprisoned on Ataúro – see footnotes 423
and 424.
65
released in July 1995 in Lisbon as part of the “Arquivo Salazar” (see the report at TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS/AOS/CO/ UL-36, Part 5) – but the Monsignor’s authorship was deleted from the report as
required by the release conditions. Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ report is also referred to in Jolliffe, J.,
“Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17. –
which also notes the release of the Arquivo Salazar papers; and Jolliffe, J., Balibo, 2009, p.62.
327
The report by Governor Barata acknowledged Monsignor Martinho’s report as the principal source
of information for his (Barata’s) report and repeated the same chronology and events - Barata, F. J. F.
T. Governor, letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959 – but does not include
Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ “Comments” and “Suggestions”. A copy of Governor Barata’s report No.
34 of 6 October 1959 – in Portuguese, and related material, can be found at Gunter, J., Haree Ba Uluk:
Timor Portuguese Pre-1974 – A Post-Colonial Forum for Learning and Debate: http://raiketak.
blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html. Governor Barata’s report concluded with a comment that - “due
to his background and tendencies of his spirit”, the Monsignor had “concerned himself more with
possible excesses of repression than with the criminal acts of the sublevados ((rebels))”. Governor
Barata’s report was forwarded by the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Director of the
PIDE in Lisbon – Ministry of Foreign Affairs-Lisbon, No.181 36-A, 14 January 1960 (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS N.T. 8971).
328
Gerson Pello apparently mistakenly cited “3 June 1959” when interviewed in 1995 - Rohi, P.A.,
“Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995. op.cit., p.13; and others have stated 1 June and 3 June. These
references however are probably meant to relate to the first arrests of the conspirators in Dili.
329
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 64-65.
330
Ibid, p.55.
331
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque – 29 June 2007. This account of the activities of Jezkial Fola and Albert
Ndoen/Ndun differs somewhat from that related at footnote 322.
332
Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor – Sebuah Sumbangan Untuk Sejarahnya, 2003, p.102 –
names the bridge as the “Luca-To’in bridge”.
67
Gerson Pello commented: “luckily, the building was high, so they were
rendered unconscious or died – we didn’t know. We seized 67 weapons of four
different types333 – but the ammunition was different. So, although the raid wasn’t
very successful, we did surprise them.” Those participating in the attack included
Gerson Pello, João Lisboa and Leki “Bure” Rubic (also as “Leque Rubic”).334 During
the attack, Leki Rubic stabbed and wounded a sipaio, Jacinto Pinto.335 The group
reportedly carried a “merah putih” (Bahasa: “red and white” – ie Indonesian) flag –
Gerson Pello related that “I had a Chinese woman, a bread seller in Viqueque, make
the flag.”336 The handful of rebels also wore red and white-coloured “atribut”
(Bahasa: “insignia”).337 The Indonesians also reportedly wore red bandanas –
333
José Manuel Duarte cites seizing “50 rifles, pistols and ammunition” and also “46 weapons” -
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit. Other reports indicate 24
weapons were seized in Viqueque Town and 12 each at the Uatolari and Uato-Carabau Postos ie
totalling 48. The weapons were mostly 1886-model Kropatschek 8mm-calibre bolt-action rifles – but
also included bolt-action Lee Enfield and Garand rifles. The Australian Consul – Dili’s initial cable to
Canberra reported a “sub-administrative post near Baucau raided by four men June 7th who stole 48
rifles. Later two men apprehended, 22 rifles recovered.” – Cable 17, 9 June 1959 (NAA: A1838,
3006/4/3 Part 1).
334
According to José Manuel Duarte, “the leadership of the group comprised about 50 people.
However, it could be said that the whole of people in Viqueque participated in the revolt. At the time,
the population of Viqueque was about 20,000. They were all followers.” - Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata)
Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.21. It is unclear whether the Indonesian Jobert Moniaga
participated in the attack in Viqueque Town - or had departed earlier for Uatolari with António Metan
and participated in the attack on the Uatolari Posto earlier on Sunday afternoon.
335
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque – 29 June 2007.
336
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Gerson Pello added that “the Chinese
also wanted integration ((with Indonesia)) – and consequently there was a Chinese, Mu Teng Siong,
who was also exiled to Angola” – see also earlier footnote 106, and also footnotes 336, 458, and 518.
An interview in early November 1992 with the newly appointed Governor of East Timor, Abílio
Osório Soares – a nephew of the rebel José Manuel Duarte who as a 13-year old in 1959 had known
three of the Indonesian participants, refers to the rebels as “attacking and carrying the Red and White
flag” – Forum Keadilan, No. 327, Jakarta, 6 November 1992. Following a visit to the Viqueque area in
early July 1959, the Australian Consul reported on the background to the uprising and included: “it is
known to me, however, that there were many natives in that area who were in possession of small
Indonesian flags”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, pp.1-2 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 1) – see footnote 404.
337
“Pejuang Integrasi Timtim di LN Presiden Minta Menlu Urus Kepulangan Mereka” (“East Timor
Integration Fighters Overseas – President Asks Foreign Minister to Arrange their Return”), Republika
Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995, p.2. José Manuel Duarte also related rebels and supporters
wearing red and white “badges” - Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit.,
p.21. The claim of wearing Indonesian flags as the “panji perjuangan” (banners of the struggle) is also
made in Lopes da Cruz, F., Kesaksian …, 1999, op.cit., p.61; and in the Indonesian school text-book ie
Gonggong, A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1992, op.cit. – see translated extract at Annex B. See also
68
345
The position of Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau in 1959 had been vacant since the posting of
Francisco da Sousa back to Lacluta on 13 May 58. In early 1959, four Chefe/Encarregado de Posto
positions were unfilled ie “vago” – BOdT, No.3, 17 January 1959, pp. 44-46. A replacement
Encarregado de Posto, Joaquim Pereira da Silva (born 3 January 1928), was not posted from Mape
(Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau until 16 Jun 1959 – BOdT, No.26, 27 June 1959, p.447. A description of
the seizure of the Uato-Carabau Posto can be found in Gunter, J., “Majesty yet no mercy”, 7 December
2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .
346
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara, Edition 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Jezkial noted that his actions
“gained the sympathy of the Portuguese.” He implied that Gerson excluded him from involvement in
the attack, because he (Jezkial) was married and “someone had to carry the news back to Kupang ” –
connect with reports at footnotes 322 and 331. Subsequently, Jezkial was not exiled to Lisbon or
Angola – but repatriated from Portuguese Timor to Indonesian Timor in October 1960 with eight other
Indonesians.
347
Laurentino António Pires had been appointed the Encarregado de Posto in December 1958. He
mobilized a small band of selected Segunda Linha from Lacluta and joined the Government forces at
Viqueque, Uatolari and Uato-Carabau for about two weeks. In his absence, the liurais of Lacluta
gathered at the Posto with batukis – dancing and chanting traditional songs for the entire period while
awaiting the apprehension of the rebels (Maria Francisca Pires – widow of Laurentino António Pires,
email to author, 21 June 2009).
348
Military forces in Portuguese Timor in 1959 reportedly comprised 650 Timorese regular troops with
30 Portuguese officers and 50 Portuguese NCOs – plus a Timorese reserve (Segunda Linha) force:
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 18, 1 July 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612). The official regular
establishment, as promulgated in the 1959 Provincial Budget, was: 1009 personnel including 43
Portuguese officers and 55 Portuguese sergeants – about 85 percent of the other ranks were Timorese. –
BOdT, No.3, 17 January 1959, p.84.
70
However, the Chefe de Gabinete, Lieutenant Daniel Braga, feared that the
rebels might move north from the Uatolari/Uato-Carabau area and attack the Laga
Posto on the north coast (35 kilometres east of Baucau by road) where he believed the
rebels might find further supporters – and, perhaps, assistance from the Indonesian
island of Wetar about 60 kilometres to the north across the Wetar Strait. Lieutenant
Braga convinced the Acting Governor of his preferred plan. Accordingly, in order to
block any rebel advance to Laga, it was decided to reinforce the Posto at Baguia349 (in
Baucau Circunscrição about 50 kilometres southeast of Baucau Town) with a military
detachment that had been guarding the Baucau radio station. Captain Manuel João
Farjado was placed in charge of local military operations in the two Circunscrições.
As noted earlier, the local raja in Uato-Carabau, Fernando Pinto, and his
followers had joined the Rebellion and seized the Posto.350 However, realising that a
349
The area of the Baguia Posto was 207 sq km. The population of about 5,000 were predominantly
Makassae-speakers (about 85 percent), but the villagers of Afaloicai and Ossú Huna in the south-west
of the Posto were Naueti-speakers – ie representing about 15 percent of the Posto’s population.
350
The Chefe de Posto of Uato-Carabau - Joaquim Pereira da Silva, was reportedly absent in Dili. In an
interview in 1995, Gerson Pello stated that Thomas Cabo Sipai [sic] raised the Indonesian flag in Uato-
71
victory over the Portuguese forces was not possible, the rebel leaders planned to
attack the Posto at Baguia (about 18 kilometres by road north of Uato-Carabau)
before attempting to withdraw westwards and cross the border into Indonesian
Timor.351 Their advance to Baguia from the Uato-Carabau area however was
interrupted by heavy monsoon-season rains that had flooded the rivers across their
route, and the rebel force was delayed in Uato-Carabau “for four nights” - giving time
for the Portuguese to reinforce and defend the Baguia Posto.352 The defenders in the
small fort (tranqueira) at Baguia were equipped with machine guns and easily
repulsed the rebels’ first attack at about 1100hrs on 11 June.353 During the attack, a
small force of Portuguese reinforcements (a corporal and two Timorese privates)
arrived from Baucau equipped with a “lança-granadas Bazuka” (grenade-launching
bazooka)354 and immediately joined the engagement while a rebel attack was
underway. The rebels’ bolt-actioned rifles were no match for the defenders’
firepower. Much of the rebels’ ammunition was also faulty - or of an incorrect calibre,
resulting in many misfires and explosions in the breeches of their rifles. José Manuel
Duarte subsequently related that “when pulling the triggers, we were forced to face
away from our targets.”355 Governor Barata also commented on this, later writing:
“Happily for us, the weapons and ammunition that they had stolen were of weak
quality (many cartridges did not go off).”356 After several attempted assaults lasting
about two hours, the rebels withdrew towards Uato-Carabau – with the retreating
rebels “becoming afraid as the support of the people began to wane.”357 Governor
Barata later noted that “in the Baucau Circunscrição only two village chiefs had
supported the rebels, and they had not suborned the local people.”358
Meanwhile, the force led by Captain Manuel Fajardo had advanced from
Baucau to Viqueque and moved northeast towards Uatolari. A linesman had repaired
the break in the telephone line near Ossú and, having contacted a colleague in Uato-
Carabau, reported that the rebels had returned from Baguia and dispersed into the
surrounding countryside.359
Carabau on 18 June - Rohi, P.A., “Pemberontakan …”, Mutiara, Edition 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15, but it
is likely that the flag-raising occurred several days earlier. The family name of Thomas Cabo Sipaio
(ie Cabo Sipaio – local police corporal) was reportedly “Pinto”.
351
As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.22.
352
Ibid, p.22.
353
The rebels’ attack at Baguia is also described in Gunter, J., “Majesty but no mercy”, 7 December
2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .
354
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68. Probably either a 2.36 inch (60.07mm)
or 3.5 inch (89mm) recoilless rocket launcher.
355
As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.22. Duarte also notes that while Portuguese forces were equipped with machine guns, “we
only had Lee Enfield and Garand rifles.”
356
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68.
357
As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.22. A description of the attack Posto can also be found in Gunter, J., “Majesty yet no mercy”,
7 December 2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .
358
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68 and Annex VIII, p.228. The rebel
villages in the Baucau Circunscrição were the Naueti-speaking villages of Afaloicai and Osso Huna –
see footnote 349.
359
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.22 – Duarte related that
“unarmed” rebels surrendered, but those with weapons stayed in the jungle, initially building shelters
about two kilometres from the Posto town – probably Uatolari. The defeated rebels may have hoped for
extraction by boat – “through the Indonesian refugees, Sukarno had promised (?) support for the revolt
– but when it occurred, no boat came from Sukarno to support it.” - Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor
Leste: Os Loricos…, 1977, op.cit., p.182/footnote 203.
72
On 11 June, the Portuguese force - together with loyal arraiais and mortar
support, recaptured the Uatolari Posto and began a series of arrests.360 On the
following day, 12 June, the Portuguese authorities arrested three village chiefs in the
Uatolari area: Paulo da Silva of Makadiki village; Celestino da Silva - Matahoi
village361; and Tomé Leal of Uaitame-Vessouro village - (see village locations at
Annex A). Further arrests were made on 13 June: Alberto Ribeiro - the fuc-mean
(red-haired) of Afaloicai village; the village chief of Afaloicai - Abílio de Meneses;
António Metan362 - a sub-village head of Uatolari; the brothers Amaro de Araújo and
Mateus de Araújo; and – according to the reports of Monsignor Martinho da Costa
Lopes and Governor Barata, an Indonesian named “Joubert” (ie Jobert Moniaga).
Jobert was apparently killed by Portuguese troops soon after his capture. According to
Marcelino, Jobert was “shot and killed on the spot”.363 However, Gerson Pello related:
that “Yubert [sic], who was acting on my orders, was captured. Tragically, Portuguese
soldiers immediately crushed his skull with a rock.”364 According to several elders in
Viqueque Town, Moniaga was struck on the head with a bamboo pole by arraiais and
subsequently died of his wounds in the hospital in Baucau.365
Meanwhile, the rebels in the Uato-Carabau area - who had assembled to the
east in the area of the estuary of the Irabere River, were attacked by a 400-500 strong
force of loyal arraiais from the Lautém Circunscrição to the east led by the Lautém
Administrador, José Esteval Calado de Serra Frazão366. The mobilisation of this force
from Lautém was assisted by the small Portuguese Army detachment at Lospalos
under Sergeant Carneiro Cirineu. While Captain Manuel Fajardo remained in
command at Uatolari, Capt Barreiros – with a civil servant familiar with the area, was
despatched with a force to Uato-Carabau to engage the rebels. On the evening of 13
June, the arraiais force from Lautém retook the Uato-Carabau Posto, and the rebels
dispersed – “every man for himself.”367
On 16 June, the Government forces failed in an attack on the “revoltosos”
position at “Afalebe”368, but were successful the following day and captured Armindo
360
In an interview in 1995, Gerson Pello stated that “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga had raised the
Indonesian flag in Uatolari on 11 June - Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …,, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit,
p.15, but it is likely that the flag-raising occurred a few days earlier.
361
Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.41 lists Paulo da Silva and Celestino da Silva as Chefes de Suco
respectively of “Macadique” and “Mata Hoi” villages in 1953. Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the
gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17 – reports her conversation with an
eye-witness who stated that he had given first aid to Celestino da Silva and other Timorese involved:
“He said the skin on Da Silva’s back was in shreds from a whipping and he had also seen the death
certificate of a fourth Indonesian, called George, who he said had died under torture.”
362
António Metan is also referred to by his formal baptismal name ie António da Costa Soares.
363
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – as recounted by Marcelino (of Venilale – see
footnotes 136 and 138) in 1996 (Gerson Pello was also reportedly present during the interview of
Marcelino).
364
Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”,
Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. Gerson Pello was attending a reunion in Dili on 15 November
1995 in the home of José Manuel Duarte (see footnote 566). Note also footnote 361 above – “George”
is very probably a reference to Jobert Moniaga.
365
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007. Moniaga was reportedly easily recognizable as he had a
gold front tooth.
366
José Esteval Calado de Serra Frazão – Administrator 3rd Class (b. 19 November 1923) was later commended
for his action – see BOdT, No.41, 10 October 1959, p.640. His career profile is outlined in BOdT, No.40, 4
October 1958, p.622.
367
“Salve-se quem puder” - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.69.
368
“Afalebe” means “flat rock” in the Makassae language, but this site has not been identified -
possibly Aba Dere sub-village of Babulo; or Afaloicai.
73
- the village chief of Osso-Huna (Baguia), and two Indonesians: the brothers Gerson
Pello and Jeremias Pello.369 According to Gerson Pello, following the rebels’ defeat,
he and his younger brother Jeremias Pello had hidden in the WWII “Japanese caves”
in the hills north of Ossú. The Portuguese reportedly used a staff member from the
Indonesian Consulate to convince them to surrender – after which they were shackled,
transported to Baucau and then flown to Dili.370 According to Viqueque elders, when
captured, Gerson declared himself to be a “Lieutenant” – but when challenged by
Portuguese officers to prove such by reading a map, Gerson was unable to do so.371
The reports of both Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata
noted that the campaign against the rebels finished on 18 June.372
According to José Manuel Duarte, following the defeat at Baguia, he was still
determined to seek sanctuary in Atambua, Indonesian Timor – but all routes were
blocked by locals collaborating with the Portuguese authorities.373 With an injured leg
that limited his movement, he hid in the forest with a fellow rebel - Fernando Pinto,
the raja of Uato-Carabau. According to José Duarte, “a reward of 500 patacas – the
monthly wage of a senior Portuguese official … was offered for who-ever brought in
my head. The reward for the heads of those who had only just participated in the
Rebellion was 20 patacas … many killings occurred for the money … children were
beheaded just for the reward from the colonial government – the killers were the poor
and very ignorant villagers.”374 José Duarte also related that the Administrator of
Viqueque, Artur Ramos, had reported that he (Duarte) had been killed – but Governor
Barata “had questioned this, saying that if I had been killed why was there still
rebellion in Same and Betano ?”. The Governor then ordered that “I must be captured
alive – as all the rebels captured in Viqueque said that I was the leader of the
movement. The Governor needed me for questioning – that’s the reason that I was
saved, otherwise I would surely have been killed by the soldiers.”375 To stop the
bloodshed, José Manuel Duarte and Fernando Pinto decided to surrender and, through
an elder (Paul Waragea) who had connections with the Portuguese military,
negotiated to surrender in Ossú – but only to a Portuguese official. On 1 July, they
surrendered at Ossú – and were badly beaten, including by the Viqueque
Administrator, Artur Ramos. Soon after, they were transported to Baucau and then
flown to Dili.
The Portuguese Government had also despatched regular troops from Portugal
to reinforce their armed presence in the areas of the disturbances. On 17 June, 80
military police arrived in Baucau – having flown to Portuguese Timor in two
Skymaster aircraft via Goa, Ceylon and the Cocos Islands.376 On 26 July 1959, the
Portuguese navy Velho-class sloop, F 476 NRP Gonçalves Zarco, arrived in Dili from
Macau to reinforce a sense of security. This may have been precipitated by the claims
369
Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter to the Minister of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959, p.1.
370
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara, Edition 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14. The capture of Gerson and
Jeremias Pello probably occurred on 20 June 1959 – not 17 June as indicated in the reports by
Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata.
371
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007.
372
Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter to the Minister of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959,
p.2 : “Terminou a campanha … regressam os arraias as suas terras.”
373
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.23.
374
Ibid, p.24.
375
Ibid, p.24.
376
Australian Consulate – Dili, Savin 22, 22 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). A further 80
military police and about 16 artillery pieces later arrived in Dili port on 30 September – Australian
Consulate – Dili, Memo 203/59, 11 October 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
74
of the Chief of Police in Dili that an unidentified submarine had been sighted on 1, 2
and 3 July off Aliambata – on the south coast about 53 kilometres by road east of
Viqueque Town and about 10 kilometres from the Uatolari Posto.377
In concluding their reports, Monsignor da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata
also described summary executions of rebels in the Posto of Uatolari.378 While their
reports did not specify the date of the incident, these events probably occurred on 17
June. The reports related that the Acting Administrator of the Viqueque
Circunscrição (Artur Marques Ramos) and Senior Captain Barreiros were
transporting three prisoners – mentioned above ie: Alberto Ribeiro, Abílio de
Meneses and Armindo, in the vicinity of the Bebui River a few kilometres west of the
Uatolari Posto headquarters - when the prisoners reportedly escaped. Following a
pursuit by local loyal Timorese militia, Armindo was killed - and Alberto and Abílio
were captured. Soon after, according to the reports, Abílio and Alberto were joined at
the banks of the Bebui by a group of prisoners brought by jeep from the Uatolari
Posto: João Soares of Uatolari; Feliciano, a former soldier; Naha-Leque (of Uma Ain
de Baixo, Viqueque Posto); and three unnamed civilians.379 The seven were
reportedly killed by automatic weapons fired by Administrator Artur Ramos and
Captain Barreiros - and their bodies mutilated with spears and machetes and then
thrown into the flooded river. Both reports listed three eyewitnesses to the killings:
Miguel da Costa Soares, the régulo (traditional ruler) of Viqueque; António da Costa
Rangel, the village chief of Uai-Mori; and Miguel Amaral, the village chief of Uma
Ki’ic.380 These killings were also later described by surviving rebels: “Moreover,
377
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 28, 7 July 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612).
378
There is no reference at all to these summary executions in the main body of Governor’s Barata’s
subsequent book ie Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit.. As annexes, the book
includes reports by several officials including Lieutenant Braga, Administrator José Filipe Ribeiro
(Baucau) and Administrator Artur Ramos (Viqueque) – but these reports are incomplete, and the details
of the killings at the Bebui River are not included. In mid-1960, the Baucau Administrator José Filipe
was transferred to the position of Administrator of the Bobonaro Circunscrição. United States Embassy
– Jakarta, Despatch 138, 19 August 1960 , described Administrator Filipe as “reportedly inept, corrupt
and slightly unbalanced” (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
379
The killings at the Bebui River are also related in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …,
2003, op.cit, pp.102-104 – that lists the following as having been killed: Alberto Ribeiro (Uatolari),
Anselmo (Uato-Carabau), Abilio Menezes (village head, Afaloicai), Feliciano da Silva (Uatolari),
Naha-Lequik (Viqueque), Lequi-Rubik (Viqueque), João Henrique (Luca), Paulo da Silva (Uatolari).
“Feliciano Soares”, and “Paulo” are also suggested as two of the un-named civilians - Gunter, J.,
“Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.39. Thomas Cabo Sipaio/Cipaio of Uato-
Carabau was also reportedly executed (footnote 380) – and may have been one of these un-named
prisoners. Thomas is also cited as having raised the Indonesian flag in Uato-Carabau on 18 June -
Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara, Edition 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15 – see footnote 350. Elders in
Iliomar – who had participated as in the campaign in Uato-Carabau as arraiais from the Lautém
Circunscrição, also related the killing of Thomas Cabo Sipaio.
380
Both the reports by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata gave no date for the
killings, and the number killed is unclear – ie reporting “seven”, but implying these comprised Alberto,
Abílio Meneses, João Soares, Feliciano, Naha-Leque, and three un-named civilians ie eight. Note also
that, according to the Memorandum (footnote 382), Abílio Meneses was reported as being killed in the
grounds of the Uatolari Posto on 19 June. Summarising a report from Administrator Ramos, Barata
cites “seven killed from the Posto of Uatolari” – see following footnote 389. These killings are also
related in Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46, 325-326 citing a report to Portuguese Prime Minister
Dr António de Oliveira Salazar based on complaints from the Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes in
which Monsignor Martinho purportedly “suggested criminal charges” against Ramos and Barreiros. As
noted in footnote 378 above, Governor Barata’s 1998 book, Timor contemporâneo…, op.cit. provides
no details on these killings at the Bebui River. On the witnesses, Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., pp.41-42
lists the following as Chefes de Suco in 1953: “Miguel da Costa Soares – of Umuain de Baixo, António
da Costa Rangel – of Uai Mori, and Miguel da Costa Amaral – of Uma Quic”.
75
seven of the people’s leaders were hailed as heroes – including Thomas Cabo Sipai
[sic] (ie, Cabo Sipaio – local police corporal), Antonius Metan and a local noble,
Abilir [sic] (ie, Abílio) Afaloicai. Together with another four, they were shot with
pistols while prisoners.”381
A “Memorandum” (copy at Annex D)382 written in Angola by rebel leaders in
1960 states that Abílio de Meneses, the village chief of Afaloicai (Uatolari) was shot
and killed by Administrator Artur Ramos in the grounds of the Uatolari Posto on 19
June 1959 (ie not on the bank of the Bebui River as related above). Abílio’s daughter,
Elda Sousa Meneses, also described her father’s death: “after he was shot and killed
in the Posto Administrador, the family only found the body without the head. After
some time however, the head was found and buried with the rest of the body.”383 The
rebels’ 1960 “Angola” Memorandum also related that João Mariano, a sipaio, was
shot and killed in the Secretária of the Uato-Carabau Posto by the Lautém
Administrador, José Esteval C. de Serra Frazão. João Mariano had surrendered –
draped in a Portuguese flag, but was summarily executed.384 According to the
Memorandum, the following were killed in the headquarters of the Viqueque
Circunscrição: Domingos da Costa Amaral (known as Domingos Jeremias – see also
footnote 342) and António Ferreira – both of Luca, and Leque-Rubic (married) of
Caraubalo. Elders in Viqueque related that Leque-Rubic – who had participated in the
7 June attack on the Circunscrição office, was shot by Administrator Artur Ramos
and then decapitated by a Timorese, Arlindo.385
According to the Memorandum written in Angola, the Administrator of the
Baucau Circunscrição, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, ordered the killings of João
Henrique of Uatolari, and Lourenço and Castilho of Baguia. The liurai of Afaloicai
(Baguia), Aparicio Pedro Ximenes was also reportedly beheaded.386 This
Memorandum, written by deported rebel leaders, summarised those killed as “more
than 500.”
381
Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara, Edition 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15.
382
Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe
[sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor, six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola),
21 April 1960 in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré …, 1974, op.cit.
383
Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha
do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.66.
384
The circumstances of the killing of João Mariano are also related in Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict
in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.33. The killing of João Mariano was witnessed by Francisco Ruas
Hornay (of Iliomar) – and related to his son, Constantino Hornay – interviewed by the author in Dili on
26 June 2007. João Mariano’s son - Armindo Soares Mariano (sometimes as “Armindo Mariano
Soares”), was an early member of Apodeti (its Information Secretary) and appointed Administrator of
Dili in the late 1970s and later Chairman/ Speaker of the DPRD I (Parliament) in Dili in July 1997. A
prominent pro-integration leader, Armindo moved to Kupang in September 1999. On 1 August 1959,
João Baptista was appointed as segundo-cabo de sipais at Uato-Carabau to replace João Mariano, and
Agostinho da Costa Pinto and Feliciano Soares were recruited as sipai at Uato-Carabau – BOdT,
No.31, 1 August 1959, p.511.
385
Note that according to Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, “Lequi-Rubik” of
Viqueque) was among those killed at the Bebui River –see earlier footnote 379.
386
“Pedro Soares (Liurai of Baguia)”, “Lourenco” and “Castilho” are also listed as being killed in
Baucau – and “João Henriques of Naha-Reca, Ossú” as disappearing at “Bui-Bela” in Soares (Mali-
Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003. Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.20 lists Pedro Ximenes as Chefe
de Suco of Afaloicai village (Baguia) in 1952. Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006 – also
notes the beheading of Lorenço. The revered tombs of Aparicio and Lorenço are in the aldeia (sub-
village) of Bui Bela, one of the highest villages in the Matebian Mountains.
76
Carvalho, commenting on casualties, told the Australian Consul that there had been
“quite a few … but this was unavoidable, and we had great difficulty in restraining the
native auxiliaries from Ossu … the natives of Ossu were greatly angered at the
disloyalty of Uatolari and Baguia peoples – very few were involved, really, and
wished only to punish them … and once military action was taken, other peoples in
the Uatolari and Baguia area were glad to assist in capturing remaining leaders in their
area.”392
As described earlier, the Portuguese also mobilised arraiais from the
neighbouring Circunscrição of Lautém under the Lautém Administrador, José Esteval
C. de Serra Frazão. This force, numbering 400-500, marched into the Uato-Carabau
and Uatolari Postos where they laid waste to villages.393 The Lautém force also seized
property and livestock before withdrawing eastward. The Government force from
Lautém was predominantly from the Fataluku ethno-linguist group - with lesser
numbers from the Makalero-speaking Posto of Iliomar394 bordering Uato-Carabau.
The Fataluku and the Makalero were traditional enemies of the Naueti speakers who
inhabited the Uato-Carabau Posto, the eastern half of the Uatolari Posto, and two
villages in the southwest of the Baguia Posto that had supported the uprising.395
Following a visit to the Viqueque Circunscrição in 1960, the Australian Consul
reported on “killings by the Army or officially-encouraged Lautem tribesmen” noting
that the Government gave “a free hand to Lautem people to move into the Uato-
Carabau area under Army protection and kill as many of their enemies as they could
find; some dozens of Uato-Carabau people are reported to have died.”396
Apart from the depredations of the Fataluku and Makalero auxiliaries from
Lautém into Viqueque’s Uato-Carabau Posto397, there were also other significant
ethno-linguistic – or tribal, elements to the conflict within the Baucau and Viqueque
Circunscrições.398 Of the five villages in the Uatolari Posto (291 sq km), the three
villages in the eastern half of the Posto were Naueti-speaking: ie Afaloicai, Uaitame/
Vessoro, and Babulo; while the two western villages were mainly Makassae/Makasai-
392
Australian Consulate – Dili, Record of Conversation, 5 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part
1).
393
For detail see Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar, op.cit., 2008, pp. 41-42.
394
It is unclear whether the force from Iliomar was accompanied by the Encarregado do Posto of
Iliomar - Filomeno da Cruz Miranda Branco (b. 17 December 1910). Filomeno Branco was the long-
serving Encarregado at Iliomar ie from 1954 to to 23 July 1959.
395
See Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar, op.cit., 2008, pp.34-36 for Fataluku forays as
Japanese auxiliaries during World War II westward into both Makalero (Iliomar Posto) and Naueti
territories (Uato-Carabau and Uatolari Postos).
396
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/60 - “Tour of Viqueque Area”, 20 October 1960 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/2/9) – the Australian and Chinese (ie Taiwan) Consuls accompanied the Governor on a
visit to the area. The Governor’s visit to Lacluta,Viqueque, Iliomar and Lospalos was briefly reported
in the Portuguese Government’s foreign affairs monthly bulletin ie Boletim Geral do Ultramar, No.
426, Lisbon, December 1960, p.642.
397
Gunn, G.C., A Critical View …, 1994, pp.86-87; and Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999 -
p.145 note that the raising of militia in the Lospalos area by the Portuguese for action in Viqueque
exacerbated ethnic tensions among the Timorese.
398
Within the Viqueque Circunscrição (estimated population in 1959 of 37,150 - area: 1,850 km), the
largest number spoke Makassae (about 46 percent), about 25 percent spoke Tetum (Viqueque Town
and to the south and southwest), and about 20 percent spoke Naueti (including about 40 percent of the
Uatolari Posto and all villagers in the Uato-Carabau Posto). The foregoing figures are estimated by the
author on calculations using the 1960 census figures and the 2001 Suco Survey. Metzner, J.K., Man
and Environment in Eastern Timor, op.cit., 1977 notes a 1954 census survey that showed 34 percent of
the Uatolari Posto were Naueti speakers and 66 percent spoke Makassae. Metzner’s 1969 work is an
important reference, but his study only covers a transect from the northern coast to the southern coast
between the longitudes of 126° 15′ and 126° 35′ ie only as far east as Aliambata on the southern coast.
78
speaking: ie Matahoi and Makadiki. In the period 1952-1958 - with the permission of
the traditional ruler of Uatolari, Don Humberto (of Uaitame), the villagers of
Afaloicai had expanded their rice fields into the Uaitame and Naedala areas, drawing
water from the Bebui River. The villagers from the three Naueti-speaking villages
appear to have been the basis of the 1959 Rebellion in Uatolari – and, although the
village chiefs of Makadiki and Matahoi were detained by the Portuguese on 12 June
(as related earlier), the Makassae-speaking people of those two villages appear to
have joined the Portuguese in attacking the rebels with “the Makassae-speaking
community joining volunteers raised by the Portuguese and conducting violence
against other communities … seizing land and domestic animals from the Afaloikai
community.”399
On 25 June 1959, with the operations against the rebels in the Baucau and
Viqueque Circunscrições concluded, the Director of Civil Administration in Dili -
Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, recommenced the investigation in Dili of the 45 detained
Timorese implicated in the revolt. For “ethical and political considerations”, Governor
Barata directed that the number of “detentions be scaled down” so as not to
“aggravate the wounds in the social fabric.”400 Governor Barata noted that his views
were opposed by several sectors - particularly by the military who advocated
“exemplary punishment” and “implacable toughness” in suppressing the uprising.
According to Governor Barata, “trustworthy information” had indicated that a
Timorese member of the Conselho de Governo, Francisco de Araújo, had been
involved in the uprising – including in its preparatory phase. Due to the “political and
social considerations” - and following direction from Lisbon, Francisco de Araújo
appeared before an investigating session of the Conselho. Francisco defended himself
- but following a secret vote by the Council members, he was dismissed from the
Council and detained.401 However, according to a group of rebels, Francisco de
Araújo was not involved in the movement. Rather, he was falsely implicated in the
399
Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan Di Timor Lorosae Antara Harapan Dan
Kenyataan” (“Land and Housing in Timor Lorosae – Between Hope and Fact”), East Timor Law
Journal, Article 14, 2004. This study, done in 2002, also relates the disempowerment of the Naueti –
who had supported UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union) and Apodeti
in 1974-75 (see footnotes 538, 539, 549) and who subsequently retook their lands in Uatolari from the
Makassae during the Indonesian occupation period (beginning in early 1979 after the fall of the Falintil
Matebian Mountain resistance base). However, land and property conflicts in Uatolari have still to be
satisfactorily resolved. On the causes for the Rebellion, see also Babo Soares, D., “Building a
foundation for an effective civil service in Timor Leste”, Pacific Economic Bulletin, May 2003, p.13
who contends that “the essence of the protest was merely to insist that the colonial government pay
more attention to the social welfare of the locals, who until that time, had lacked access to education
and other government services.”
400
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 69-70. In assessing Barata’s tenure as
Governor, the Australian Consul reported that Governor Barata “was widely regarded as the most
popular and most energetic governor in the recent history of the province” – and although he could
“hardly be described as a liberal, he was more tolerant of ‘oppositionist’ opinions than were his
predecessors”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 67, 6 Apr 1963 (NAA: A3092, 221/11/18, Part 1).
401
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 70-71 – for Francisco de Araújo’s
background, see footnote 185. His PIDE/DGS case file is PIDE/DGS Lisboa PC 636/59 NT 5292 (TdT,
Lisbon). A vacancy on the Conselho de Governo was declared on 21 September 1959, and voting by
the “electoral college” to fill the vacancy was conducted on 15 November. Câncio Noronha – an
empregado bancário, was appointed as a member of the Conselho – BOdT, No.3, 16 January 1960, p.2.
79
plot by Câncio dos Reis Noronha402, a long-time rival. Câncio Noronha reportedly
pressured the police to force false confessions of Francisco de Araújo’s involvement
from two of Francisco’s employees: Crispim Borges de Araújo and Belarmindo de
Araújo.403
In early July 1959, a few weeks after the violence, the Australian Consul
visited the Baucau and Viqueque Circunscrições and reported:
“I met very few natives on the road ((from Baucau)) to Venilale - the route to
Viqueque, but they were to be seen in the fields, carrying out the various
agricultural processes. However, at Ossu there were many on the roads, all
very bright and cheerful. Viqueque presented a different picture – hardly a
native to be seen – I felt it to be depressing. The Uato Lari area had been
‘swept clean’ – not a village left standing, completely burnt out and all
livestock driven off. Time did not permit continuing to Baguia, but I
understand that a similar situation obtains in that area. The actual disturbances
where the troops took military action was confined to the Uato Lari – Baguia
area. Aided by native auxiliaries (loyal natives from Ossu) they converged on
the area from two points – Lautem and Viqueque, using mortars, bazookas and
machine guns. … talking to the military Chief of Staff ((on 13 July in Dili)) …
he volunteered the information relating to the military action and the measures
taken. The Chief of Staff said that the actual shooting, and the use of mortars
etc, was more for the moral effect than anything else, but of course the native
auxiliaries were difficult to restrain. I have no doubt, however, that brief as the
action was, it was equally ruthless and complete. The Chief of Staff went on to
say that the natives implicated in the disturbances had no heart for any further
opposition to Portuguese authority once their leaders had been taken. … It is
known to me, however, that there were many natives in that area in possession
of small Indonesian flags … On the face of it, everything now appears to be
normal – but I can sense that the authorities are not entirely happy – arrests
continue as interrogations progress … .”404
Estimates of casualties among the rebels and villagers vary widely and are
difficult to assess accurately. Some English-language publications have suggested that
the number of deaths was as high as 1,000.405 While official Indonesian publications
relate that “hundreds of people were killed”, some Indonesia writers have claimed
402
Câncio dos Reis Noronha was a son of the luirai/régulo of Lacló (Dom Luís dos Reis Noronha) –
see footnotes 185, 286 and 401. Câncio Noronha - and his brother, Bernardino, had been evacuated to
Australia in August 1942 and served, in Australia, in the Australian military’s “Z Special Unit” until
early 1945 (see footnotes 66 and 69). Returning to Portuguese Timor in late 1945, Câncio Noronha
joined the Health and Hygiene Service as a civil servant – but soon after joined the Banco Nacional
Ultramarino (BNU). As noted above, he was a member of the Conselho de Governo from 1960 and
also served in the Conselho Legislitavo from its founding in April 1965 - – including as a member of
the revised 13-member Government Council in December 1974 (as the BNU representative).
403
Author’s discussions in Dili with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico de Almeida Santos da Costa and
Salem Sagran, 2 April 2007 – who also noted that Francisco’s wife was Indonesian. However,
according to Câncio Noronha, Francisco de Araújo was involved – and had written a letter to his friend,
António Senanes (the accountant at the Sociedade Agrícola Pátria e Trabalho - SAPT), in which he
accused the following of involvement in the plot: Câncio dos Reis Noronha, Bernardino dos Reis
Noronha, Alarico Fernandes (b. 31 December 1904, father of 1975 Fretilin Minister Alarico
Fernandes), Domingos Soares (of SAPT) and six others (author’s discussion with Câncio dos Reis
Noronha, Melbourne, 6 December 2008).
404
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, pp.1-2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
405
Taylor, J.G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War, 1991, p.21 – “between 160 and 1,000”; Gunn, G., Timor
Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999, p.260 – “between 500 and 1,000 killed”.
80
10,000 or 40,000 were killed.406 As noted earlier, in April 1960, rebel leaders
deported to Angola summarised: “the number of those deceased was calculated as
more than 500.”407 Other published estimates were “about 1,500 killed”408 and “more
than 2,000”.409 In her March 2007 article (see the preceding footnote 15), Ms Janet
Gunter has estimated “between 50 and 500” deaths.
One of the Timorese leaders of the Rebellion in Viqueque, José Manuel
Duarte, claimed that 545 Timorese were killed during the uprising – noting: “I myself
witnessed the brutality, and have sufficient evidence with which to win the case” and
that there were “at least nine others who can testify on what happened.”410 The
National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM) however, cited a far lower figure in
1995: “the badly planned rebellion failed, causing the expulsion of the Indonesians,
some 150 casualties and 60 Timorese deported to Angola and Mozambique by the
Portuguese colonial authorities.”411
Timor-Leste’s first President, Francisco Xavier do Amaral, stated: “in 1959, in
the aftermath of the uprising, a good number of women, children and old people were
gunned down by the Portuguese soldiers on the beaches of Watulari and Waturkabau.
Some were killed in Dili, Baucau, Weikeke ((Viqueque)). Others were deported to
Angola.”412 Amaral was training as a Jesuit priest in Macau at the time of the
Rebellion and contends that, due to his pro-rebel sympathies, he was not appointed a
Catholic priest by the Portuguese authorities on his return to Timor in 1963.413
A large number of Timorese were arrested, together with 13 of the 14
Indonesian asilados reportedly involved – Jobert Moniaga had apparently been killed
406
Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun, Jakarta, 1996, pp.28-30 cites “hundreds”.
Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration - The Determined Will of the
People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 1976, p.75 states: “According to records, more than
10,000 people were slaughtered by the Portuguese colonialists”. See also Kamah, M.S., “Seroja”:
pengalaman seorang wartawan di medan tempur Timor Timur, Eko’s, Palu (Sulawesi), 1997, p.25 that
claims “makan korban 40,000 jiwa” (“the loss of 40,000 lives”) in the 1959 uprising.
407
“… o número de mortos calcula-se acima de quinhentos !” - Araújo, A. de (et al), Memorandum –
Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento …, 21 April 1960, op.cit., p.5 – included in Annex D.
408
Rohi, P.A., “Timor-Portugis dari Masa-kemasa”, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974, p.V; and Rohi,
P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara, Edition 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15.
409
Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”,
Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. José Manuel Duarte claimed: “Portugal killed more than 2,000
citizens of Viqueque at the Bebui river”. Note however, Duarte’s previous claims of “about 500” and
“545” – see the following footnote 329.
410
Sampaio, A., “Portugal Accused of Human Rights Violations”, Publico, Lisbon, 4 January 1996 –
Duarte was speaking at a press conference in Dili in November 1992 when a member of the Indonesian
East Timor (Timor Timur) provincial parliament (DPRD I) in Dili. Earlier, Duarte had cited “about
500” - Mali Mau, M., “José: Saya merasakan kejamnya Portugal”, Surya, Jakarta, 14 November 1992,
p.13.
411
Conselho Nacional de Resistência Maubere (National Council of Maubere Resistance - CNRM),
“Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media Release, 3 July 1995, p.1.
412
Amaral, F. X. do, “My Response to the Film ‘Death of a Nation: The Timor Conspiracy’ ”, London,
2 July 1994 – his public statement after attending a debate in London on 30 June 1994.
413
Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., p.107. See also Hill, H. M., Gerakan
Pembebasan Nasional Timor Lorosae, Sahe Institute/Yayasan HAK, Dili, 2000, pp.63-64; and
Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, op.cit., p.190 that relates Amaral telling the Bishop of Dili that he
(Amaral) was not “anti-Portuguese” – but “anti the system” that the Portuguese implemented. In a 2009
interview, Amaral related his refusal to be ordained – citing the abuses of the Portuguese colonial
regime, in particularly the use of the chicote (a two-tailed hand whip) to punish the Timorese
(Anderson, C., “East Timor’s First President Recalls His 9-Day Term”, Jakarta Globe, Jakarta, 18
March 2009). Francisco Xavier do Amaral (b. 3 December 1937) joined the public service in Dili on 13
August 1965 and served as a “tesoureiro” (“treasurer”) second-class in the Customs Service until early
1975.
81
Conditions aboard the vessel were very poor – with the prisoners sleeping on
the floor without blankets.416 Governor Barata noted that “despite the cool season”,
the heat aboard the Dom Aleixo was “unbearable.” He “considered it urgent to remove
these men from the Province - despite the human cost of separating them from their
families, as to keep them in those conditions was intolerable.”417
According to José Manuel Duarte, a number of the captured Timorese rebels
were also imprisoned on the island of Ataúro for three years – and some in Baucau for
two years.418 An “Islamic account” lists members of Portuguese Timor’s Islamic
community imprisoned for four-six months in Dili, Liquiça, Batugadé and Ataúro.419
In the Viqueque Circunscrição, 18 males – almost all from villages in Luca
and Carau-Balo, were arrested and imprisoned in Baucau420:
414
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 173/59, 30 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The
“right-hand man”- an “Arab”, was deported but released in 1961 and returned to Portuguese Timor -
see also Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 98/65, 12 July 1965, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4).
415
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, paragraph 10 (NAA; A1838, 3038/2/1 Part
1; 3038/2/9).
416
Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960.
417
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., pp. 69-70. Conditions aboard the Dom Aleixo were
also described by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.24.
418
Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994. Duarte stated that 16 rebels from the Viqueque
Circunscrição (“one from Uato-Carabau, one from Uatolari and 14 from Viqueque”) were “captured
and taken to Dili, and together with 52 from Dili, sent to Angola.”
419
Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.34 lists Ahmad bin
Abdullah Balafif, Muhammad bin Mahfud Bazher, Ambarak bin Mahfud Bazher, Salim bin Said al-
Katiri (Liquiça), Awad bin Bade al-Katiri, Saleh Duru, Abdul Pirus Husen Bima, Umar bin Mussallam
Syagran, Muhamad bin Mussallam Syagran - and refers to “others”.
420
From a list – “Naran Ema Nebe Castigo iha Baucau Tempo 1959 Viqueque”, drafted by Vicente
Soares (of Viqueque) and provided to the author by Virginia Pinto (younger sister of exiled rebel
Domingos Hornay Soares), Dili, 3 April 2007. Dom Ximenes Belo related - as a school child in
Baucau, “hearing the piercing screams and despair” (os gritos lancinantes e desesperados) of the
tortured prisoners - Belo, C.F.X. Dom, A Revolta …, op.cit., 2009, p.5.
82
421
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007 – with additional names from lists in Soares (Mali-Lequic),
A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.102-104. At p.103, Soares (Mali-Lequic) also records that
Domingos Jeremias and António Pereira of Viqueque “disappeared” at Mali-Aba-Ulun, Viqueque; and
José Pinto and Luís “disappeared” at Uato-Carabau.
422
From 1912 until about 1966, the term “suco/suku” referred to a “princedom” or grouping of villages
– see Metzner, J.K., Man and Environment in Eastern Timor, Development Studies Centre –
Monograph No. 8, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1977 - that focuses on central
Viqueque.
423
Fernando Soares Amaral (“segundo-cabo”) and Julio da Costa Amaral – “sipais da guaranição” at
Uatolari were formally dismissed from the administrative service with effect 1 June 1959 - vide BOdT,
No.31, 1 August 1959, p.511. Both were reportedly imprisoned on Ataúro – and subsequently at
Ermera (author’s discussion with Gaspar Mascarenhas, Matahoi, 24 October 2008). The following
were recruited on 1 August as replacement sipais for Uatolari: Guilherme da Cruz (segundo-cabo de
sipais) to replace Fernando Amaral, and Armando da Cruz as sipai to replace Julio Amaral – BOdT,
No.31, 1 August 1959, p.511.
424
Although recorded as “Julio da Silva, Cipaio, Uatolari” in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau
Timor …, 2003, op.cit, p.103, this is likely to be Julio da Costa Amaral – see preceding footnote.
425
Author’s discussions with Joaquim Trinidade (b. 1935), Aliambata, 24 October 2008.
426
Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.102-104.
83
clemency” for the rebels.427 As noted earlier (footnote 326), his account of the
violence in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições was reported in Governor
Barata’s letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories (footnote 327) – in particular,
the killings on the banks of the Bebui River in Uatolari. The report written by
Monsignor da Costa Lopes also included comments and suggestions not repeated in
Governor Barata’s letter to Lisbon. While Monsignor Lopes cited the executions on
the banks of the Bebui River in Uatolari, he was reluctant to unequivocally describe
the killings as “criminal”.428 His report also queried the circumstances of the death of
Carlos de Carvalho at Baguia. Monsignor Lopes offered some explanations for the
discontent that led to the Rebellion, including: a lack of schooling in the
countryside429, shortages of government administrative staff430, and unfair practices
such as the obligatory sale of livestock by villagers at low prices. Apart from a
reference to the capture of “o indonésio Joubert” and “os indonésios Gerson and
Jeremias”, Monsignor Lopes does not mention in his report any involvement in the
revolt of Indonesians, the Indonesian Consul or Indonesia. Subsequently, on his return
to Lisbon, Monsignor Lopes wrote to Governor Barata in November 1959 to thank
the Governor for his “humane and Christian role in the events in Timor.”431
In 2007, several former rebels stated their belief that the Bishop of Dili in
1959 - Dom Jaime Garcia Goulart, and Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes had
pressed for the exile of the arrested rebels – believing that a just trial for the rebels
was more likely outside Portuguese Timor.432 Both Dom Jaime Goulart and
Monsignor Martinho Lopes later visited the rebels imprisoned in Lisbon and sought
improved conditions for them.
427
Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit … , 2000, p.64. Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes had returned to
Portuguese Timor from Lisbon during the National Assembly’s “regular northern summer recess”.
Lennox also notes that Monsignor Martinho Lopes “saw himself as a Portuguese patriot” … “defended
Portugal against insidious slander at the UN” … “and for him the Portuguese colonies were the
crowning glory of the Portuguese nation” - p.66.
428
“dificilmente deixará do ser qualificado de criminoso” - Lopes, da Costa, M., “Breve resenha …,
op.cit., Lisbon, 1959, p.3.
429
On education and social welfare failings, see also Babo Soares, D., “Building a foundation for an
effective civil service in Timor Leste”, Pacific Economic Bulletin, May 2003, p.13 who contends that
“the essence of the protest was merely to insist that the colonial government pay more attention to the
social welfare of the locals, who until that time, had lacked access to education and other government
services.”
430
Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ report was not specific on these “shortages”. However, Artur Marques
Ramos – a Secretário, was the Acting Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição and the Secretário
position was not filled. There were also vacancies in the Postos. As noted at footnote 266, at the time
of the uprising, the position of Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau had been vacant for about one
year since the posting of Francisco da Sousa to Lacluta on 13 May 58 – with a replacement
Encarregado de Posto, Joaquim Pereira da Silva not posted from Mape (Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau
until 16 Jun 59. At Lacluta, Encarregado Francisco da Sousa had been in bad health and was
hospitalised in Dili in November 1958 - and replaced in December 1958 by Laurentino António Pires.
A PIDE report discussing the “Motives for Discontent” noted that the “Mascarenhas Ingles
(Mousinho)” family – a notable and well-established Timorese family, was in dispute with the
authorities due to appropriation of property and the dismissal of family members from senior
government administrative posts - including four Chefe/Encarregado de Posto positions (PIDE –
Timor, Report, Dili, 23 October 1959 – TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS NT 8971 Part 1).
431
Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit …, 2000, p.66: Letter – Flight Timor to Portugal, 12 November 1959.
Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, p.45; p.325 also notes that Monsignor Martinho Lopes wrote to Portuguese
Prime Minister Dr A. de Oliveira Salazar. See footnote 248 for detail on Monsignor Martinho da Costa
Lopes and his 1959 report on the Rebellion.
432
Statements to the author by Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem
Sagran, Dili, 2 April 2007. Dom Jaime Garcia Goulart (1908-1997) was evacuated to Australia in 1942
and returned to serve as Bishop of Dili from October 1945 to January 1967.
84
Into Exile
433
BOdT, No.35, 29 August 1959, p.558.
434
The postings of Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues to Mape, Saul Nunes Catarino to Uatolari, and Joachim
da Silva to Uato-Carabau were promulgated in BOdT, No.26 of 27 June 1959, p.447 – to have taken
effect on 16 June 1959. Governor Barata – who arrived in Dili from Lisbon on 20 June, was unlikely to
have been involved in these movements as they were approved by the Administrative Tribunal in Dili
on 19 June 1959. Subsequently on 18 June 1960, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues was suspended for
“disciplinary infractions committed during his tenure as Chefe do Posto at Uatolari … contrary to the
interests, prestige and dignity of the State” – belatedly promulgated in BOdT, No.10, 11 March 1961,
p.114. He was “dismissed at his request” on 16 April 1962 - vide BOdT, No.21, 26 May 1962, p.429.
435
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
436
Statement by Evaristo da Costa on his return to Jakarta on 5 January 1996 – reported in “Pejuang
Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta,
7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8. The N/M India was scheduled to depart Dili on 5 June, but its departure
was delayed until 8 June to embark the rebel prisoners. Evaristo was transported from Lisbon to
Angola in May 1960, and later exiled in Mozambique – before returning to Portugal and working in
menial jobs in the period 1983-1995.
437
The N/M India, of 7,631 tons, was built in 1951 and had a capacity for 387 passengers. Operated by
the Companhia Nacional de Navegação, it transported passengers (principally public servants and
troops) and cargo to/from Portugal’s colonial territories. Photographs of N/M India, Niassa and
Moçambique can be found at http://www.simplonpc.co.uk/Portugal_Nacional.html
438
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., pp. 218-219 – Annex V, Report of the Police
Superintendent Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.
85
N/M India
The Australian Consul noted “nine of the principal ringleaders … with some
others, were taken away in the Portuguese ship ‘India’ to Lisbon.”439 According to
Governor Barata, to avoid “panic” among the population, the 11 prisoners were taken
aboard the N/M India “with great secrecy at dawn on 7 June” – with the “normal
passengers” (including the departing Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub) embarking in
the evening, and the vessel departed Dili at dawn on 8 June.440 This departure of the
initial group of exiles is also related in statements by José Manuel Duarte: “those who
had been arrested on 3 June 1959 had already been taken to Portugal, while the
remainder who had been captured outside Dili were incarcerated with me in the hold
of the Don Alezu [sic] … those sent first to Lisbon, were also sent to Angola.”441 The
11 Timorese deportees were disembarked in Lisbon from the N/M India on 20 July
1959 and, as “Traição A Pátria”, imprisoned in De Forte do Reduto Norte in
Caxias.442
On 4 October 1959, the majority of the rebel prisoners443 to be exiled were
embarked on the N/M India bound from Dili to Lisbon via Macau, Singapore,
Mormugão (Goa), Aden, Port Said and the Suez Canal.444 These prisoners comprised:
439
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 20, 16 June 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612).
440
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., p.61. Governor Barata also notes that Nazwar Jacub’s
replacement, Tengku Hussin, had arrived on the N/M India a few days earlier.
441
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24.
442
Costa, E. da, Declaração, Dili, 17 June 2001 – in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré …,
2005, op.cit.
443
Their completed pro-forma “Boletim Registo Polícial” – with fingerprints on the reverse, can be
found on file PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59 Caixa 5291 (TdT, Lisbon).
444
N/M India arrived in Dili on 30 September 1959 and, as noted above, disembarked an additional 80
military police and 16 artillery pieces : Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 203/59, 11 October 1959
(NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). José Manuel Duarte related that “Bupati … Monteiro” (Bahasa –
“Bupati” = “Circunscrição Administrator”) - a friend from soccer/football activities, visited him
aboard the N/M India and offered to help his family in Viqueque – which he later did: Diatmika, A.G.,
“(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24. It is highly likely that “Monteiro” was
Administrator (2nd Class) Abílio Maria da Paixão e Morte de Jesus Ferreira Monteiro. According to
Abel da Costa Belo, the rebels believed that they would be tried in Goa - Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …,
1996, op.cit., p.172. A comprehensive account of that part of the voyage from Macau to Lisbon is
provided in Gata, A. C. L.G., Captain, Relatorio da Viagem do Navio India de Macau para Lisboa –
1959, 11 December 1959. The ship’s voyage was subsequently diverted from Aden via Lourenço
Marques (Mozambique) and Lobito (Angola) – to Lisbon. The voyage to Lisbon is also partly related
in Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter
86
The N/M India also carried one “special status” Timorese prisoner, Francisco
M. X. J. de Araújo, who had been a member of the Conselho de Governo in Dili.
A consolidated listing of all deportees – ie those who departed Dili in both
June and October 1959, is at Annex E (alphabetical) and Annex F (Os Nomes dos
Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 - prepared by deportees in Angola
in June 1960, that also notes their pre-arrest vocations and employment detail)448.
When the N/M India reached Macau, “one of the prisoners – Senhor Araújo –
reportedly managed to send a message to a relative, Dr Pedro José Lobo, President of
the Macao Senate and the island’s most powerful citizen.”449 The senior Portuguese
by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959.
445
In Portuguese Timor, there were “only about 100 of the Islamic faith … mostly engaged in the
piecework trade”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 68/54, 23 February 1954 (NAA: A1838,
3006/4/3 Part 1); and “Islam … has a handful of adherents among a small community of Arab
descent”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 73 “Conditions in Timor”, 10 May 1961 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 3).
446
Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.34 – this publication uses
Islamic-style spellings of names that differ slightly from those in other reports.
447
The 52 Timorese and four Indonesians are listed – together with personal details, in the “Guia”
(“Pass”) by Lieutentant D.R.C. Braga (Chefe de Gabinete), Dili, 3 October 1959 (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS Lisboa, PC 604/59, Caixa 5288) ie “special status” Francisco de Araújo is not listed. José
Manuel Duarte stated that 68 rebels were deported to Angola - Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4
February 1994 – this comprised 64 Timorese and 4 Indonesians. However, Duarte is also quoted as
citing “47” departing Dili on 4 October 1959 in Mali Mau, M., “José …”, 14 November 1992, op.cit.,
p.13. For a “primary source” listing prepared by the exiled rebels see the following footnote 365 (and
attached as Annex F) - and also the list of deportees at Annex E. Note however an “error” in Annex F
ie “22. Mateus Pereira” should be “Matias Guterres de Sousa”.
448
Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of
the Timorese Detainees Sent to Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – Annex F.
Those arrested and deported were predominantly from the Timorese “educated” class: more than 30
percent appear to have been “funcionario” (civil servants), several were in commercial employment, at
least three were village chiefs - others were mechanics, drivers, sailors etc and only three were noted as
“desenpregado” (“unemployed”). However, almost all of the Timorese participants in the Rebellion in
the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições would be classified as “villagers”. Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting
the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959, 2006, op.cit., provides an analysis of the employments
and vocations of some of the exiles. Annex E – Deportees 1959 Rebellion, summarises “all-source”
data on each of the rebels.
449
“Trouble in Timor”, Foreign Report, The Economist, London, 25 April 1963 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 2; 3006/4/3 Part 3). The main topic of the Report was the announcement in mid-April
1963 by the Ministry of the “United Republic of Timor – Dilly” – to which the Economist article
appended reference to the “abortive uprising in Timor at the end of 1961” (ie incorrect date) and the
relationship between Dr Pedro José Lobo (Presidente do Leal Senado de Macau) and the transiting
Francisco de Araújo. This relationship is also mentioned at p.406 in Fernandes, M.S., “A União da
República de Timor: o atrófico movimento nacionalista islâmico-malaio Timorense, 1960-1975” at
pp.355-431 in Guedes, A.M. & Mendes N.C. (eds), Ensaios sobre nacionalismos em Timor-Leste,
Collecção Biblioteca Diplomática do MNE – Série A, Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros Portugal,
Lisbon, 2005. Dr Lobo (born Manatuto, 12 January 1892; died 1 October 1965) was President of the
Maucau Senate (4 November 1959 – 9 May 1964). Apparently an orphan of probably Chinese or
Chinese/Timorese parents, he was adopted by a Portuguese official and was sent to study at the
Seminário de S. José in Macau (1901-1908) – letter to the author from Sherlock, K., Darwin, 5 October
87
police officer on the N/M India reported that the son of Francisco de Araújo - ie
Constâncio de Araújo, came aboard the vessel to visit his father – accompanied by
Constâncio’s wife and child. Subsequently, the son-in-law of Dr Pedro Lobo also
visited Francisco and “passed his father-in-law’s compliments.”450 Francisco de
Araújo protested his innocence – claiming that he was the victim of an intrigue
initiated by one of the rebels, Crispim Borges de Araújo, his godson.451
Early on 20 October 1959, as the N/M India was entering Singapore to off-
load a cargo of coffee, the four Indonesians escaped from their cell, leapt overboard
and were picked up by a German freighter, the MS Bayernstein, at about 0500hrs.452
During the Indonesians’ subsequent detention by the Singapore immigration
authorities, their circumstances were reported in the local press.453 On 22 October, the
Indonesians spoke briefly with two Straits Times reporters and declared: “We are
Indonesian army officers – please inform the Indonesian Consulate here that we need
their help … we are all Sukarno’s men.”454 The Singapore maritime police called
upon the Indonesian Consul in Singapore to verify the status of the four Indonesian
escapees – but the Consul “declined to recognise them as his citizens.”455
Consequently, the Indonesians were returned to the N/M India by the Singapore
Immigration Police at 0635hrs on 23 October, and the vessel departed Singapore soon
after.
The four Indonesians were placed under greater security for the rest of the
voyage, and the four Timorese “arabes” were also isolated from the main body of
Timorese prisoners. Conditions during the voyage were described by one of the
prisoners - Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, as follows: “During the trip from
Timor to Angola, I received only 52 cigarettes, a fresh water bath only once and was
able to take in the sun only twice.”456
After a voyage of eight days from Singapore, the N/M India arrived at the port
of Mormugão in Portuguese Goa457 on 30 October. The local police came aboard the
vessel to strengthen security, military personnel patrolled the wharf and erected
barbed wire, and a police patrol launch guarded the harbour waters. While checking
the passenger manifest, an immigration official queried the presence of a Chinese-
Timorese, Mu Theng Siong [sic]. The India’s captain explained that Mu Then Siong
(Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub’s driver who had been arrested in June) was a
Portuguese government contracted worker returning to Portugal – and no further
action was taken.458 The India then sailed to Aden where if off-loaded a 257-ton cargo
2007. See also footnote 602.
450
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter
by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959,
pp. 230-231.
451
Ibid, p.71 & p.231 - It was apparently alleged that Francisco de Araújo had abused a woman
connected to Crispim Borges de Araújo. See also footnote 399 for allegations that Crispim was forced
to implicate Francisco de Araújo in the plot. For background on Francisco de Araújo see footnote 185.
452
Gerson Pello describes exiting a porthole and using bed sheets as a makeshift escape rope - Rohi,
P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara, Edition 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15.
453
“Riddle of 4 Men Saved from the Sea”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 21 October 1959; “All
Portuguese on way to Lisbon: Mystery Deepens”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 22 October 1959.
454
“4 Rescued Men: New Riddle Now”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 23 October 1959.
455
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.72.
456
Costa, F.A.S. da (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960. Frederico also
described his arrest in Dili on 4 June 1959 and his predeparture incarceration aboard the Dom Aleixo.
457
Goa – together with Damão and Diu, were incorporated into the Republic of India on 19 December
1961.
458
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter
by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959,
88
of timber taken aboard in Singapore. Immediately after its departure from Aden on 6
November, the India’s captain, Comandante Contreiras, announced that the vessel
was required to sail to the port of Lourenço Marques (Mozambique) to take cargo on
board for Lisbon - ie rather than transiting the Suez Canal direct to Lisbon. This
diversion caused “great consternation” among the India’s passengers.459 Once at sea
and “out of the arab world”, the four Timorese “arabes” were moved to less harsh
accommodation, and a Catholic mass was celebrated for the prisoners on 12
November at the request of Rev. Ramiro Dias Branco. On 17 November while in
Lourenço Marques, one of the prisoners (Eduardo Francisco da Costa) passed a 100
pataca note to a crew member to purchase sugar and tea for him. Discovered,
Eduardo was taken ashore for interrogation, but was later returned to the ship.
While in the Atlantic Ocean on 25 November, Captain Contreiras received a
ciphered message from Lisbon requiring him to call at the Angolan port of Lobito
(about 400km south of the capital, Luanda) and to contact the local security
authorities for further instructions.
On the N/M India’s arrival in Lobito on 26 November, 52 Timorese prisoners
were disembarked into the custody of the local Portuguese military commander.
Initially, the prisoners were transported and detained at the military base in Nova
Lisboa (now Huambo, about 250 kilometres east of Lobito), but after two days were
divided into two groups - with 30 remaining in the Companhia Militar in Nova
Lisboa and 22 sent to the Bié penal colony at Capolo (about 70 kilometres south of
Silva Porto on Angola’s central highlands plateau).460 At the beginning of 1960, those
at Nova Lisboa were moved to join their comrades in the Bié penal colony.
p.233.
459
Ibid, p.234.
460
Gata, A.C.L.G., op cit. includes a listing at Annex 16 of the 52 prisoners disembarked at Lobito
(Angola) – not sighted by the author of this monograph. Costa, F.A.S. da, Declaração, Dili, November
2005, op.cit. describes detention with the Companhia Militar at Nova Lisboa.
89
Central Angola: showing Lobito, Nova Lisboa, Silva Porto, Vila Luzo461
From Angola, the N/M India continued its voyage to Lisbon, disembarking the
four Indonesian prisoners and Francisco de Araújo into the custody of the security
police (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado – PIDE) on 11 December
1959.462 Initially, this group was imprisoned separately from the 11 Timorese who
had arrived in Lisbon in July 1959 – but subsequently joined them in the prison in
Caxias. In early December 1959, the Portuguese authorities decided that the 11
Timorese would be sent to Angola – but they were to remain in Lisbon for a further
five months.463
In late December 1959 – about two weeks after their arrival, the four
Indonesians were questioned to confirm their earlier statements made in Dili.
Lambertus Ladow explained that “he had not met Major Mustafine at his house, but
rather had only met him casually in the Port of Baucau and their interaction had
nothing to do with the revolutionary movement.”464 Lambertus denied strongly that he
had told Joaquim Ferreira that “Indonesian forces would soon take part in the
occupation of Timor.” Lambertus also stated that - while he had requested in Dili not
to be repatriated to Indonesia, he now wished to return to Indonesia for the sake of his
wife and children – and now that President Sukarno had granted a general amnesty to
all political prisoners and refugees. In July 1960, commenting on the fate of the
deportees, the Army Chief-of-Staff in Dili – Captain Carvalho, commented to the
Australian Consul that he was “quite certain that nothing has come out of the Lisbon
inquiry into the 1959 disturbances to indicate that Djakarta was involved in any
way.”465
In late April 1960, Lambertus Ladow – the senior of the four Indonesians
imprisoned in Caxias (Lisbon), wrote to the Indonesian Consul in Dili on behalf of the
Indonesian group and requested financial assistance.466 At about the same time, ten of
the senior exiles in Angola from Viqueque, led by Amaro de Araújo, produced a
Memorandum detailing the causes and events of the Rebellion467 - see Annex D. This
Memorandum noted the leadership of the “500”-strong rebel group in Dili – but made
no mention of Indonesia, nor the 14 Indonesian Permesta exiles.
461
Boletim Geral das Colónias, No.97, July 1933, p.112.
462
Gata, A.C.L.G., op cit., Annex 18 details the handover of the four Indonesian prisoners and a single
“special status” prisoner from Dili, Francisco M. X. J. Araújo - ie separate from the “52 Timorese”.
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 notes that the four Indonesians were subsequently
imprisoned for some time in Angola before their release and return to Indonesia in 1962.
463
PIDE – Lisbon, 383/59-D.Inv., Lisbon, 17 December 1959 – to PIDE Luanda (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59, Caixa 5291).
464
Ladow, L., Auto de Perguntas, Caxias (Lisbon), 26 December 1959 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS
Lisbon, PC 604/59, Caixa 5288). The identity of “Major Mustafine” is not clear.
465
Australian Consul – Dili, Memo 99/60, 30 July 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
466
Ladow, L., Caixas [sic, ie Caxias] Lisbon, 24 April 1960 – original in Tetum (AHD, PAA-809-948-
46). Ladow comments that the group had arrived in Lisbon “in the winter.”
467
Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe
[sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum – Report: On the event that
occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié
(Angola), 21 April 1960 – in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré …, Dili, 1974 (at Annex D). The
Memorandum was signed, in order, by Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo, Mateus Sarmento Jordão de
Araújo, José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira, António da Costa Soares (António Metan), Fernando
Pinto, João Lisboa, Armindo Amaral, Paulo Amaral and Domingos Soares.
90
Soon after, on 31 May 1960, the 11 Timorese imprisoned in Portugal who had
arrived in Lisbon in July 1959 – together with the four Indonesians (Lambertus
Ladow, Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello and Albert Ndoen) and Francisco de Araújo,
were transported from Lisbon to Vila Luso, Angola.468 Evaristo da Costa recalled “on
31 May 1960, the 11 Timorese in Lisbon were re-transported to Angola, together with
the four Indonesian officers” – and arrived in Vila Luso (Lwena) on 4 June 1960.469
Later in 1960, to facilitate continuing surveillance, the PIDE in Angola drew
up a list of the eight ringleaders of Rebellion: Joaquim Ferreira, João Pereira da Silva,
António Metan (António da Costa Soares), Fernando Pinto, Amaro de Araújo, Mateus
de Araújo and Luís da Costa Rego.470 PIDE records also indicated that Fernando
Pinto, “a former régulo of Uato-Carabau, was deemed influential and not to have
changed his ideas”, and the report noted that he “displayed a photograph of the
Indonesian Consul and chief organiser of the revolt in his house.”
According to Gerson Pello, the four Indonesians had not been put on trial in
Lisbon – but were sent to Angola where they were allowed to “live freely and choose
their own work.”471 Jeremias Pello chose to tend cattle so that he could act as a courier
each morning for messages from Angolan nationalists without the knowledge of the
police. “We used a code created by Lambert who was clever at such things as he had
previously been a radio operator. In 1961, with the assistance of the International Red
468
Following vaccinations, the Guia de Marcha (Travel Pass) for their journey was signed on 31 May
1960 by the PIDE Director in Lisbon (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59, Caixa 5291).
469
Statement by Evaristo da Costa on his return to Jakarta on 5 January 1996 – reported in “Pejuang
Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta,
7 January 1996; and information emailed to the author from Evaristo da Costa on 11 January 2007.
Evaristo was one of the “11 Timorese” transported to Lisbon in early June 1959. As noted above,
Francisco de Araújo was also in the group moved from Lisbon to Angola - ie totalling 12. Evaristo
subsequently confirmed Francisco’s inclusion - email to author by Evaristo da Costa, 26 January 2007
and confirmed in discussions on 2 April 2007. Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor)
Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44 - cites a PIDE report which can be interpreted to indicate that
“four Indonesians and 12 Timorese arrived at the port of Vila Luso in Angola on 3 June 1960” - ie
including Francisco de Araújo .
470
Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., pp.45-46 cites
the PIDE report and lists these seven – plus, by implication, Francisco de Araújo.
471
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata … “, Mutiara, Edition 776, 1995. op.cit., p.15
91
Some weeks after the arrests in Dili, the premises of a “Timorese-only” club in
Balide, the Associação Desportiva e Recreativa União, were burnt down. “It’s said
that the headquarters of the Club had been set on fire by the Portuguese colonial
authorities as it was considered a centre of anti-colonial subversion.”480
The Indonesian Government “had reportedly protested about the
‘disappearance’ of 12 of its nationals captured during the fighting.”481 On 26
September 1959, the Indonesian Consul in Dili wrote to Governor Barata seeking
“particulars regarding the death of one of the Indonesian detainees”.482 In response,
Governor Barata cited a Corpo de Polícia de Dili report that:
“an Indonesian, Jobert Moniaga, 26 years of age, single, the son of Frederik
Moniaga and Marga Berlaar, of Saelewere, Ntara ([sic] – ie, Sulawesi Utara =
North Sulawesi), Menado, a first sergeant in the Revolutionary Party of the
Republic of Indonesia, died in the hospital at Baucau on 17 June of this year as
a consequence of injuries received after having taken up arms against
Portuguese sovereignty.”483
126.
480
Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, As Duas Margens da Ribeira de Aileu, Lisbon, 2007. See also footnote 511.
481
Percival, J., “The Portuguese outpost the world forgot for 250 years”, The Sun Herald, Sydney, 13
August 1961.
482
Indonesian Consul – Dili, Note Verbale 203/I-b/59, Dili, 26 September 1959.
483
Governor of the Province of Timor, No. 285, Dili, 7 November 1959. For other accounts of the
circumstances of Jobert Moniaga’s death, see footnotes 361 and 363-365.
484
Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, No. B4/1/1/60, Lisbon, 4 January 1960. The letter also
complained of intimidation of local people from accepting employment at the Indonesian Consulate
and the “shadowing” of Consul Tengku Usman Hussin by local police that “prevented him from the
proper performance of his duties”.
485
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 144/60, 20 October 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1) ie as
reported to the Australian Consul by the Indonesian Consul.
486
Australian Consulate – Dili, ibid – the Australian Consul also reported that the return of the
Indonesians had been “independently confirmed by a member of the staff of the civil prison in Dili who
has also verified the Tengku’s account of how it was done. It is assumed that this informal method was
93
added that “the method of handing the men over was irregular and is bound to be
resented in Djakarta. It appears that the Indonesian Government was not notified in
advance … and caused considerable adverse comment there ((Kupang)) regarding the
Portuguese methods … regarding the four men still in Portuguese hands … Djakarta
will continue its efforts to have them brought to trial or returned to Indonesia.”487
Australian officials in the Department of External Affairs in Canberra
discussed whether Consul Nazwar Jacub had operated unilaterally – or had been
operating under instructions from the Indonesian Government.488 The Australian
Embassy in Jakarta was subsequently tasked to obtain “discreetly” any information on
the “present whereabouts and activities of Naswar [sic] Jacub Sutan Indra … Our
particular interest is in whether, as has been speculated in some quarters, he no longer
enjoys the confidence of his superiors.”489
To further strengthen security – primarily in response to the 1959 Viqueque
Rebellion, in 1961 Governor Barata formally re-established (ie “renascer”) a regional
Timorese militia under Portuguese command – the Segunda Linha (Second Line).490
In October 1961, the Australian Consul reported:
“The target of 20,000 irregulars has been reached and, after completing a few
weeks of training, the bulk of the force is to be stood down and sent back to
their tribes. … Firearms will not be retained by the individuals.”491
Sara Niner – José Alexandré (Xanana) Gusmão’s biographer, has related that:
“For the Portuguese authorities, the feelings of discontent it ((the Rebellion))
highlighted became the impetus for an upgrade of schools, health and other
government services. Xanana says they understood the increase in the military,
compulsory national service, and the creation of army reserves, as ‘tactics
necessary to contain the eventual rebellion of the Timorese’.”
Niner added: “Xanana and other East Timorese nationalists later came to see
the 1959 rebellion around Ossu, along with the Great Rebellion of 1912, as
defining moments in their unique identity as East Timorese people and their
growing sense of nationalism.”492
In Exile
Those exiled in Angola do not appear to have been mistreated. Several reports
note that they were referred to as “Os Heróis da/de Asia”.493 According to José
Manuel Duarte:
“we remained prisoners, but the judicial process did not start immediately as
the charges prepared in Dili did not meet their prerequisites. So, we were
again interrogated in Angola … I took the opportunity to relate the actions of
the Portuguese colonial government, explaining all their errors. Because the
conduct of the Portuguese colonialists was beyond our tolerance, we felt that it
would be better to unite with Indonesia which had been independent since
1945 … I related the reality of the situation – for example, there were no
schools, hospitals, the people had to hand over their food crops, there were no
roads, forced labour everywhere etc – all as background to the Rebellion …
The conduct of our interrogators in Angola was far different from that in Dili.
In Angola, there was no torture. They just asked us to explain what we had
done, and the background to events. After we had revealed all, they weren’t
game enough to prosecute us. … Our dossiers were sent to the Portuguese
Minister for the Interior and, after a while, a decision was made that we had to
be released. To guard against further demands for integration and to
disempower us, we were divided into two groups. One was allowed to remain
in Angola, and the other was relocated to Mozambique. … Although we were
declared to be free men, we weren’t able to enjoy the same freedom as
Portuguese – and we continued to be watched closely.”494
492
Niner, S., Xanana – Leader of the Struggle for an Independent Timor-Leste, Australian Scholarly
Publishing, North Melbourne, 2009, p.10, p.251 (Endnote 19). Gusmão’s remarks on the Rebellion –
and subsequent Portuguese reforms and security strengthening measures, are mirrored by Abílio de
Araújo – see footnote 550, and Dionísio da Costa Babo Soares at footnotes 399 and 429.
493
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit. – see footnote 472; Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre
Massacré …, 1974, op.cit. – “Heróis” in the title of a photograph; Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan
Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”, Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13.
494
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24. Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up,
2001, op.cit., pp.45-46, pp.325-326 (endnote 19) quotes extracts from José Manuel Duarte’s written
submission on human rights abuses by the Portuguese administration in Timor - see earlier footnotes
251-253. Pinto, dos Santos, L., Certidão - …, 22 March 1983, (see Annex H) indicates that Duarte
appeared before the Tribunal Militar Territorial de Luanda on 25 June 1960. Some of the rebels were
processed earlier by the Tribunal in mid-May 1960 - Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East
Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44.
95
In Bié, Usman bin Manduli was reportedly placed in charge of the Timorese
prisoners’ rations and feeding arrangements – and the director of the prison arranged
that the Muslim deportees had access to halal food.495
José Manuel Duarte declared that in Angola and Mozambique there were 64
Timorese political prisoners and “four from NTT” (ie Nusa Tenggara Timor – ie the
Indonesians from Kupang, West Timor).496 This is confirmed by a listing (Os Nomes
dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959) produced in Silva Porto (Bié)
by Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (“Detido Numero 52”) in June 1960 – Annex
F.497 That document noted the previous employment of each exile (with the exception
of a few from Viqueque) and grouped them as:
• I. De Dili Não Considerado culpado (From Dili, considered not
guilty) – 32 (including Francisco de Araújo).
• II. De Dili considerado como culpado (From Dili, considered guilty)
– 16.
495
Email to author from Dr. J. Berlie, 22 July 2009.
496
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara, Edition 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14.
497
Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of
the Timorese Detainees Sent to Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – Annex F.
The title of the document is not quite correct as the list also includes those Timorese sent initially to
Lisbon (departing Dili in early June 1959) and arriving in Angola in early June 1960 – as well as
Francisco de Araújo and the four Indonesians who were disembarked in Lisbon on 11 December 1959.
96
In late February 1965, there were rumours in Dili of “unrest among the
Uatolari tribes” including “blood-letting ceremonies and other gatherings normally
not permitted by the authorities.”516 The Governor, the military commander and the
head of the civil administration made a hastily organised visit to the region - despite
the hazardous road conditions in the wet season, and the reported unrest abated.
In early July 1965, eight men suspected of plotting to “assassinate the
Governor and perhaps other senior officials with hand grenades” were arrested – two
in Dili and “six in the border area attempting to escape into Indonesia”.517 Each of the
three principal conspirators reportedly had close relatives connected with the 1959
Rebellion – arrested or deported.518 No details of this event were apparently made
public. At the end of 1965, a Timorese second sergeant – Manuel Vladimiro Osório
Soares, was transferred to Portugal “as a security measure”. Sergeant Osório Soares
had “been in contact with the Indonesian Consul and not advised his superior officers
of his conversations”.519
employment, 11 were unemployed and living on government subsidies, and two were
self-employed. Seven of those in Angola, “showed no desire to return to Timor” :
Luís da Costa Rego, Valentim da Costa Pereira, Jorge Anselmo de Lima Machado
([sic] – ie, Maher), Luís Soares da Costa Nunes, José Manuel Duarte – all five were
employed; Venancio da Costa Soares (unemployed) and Fernando Pinto (self-
employed). All 11 of those who were receiving a government subsidy “have in mind
to one day return to Timor”.
José Manuel Duarte noted that on 3 April 1969, in Angola, the rebel exiles
went into mourning at the death of one of the Timorese leaders of the Rebellion,
Amaro de Araújo.521 On 21 March 1970, 12 of the exiles – most with family
members, returned to Portuguese Timor from Angola aboard the N/M India : António
da Costa Soares, Gervásio Soliano Aleixo, Domingos dos Reis Amaral, João Lisboa,
João Pereira da Silva, Joaquim Ferreira, José Sarmento, Miguel Pinto, Nicodemus dos
Reis Amaral, Manuel Rodrigues Alin, Germano das Dores Alves Santana da Silva,
and Duarte Soares.”522 On their return, João Pereira da Silva and Germano das Dores
da Silva reportedly then “fled to Indonesia”.523
An Indonesian publication claims that, following increased security by the
authorities in Portuguese Timor in response to the 1959 Rebellion:
“East Timorese resistance leaders concentrated their movement overseas …
The leaders of the East Timor movement began preparations for their activities
by organising their forces in the East Timor-Indonesian Timor border area.
They even began to organise cells in Australia.”524
521
Mali Mau, M., “José …”, 14 November 1992, op.cit., p.13. Amaro de Araújo was the leader of the
Timorese rebels in Viqueque and had participated in the raid on the Viqueque Circunscrição buildings
on 7 June 1959. Amaro and fellow rebel Eduardo de Araújo – who died in Mozambique, were
reportedly grandsons of the leader of the 1912 Rebellion, Dom Boaventura. According to some
Indonesian sources - including Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara, Edition 775, 1995, op.cit, Dom
Boaventura fled to Kefamenanu in West Timor and died in 1969. However, Portuguese sources and
Chega !, CAVR Final Report (Part 3, para 21) contend that he was captured near Betano in October
1912 and died in prison on Ataúro. Indonesian sources may be confused with Dom João da Cruz
Hornay, the raja of Ambeno (Oecusse), who rebelled in 1910-1913 and later resided in Kefamenanu
until his death – see Hagerdal, H., Historical Notes on the Topass Leaders in Oecusse, Vaxjo (Sweden),
pp.31.32 who cites the “major revolt” by Dom João as “an offshoot of the great revolt of Dom
Boaventura of Manufai in 1911-12.” The rebellion by João de Hornay/Hornai in Oecusse is also related
in Oliveira, L. de, Timor na história de Portugal, Vol II, Agência Geral do Ultramar, Lisboa, 1952, pp.
115-121.
522
“Relação dos Timorenses e Famílias a Repatriar”, 21 March 1970 – an annex lists former rebels
and the dependants returning with them (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507-A, NP 2080). Germano das
Dores is mentioned incorrectly in “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never
Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, as returning to Timor in 1986. See
Annex E for a consolidated listing, spelling of names, and returning family members.
523
Tomodok, E.M. ((Indonesian Consul – Dili: 1972-1976)), Hari-Hari Akhir Timor Portugis, Pustaka
Jaya, Jakarta, 1994, p.96.
524
Soekanto, Integrasi … ,1976, op.cit., p.76. While these claims may be an oblique reference to the
activities of Silvester Martins Nai Buti (footnotes 681-690) in the border areas in the early 1960s – no
further information has been noted on the claimed “cells” in Australia.
101
530
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara, Edition 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14.
531
Juddery, B., “East Timor: which way to turn ?”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 18 April 1975.
According to an Australian intelligence report: “Its followers include relatives and friends of the
Timorese who were involved in the insurrection of 1959, and Timorese priests.” – Joint Intelligence
Organisation (JIO), “A Descriptive Survey of Portuguese Timor”, JIO Study No. 3/75, Canberra, 1975
(NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2). Following a visit to Timor in June 1974, Australian officials had
reported: “Apodeti is seen as the political heir of the 1959 rising against the Portuguese in Viqueque
which was instigated by refugees from the Permesta/PRRI revolt.”- Australian Department of External
Affairs, Cable O.CH79457, Canberra, 3 July 1974 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/11/2 Part 2). For Fretilin
and UDT positive attitudes towards the 1959 Rebellion as a “formative influence” – see footnote 511.
532
Hill, H.M., Gerakan Pembebasan Nasional Timor Lorosae, 2000, p.62 – footnote 22 cites the
Apodeti publication ie O Arauto de Sunda, No.3, 18 September 1974.
533
Soekanto, Integrasi … ,1976, op.cit., p.79.
534
“12 de Novembro de 1991 – por D. Carlos Ximenes Belo” – text on Forum Hakesuk blogspot, Dili,
13 November 2008/Uma Lulik blogspot, Dili, 14 November 2008.
535
The “Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento…” is included as Annex D to this monograph
– less the multi-coloured front cover which is shown above (ie a booted bayonet-thrust into Viqueque
and spurting blood). According to Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, in 1974, Francisco Lopes (see
footnotes 166 and 169-172) met regularly with the Apodeti pendiri (founders) in Dili and managed the
production of the booklet, probably in Kupang – discussions with the author in Dili, 1 July 2009.
103
mention of the involvement of the Indonesian Consul - Nazwar Jacub, nor of any of
the 14 Indonesian “Permesta” exiles.
In early 1975, several of the exiles who had left Angola and Mozambique to
live in Portugal sought to return to Portuguese Timor. According to Armindo Amaral,
they sought the assistance of the Indonesian Embassy in Lisbon – including through
the Indonesian Ambassador, Ben Mang Reng Say, but the Indonesian Embassy was
closed in December 1975 before all the arrangements for their return had been
finalized.536
In 1975, support for the Apodeti party was strong in northeastern Viqueque. A
visiting Australian journalist, Bill Nicol, noted:
“In Uatolari, for instance, the scene of the 1959 ‘massacre’, there was growing
animosity between the Fretilin and Apodeti supporters. Both parties had equal
support in the area. The Portuguese intelligence officer, Captain António
Ramos537, explained the Uatolari problem at the end of our meeting on 8 April
1975. ‘The people do not easily forget the trouble there in 1959’, he said.
‘People revolted against the government and were sent to Angola. They
returned to Timor in 1968 … The main problem now is the land and the cattle.
They want everything that was theirs returned to them. But it has since been
taken over by the other people there, who are now Fretilin (and) who want to
keep it.’ What had begun as basically a local domestic issue had become a
clash between the two political parties, with some violence resulting.”538
The tensions in Uatolari were acknowledged in June 1975 when the authorities
in Dili appointed Second Sergeant Albino dos Santos Brandão as the “Military
Commander of the Uatolari Zone” and administrator of the Uatolari Posto.540
On 11 August 1975, the União Democrática Timorense (UDT) - as the MAC
(Movimento Anti-Comunista), mounted a successful coup in Dili541 – but was defeated
by Fretilin’s “counter-coup” in the following week.542 Late on the evening of 26
536
“Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …”, Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January
1996, p.1 & p.8.
537
Captain António Luciano Fontes Ramos – see BOdT, No.13, 28 March 1975, p.211.
538
Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., p.292.
539
Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Part 3, para 81. Mário Carrascalão’s remarks were made
during an interview on 15 December 2003.
540
BOdT, No.26, 28 June 1975, p.450.
541
The objectives of the UDT’s “Operação Sakonar” are detailed in Pires, M.L., Descolonização …,
1991, op.cit., pp.193-195 eg: “Objectivo Final – Erradicação total de comunismo e libertação
nacional unidade de todos os timorenses a [sic] independência total.” Events are related in Fisher, D.J.,
“Assessment of Political Development in Portuguese Timor from 11-18 August”, 28 August 1975, by
visiting Australian diplomats (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 13, pp.220-228). A separate report on
that file – Fisher, D.J., “Evacuation from Portuguese Timor 16-19 August 1975”, 29 August 1975,
describes the evacuation of 303 civilians from Portuguese Timor who arrived in Darwin in the period
14 August (Macdili) to 19 August 1975 inclusive.
542
A former UDT leader, Mário Carrascalão, wrote in 2006: “Everything would have been easily
avoided if Governor Lemos Pires had the courage to make use of ‘their’ paratroopers to seize the MAC
((Movimento Anti-Comunista)) Operational Commander and his subordinates, as well as Second-
Lieutenant Rogério Lobato and some of the more radical leaders of Fretilin” - Carrascalão, M.V.,
104
August, the Portuguese Governor, his staff, and about 95 military personnel evacuated
from Dili to Ataúro (see later footnote 926). The Apodeti leadership and its few
supporters in Dili joined with Fretilin against the UDT543 – and by the end of August,
the UDT forces had been driven westward from the city.544 However, following
increased ABRI (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia – Indonesian Armed
Forces) attacks in the border area, on 4 October Mari Alkatiri ordered the arrest of the
Apodeti leaders.545 The Apodeti President Arnaldo do Reis de Araújo and ex-1959
rebel Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa were held in the Comarca (prison) at Balide
(Dili) – but escaped to the Indonesian Consulate on 7 December 1975 during the
ABRI airborne and amphibious assault on Dili.546 Many others who had been held in,
or taken into, the countryside were subsequently killed by Fretilin - including
Apodeti’s Secretary General José Fernando Osório Soares who was killed at Hat
Nipah near Hola Rua (Same) on 27 January 1976547; and former 1959 rebels –
including António Metan and João Pereira da Silva (Chiquito), reportedly killed by
Fretilin in Aileu.
During the Indonesian occupation many of the ex-rebels and supporters of the
1959 Rebellion collaborated with the Indonesian administration of the Province of
Timor Timur. Several held senior positions including that of Bupati – ie District/
Kabupaten Administrator, and Camat – ie Sub-District/Kecamatan Administrator.
Some became members of the Timor Timur Legislative Assembly – ie DPRD I, and
the District Legislative Assemblies – ie DPRD II. Others became civil servants and
successful businessmen.548
Timor – Antes …, 2006, op.cit., p.92.
543
Apodeti had reportedly earlier provoked the UDT by holding a flag-raising ceremony in the grounds
of the Indonesian Consulate at Farol on Indonesian National Day (17 August) and conducting
reconnaissance on UDT/MAC locations in Dili – Carrascalão, M.V., Timor – Antes …, 2006, op.cit.,
p.89. Apodeti’s activities of 17 August were observed and described by Fisher, D. in his 28 August
1975 report – see footnote 541 above. The Apodeti leadership in Dili was isolated from its “partisan”
force being prepared by ABRI in West Timor - and reportedly sided with Fretilin reluctantly. See the
discussions between Apodeti Secretary General José Osório Soares and ABRI Lieutenant Colonel
Soebijakto (Commander of the Indonesian Prihatin relief mission to Dili that brokered a brief ceasefire
in late August and evacuated refugees by sea) – “Versi Sejarah Soebijakto #2” and #3, Kompas Online,
Jakarta, 9 March 1996. An Apodeti telegram to the President of Portugal – signed by Guilherme M.
Gonçalves (the luirai of Atsabe) as “President of Apodeti” at Atsabe on 17 September 1975, declared
that Apodeti was fighting against Fretilin and complained of intimidation and violence against Apodeti
leaders and members in Fretilin-held areas - including “six thousand people” isolated in Dili.
544
Fretilin and UDT reportedly fought a week-long battle at “Rai Cortu” - 20km west of Dili, and
evacuated dependants by sea from Maubara – described at pp.34-35 in Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …,
1996, op.cit. Fretilin forces seized Baucau (4 September) and Liquiça (7 September) by “negotiation” -
with the surrender of numbers of UDT troops. According to Jolliffe, “full scale fighting erupted
throughout the territory, leaving 1500-2000 people dead in five weeks.” – Jolliffe, J., Balibo, 2009,
op.cit., pp.76-77.
545
Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Chapter 7.4, para 125 and paras 183-184. Mari Alkatiri
was the Fretilin Minister of State for Political Affairs. The ABRI Prihatin mission – see footnote 543
above, and the arrest of José Osório Soares are described in Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, op.cit.,
pp.47-50.
546
Ibid (Chega !), para 138 and p.53. For Frederico’s subsequent service in Apodeti from 1974 and his
unsuccessful nomination in late 1982 for the position of Governor of East Timor, see Annex E.
547
Ibid (Chega !), para 212.
548
Abel da Costa Belo was the Bupati of Baucau – ie appointed provisional chairman of the Baucau
region on 7 January 1976: Antara, Jakarta, 8 January 1976. António Metan’s son, Eugenio Metan, was
the first Camat (Sub-District Administrator) of Uatolari during the Indonesian period. Eugenio was
reportedly killed by Falintil in the 1990s. DPRD members included: José Manuel Duarte, Nicodemus
dos Reis Amaral and Germano das Dores da Silva. See the listing of vocations at footnote 562 and
further detail at Annex E.
105
contact with Fretilin or other pro-independence groups as the former rebels were
regarded as “supporters of Indonesia” – and they feared reprisals by Fretilin and
others.555
the returned exiles was to be made available to the Indonesian authorities. Attendees
were also reportedly told of the Indonesian Government’s intention to build a
memorial to those killed in the Rebellion on the banks of the “Watu Lari” river (ie the
Bebui River) – with plans to inaugurate the monument by 10 November 1995.560
In mid-late 1995, the Indonesian media included several lengthy articles on the
Rebellion and the former rebels – with articles by journalists Peter Rohi in the
magazine Mutiara, and by J. Herman in the Jawa Pos in which former rebels were
interviewed.561
On 10 November 1995 - on Indonesia’s “Hari Pahlawan” (Heroes’ Day), 13
former Timorese exiles of the Viqueque Rebellion were awarded veterans’
decorations (Tanda Penghargaan Veteran RI Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor-
Timur) in Jakarta by the Indonesian Defence Minister, General Edi Sudrajat – “in
recognition of their service in the struggle to integrate Timor Timur into Indonesia.”562
In discussion with the Defence Minister, José Manuel Duarte stated
560
CNRM Media Release op.cit. – see footnote 558 above. The media release was based on a signed
report dated 15 June provided by an un-named attendee. José Manuel Duarte spoke at the meeting and
offered documents. P.A. Rohi’s (“Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit.) subsequent meetings with
Marcelino in 1996 – see footnotes 136, 227, 275 and 363 - conducted “within the framework of
reconstructing the 1959 Rebellion”, may have been an element of this Indonesian Government project.
561
Information extracted from these articles has been cited earlier. See the Bibliography – Selected
Reports and Articles, for detail on articles by P.A. Rohi and J. Herman.
562
“13 Pejuang Integrasi Timtim Terima Penghargaan Veteran” (13 Timorese Integration Fighters
Receive Veterans’ Awards), Kompas, Jakarta, 11 November 1995, p.15; and “Kepulangan Pejuang
Integrasi Timtim” (“Return of East Timor Integration Fighters”), Republika Online, Jakarta, 11
November 1995. The recipients of the “Integration Pioneer” medal were listed as: José Manuel Duarte
(aged 61, retired civil servant – ex Civil Servant “Korpri” Secretariat), Salem Musalam Sagran (67,
businessman and manager of the East Timor Majelis Ulama Indonesia), Germano das Doras Alves da
Silva (57, member DPRD II Manufahi), Dominggos da Conceição Pereira (68, retired civil servant),
Nicodemus dos Reis Amaral (70, retired member of DPRD), Joaquim Ferreira (62, village chief, Uma
Uain Leter), Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira (64, retired civil servant), Dominggos dos Reis Amaral (62,
farmer), Alexandré de Jesus (67, unemployed), Usman bin Manduli Sangaji (60, former village chief,
Alor – West Dili), Saleh bin Ahmad Bassawan (60, businessman), José Sarmento (53, farmer), and
Vernando [sic] Pinto (who had died in exile) – this appears to be a reference to Fernando Pinto of Uato-
Carabau. Other 1959 veterans had also reportedly been proposed, but a timely decision had not been
reached on their inclusion.
563
“Anak Saya di Cijantung, Jadi Kopassus” (“My Son is at Cijantung to become a Kopassus
member”), Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 11 November 1995, p.13. José Duarte also related that two of the
former rebels were then resident in Australia, and eight in Portugal – of whom three planned to return
to Indonesia.
108
previously there had not been a response on assistance from the Indonesian
Government”, Duarte believed that recent support from the Chairman of the East
Timor Regional Parliament (DPRD I) - António Freitas Parada, improved prospects
for progress.
On 5 December 1995, a “former exiles’ organisation” in Dili (Pejuang
Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia – The
Fighters for the Integration of East Timor into the Unitary Republic of Indonesia) sent
a Pernyataan Sikap (Position Statement) to the visiting UN Human Rights
Commissioner that expressed their disappointment that the UN had never paid
attention to human rights violations by the Portuguese in quelling the 1959 Rebellion
– and appealed to the UN Secretary General not to take notice of “opportunist
traitors” outside East Timor who “pretend to speak for the people of East Timor.”567
The following day, the former exiles’ group held a meeting in Dili’s Mahkota Hotel
(now Hotel Timor) and sent a letter (Annex G) to the UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights in Geneva declaring that the objective of the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion
had been to integrate Portuguese Timor with Indonesia – and that “the aspiration of
the East Timorese People to unite with Indonesia had been in the soul of the East
Timorese People from 1950 and was later brought into sharper focus by the outcomes
of the Asia-Africa Conference held in Bandung in 1955.”568 As evidence of Portugal’s
official acknowledgement of the Rebellion’s intent, the letter included a photocopy of
a “Certidão” (“Certificate” – in Portuguese, see Annex H) from the Portuguese
“Armed Forces Chief of Staff’s Office for the Coordination of the Disbandment of the
PIDE/DGS & LP” that attested: “José Manuel Duarte participated in the seizure and
occupation of the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7 June 1959 with the
objective of delivering up the Province to the Republic of Indonesia.”569
On 5 January 1996, accompanied by several of their children, three exiles
returned to Jakarta from Portugal: Armindo Amaral (57 years), Evaristo da Costa
(61), and Domingos Hornay Soares (57) – and the three similarly received veterans’
titles from the Indonesian Defence Minister at a ceremony on 10 January. In Portugal,
the group had been assisted in preparations for their return by the Portuguese-
Indonesia Friendship Association (PIFA) chaired by Manuel Macedo.570 Venancio da
Costa Soares had been intended to return with the group - but was “ill” and remained
in Portugal.571 On the group’s subsequent arrival in Dili on 14 January 1996, Evaristo
567
Pernyataan Sikap - Pejuang Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik
Indonesia, Dili, 5 December 1995 – the letter was signed by: José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira,
José Sarmento, Germano das Dores Alves da Silva, Salem M. Sagran, Saleh Bassarewan, Lourenço
Rodrigues Pereira, and Domingos da Conceição Pereira.
568
Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, Dili, 8
December 1995 (in Bahasa Indonesia and Portuguese). Copies were also sent to the UN Secretary
General in New York. Signatories were: José Manuel Duarte, Salem M. Sagran, and Germano das
Dores Alves da Silva. See Annex G for a copy in Bahasa Indonesia and an English translation.
569
Pinto, L. dos Santos, Certidão - Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas Serviço de
Coordenação de Extinção da PIDE/DGS e LP, Lisbon, 22 March 1983 – see Annex H. The indictment
before the Territorial Military Tribunal in Angola in May 1960 also cited the rebels’ aim to “annex
Timor to the Republic of Indonesia” – see Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor)
Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44.
570
Related to the author by Evaristo da Costa, Dili, 2 April 2007. PIFA was founded on 20 October
1993. Its counterpart organisation in Jakarta, the Indonesia-Portugal Friendship Association (founded
17 January 1994), was chaired by President Soeharto’s daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rakmana – “Tutut”.
571
“Jati Diri: Pejuang Timtim; Jangan Beri Mimpi”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 10 January 1996, p.4.
Evaristo was accompanied by his children: Evaristo Gomes Costa (36), Romeu da Conceição Costa
(16) and Eva Amido da Costa (13) – Ramos Quintão Costa (17) remained in Portugal to continue his
education. Venancio da Costa Soares declined to return to Timor - reportedly fearful that he would be
110
da Costa declared: “For me, integration ((with Indonesia)) began from 1959.”572 Soon
after in a media interview, José Manuel Duarte and Salem Sagran spoke of the 1959
Rebellion as the “embrio” of the process leading to East Timor’s incorporation into
Indonesia – and of plans for reunions, the writing of a book, and the establishment of
a “1959 Viqueque Movement Yayasan” (in Bahasa, Yayasan = Foundation).573
Evaristo, Domingos and Armindo were provided with adjacent houses by the
provincial authorities in the western Dili suburb of Aimutin. Also – during an
interview in 1996, Marcelino António Fausto Guterres (who had been reported -
apparently incorrectly, as attending the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung in 1955)
stated in reference to 1959: “We saw West Timor as a historical reason for integrating
into Indonesia. Above all, it would have been impossible for us ((East Timor)) to
stand alone.”574
In Dili on 30 March 1996, the Indonesian Defence Minister awarded
Veteranus Perintis Integrasi (Integration Pioneer Veteran) medals to 27 of the
participants in the 1959 Rebellion. Of the 23 Timorese recipients, 20 were deceased,
and their posthumous awards were accepted by their close relatives. 575 Three
Timorese veterans accepted their awards: “Juman bin Bachirum, Manuel Rodrigues
Alin, and Manuel Alves”. Four Indonesians were also awarded the medal: Gerson
Tom Pello, “known as Tinenti” (ie Lieutenant); Jeremias To’an Pello; Albert Ndun;
and the late Lambert Klin Landauw [sic] – “Lambert, who had passed away in
Bangkok (Thailand) in 1983 was represented by his fourth daughter, Luciana Ladow.”
In an interview, Jeremias explained that, at 19, he was the youngest of those deported
in 1959 – and, as such, was given the nickname of “the little one” by his comrades.
In a further ceremony in Jakarta on 11 November 1996, the Indonesian Social Affairs
Minister, Inten Soeweno, awarded the Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan
killed on arrival in Dili – email information to the author from Evaristo da Costa, 8 February 2007.
Evaristo had suggested returning to Timor – and this was proposed in a letter drafted by Evaristo and
signed by Armindo Amaral to Armindo’s friend Germano das Dores da Silva in Same who was
serving as a member of the local Parliament (ie DPRD II Manufahi).
572
“Tangis Sambut Tiga Pejuang TimTim” (“Tears Greet Three East Timor Fighters”), Kompas,
Jakarta, 15 January 1996, p.15. The three returnees were escorted by José Manuel Duarte and
Germano das Dores da Silva – and met by Salem Sagran and local officials.
573
“Pejuang 1959 TimTim Akan Reuni dan Menulis Buku Sejarah” (“1959 East Timor Fighters Will
Re-Unite and Write a History Book”), Antara, Jakarta, 15 January 1996. As noted above, the “Garuda-
topped” monument to the 1959 Rebellion stands in the main square (actually a “triangle”) of “old”
Viqueque Town. A far smaller monument (height about two metres) is located at the northern apex of
the “triangle” – erected by ABRI Yonif (infantry battalion) 408 on 10 December 1990, dedicated to that
battalion’s operations during a tour-of-duty in Viqueque.
574
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – for information on Marcelino, connect with
footnotes 136, 138, 141, 227, 228 and 363.
575
“27 Pejuang Viqueque Peroleh Gelar Veteran”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 1 April 1996, p.5. The
deceased former Timorese rebels were: “António da Costa Soares, António Soriano, Alberto Rodrigues
Perreira, Duarte Soares, Francisco Maria Xavier de Araújo, Crispin Borges de Araújo, Gervasao [sic]
Soriano Alexio, Joaquim Agustodos Santos, João Perreira da Silva, José Soares, João Lisboa, José
Gama, José Maria Esposito Maia, Mario José Hendriques Martins, Manuel da Silva, Miguel Pinto,
Mateus Jordão de Araújo, Paulo da Silva, Paulo da Conceição Castro, Vital Ximenes”.
111
576
“13 Perintis Integrasi Terima Penghargaan”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 6 November 1996, p.5 –
published before the ceremony ; “Satyalancana untuk 16 Tokoh Timtim” (“Independence Pioneer
Medals for 16 Prominent East Timorese”), Kompas Online, Jakarta, 12 November 1996 – “69 of the
rebels were captured, one sentenced to death, and the remaining 68 were exiled … at present, 34 are
still living (24 in Indonesia and 10 in other countries) while 35 have died (27 in Indonesia and eight
overseas).”; Setyalencan [sic] dan Rp 1,5 Juta untuk Pejuang Timtim, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 12
November 1996, p.5 – under Presidental Decree 111/TK/1996 – the “omitted” Indonesian was
Lambertus Ladow (deceased, Bangkok, 1983). Minister Soeweno noted that surviving Perintis
Kemerdekaan (Independence Pioneers) numbered 338 – together with about 2,000 widows. The awards
were also later reported by the United Nations in “Sixteen East Timorese patriots received medal of
independence movement”, UNSG Report on the Situation in Timor, E/CN. 4/1997/51, UN Economic
and Security Council, 21 February 1997. In reference to the 1959 exiles, the UN report also cited an
Indonesian statement: “Following the fall of the dictatorship in Portugal, they had repeatedly appealed
to the Portuguese Government to be returned to Indonesia, but to no avail. Their eventual return was
facilitated by the ICRC. No news coverage or announcements about their return to Indonesia and their
current well-being were ever made by Portugal … 34 are still alive, living both inside and outside
Indonesia.”
577
Sekretariat Militer Presiden, Daftar warga negara Republik Indonesia Yang Menerima Anugerah
Tanda Kehormatan Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan Kemerdekaan Satyalancana Kebudayaan Dan
Satyalancana Pendidikan, Biro Tanda-Tanda Jasa/Kehormatan, Jakarta, 2005 – lists a total of 25 East
Timorese recipients of the Independence Pioneer Medal in a total of 988 recipients (ie 2.5 percent). All
except “Alexandrinou Boromeu” (a member of the Apodeti Party Presidium in 1974, an Apodeti
signatory to the 30 November 1975 “Balibo Declaration”, and the Bupati in Manufahi 1976-1984) were
involved in the 1959 Rebellion. An “Alexandrino Borromeu” served in the civil service in Dili in the
early-mid 1970s as a laboratory assistant 2nd-class – vide BOdT, No.32, 7 August 1971, p.717; and
BOdT, No.13, 28 March 1975, p.214
578
Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian”, op.cit. – Jeremias lived in Pariti village, about 63km
from Kupang. In 1997, he had been offered a very small house in Kupang – but had declined. Officials
had visited him in Pariti to plan improvements to his home, but no work had commenced by May 1999.
112
In late January 1999, the Indonesian Government offered the people of East
Timor the choice of “wider autonomy” (“otonomi yang diperluas”) within the
Republic – ie continued integration; or “separation from Indonesia” (“berpisah
dengan Negara Kesatuan RI”) – ie independence, through a “Popular Consulation” to
be conducted on 30 August 1999.579
In May 1999, a pro-integration militia group: “59 Senior/75 Junior”
(sometimes referred to also as Naga Merah – Red Dragon) was formed in Viqueque
Town by the Viqueque District Bupati, Martinho Fernandes.580 Chega !, the Final
Report of the CAVR, notes that the “59/75 Junior/Naga … led by Alvaro de Jesus”
had its “roots in the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion”.581 “The militia group 59/75 Junior –
… took its name from the year of an abortive anti-Portuguese uprising in the district
(1959), and the year of Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor (1975).”582
The militia groups in Viqueque - ie Makikit (based in Lacluta) and 59/75
(based in Beobe/Rai Um sub-village of Uma Kiik, three kilometres west of old
Viqueque Town) were - when “compared to militia groups in the western Districts,
neither was especially strong. In three of the five sub-districts (ie kecamatan) – Ossú,
Uatolari and Uato-Carabau, they were virtually absent. By one estimate, there were
fewer than 100 militiamen in the entire District in mid-1999.”583
According to local elders, the nominal leader of 59/75 was Joaquim Ferreira
(aged 66 years) who had been a participant in the 1959 rebellion and later exiled to
Angola – while the active leaders of the 59/75 militia included “Comandante” Antero,
who had been earlier wounded by Falintil, and Filomeno Amaral.584 Killings and
other violence committed by the 59/75 militia group included attacks on 10 and 11
August 1999 on the offices of a student organization and on the Conselho Nacional
Resistência da Timorense (CNRT) in Viqueque Town.585
Eurico Guterres was one of the most prominent pro-integration militia leaders
in 1999 and the commander of the Dili-based Aitarak militia group. He has contended
579
For a contemporary article on Indonesian President Habibie’s decision, see Anwar, D.F., “Habibie
dan Timor Timur”, Tempo, Jakarta, 8 February 1999, pp.30-31.
580
Martinho Fernandes had been appointed Bupati in March 1999 and had previously served as the
Camat of Ossú Sub-District. Martinho also reportedly founded the large militia group in Viqueque -
Makikit (Eagle), led by Lafaek Saburai (Afonso Henriques Pinto). Raimundo Soares and Francelino
Soares are also listed as “59/75” leaders in McDonald, H. (et al), Masters of Terror – Indonesia’s
Military and Violence in East Timor in 1999, Canberra Papers on Strategy & Defence No. 145,
Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, Canberra, 2002.
581
Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Part 4, p.29. An article by Gunter, J., “Communal
Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.37 states that Eurico Guterres “created the Viqueque militia”
in April 1999 and “unambiguously linked the pro-Indonesia side to the rebellion forty years before by
naming the group ‘59/75’.”
582
Robinson, G., East Timor 1999: Crimes Against Humanity, University of South Los Angeles, July
2003. Part IV, District Summary 9.13, Viqueque (Kodim 1630).
583
Ibid.
584
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque Town – 29 June 2007.
585
Robinson, G., East Timor 1999: Crimes …, 2003, op.cit., and Judicial System Monitoring Program,
SPSC Case Information, Case 3/2004. The Council for Timorese Resistance (Conselho Nacional
Resistência da Timorense – CNRT) was formed on 23 April 1998.
113
that his grandfather was killed by the Portuguese in Viqueque during the 1959
Rebellion.586
Following the violence after the 30 August 1999 Popular Consultation, several
of the former 1959 rebels left Timor-Leste – many initially to West Timor. These
included José Manuel Duarte and Joaquim Ferreira. Domingos Hornay Soares
reportedly returned to Portugal in 2000.
As noted earlier, in 1992 returned exiles and Indonesian officials in Dili had
proposed legal action against Portugal (see footnote 556). In Lisbon, beginning in
mid-1992, the 1959 exiles resident in Portugal had begun seeking compensation from
the Portuguese Government for lack of due process and other “injustices” associated
with the 1959 Rebellion and their exile - initially corresponding with the Portuguese
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and subsequently with the Provedoria de Justiça. In
December 2000, the group sought the assistance of the National Council for Timorese
Resistance (Conselho Nacional Resistência da Timorense – CNRT).
Beginning in January 2004, they – the “Grupo 59”, requested support for their
claims from the Timor-Leste authorities through the President of the National
Parliament and met with the President of the Timor-Leste Parliament’s Committee A
(Committee for Constitutional Affairs, Human Rights and Civil Freedom) on 28
September 2005.587 Their last formal correspondence to the President of the National
Parliament – with copies to the Timor-Leste President and Prime Minister, (ie
Assunto: Pedido de indemnização por danos sofridos em 1959 – Subject: Order for
the Indemnification of Damages Suffered in 1959) was signed by “Os Representantes
das Vítimas de 1959” (Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, Salem
Musalam Sagran, Juman Bin Basirun and Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira).
On 12 June 2008, three of the former rebels (Evaristo da Costa, Frederico
Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran) met in Dili with the Timor-Leste
Minister for Foreign Affairs (Zacarias Albano da Costa), the Portuguese Ambassador
(João Ramos Pinto), the Vice Prime Minister (José Luís Guterres) and two
departmental officials to discuss the former rebels’ case for “indemnification” ie the
Caso Grupo 59. The Portuguese Ambassador stated that their case could not be
considered as the “National Committee of Inquiry” - established in August 1974 to
inquire into events in the period 28 March 1926 to 25 April 1974, had concluded its
586
“Anak Muda Bangkit Dari Wacana Berbahaya”, Gamma, No. 34.2, 17 October 2000 – “kakeku
dibunuh Portugues pada 1959” and similar claims on 28 March 2007. Guterres was reportedly born in
Uatolari on 17 July 1974 (or 1971). Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit.,
p.37 relates that Guterres is “António Metan’s nephew” and named “59/75” – but both these claims
have been disputed by local sources. Remarkably, in early 2009, Eurico Guterres claimed that family
members were entitled to RDTL Resistance-era medals ie Ordem Nicolau Lobato and Ordem Dom
Boaventura – TIME Timor, No 23, Tahun IV, January 2009.
587
The correspondence has been collated in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e
Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-
Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. That portfolio-type document also contains discrete declarations
(Declaração) by Luís da Costa Rego (22 June 1993), Evaristo da Costa (17 June 2001), Juman bin
Bachirum (20 October 2005), Salem Musalam Sagran (November 2005) and Frederico Almeida Santos
da Costa (November 2005).
114
•
11 Timorese, including the “ringleaders” – principally those arrested
in Dili and Baucau in early June, who departed Dili on the N/M India
on 8 June 1959 for Portugal and were later exiled to Angola in late
May 1960 (several were subsequently transferred to Mozambique).
• 52 Timorese who were embarked on the N/M India on 4 October 1959
- together with the four Indonesians and the “special status” prisoner,
Francisco M. X. J. Araújo. The 52 were disembarked in Angola on 24
November 1959 – while the four Indonesians and Francisco de Araújo
were imprisoned in Lisbon (arriving 11 November 1959) before being
transferred to Angola in late May 1960.
Recent Indonesian Interpretations of the Rebellion
In the early 1990s, official Indonesian history texts for primary and secondary
schools included sections on the “Viqueque Rebellion of 1959” – see Annex B.591
On 10 November 2002 (Indonesian National Heroes’ Day), President
Megawati Sukarnoputri inaugurated a monument in the grounds of the TNI
headquarters at Cilangkap (Jakarta) to memorialise Indonesian losses during the
occupation of East Timor. The Monumen Seroja lists the names of 3,804 ABRI/TNI
personnel who died in combat in East Timor in the period 1975-1999592 and includes a
series of ten relief panels - principally illustrating aspects of ABRI/TNI service in
East Timor. One panel however depicts the “Suffering of the People of East Timor
During the Portuguese Colonization” (“Penderitaan Rakyat Timor Timur Pada Masa
Penjajahan Portugis”) – see below:
588
The Group had received a similar written response to their claims from the Portuguese Provedoria
de Justica (R-0002/93 (A6) – 017838, 3 October 2000). Correspondence up to November 2005 was
included in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano
de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005.
589
Email advice to the author - 3 November 2008. The Grupo 59 termed their campaign: “Revolução e
Reclamação de Direitos Humanos de 1959” – advice from Evaristo da Costa and Frederico Almeida
Santos da Costa (email 3 March 2009).
590
For example: “Kepulangan Pejuang Integrasi Timtim” (“Return of East Timor Integration
Fighters”), op.cit., Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995.
591
According to a 2004 study, although 1996 editions of Indonesian school history texts referred to the
1959 Rebellion, from 2000 only the 1910 rebellion by Dom Boaventura was mentioned – Gratton, A.,
Perkembangan dalam Pendidikan Sejarah di Malang sejak Zaman Reformasi, Universitas
Muhammadiyah, Malang (Indonesia), 2004.
592
Comprising 2,277 soldiers and police – and 1,527 East Timor irregulars/auxiliaries.
115
In an oblique reference to the 1959 Rebellion, text on the TNI’s Monumen Seroja
webpages593 associated with that panel relates that “people resisting were exiled to
Mozambique and Angola”.
593
The TNI Center for Military History website is: http://www.sejarahtni.mil.id/index.php?cid=1756
594
A photograph of the memorial is at Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da
Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.158.
595
Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan …”, East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004,
op.cit.. This article relates the different versions - ie by the Makassae and Naueti groups, on the
ownership, development and seizure/re-seizure of land in Uatolari Sub-District.
596
Oliveira, J.L. de, “Sengketa Tanah Uatolari” (Land Conflict in Uatolari), Cidadaun, No.26, July
2002, p.6.
116
the region, they identified the characteristics of the people in three categories:
hot-blooded, normal and minus. The hot-blooded were the Makasae and the
Bunaq – while the minus were the people of Oecusse and Manatuto, and the
other districts were regarded as normal. The culture of violence in Viqueque
occurs in the areas of Ossú, Uatolari and Viqueque – while the Sub-Districts
of Uato-Kerbau and Lacluta are invariably secure and peaceful. … The
incidents at Uatolari are an expression of the hatred, enmity and revenge
related to the events of 1959-1974 (the Portuguese period) and 1975-1999 (the
Indonesian occupation).”597
597
“Kasus Uatu-Lari warisan nenek moyang” (“The Uatolari case is a legacy from our forefathers”),
Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 7 November 2002, p.1.
598
Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah …”, 2004 op.cit.; and Yayasan HAK, Konflitu Rai No Natar Iha
Uatolari – Akuza, Direito 27, Edition 27 June 2004.
599
“Sebarkan Isu Perang Antar Suku 10 Warga Uato Lari Ditangkap” (“Spreading Inter-Ethnic War –
10 from Uatolari Arrested”), Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 25 April 2007.
600
Timor Post, Dili, 14 August 2007 – citing a TV Timor-Leste interview on 13 August 2007. The
violence was probably precipitated by the swearing-in on 8 August 2006 of the IV Constitutional
Government led by Xanana Gusmão. In the Baucau District Court on 8 June 2009, three defendants in
the “Uatolari case” were each sentenced to three years imprisonment and two were acquitted –
Summary of Cases Tried in the Baucau District Court 08-11 June 2009, JSMP, Dili, 26 June 2009.
601
“Polisiz Viqueque Latolera Joven Abut”, Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 26 June 2008. The PRU post
was established to guard against inter-ethnic violence and clashes between youth martial arts groups.
The author met briefly with PRU officers in Uatolari in late October 2008.
602
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Timor-Leste: Villagers seek peace
through traditional rituals”, Dili, 4 March 2009.
117
On 5 June 2009, Nobel Prize laureate Dom Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo
published a six-page article: “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e
Watocarbau”603 that included discussion of the “causas remotas” and “causas
proximas” of the Rebellion. Interestingly, Dom Belo closed his article with:
“To all those who lost their lives because of the so-called ‘Revolt of 1959’,
I – as a Timorese who witnessed with my own eyes and ears the physical and
mental violence in my hometown of Baucau, bow my head as a sign of respect
and solidarity. To some extent, I take the liberty to affirm “they also have
contributed to the Independence of our Motherland – to them I offer my
prayers and respect.”
603
Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e Watocarbau”, Porto, 5 Junho de
2009 (six pages). The author is responsible for the English translation (from Portuguese and Bahasa) of
the passage cited above.
http://forum-haksesuk.blogspot.com/2009/06/revolta-de-1959-em-viqueque-watolari-e.html
118
Timor-Dilly Fighters’. It was a house situated in a depressed area of Djakarta and no-
one was about when the calls were made. …so far we have not heard of it ((the
Announcement)) being published in any newspaper except the English-language
‘Observer’, a paper of no significance whatsoever … The Portuguese Legation, for
the present at least, attaches no significance to this circular which it suspects could be
the work of one man. Although this is called a ‘second announcement’, the
Portuguese Legation does not recall seeing the first announcement from this
Bureau.”608
This early - perhaps the first, public statement by the URT-D contained only
limited “Pan-Malay/Islamic” rhetoric. Brief Islamic references included: “On behalf
of Allah”, “Allah will give the fruits of freedom” – and the Announcement referred to
the “unbelieving Portuguese”. Islamic references seemed incongruous when related to
the composition of society in Portuguese Timor. In the early 1960s, about 20 percent
of the population in Portuguese Timor were regarded as Roman Catholic - the
majority were considered to be “tribal animists”.609
The URT-D Announcement was covered by an Australian Broadcasting
Commission (ABC) report on 6 March 1961, by Radio Australia on 7 March, by The
Straits Times (Singapore) on 7 March, The Indonesian Observer on 11 March - and in
a critical editorial in Dili’s A Voz de Timor newspaper on 12 March.610 The A Voz de
Timor item cited the Union’s “Liberation Committee” as “madmen” - and indirectly
sought assurances from Indonesia. A response from the Indonesian Consul in Dili,
Tengku Usman Hussin – as a letter to the Governor, was subsequently printed in A
Voz de Timor No. 83 of 19 March noting Indonesia’s earlier “no territorial claim”
position in statements by President Sukarno and Foreign Minister Subandrio - ie
“Indonesia could co-exist peacefully and cooperatively with such foreign-controlled
territories”.611 The Indonesian Consul’s letter argued: “it is silly and rather groundless
to think that Indonesia entertained the idea of annexing Portuguese Timor … the
Indonesian Government and people are only fighting to regain West Irian … if there
is a ‘Committee for the Liberation of the Republic of Timor’, the sponsors and
advocates of the Committee do so at their own risk and full responsibility.”
The daily newspaper in Darwin, the Northern Territory News, printed several
rather sensational articles related to the URT-D Announcement.612 In “Indies in Threat
to Timor” (23 March 1961), it claimed “Indonesia has formed a committee in
Djakarta to ‘liberate’ Portuguese Timor” – followed by an editorial: “Timor threat too
close for comfort”. In an article in its 8 April 1961 edition titled “Timor Rising”, the
608
Australian Embassy – Djakarta, Memo 561, 25 March 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). The
Indonesian Observer, Djakarta, reported the Announcement on 11 March 1961.
609
Singh, B., East Timor, Indonesia and the World, Singapore Institute of International Affairs,
Singapore, 1995, p.23 includes Table 8: “Growth of Church in Timor” indicating 29.4 percent of the
population as Catholic in 1974, 42.3 percent in 1980, and 92.3 percent in 1994. On Islam in Portuguese
Timor, see footnotes 445 and 446.
610
“Ignorância e Demogogia” (“Ignorance and Demagogy”), A Voz de Timor, No.82, Dili, 12 March
1961. This article and the following letter by the Indonesian Consul (footnote 611 below) were
included in the Portuguese Government’s monthly foreign policy publication Boletim Geral do
Ultramar, No. 429-430, March-April 1961, pp.391-394.
611
Tengku Usman Hussin, Consul, Indonesian Consulate – Dili, letter to the Governor, 16 March 1961.
Such “no claim” statements were made by Foreign Minister Subandrio to the Indonesian Parliament in
early February 1959; on 10 March 1960 (to repudiate an “incorporationist” remark in a speech by
Mohammad Yamin to an All-Indonesian Youth Meeting in Bandung in February – see The Indonesian
Observer, 11 & 12 March 1960: NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1); and by President Sukarno during his
visit to Lisbon in early May 1960 (see also Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable AP82 O.11055, “…
Indonesian Relations with Portugal”, 17 July 1961, NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1)
612
Northern Territory News, Darwin - 23 March, 30 March and 8 April 1961.
120
613
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable AP82 O.11055, “… Indonesian Relations with Portugal”, 17
July 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1). ABRI = (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia –
Indonesian Armed Forces). On the struggle for Irian Barat/West New Guinea, according to General
A.H. Nasution - Indonesian Defence and Security Minister, the Indonesian Armed Forces had “groups
of men totalling about 1500 at various points along the coast of West New Guinea.” – Record of
Conversation with Sir Garfield Barwick, Australian Minister for External Affairs, Jakarta, 4 July 1962
(NAA: A1838, 3034/10/11/7 Part 1). For military detail on the conflict see MacFarling, I., Military
Aspects of the West New Guinea Dispute 1958-1962, Working Paper No 212, The Strategic and
Defence Study Centre, Canberra, 1990.
614
Australian Consulate – Dili, Savingram 17, 17 June 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
615
Salazar, A de O. Dr, “The Portuguese Overseas Territories and the United Nations Organization”,
Lisbon, 30 June 1961 – Boletim Geral do Ultramar, Lisbon, No.432-433, June-July 1961, p.368. Dr
Salazar’s speech was made in the context of the UN’s continuing requests for Portugal to provide
information on its overseas territories and insurgent operations into northern Angola. Australian
Consulate – Dili, Memo 123/61, 31 July 1961 – quotes the speech (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 2).
616
“Timor As New Potential Trouble Spot” (Associated Press, Koepang), The Canberra Times,
Canberra, 11 August 1961 – appeared earlier in The Washington Post, Washington, 6 August 1961.
121
attempts to influence the civil administration to liberalize its policies, however, have
been flatly rejected by the Governor.”624
In early 1962, several Portuguese officials and Army officers in Dili -
disaffected with the Salazar regime in Lisbon, reportedly planned a coup against the
local Government, hoping to establish a Portuguese “Liberal Provisional
Government” in exile in Portuguese Timor.625 Led by the Chief Judge of Portuguese
Timor, Dr Rui Alberto Fernandes, they proposed inviting General Humberto
Delgado626 to head the new Government in Dili - which they thought would
precipitate the downfall of the Government in Lisbon. The policies of this planned
Provisional Government “would include the establishment of democratic institutions
and the granting of self-determination to colonial peoples within a specified time. If
Delgado accepted the invitation, according to the Judge, in Timor he could anticipate
support from 50% of Army officers and NCOs and 50% of the senior administration
officials.”627 Chief Judge Fernandes also commented to the Australian Consul that
“some of his colleagues were showing reluctance because of their fear that a revolt
would precipitate seizure of this territory by Indonesia.”628 However, by late July
1962, the plot had petered out629 - and in early September, the Australian Consul
reported that “open criticism of the Salazar regime appears to have diminished” and
“the morale of the local oppositionists has accordingly declined.”630
Cunha’s activities – see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 186/61, 23 October 1961 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/9), and the Portuguese Charge d’Affaires in Djakarta also had a low opinion of the performance
of the PIDE in Portuguese Timor: see Australian Embassy – Djakarta, Memo 1640, 26 August 1961
(NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 2). It has been contended that the Australian Secret Intelligence Service
(ASIS) established a presence in the Dili Consulate in late 1959 ie that the Consul was an ASIS officer
- see: Toohey, B. & Pinwill, W., Oyster: the story of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service,
Heinemann, Melbourne, 1989, p.169; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999 - p.261 (p.146 in the
Internet edition); and Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.99. The Australian
Consul, W.A. Luscombe, served in Dili from late November 1959 to late February 1962 – when he was
replaced by J.S. Dunn.
632
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable SAV.8, 23 March 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). Soon
after his arrival in Portuguese Timor in mid-June 1961, the Military Commander, Brigadier Francisco
António Pires Barata confirmed to his staff that closer defence cooperation with Australia “was being
discussed at the highest levels in the Defence Ministry” – Australian Consulate-Dili, Memo 95/61, 20
June 1961. However, Brigadier Barata’s submissions on “closer ties with Australia” were initially
rejected by Governor Themudo Barata – Australian Consulate-Dili, Memo 112/61, 1961. Subsequently,
in September 1961, Governor Barata confirmed to the Australian Consul that “the Military
Commander’s plans for closer links with Australia are going ahead” – and that “he ((the Governor)) is
now working on a series of proposals for Lisbon to put to Canberra for closer trade, defence and other
ties with Australia as a logical development stemming from the position of Portugal and Australia as
European powers with similar outlook adjacent to an increasingly hostile Asia … Timor was in an
isolated and precarious position” – Australian Consulate-Dili, Memo 112/61, 17 September 1961
(NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1). The Consul’s memoranda precipitated an inter-departmental re-
examination in Canberra of Australia’s policy towards Portuguese Timor. See also footnote 661 for
Portuguese Prime Minister Dr António de Oliveira Salazar’s views on Portugal-Australia security
cooperation in late February 1963.
124
of Indonesian strength to Timor, with the Santa Maria incident and the
troubles in Angola still very much in people’s thoughts.”633
Soon after, in April 1961, The Australian Consul reported on the strengthened
security measures in Portuguese Timor:
“The local authorities, in the present climate of doubt and fear created by
events in Angola, the United States’ changed attitude and the general
unfavourable publicity Portugal is receiving in the foreign press and because
of increasing uncertainty regarding the loyalty of the local native people, are
engaged in all-round tightening of security aimed primarily at stifling all
criticism of the regime. … According to the Governor, the new U.S.
Administration’s views on colonialism are indistinguishable from Moscow’s
… There is no indication of serious native unrest but unsettling rumours,
presumably inspired by the ((Indonesian Navy)) Task Force’s visit, of an
Indonesian take-over are increasing and the inference is that there are elements
who would welcome this. The semi-educated class whose loyalties have been
suspect since the 1959 disturbances, in which some of them were involved, are
also causing concern. Again, there has been no indication of serious
disaffection but it is very obvious that numbers of these people do not share
the depression of the upper-class Portuguese at each new embarrassment;
indeed some are manifestly delighted. Although I do not wish to over-
emphasize the point at this stage, it is becoming more and more apparent that
there is little strength based on loyalty to the Portuguese in Timorese society
as a whole and that criticism, leading to agitation, could, if unchecked, wreak
havoc. For this reason the current steps to strengthen security are, from the
Portuguese point of view, well justified.” 634
The Portuguese authorities appear to have been very concerned in the second
half of 1961 that Indonesia would move against Portuguese Timor – particularly
following Indonesian Foreign Minister Subandrio’s public warning on 3 July 1961
before the Indonesian Gotong Royong Parliament. An Australian assessment noted:
“Drawing attention to Indonesia’s proximity to Portuguese Timor, Subandrio added
the threat that the Portuguese should not wait until public anger in Indonesia became
acute” - and commented that Subandrio’s “somewhat threatening remark of 3 July
may mark the beginning of a new phase of Indonesian policy towards the Portuguese
regime in Timor.”635 Portuguese diplomats were greatly concerned and sought
633
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable SAV.9, 31 March 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). Task
Force 123.1, from Surabaya, comprised: KRI Siliwangi (Pennant No. 201), Singamangradaja (202) –
both destroyers; Surapati (251) – a frigate; and Sambu (903) – a tanker. Connect with footnote 152 on
the reaction of the Rabuta movement on Ataúro. For the Santa Maria incident, see footnotes 626, 631.
634
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 56/61, 13 April 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9).
635
Australian Department of External Affairs, Savingram AP82 0.11055, Canberra, 17 July 1961
(NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 2; A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 1). This assessment was repeated in the
Australian Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC), Weekly Report No 29/1961 of 19 July 1961 as “would
appear to mark the beginning of a new phase”, and also in the Department of External Affairs, Memo
955, 26 July 1961: “contains an element of threat and suggests a new and sharp turn in Indonesian
policy” (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 2). The Australian Embassy in Jakarta however questioned the
Canberra assessment: “your interpretation of the immediate situation is too alarmist” - precipitating a
review - Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 1459 - “Portuguese Timor”, 29 July 1961 (NAA:
A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 2).
125
expressions of support from several nations – claiming that the invasion of Portuguese
Timor by Indonesia was “imminent”.636
In a related event evidencing tension, in July 1961, the Indonesian Foreign
Ministry refused to allow its Indonesian Consul in Dili to attend a scheduled bridge-
opening ceremony at Batugadé (on the Indonesian West Timor/Portuguese Timor
border, a few kilometres inside Portuguese Timor). The Governor of West Timor
explained to the Indonesian Consul that leaflets from the so-called Committee for the
Liberation of Timor were circulating freely in the border area, and it would therefore
be confusing to the local people to see Portuguese and Indonesian officials mingling
amicably - and such was “not in keeping with the new policy of more active
opposition to the Portuguese colonial system.”637 Soon after, the Governor of
Portuguese Timor remarked to the Australian Consul that there was “increased
evidence of the ‘Liberation Committee’s’ leaflets in Indonesian Timor … but they
could have little or no impact here because they were in Indonesian and full of
references to Allah which would not be understood in Portuguese Timor.”638
In August 1961, the Australian Department of External Affairs sent a cable to
all of its overseas posts summarising Indonesia-Portuguese Timor relations noting:
“The Indonesian Consul in Dili ((Tengku Usman Hussin)) has told the
Australian Consul that early Indonesian action to ‘dis-establish’ the
Portuguese in Timor is likely. The Indonesian Consul expressed the opinion
that a policy of subversion rather than of military invasion will be pursued by
Indonesia, with the aim of creating awareness amongst the Timorese in
Portuguese territory that they had a powerful friend of their own race nearby,
who could be relied on for support in a revolutionary struggle. Such support
might, despite the risk of hostilities, include the provision of funds and
weapons”.639
overthrowing the Portuguese regime. Burgess commented that the members of the
Movement appeared very young - only 16 or 17 years of age, and that most were
employed as junior clerks or technicians.648 On his return to Australia, Burgess wrote
a series of articles in The Sun newspaper highly critical of the government in
Portuguese Timor. In one item, based on interviews with disaffected young conscript
Portuguese Army officers, he noted that there were “three distinct underground
oppositions in Timor. The first is their own composed of Army officers and
oppositionist members of the Administration. The Second is among the soldiers and
NCOs. The third, with the backing of Indonesia, operates among the Timorese
themselves. None of these rings, not even the officers and the soldiers, has any
connection with the other.”649
Soon after, in December 1962, the Australian Consul in Dili was warned by a
“friendly Army Lieutenant Colonel” that PIDE officers had an interest in the Consul
due to: his suspected “contact with the underground movement referred to in articles
in the Sydney Sun” newspaper (see above); his friendship with “the Indonesian
Consul and with certain Portuguese officials who are known to hold opinions opposed
to Salazar”; and the Consul’s attempts to entice Portuguese soldiers to emigrate to
Australia.650 The Australian Consul advised Canberra that he “had no contact with
any underground” - and his “friendships are not based on politics, let alone
conspiracy.” He also noted that “on the question of immigrants, we have not
attempted to recruit or even attract them. We have even tried to discourage many of
them, but already more than 200 have shown interest in immigrating to Australia.
Most of them are soldiers.”
More substantively, towards the end of 1962, Australian and United States
foreign affairs officials reportedly received credible intelligence that Indonesia was
undertaking subversive activity in Portuguese Timor and concluded that “there was
some evidence that the Indonesians are laying the ground for such action”651 but had
no indication “when the Indonesians intended to put their plans into operation”.652
This may have been related to a “secret report” received by the Australian
Department of External Affairs in late 1962/early 1963 indicating that: “Magenda, the
Chief of the Intelligence of the Indonesian Combined Forces Staff had recently visited
Indonesian Timor concerting [sic] Indonesian activities there directed at Portuguese
Timor.”653 The Departmental staff assessed that the report suggested “border tensions
648
This “Movement” did not appear linked to the URT-D, and it is not known whether the incident had
any links to the later plot to kill the Governor in July 1965 (see footnotes 517 and 518 - ie discussed in
earlier paragraphs in relation to the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion).
649
Burgess, P., “You hear these secret words in the dead of night”, The Sun, Sydney, November 1962
(NAA: A4359, 221/5/19). A rebuttal appeared as “The Cancer of Bad Faith”, A Voz de Timor, Dili, 9
December 1962 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 2). “Timorese wait for invasion”, The Herald,
Melbourne, 19 November 1962, also reported on low morale among Portuguese and Timorese military
personnel and the fear of an Indonesian invasion (NAA: A4359, 221/5/19). Earlier reports of disquiet
among Portuguese Army officers in 1960-1962 are related at footnotes 621-630.
650
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 73 I.32119, 19 December 1962 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 2).
651
Australian Embassy – Washington, Cable 373, 7 February 1963 (NAA: A1209, 1968/9055) –
relating Quadripartite Talks on Indonesia in Washington (involving US, Australian, UK and NZ
officials): “Although the Indonesian Government has proclaimed that the acquisition of West New
Guinea has satisfied its territorial ambitions, its recent activities have given rise to serious concerns that
its ambitions are, in fact, still unsatisfied especially with respect to Portuguese Timor and the Borneo
territories.”
652
Australian Embassy – Washington, Cable 184, 18 January 1963 (NAA: A1209, 1968/9055) – this
cable refers to the intelligence report on Indonesian activities, but the detail has been “expunged”.
653
Australian Department of External Affairs, Cablegram O.796 (amended copy), Canberra, 11 January
1963 (NAA: A1209, 1974/9010; A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 2) to the Australian High Commission –
128
would be increased preparing the way for larger scale incidents which would
ultimately justify annexation of Portuguese Timor. Although a small scale build-up
has occurred in Timor, forces to be used against the Portuguese would be drawn on
from Mandala Command in Makassar. No timetable is known to exist, but there is
reported to be a belief among army officers that activities against Timor would be
launched while attention is still fixed on North Borneo.”
The British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) reviewed the situation
in early January 1963 and concluded that:
“we have a clear treaty obligation ‘to defend and protect all conquests or
colonies belonging to the Crown of Portugal against all his enemies, as well future as
present” – but at the Athens NATO meeting in May 1962, we told the Portuguese “in
general terms our power to fulfil our treaty commitments all over the world was
limited. Meanwhile our intelligence shows that the Indonesians are undoubtedly
plotting some action against Portuguese Timor although we still cannot predict how or
when they might act.”654
Soon after an FCO brief assessed that: “Indonesian action against Timor may
come sooner than expected. Neither the continuation of Portuguese Colonial rule nor
an independent Timor make any political or economic sense. The territory should go
to the Indonesians and it is not worth having a row about it on its own merits.”655 An
associated FCO brief noted: “Recently we have received further Secret reports that the
Indonesian Armed Forces are making efforts to obtain recent maps of the territory and
that they have put in a request for the staff of the Indonesian Consulate Dili to be
increased. There have also been secret reports: a. that the eventual Indonesian take-
over would be the responsibility of Mandala command; b. the present airstrip in
Indonesian Timor is to be refurbished and a naval base established; c. the PKI are
penetrating the Colony and setting up an apparatus in anticipation of a possible take-
over.”656
Australian officials in London had discussed their concerns with their British
counterparts. The British officials responded that they would not warn Portugal of
“secret reports of Indonesian plans” as “this would be open invitation to ((the))
London, repeated to the Australian Embassy – Washington as Cable 103 on 17 January 1963 (NAA:
A3092, 221/11/18, Part 1). A draft Submission “Future of Portuguese Timor” by Australian
Department of External Affairs staff dated 8 November 1962 noted “according to secret reports …
there has been a recent build-up of army units there ((Indonesian Timor)) (an increase to two
companies of crack paratroops has been mentioned).” - (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 2).
654
Warner, F.A., Brief, FCO London, 4 January 1963 (The National Archives – Kew: FO 371 169801
– Indonesian Intentions Against Portuguese Timor). The “treaty” referred to by the British was
probably the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of Alliance for “perpetual friendship” signed in 1373 and
reinforced by a secret declaration of 1899. For British analysis of the situation, including consideration
of supporting Portugal - see a summary in Australian High Commission – London, Cable 5503, 15
October 1963 (A1209, 1974/9010); and the British Foreign Office paper “Portuguese Timor”, 1
January 1965 (NAA: A7942, P62; A1945, 248/9/2),
655
FCO, “Brief for Quadripartite Talks on Indonesia - Washington February 1963”, Brief No 1 –
Steering Brief, VIII Timor , Section 13 (The National Archives – Kew: FCO 371/169908 - DH 107/1).
Later in the Brief however, it was noted that the preferred British solution for Portuguese Timor would
be a peacefully-negotiated settlement to allow an Indonesian take-over. For subsequent British analyses
of the situation, including consideration of supporting Portugal - see their Foreign Office paper
“Portuguese Timor”, 1 January 1965 (NAA: A7942, P62; A1945, 248/9/2), and as earlier summarised
in Australian High Commission – London, Cable 5503, 15 October 1963 (A1209, 1974/9010).
656
FCO, “Brief for Quadripartite Talks – Washington February 1963 – Portuguese Timor”, Brief No
15 (The National Archives – Kew: FCO 371/169908 - DH 107/1).
129
Portuguese to invoke ((the)) treaty and, in any case, Portuguese intelligence could be
expected to be well enough aware of Indonesian intentions.”657
Soon after, a national-level Australian intelligence assessment on the “Outlook
for Indonesia” concluded that: “In Timor, there will be increased anti-Portuguese
propaganda, engineered border incidents, and diplomatic and clandestine support for
revolutionary movements.”658
Portugal maintained that Portuguese Timor was not a colony but a province of
metropolitan Portugal – and, as such, was not covered by the deliberations of the
United Nations Special Committee on the Implementation of the Declaration on
Decolonization founded on 23 January 1962.
On 18 January 1963, the US Assistant Secretary of State W. Averell Harriman
– speaking on Timor, had privately “denounced Portugal’s Government as the worst
form of colonialism and that the United States could not support it, and urged Britain
and Australia to bring pressure to bear on Salazar to give expression to some
enlightened plans and policies concerning health, education and future self-
determination.”659 In early February 1963, in preparation for Quadripartite Talks in
Washington, the Australian Cabinet:
“accepted the view that in the current state of world opinion, no practicable
alternative to eventual Indonesian sovereignty over Portuguese Timor
presented itself. It would not be acceptable to Australia or the West for
Indonesia to proceed against Portuguese Timor with arms, and this must be
brought home to Indonesia. But otherwise the course which it seemed best to
follow is for Australia to bring such quiet pressure as it can upon Portugal to
cede peacefully and in addition to explore ways by the international
community might bring pressure on Portugal.”660
657
Australian High Commission – London, Cable 184 (expunged detail released to author – 10 July
2007), 11 January 1963 (NAA: A1209, 1974/9010). The Australian position in early 1963 is stated in
Barwick, G. (Minister for External Affairs), Cabinet Submission – Portuguese Timor (see following
footnote 660; and the Department of External Affairs Working Group Report – “The Future of
Portuguese Timor”, Canberra, 4 April 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2) – see also the following
footnotes 666 and 669.
658
Australian Department of External Affairs, Cablegram SAV.29, 0.1827, 29 January 1963 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 2) reporting on JIC(AUST)(63)(43) dated 25 January 1963.
659
Australian Embassy – Washington, Cablegram 217, 22 January 1963 – remarks to the British
Ambassador (NAA: A1838, 935/17/3). Harriman had made similar remarks on 17 January to the
Australian Ambassador, see Australian Embassy - Washington, Cablegram 184, 18 January 1963
(NAA: A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 1).
660
Cabinet Decision 632, Canberra, 5 February 1963, paragraph 4. (NAA: A4943, 632); and repeated at
paragraph 14 of Cabinet Submission No.575, 21 February 1963 (NAA: A4740, C3725, p.14) which
also notes that the Australian Foreign Minister had “warned the Indonesian Foreign Minister in New
York last September ((1962)), that, quite apart from any other consideration, Australian public opinion
would not accept any violent move by Indonesia in regard to Timor.”
130
cede peacefully and in addition to explore ways by which the international community
might bring pressure on Portugal.”663 In a subsequent message to its delegation,
Canberra cabled: “The meeting could well consider how Indonesia could be dissuaded
from taking military action while we are working to bring Portugal to cede the
territory peacefully.”664 Subsequently from the Meeting, the Secretary of the
Australian Department of Foreign Affairs (Sir Arthur Tange) reported that: “The US
regard Australia as required by geography and circumstance to get the Portuguese out
of Timor by a decent international process before the Indonesians move. US have a
‘millstone’ of keeping bases in the Azores and keeping the Indonesians happy with
Western association”: the United States and the United Kingdom noted that as they
were renegotiating their military rights in the Azores, and as “neither the United
States nor Britain was in a position to exert any useful influence on Portugal to amend
its attitude to Timor”, urged an approach by Australia.665 In summarising the
Meeting, Tange reported:
“On Timor, all were agreed that it seemed likely that sooner or later Indonesia
would take over the Portuguese side of the island and everyone around the
table made it clear that their governments were not prepared to commit forces
to prevent this happening. Harriman seemed to think that it was Australia’s
particular duty to exercise what influence it could with Salazar to persuade
him to effect reforms. I mentioned the steps we had already taken and said
there was little more we could do. Ormsby Gore indicated that the British were
powerless to influence Salazar because they were already extremely unpopular
with ‘their oldest ally’, and Harriman said the Unites States could not move
because of current negotiations about the Azores bases which still appeared to
be an essential element in N.A.T.O. defence.”666
In subsequent discussions, the US Assistant Secretary of State W. Averell
Harriman and Australian Ambassador Beale agreed on “concerted action well before
the event” (“Indonesian trouble-making” ?), and Harriman “commented that when it
comes ‘we should at least be singing the same song even if it’s a dirge’.”667 In May
662
Department of External Affairs – Canberra, Cablegram 217, 4 February 1963 (NAA: A1209,
1968/9055). The principal concern at the Quadripartite Meeting on Indonesia (11-12 February 1963)
was prospective Indonesian military aggression against the “Borneo Territories” and Malaysia (to be
formed in August 1963) – ie Portuguese Timor was a minor topic for discussion.
663
Department of External Affairs – Canberra, Cablegram 234, 6 February 1963 (NAA: A1209,
1968/9055). This statement reflected the Cabinet Decision 632 – see footnote 660.
664
Department of External Affairs – Canberra, Cablegram 296, 11 February 1963 (NAA: A1209,
1968/9055).
665
Australian Embassy – Washington, Cable 410, 12 February 1963 (NAA: A3092, 221/11/18, Part 1).
666
Australian Embassy – Washington, Cable 423/I.4004, 13 February 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1,
Part 2). In mid-November 2007, at a presentation at a seminar at Oxford University, Portuguese
academic Dr Moisés Silva Fernandes stated that Australia – and the other three “Anglophone”
countries had abandoned Portuguese Timor to Indonesia in the early 1960s – “Timor-Leste: Acordo
secreto entregava territorio à Indonésia”, and “Acordo secreto entre anglófonos entregava Timor-
Leste à Indonésia”, Lusa, Lisbon, 16 November 2007. Dr Fernandes cited the 1963 Quadripartite Talks
on Indonesia in Washington and portions of the above-cited Australian diplomatic cable dated 13
February 1963 – see above. A few days later, Timor-Leste President José Ramos-Horta agreed with Dr
Moisés Fernandes’ assessment and cited the 13 February 1963 cable – “Timor: Ramos Horta compara
acordo secreto à Cimeira de Berlim”, Diário Digital – Lusa, Lisbon, 16 November 2007. In 2010,
Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão similarly cited Australia as secretly agreeing to “East Timor’s
integration into Indonesia in 1963” – Murdoch, L., “East Timor leader accuses Australia over war”,
The Age, Melbourne, 12 April 2010. As noted at footnote 653, a summary of the Quadripartite
positions is discussed in the Department of External Affairs Working Group Report – “The Future of
Portuguese Timor”, Canberra, 4 April 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2).
667
Australian Embassy – Washington, Cable 459, 19 February 1963 (NAA: A1209, 1974/9010).
132
1963, the Australian Cabinet rejected a proposal from Foreign Minister Barwick that
Australia should “seek to engage the United Nations” on Portuguese Timor.
Supporting briefing papers to Prime Minister Menzies had counselled that such an
initiative at the UN risked that Australia might be seen as acting in a “pro-Indonesian
way”, publicly legitimizing Indonesia’s interest - or that Australia might be cited for
having “connived at opening the way for her ((Indonesia)) to exert a claim over
Timor.”668
668
Cabinet Decision No.823 (FAD). Canberra, 23 May 1963 – and supporting briefs (NAA: A4940,
C3797). A brief for the ANZUS Council meeting in Wellington in June 1963 noted “as far as possible
we want to carry Indonesia with us in looking for a solution through international peace processes.”
(NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 3)
669
Barwick, G., Minister for External Affairs, “Portuguese Timor and the North Borneo Territories”,
Cabinet Submission No. 575, Canberra, 21 February 1963 (NAA: A4940, C3725, p.14 – draft on
935/17/3 Part 2) – also included in Whitlam, G., Abiding Interests, University of Queensland Press, St
Lucia, 1997, Appendix 5: “Barwick’s Advice on Portuguese Timor”. The Submission was considered
on 5 March 1963.
670
Joint Intelligence Committee (Australia), JIC(AUST)(63)75, “The Future of Portuguese Timor”,
Canberra, May 1963 (NAA: A1209, 1974/9010; 3038/2/1 Part 2) – in most copies, paragraphs 22 and
24 covering “Indonesian Infiltration and Subversion” are expunged. However, see footnote 693 for
material in paragraph 22 related to the Catholic Church. The contemporary assessment of the
Australian Department of External Affairs can be found in “The Future of Portuguese Timor – Report
of Working Group of Departmental Officers”, Department of External Affairs (authors: Jockel, G.;
Doig, W.T.; Brown, A.), Canberra, 4 April 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2) that noted “evidence
that Indonesian military agencies are already active in planning for future interference.”
133
that they could not be traced back to official Indonesian inspiration. However,
we have no evidence to date that any activity along these lines has taken
place.”671
the Timor-Dili in its capital of Batugadé. Malay peoples give their support to any
action to destroy Portuguese Fascist imperialist rule.”677 The Australian and British
Embassies in Jakarta reported that they regularly received circulars from the AMRU
which had “extravagant claims of support from 250-million ethnic Malays drawn
from Hawaii to Malagassey678 [sic]”, and summarised that the AMRU “is virtually
non-existent, and is the creation of one man with a small circle of associates to assist
him. This self-styled president of the presidium of the All-Malay Race Union is one
Mulwan Shah, an Indonesian of apparent Malay stock, who claims to have lived most
of his life in Portuguese Timor. He has explained his presence in Djakarta as
pertaining to his role as the ‘official representative of the struggling masses in
Portuguese Timor’.”679 The Australian Embassy report also noted that the AMRU had
made a number of statements supporting Indonesia’s Confrontation (Konfrontasi) 680
with Malaysia – but “in recent weeks the tenor of the organisation’s comments
changed from an anti-Malaysia tone, and have concentrated on Portuguese Timor, the
most sensational of which was the statement dated 3rd April 1963 proclaiming the
formation of the Cabinet” of the URT-D – “normally such press statements have been
ignored locally but in this case, its substance was sent out by the local A.F.P.
representative.”
principally former residents of Portuguese Timor - and their descendants, were based
in the Atambua area of Indonesian Timor.682 A subsequent PIDE document reported
that Silvester Martins Nai Buti, accompanied by several elderly “Lia Na’in”
(“counsellors”) visited Jakarta in June 1963 (via Makassar) to “exhort President
Sukarno to take Portuguese Timor by force”.683 The group was reportedly
accompanied by the Governor of Southern Sulawesi, Andi A. Rivai684 who supported
Nai Buti’s proposal. However, Sukarno reportedly rejected this approach, noting that
such was not a priority in Indonesia’s foreign policy. According to the son of Silvester
Martins Nai Buti – ie Fransiscus Martins Nai Buti, his father met “face-to-face” with
President Sukarno and received a “surat KOTI” (“Supreme Operational Command
directive” – KOTI = Komando Operasi Tertinggi) for operations against Portuguese
Timor – of “about three pages”.685 Soon after, in 1963, the followers of Silvester
Martins Nai Buti commenced training with “Kopassus”686.
Following the URT-D announcements in 1963, several PIDE reports in mid-
1963 confusingly associated - and conflated, the URT-D’s “A. Mao Klao” and “T. E.
Malibere” with Silvester Martins Nai Buti and his group – including citing familial
connections in the border areas.687
of Portuguese Timor” - Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., pp.376-377 and footnotes 67-71 citing PIDE -
Dili reports of 7 May and 3 September 1963, 11 August 1964, 12 October and 21 December 1965.
Silvester Martins Nai Buti (born 31 December 1914, Tenubot; died 23 May 1991, Tenubot) was the
son of Dom Franciscus Xavier de Martins Naileto (born 1872, Aileo; died 18 November 1953,
Tenubot) – see footnote 674, who led a significant number of people in 1911-1912 from the reino of
Deribate/Diru Hati (Portuguese Timor) to the Atambua area (Tohe, then Tenubot) in Dutch Timor – ie
“fugiram para a territorio hollandez”, BOdT, No.16, 16 November 1912, p.261. The foregoing
information was provided to the author by Takahashi Shigehito and Nug Katjasungkana following their
focused interviews with Nai Buti clan members in Kupang and Atambua in August and September
2008. The exodus of Raja Naileto and the people of “Diru Hati” is also related in Martins Nai Buti,
D.S. (et al), Upacara Adat Pelantikan Raja Suku Kemak Diru Hati …, Atambua, 2006, pp.1-2. Aspects
of the history of Deribate from 1895-1900 can be found in Davidson, K.G., The Portuguese
Colonisation of Timor: The Final Stage, 1850-1912, University of NSW, Sydney, 1994. During WWII,
Silvester Martins Nai Buti provided some assistance to the Japanese forces in the Atambua area in
“native pacification” and the provision of supporting services such as agriculture and warehousing –
email to author from Takahashi Shigehito 28 December 2008 citing a published memoir by Captain
Maeda Toru, Paymaster of the Japanese Army’s 48th Reconnaissance Regiment. During the War, the
Japanese Otori Kikan intelligence service reportedly attempted to return the reino of Deribate/Diru Hati
in Portuguese Timor to the Martins/Nai Buti clan at Tenubot.
682
A report by an Australian Consul noted “2,000 natives” in the vicinity of “Atamboea” who included
“descendants of natives who crossed the border after the abortive uprising of 1911-12.” – Australian
Consulate – Dili, Memo 154/49, 26 August 1949 (NAA: A1838, 378/15/3). Groups from Portuguese
Timor – principally of the Kemac and Bunaq ethnic groups near the border, who had been involved in
the Japanese-sponsored “colunas negras” groups during WWII also fled to Indonesian Timor when
Portuguese authorities re-established their administration in 1945-1946. Silvestre [sic] Nai Buti was
reported as the “head” of the Kemac in Indonesian Timor (see PIDE – Dili, Report 394-SC/CI(2), 14
April 1966 – TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS CI(2) NT 4874). The PIDE had operational staff in Dili, Baucau,
Balibo and Suai – with their appointments promulgated in the Boletim Oficial de Timor.
683
PIDE - Balibo, “Frontier Report No. 20/63”, 17 July 1963 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS, SC-CI(2) DSI-
2, NT 8972) - also cited in Fernandes, M.S., 2005, p.395. The PIDE report does not mention the URT-
D. The PIDE had established an office in Balibo in April 1963.
684
Brigadier General Andi A. Rivai/Rifai was the Governor of Sulawesi Selatan in 1960-1966.
685
Email to author from Takahashi Shigehito, 18 October 2008 – relating his interview with Fransiscus
[sic] Martins Nai Buti on 30 August 2008.
686
From 1955, the Indonesian Army’s special forces were titled RPKAD (Resimen Para Komando
Angkatan Darat) – changing to Kopassandha on 17 February 1971 and Kopassus on 26 December
1986. Many Indonesians and Timorese refer to all three as “Komando” or “Kopassus”.
687
PIDE – Dili, Report 9/63-GU, 7 May 1963, p.3; Report 11/63-GU, 4 June 1963, p.2; and PIDE - Dili
Report, 3 September 1963, p.8 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS SC-CI(2)/DSI-2 NT 8972). When queried by
136
In January 1963, the Indonesian Deputy First Minister and Armed Forces
Chief-of-Staff, General A.H. Nasution, stated in an address to military and civilian
officials in Purwokerto (Java) that “around us there are still oppressed peoples; even
worse than oppressed peoples - enslaved people; among them in Timor (Portugal),
North Kalimantan etc … every struggle of an oppressed people to free itself from
oppression will always enjoy our support.”691 In February, the Chairman of the Partai
Katolik Indonesia (Indonesian Catholic Party), Dr Francis Xavier Seda, stated he saw
no alternative to the early removal of the Portuguese from Eastern Timor - but noted
that General Nasution, “who was the principal spokesman for the Government on
Timor”, had cautioned him not to make any statement “critical of Portuguese policy
for the time being”.692 In May 1963, a high-level Australian intelligence assessment
noted: “the Indonesian Catholic Party (ICP) has agreed to work secretly with Nasution
for the peaceful removal of the Portuguese from Timor in one to three years. This will
involve working on the Roman Catholic population on both sides of the border. One
condition is that no other political groups should be allowed to work in the campaign
to arouse the Timorese to demand independence. Nasution has cautioned the ICP
against critical statements on Portuguese policy for the time being.”693
the author in Dili on 27 October 2008, M.S.A. Balikh (“Mao Klao”) had no knowledge of Silvester
Martins Nai Buti or Indonesian-supported anti-Portuguese operations in the border area in the early
1960s.
688
“KOTI” or “Koti” is “Komando Tertinggi” ie the ABRI High Command. Slamat is mentioned in
PIDE – Dili Report 11/63-GU, 4 June 1963, p.2 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS SC-CI(2)/DSI-2 NT 8972);
PIDE – Dili, Report 394-SC/CI(2), 14 April 1966 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS CI(2) NT 4874, pp.59-61);
and PIDE – Dili, “Informação” Report of May (?) 1966 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS CI(2) NT 4874,
p.62). The last PIDE report cited above also referred to the anti-Portuguese activities of Indonesian
“Padre Matutino, a teacher at the Dom Bosco school and assistant chaplain to the Indonesian Army at
Atambua” – who was a “brother of the Commissioner-General of the Public Security Police in
Kupang”. That report also cited the Indonesian Consul in Dili as the “principal fomentor of these
intrigues”.
689
PIDE – Dili, Report, 7 July 1964 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS SC-CI(2)/DSI-2 NT 8973).
690
PIDE – Dili, Report 10/65 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS SC-CI(2)/DSI-2 NT 8973).
691
“Nasution on Oppression around Indonesia”, Antara, Purwokerto, 22 January 1963 (NAA: A4359,
221/5/19) – reported by Australian Embassy – Djakarta, Memo 337, 20 February 1963.
692
Australian Embassy – Djakarta, Record of Conversation, 1 February 1963; Memo 288, 13 February
1963 (NAA: A1838, 3034/2/2/8 Part 1). The Embassy official commented that “the implication was
that when the time was ripe, Dr Seda would be asked to make public statements critical of Portuguese
policy.”
693
Joint Intelligence Committee (Australia), JIC(AUST)(63)75, “The Future of Portuguese Timor”,
Canberra, May 1963, paragraph 22 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 2). The Assessment noted that the
source of the information was “probably reliable”.
137
In early July 1963, several items appeared in the Western press claiming,
incorrectly, that martial law had been proclaimed in Dili and referred to the threat of
the URT-D eg: “The Indonesian Government-controlled media is publishing
manifestos by a representative of socalled [sic] ‘United Republic of Timor’ … No one
here doubts the ‘liberation’ movement is directed by Indonesia.”694
In mid-1963, the Australian Department of External Affairs assessed: “we do
not have any reason to believe that the Indonesian Government was behind the
alleged establishment of ‘United Timor Republic’. Their silence about this movement
suggests they had no hand in its creation … similarly we do not the regard the ‘All-
Malay Race Union’ as being significantly connected with the Government … at the
same time of course we believe that Indonesia, through Army intelligence or other
bodies, is proceeding with activities directed at the ultimate overthrow of the
Portuguese regime.”695 Soon after, the Australian Embassy in Jakarta reported their
view that the Indonesian “Ministry of Foreign Affairs considers this organization ((the
URT-D)) as an embarrassment to its official ‘no interference’ policy in Timor, and
that it would be more than happy if the Union were to sink into oblivion.”696
According to a Jakarta-based Western security analyst writing in 2003, in mid-
1963, the Indonesian Foreign Minister Subandrio authorised the Indonesian Central
Intelligence Agency (Badan Pusat Intelijen – BPI) “to initiate a covert project to
bring all of Timor under Jakarta’s control. As a first step, a 22-person rebel Timorese
cabinet mysteriously appeared in the Indonesian capital during August. A circular,
bearing the stamp of the ‘Directorate General of the Central Presidium of the United
Republic of Timor’ claimed that it would soon be sending an envoy to the United
Nations. In reality, the BPI-inspired rebel cabinet was notional. It contained no actual
members.”697
In the second half of 1963, the URT-D issued an Announcement that listed the
composition of its 25-member Military Council (“Dewan Meliter”) - which it claimed
had been formed in Batugadé on 10 June 1963.698 The Military Council was headed
by President A. Mao Klao as its General Chairman - with Junior President II Maly
Tae as Deputy General Chairman. All other members of the Council had military
ranks from Major to Major General – including Brigadier General Mohammed Shaleh
Pakkeh [sic]699 as Chief of the General Staff. The Announcement declared the
694
Hughes R. (Singapore), “Timor on Sukarno’s ‘free’ list”, The Daily Mirror, Sydney, 1 July 1963.
Hughes referred to the URT-D’s “manifesto” with “a woman as Deputy Prime Minister” ie the URT-D
Announcement of 3 April 1963. Hughes’ articles also appeared in The London Sunday Times and The
Washington Post of 2 July 1963.
695
Australian Department of External Affairs, Savingram 0.13968, Canberra, 6 July 1963 (NAA:
A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
696
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 1155, 12 July 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
697
Conboy, K., Intel: Inside Indonesia’s Intelligence Service, Equinox Publishing, Jakarta, 2004, pp.
39-40. Conboy also relates that a BPI officer was deployed to West Timor in late 1963, visited
Portuguese Timor, and made “low-key attempts at indoctrination” - but was withdrawn soon after.
Conboy summarises that “during the BPI era, there had been the brief, inconsequential flirtation with
sowing integration seeds” - p.88.
698
Announcement on the Formation of the Military Council, P. II/VI/DG-Prespu-URTD/63, Batugadé,
10 June 1963. This document, in Bahasa, “Pembentukan Dewan Meliter [sic] …” was provided to the
author in Dili by Muhammad Saleh Akbar (M.S.A.) Balikh (“Mao Klao”) on 4 December 2004. This
document, in English, is also found in Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., 2005, Annex III, pp. 424-426 and
in TdT , Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1287/63, NT 3292.
699
In an interview with M.S.A. Balikh on 4 December 2004, Balikh stated to the author that he (Balikh)
was the listed “Chief of the General Staff - Brigadier General Mohammed Shaleh Pakkeh” and was
also “General Chairman - A. Mao Klao”. Brigadier General M.S. Pakkeh was subsequently also listed
as the Minister for Education and Universities in the URT “Government” for the period 9 April 1965 –
138
formation of the Armed Forces of the URT-D - with 10 June announced as Armed
Forces Day. While the Announcement lacked extensive “Pan-Malay” rhetoric, it
described the URT-D as a “Malay country in the Pacific” – and Islamic phrases
praising Allah were included. Of interest, the spelling in the Announcement is in
Bahasa Melayu (Malay) – not Bahasa Indonesia.700 This suggests a controlling
influence by the All-Malay Race Union over the URT-D and a desire to promote
“Timor-Dilly” as a discrete Malay/Melanesian entity - ie distinct from Indonesia.
This URT-D Announcement was reported by the United Press International
newsagency on 1 August 1963 - referring to a “mimeographed circular dropped in
editorial mailboxes here this week” and noting “similar circulars … have been
circulated regularly in Djakarta for several months.”701 The report continued: “A
young man named Wulwan [sic] Shah, who says he is an exile from Timor, haunts the
newsrooms of newspapers and agencies here issuing statements on behalf of the ‘All
Malay Race Union’. Local officials said privately they are watching his activities but
do not take him seriously. ‘We think he is an adventurer’, one top Indonesian Army
officer said.”
In mid-September 1963, the URT-D’s Minister for Information, Mohd. A.R.
Maly, speaking in Bandung (West Java), requested attention and “moreel” [sic] help
by Indonesian to the URT-D “as for Kalimantan Utara” (North Borneo) – and also
sought recognition for the URT-D.702 Maly claimed the Chief-of-Staff of the URT-D’s
Military Council - Major General Abubakar Ilemandiry, and others had been captured
and sentenced to death in Portuguese Timor – others had been imprisoned in
underground cells on “Kambing” (ie Ataúro Island).703 Queried by the Merdeka
newspaper, the Indonesian Armed Forces spokesman, Captain Jusuf Sirath, responded
that ABRI had no knowledge of the URT-D – or of Mohammed Maly and his
statements in Bandung.704
In October 1963, in discussion with an Australian Embassy official in Jakarta,
the Portuguese Charge d’Affaires expressed his belief that “the Indonesian authorities
were unhappy about the Timor/Dili Union Republic and All-Malay Race Union. They
did not want a small independent Republic in eastern Indonesia.”705 During 1963,
9 April 1967 and 9 April 1969 – 9 April 1971 – see Fernandes, M.S., op.cit., 2005, Annex II, pp.421-
422. However, “M.S. Pakkeh” was subsequently omitted from the Military Council for the period
1972-1975 – see footnotes 814 and 820. In interviews with author, Balikh commented about both being
“retired brigadiers”.
700
Prior to August 1972, there were distinct spelling differences between Bahasa Melayu and Bahasa
Indonesia. Following a joint study by Indonesia and Malaysia, spelling was unified under the Ejaan
Yang Disempurnakan (The Updated and Improved Spelling) – see Prentice, D., “Malay (Indonesian
and Malaysian)”, pp. 917-919 in Comrie, B. (ed), The World’s Major Languages, Croom Helm,
London, 1987. In this monograph, where possible, URT-D documents are described as Bahasa Melayu
or Bahasa Indonesia – with the appropriate notation applied in the Bibliography. Subsequently, a URT-
D document in December 1972 declared that Bahasa Melayu was the “national language” of the URT-
D – see footnote 810 and Annex N.
701
United Press International, UPI-209, 1 August 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 2).
702
“Timor Portugis Mulai Bergolak: Pem. Portugis Lebih Kedjam Dari Kolonialis Belanda dan
Inggris” (“Upheaval Begins in Portuguese Timor: The Portuguese Government is More Cruel than the
Dutch or British Colonialists”), Merdeka, Djakarta, 16 September 1963, p.1 and 10.
703
Major General Ilemandiry had been included in the URT-D’s announcement of its Military Council
(dated 10 June 1963 – see footnote 698) as “the late” ie “deceased”. Mohd A. R. Maly, as a
“Brigadier”, was listed as the Council’s Deputy Chief-of-Staff.
704
“S A B Tidah Tidak Tahu Menahu” (S A B Has No Knowledge), Merdeka, Jakarta, 17 September
1963.
705
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Record of Conversation, 4 October 1963 (NAA: A4359, 221/5/19
Part 2).
139
some Portuguese officials suggested a relationship between Dr Pedro José Lobo, the
President of the Macau Senate – reportedly a “sino-malaio”(Chinese-Malay), and the
URT-D. However in late 1963, the file was closed as “there was no evidence of
support for the URT-D from the Timorese Creole elite.”706
Indonesia Acts ?
706
Fernandes, M. S., 2005, op.cit., pp.405-407. Both “A. Mao Klao” and Dr Lobo were described as
“sino-malaio” (Chinese-Malay). For Dr Pedro José Lobo, see also earlier footnotes 449 and 450.
“Creole” (“mixed race”) has the same meaning as mestiço/mestizo (Portuguese) or malae oan (Tetum).
707
Australian Embassy – Washington, Savingram 1154 I.24650, 12 September 1963 (NAA: A1838,
3006/4/3 Part 3; 3038/2/1 Part 2).
708
Duta Masyarakat, Djakarta, 14 September 1963.
709
Australian Department of External Affairs, draft brief – “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor”,
Canberra, mid-1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3). The quotations cited above are from a final draft
of the brief – not from the final document.
710
Menzies, R.G. Sir (Prime Minister of Australia), Canberra, 15 October 1963 – see Department of
External Affairs – Canberra, Cable O.22964, 16 October 1963 (NAA: A1209, 1974/9010).
140
711
Salazar, A. de Oliveira Dr., (President of the Council of Ministers), Lisbon, 5 March 1964 (NAA:
A1209, 1974/9010). Prime Minister Menzies made a manuscript note that Dr Salazar’s letter was
“powerful”.
712
Australian Mission to the United Nations – New York, Memo No.1780/63, 12 November 1963
(NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 3). Subsequently, Foreign Minister Nogueira suggested that “Australia
work for a condominium in Timor between herself and Portugal with the object of ultimately taking
over the island from Portugal. This Portugal would not mind and would fully understand.” - Australian
Mission to the United Nations – New York, Memo No.1932/63, 19 December 1963 (NAA: A1838,
3038/10/1 Part 3).
713
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 5, 7 March 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3). The
Indonesian Consul, Dr Roeslan Soeroso, had taken up his appointment on 8 January 1964.
714
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 111, 5 July 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3) and Australian
Department of External Affairs, internal memo (manuscript) drafted by the former Consul – Dili,
Canberra, late August 1964 (NAA: A1828, 3038/2/1 Part 3; 3006/4/3 Part 3). A few weeks later, the
Indonesian Consul stated that Indonesian “warships including submarines were now patrolling Ombai
Straits regularly to prevent escape to Portuguese Timor of rebels in the Celebes.” – Australian
Consulate – Dili, Cable 36, 11 August 1964 (NAA: A1838, TS696/2/3 Part 1). A PIDE report of April
1966 summarising “The Situation in the Province of Timor” refers to infiltration into the “Los Palos”
area in November 1963 by “indonésios” from Kisar – but does not mention the above May 1964
incident (PIDE – Dili, Report 394-SC/CI(2), 14 April 1966 – TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS CI(2) NT 4874).
141
contact with Timorese suspected of disloyalty. The Governor has recently ordered that
he be kept under closer surveillance.”715
In mid-May 1964, the Governor of Portuguese Timor made a request to the
Indonesian authorities, through the Indonesian Consul in Dili, for the “return of a
rebel leader who had fled to Indonesian Timor.”716 The Indonesian Consul
commented to the Australian Consul that there was little likelihood of Jakarta
complying with the request.
In early July 1964, the Australian Consul reported that there had been “reports
of an incident at Batugadé, where a meeting of Timorese from both sides of the border
is said to have taken place two or three weeks ago. I have not been able to get any
information from Portuguese sources on what transpired, but according to the
Indonesian Consul, an independence movement, called Gerakan Timor Merdeka
(Timor Independence Movement), was formed. According to other reports, when
Portuguese police and troops arrived at the scene, the malcontents retreated over the
border into the Indonesian sector.”717 A related intelligence summary by an Australian
agency also noted that the Portuguese authorities “have been trying to keep secret” an
Indonesian landing in Lautém “at the end of May” – as well as “a meeting in June
between Timorese from both sides of the border, at which, according to the
Indonesian Consul in Dili, a Free Timor movement was formed.”718
An Australian national intelligence report in July 1964 had noted:
“12. Over the past two years, there have been indications (including visits to
the area by the Armed Forces Director of Intelligence and other senior army
officers) of covert Indonesian preparation for border infiltration, the
encouragement of border incidents, and the development of a rebel
government organization. It can be expected that the timing of the
proclamation of such a government’s “struggle for independence” would be
controlled by Indonesia. Indonesia would probably consider that the Afro-
Asian bloc would feel obliged to support such an indigenous dissident
movement against the Portuguese, and would applaud any assistance
Indonesia might give to the rebels. …
15. The Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI - Partai Komunis Indonesia) has
been operating in Indonesian Timor for several years, and in 1960 it was
reported that support for it had increased as a result of local dissatisfaction
with the deteriorating economic situation. In 1962 it was reported that the PKI
was carrying out regular infiltrations into Portuguese Timor in order to create
centres of popular support for an Indonesian take-over of the territory. The
PKI’s position was said to be strongest in the Ocussi [sic] Enclave. There is no
doubt that should the Indonesian Government decide to attempt to acquire
Portuguese Timor, the PKI would offer its support in the form of propaganda
and practical aid from its organization in Indonesian Timor, but it is expected
that any covert operations would initially be controlled by the Armed Forces
Intelligence Staff (DINSAB) and later by the army.” 719
715
Ibid, ie manuscript memo by the former Australian Consul - Dili, Canberra, late August 1964.
716
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 93, 26 May 1964 (NAA: A4359, 221/5/19 Part 2). It is unclear
whether this un-named “rebel leader” had been associated with the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion. It is
more likely that it may be a reference to Silvester Martins Nai Buti (Seço) – see footnotes 674 and 681.
717
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 111, 5 July 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
718
Current Intelligence Report (CIR) 29, Canberra, 15 July 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3). This
Report was based on Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 111, 5 July 1964 (footnote 717 above).
719
Joint Intelligence Committee (Australia), JIC(AUST) (64)75, “The Outlook for Portuguese Timor”,
Canberra, July 1964. p.4, paras 12 and 15 – the following para 16 has been “expunged” (NAA: A1209,
142
1974/9010). Reports by PIDE - Dili in the early-mid 1960s often cited activity in the border area by
PKI agents eg “Attempt by the Indonesian Communist Party to Annex Timor”, 10 January 1963; and
“Immediate Preparations for the Liberation of Portuguese Timor”, 1963 – “by infiltration, acts of
terrorism … almost all will be done by MOBRIG” ie Mobile Brigade (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS, SC-
CI(2) DSI-2, NT 8972).
720
Australian Department of External Affairs, Savingram 292, Canberra, 24 November 1964 (NAA:
A1838, 696/5 Part 2 and 3038/10/1 Part 3) – the “evidence” was highly classified - ie its detail could
not be included in a Secret-level briefing to the Acting Minister on 18 November, but added as a
discrete attachment. A few months later in February 1965, Jakarta downgraded its diplomatic relations
with Lisbon. A supporting brief, “Possible Indonesian Action Against Portuguese Timor”, 11
November 1964 – added that “in formal and informal communication to that ((ie Portuguese))
Government over the past few years, we have made it reasonably clear that Portugal cannot rely on us
to defend her position in Timor. The British have also told Portugal that British support would not be
forthcoming, and the Portuguese Government is unlikely to expect assistance from the United States of
America.” (NAA: A1838: 3038/10/1 Part 3).
721
Faisal, M. Lieutenant Colonel (TNI Navy), “Refleksi 45 Tahuh Kopaska”, Tentara Nasional
Indonesia (TNI) website, 3 April 2007; and confidential email to the author, Jakarta, 8 April 2007. The
Kopaska team was reportedly led by Second Sergeant Suwarno and Seaman Sutas – a Kopaska team is
usually about nine men. The activities of this reported Kopaska group are not definitively reflected in
any other reporting sighted by the author ie relating to late 1964 or in 1965 (but see footnote 727).
722
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 30/65, 6 February 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3).
143
could have subversive implications. In any case, the Portuguese secret police
(P.I.D.E.) keep a close watch on them.”723
In the preceding few years to the mid-1960s, Indonesia appears to have had
little real or immediate interest in materially supporting the overthrow of the regime
in Portuguese Timor. Successively, Indonesia’s focus had been the transfer of West
Irian to Indonesian sovereignty and Indonesia’s Confrontation with Malaysia.724 In
early 1965, an Australian national intelligence assessment had concluded:
“The Indonesian Government is unlikely to pay serious attention to Portuguese
Timor until a Malaysian settlement is reached or unless another diversion is
needed in the event of confrontation of Malaysia starting to fail. However, the
regime might assess that by acting against the Portuguese, it would stimulate
African enthusiasm for Indonesia’s cause against Malaysia, as well as
bolstering its internal position through an easy and popular victory. It will
attempt to inspire and support any dissident movements in Portuguese Timor,
and will probably prefer covert support for an insurgent movement to overt
attack.”725
concern at “increased movement of Indonesians from Kisar Island to the Lautém area
of eastern Portuguese Timor and from other islands to Ataúro.”
The detail of these events related above may be the subject of several other
Australian reports – the detail of which is still classified and yet to be released, that
cover Indonesian clandestine operations against Portuguese Timor during the period
of Indonesia’s Confrontation with Malaysia (1963-1965).729 A brief for the Australian
Prime Minister in 1974 noted: “During Confrontation, the Indonesians made half-
hearted efforts at subversion in Portuguese Timor but, at that time, and subsequently,
they have made it clear that they make no legal claim to the territory.”730 Also, a
report on “Indonesia: Clandestine Operations in Portuguese Timor”731 prepared by the
Australian Embassy in Jakarta notes that Harry Tjan Silalahi, the Director of the
Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta732, “mentioned that
Indonesia had a clandestine operation of some sort going in Portuguese Timor during
Confrontation.”
clandestine involvement in Portuguese Timor beginning in late 1963 – see footnotes 707-709 inclusive.
For suggestions of Indonesian covert operations against Portuguese Timor in 1962, see footnotes 651-
658 inclusive. It is probable that the “native chief of a large tribe east of Atambua” who had been
“called” to Djakarta might be a reference to Silvester Martins Nai Buti of Tenubot (Atambua, West
Timor) - although his tribe had moved from Deribate in Portuguese Timor to the Atambua area in about
mid-1912 (see footnotes 674 and 681). Silvester Martins reportedly visited Jakarta in June 1963
accompanied by ABRI Brigadier General Andi Rivai (footnotes 683-684 inclusive).
729
As noted earlier, while the Australian Department of External/Foreign Affairs files are a very useful
source of information, many folios have been removed as “exempted”, “in confidence”, and/or
classified as “intelligence information” – the release of which would risk “damage to the security of the
Commonwealth”. Similarly, occasionally passages within some reports on files have been “expunged”.
730
Way, W. (ed), Australia and the Indonesian Incorporation of Portuguese Timor 1974-1976, Carlton
South, 2000 - see “Prime Minister’s Visit to Indonesia”, 2 September 1974, p.91.
731
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, “Indonesia: Clandestine Operation in Portuguese Timor”, 3 July
1974. The file copy includes a manuscript marginal note: “1964/65 files – the confrontation operation
was not a great success” (NAA: A11443, 1).
732
Harry Tjan Silalahi was a member of the “Palace Group” and worked closely with Bakin (Badan
Ko-ordinasi Intelijen Negara - State Intelligence Co-ordination Agency) and Opsus (Special
Operations) on planning for the incorporation of Portuguese Timor. CSIS was founded in 1971 by
Major General Ali Moertopo (footnotes 872, 874 and 912) and Soedjono Hoemardani of President
Soeharto’s personal staff. CSIS is also discussed in Ball, D. and McDonald. H., Death in Balibo …,
op.cit., 2000, pp.65-71. In September 1974, Tjan reportedly submitted a “Grand Design” for
Portuguese Timor to President Soeharto: Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable JA5137, 1 October 1974
(NAA: A1838, 935/17/3 Part 2). Tjan had earlier been a source of information for the Embassy in
1965-66 and also during the “Malari Affair” of mid-January 1974 – and, according to an Australian
Embassy official, was “our most valued contact” - Arriens, J., 6 February 1974 (NAA: A1838,
3038/10/1 Part 5, pp.52-53.). Harry Tjan visited Australia in August 1974 – for his discussions “as a
private citizen” with the Department of Foreign Affairs, see NAA: A1838, 696/5 Part 3. Tjan was
“warned” of the “repercussions on Australian and international opinion of a crude Indonesian campaign
in Portuguese Timor aimed at incorporation of the province by stealth.” For background on CSIS,
Harry Tjan Silalahi (born Tjan Tjoen Hok, 11 February 1934), and Lim/Liem Bian Kie (Yusuf
Wanandi, born West Sumatra 15 November 1937 – General Ali Moertopo’s private secretary) see
Monk, P.M., “Secret Intelligence and Escape Clauses – Australia and the Indonesian Annexation of
East Timor 1963-76”, Critical Asian Studies, 33, Issue 2, Routledge, Cedar – Michigan, June 2001,
pp.181-208; and also footnote 952. For a contemporary summary of the assessed bona fides, access of
- and implications of the reporting by, Tjan and Bian Kie, see Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Letter, 21
July 1975 and Canberra - Minute, 31 July 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 5, Part 6 – also in Way,
W. (ed), 2000, op.cit., pp.294-295 and 296-297).
145
Cold War politics were also evidenced in propaganda pressure by the Soviet
Union in early 1964 with a series of radio broadcasts encouraging Indonesian action
against Portuguese Timor - citing that: “the nest of colonialism in Timor is becoming
more and more dangerous because the island, being strengthened by the NATO
countries, is located near important points in Indonesia … The Soviet people hope
that their Indonesian friends complete their struggle to eradicate the vestiges of
colonialism as soon as possible.”733 The USSR’s urgings were also reported in the
Australian media eg “Reds Urge Indo - Grab Control of Timor”.734 The People’s
Republic of China was less overtly critical of Indonesia’s failure to oppose Portuguese
colonialism in Timor. Interestingly, it has been suggested that: “East Timor was never
a serious target of Sukarno during the controversies around West Irian and Malaysia.
One theory is that Sukarno was trying to get better relations with China, and a move
against Portuguese Timor in the name of fighting colonialism would have
embarrassed China, which was tolerating the continued presence of Hong Kong and
Macau.”735
in Bahasa Melayu and signed by the President of the Central Presidium, A. Mao Klao,
noted that “the United Republic of Timor is a Melanesian Malay State in the Pacific
that belongs to the Oceanian family” and hoped for cooperation “especially with
Pacific countries because Timor is one of them.” There were no Islamic phrases in the
circular. Although ostensibly signed in Batugadé, the circular’s letterhead showed the
URT-D’s Jakarta address as “C/o J.B. Assa, Djalan Paseban 6 pav.” The Australian
Embassy in Jakarta commented that the circular’s envelope was “postmarked Djakarta
with an Indonesian stamp” and “the Indonesian press occasionally carries articles
referring to the ‘Government’, but we have not noticed any for some time.”740
Hundreds of Timor patriots are still in gaol and many of them are kept in underground cells”.
740
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 101, 14 January 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
741
Despatched to Canberra under cover of Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 441, 15 April 1965
(NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3).
742
The copy of the Declaration of Independence - in English (see Annex J), received at the Australian
Embassy in Jakarta on 9 April 1965, did not include any URT-D reference or serial numbers, but
included a stamp in the form of a “cogged wheel” (see above) with the wording (in Bahasa)
“Kementerian Luar Negeri – Uni Republic Timor” (Foreign Ministry of the Union of the Republic of
Timor) – and one large star and eight small stars in the centre portion . This Declaration may have been
produced in late 1964 – ie not 1961, and “back-dated” to 1961 – see the subsequent discussion section
of this monograph. Portugal’s security police (PIDE) first acquired a copy of the Declaration “in the
mid-1960s forwarded by the Portuguese Consulate in Jakarta” - Fernandes, M. S.., 2003, op.cit., p.3
footnote 11; Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., p.370 - footnote 49; and Fernandes, M.S. - email to author
dated 14 May 2006.
743
The Formations, No 013A/VIII/Prespu - URT/64, Batugade, 7 August 1964 – in English. The
“Reshuffle” aspect of this document is not clear as it declares membership of the Central Presidium for
the “inception” period in 1961 through to 1969 - ie it is unclear who were “new”appointees in August
1964.
744
Announcement, No 016/XI/Prespu – URT/64, Batugade, 2 November 1964 – in English.
147
On 30 April 1965, the United Press International (UPI) agency reported from
Jakarta that “The rebel ‘Union Timor Republic’ is just one of the many rebel groups
in Djakarta. They maintain offices and a public relations staff here support [sic] by the
Indonesian Government … The ‘Union of Timor Republic’ set up offices here in July
of 1963 and occasionally sends mimeographed circulars around to foreign Embassies
and news agencies seeking support.”751 In a memorandum to Canberra, the Australian
Embassy in Jakarta commented: “We have no evidence that it is ‘supported by the
Indonesian Government’ but would not be surprised if it were, as the Indonesians are
following a policy of cultivating and providing financial and material support for a
number of Malayan dissident groups (eg. KEMAM). Support for the ‘Union of the
Republic of Timor’ would be in keeping with this policy of helping expatriate
nationalists.”752
749
This is probably the 22-member Cabinet referred to by Conboy, K. – see footnote 697. One name on
the lists, Inche Mohamad Qosen Al Haj, the “Deputy Minister of Malay’s Countries Relations”,
includes a Malay-language title ie “Inche” – first noted in the URT-D Cabinet announced in early April
1963.
750
Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., pp. 385-386 and footnote 92 – the text of the Constitution, in English
and dated 4 May 1965, is included at pp. 428-429 (Anexo V) – as provided to Lisbon by the Portuguese
Consulate in Jakarta on 18 September 1965. See footnote 922 for a subsequent URT-D “East Timor”
Constitution (Undang Undang Dasar – Uni Republik Timor Timur) produced by M.S.A. Balikh in July
1975.
751
United Press International (UPI), GT626P, Jakarta, 30 April 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
752
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 553, 14 May 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3). For Pan-
Malay movements, including the KMM, see footnotes 77 and 605.
149
753
Announcement, 051/IV/Central Presidium-URT/65, Batugade, 9 April 1965.
754
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 655, 2 June 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4). This
memorandum also related that the US Embassy in Jakarta had received a letter addressed to their
Ambassador seeking support for the URT-D. The US Embassy reportedly did not propose to
acknowledge or take action on the URT-D letter.
755
Dunn, J., Memo – “Portuguese Timor”, Australian Department of External Affairs, Canberra, 10
June 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4).
756
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 98/65, 12 July 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4).
757
Durdin, T., “Portuguese in Timor Are Wary of Jakarta Moves”, The New York Times, New York,
12 December 1965.
150
Lisbon who are urging the Government of Salazar to give independence to the
countries still colonised” and announced “four conditions” for the independence of
Portuguese Timor. The URT-D called for the deployment of a United Nations force,
“composed of soldiers from the Arab countries, Mauritania and Tunis [sic] … to
establish order and supervise the departure of the Imperialist Portuguese Army.” The
text allocated commanders and tasks for the URT’D’s “30,000” military personnel
under the command of “Major General Mao Bere and the Chief of Staff (General
Staff) Brigadier General M.S. Pekkeh [sic]” – specifically for the occupation of Dili
(by the “Sinamutin Malacca Brigade”), Batugadé and Oecussi (by the “Maromac Oan
Brigade”). The Statement declared that the URT-D “is certainly not a puppet guided
by a foreign country” and announced the URT-D’s hatred of “all forms of
colonialism” by Portugal, “or by other European races, or even by the Mongols or by
((in capital letters)) OUR NEIGHBOUR COUNTRY WHICH IS ALSO ONE OF US
BEING MALAY” – ie an apparent allusion to Indonesia.
On 7 December 1965, a Jakarta-based Australian journalist - Frank Palmos,
during an interview on Australian-Indonesian relations with the Indonesian Foreign
Minister Subandrio, queried the Minister on a recent URT-D statement on their
political activities. Minister Subandrio responded that as “Timor was a colony, in
principle, Indonesia disagreed with its status. The problem of Malaysia however was
more urgent. Nevertheless it was highly probable that Timor would be raised in the
near future, and we believe that it will resolve itself over time.”762
For the next few years, Portuguese Timor does not appear to have been
a priority for the Orde Baru (New Order) government of President Soeharto. A
Portuguese academic763 has summarized that: “Relations between Indonesia and
Portugal – and Kupang and Dili, improved significantly with the rise to power of
Soeharto. Four main reasons contributed to this new situation:
- the complete abandonment of the climate of political tension in the region
by the Soeharto regime;
- the anti-communist orientation of both regimes;
- primacy given by Soeharto to Indonesia’s economic development with the
aim of consolidating his regime; and
- Portugal’s intransigent refusal to grant political military and logistic
support to the liberation movement in western Papua New Guinea.”
.
However, there was a suggestion of material support in 1965 for some
reported URT-D elements in Indonesian Timor. According to a PIDE – Dili report,
the ABRI Supreme Command (Komando Tertinggi – KOTI) in Jakarta ordered that
“Lieutenant Slamet, a liaison officer with the URT-D”, be disciplined for having
abused his authority by demanding that the “military commander in Atambua
distribute weapons to Nai Buti and his men”.764
Malay, but not to a high standard.” The Statement is also cited in Fernandes, M. S., 2003, op.cit, p.8
and footnote 24; Fernandes, M.S., 2005, pp. 399-400 and footnote 138.
762
Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., p.401.
763
Fernandes, M.S., “O Timor Português na Política Externa de Suharto: O Regresso ao Status Quo
Ante, 1965-1974”, Revista Negócios Estrangeiros, No.9.2, Instituto Diplomático, Ministério dos
Negócios Estrangeiros, Lisbon, March 2006, p.334. This article deals with each aspect in some detail.
764
Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., pp.401-402 citing a PIDE periodic intelligence report (PERINTREP
No. 12/65) covering December 1965 (TdT , Lisbon: SC-CI(2)/DSI-2, NT 8973, folio 62). While
Lieutenant Slamet had been noted supporting Silvester Martins Nai Buti since 1962 (see footnote 688),
there is no other mention of any association by the Lieutenant with the URT-D. It is more likely that
Silvester Martins’ group – being supported by ABRI, was confused by the PIDE as being a URT-D
element.
152
In December 1966, the URT-D sent letters to the New Zealand Legation in
Jakarta – for the Prime Minister of New Zealand and for onforwarding to the Prime
Minister of Western Samoa, urging that a “Conference of Oceania” be hosted in
Western Samoa – with the aim of forming an “Ocean Alliance”.767 The letters, with
the signature block of “A. Mao Klao” as President, suggested principal attendees at
the proposed Conference could be “West Samoa, Tonga, Nauru, Papua, New Zealand
and the Timor Union Republic” - while the views of “the Philippines Republic, Japan,
Chinese Republic (Taipeh), Canada, United States of America, Mexico, Argentina
and other countries would be of great use.” The New Zealand Legation in Jakarta
informally sought information on the URT-D from the Indonesian Foreign Ministry.
They were told by the Director General of its Political Affairs Division, Dr Anwar
Sani, that he had not been aware of the existence of the “Timor Union Republic”, and
he noted with interest that Indonesia did not appear to be one of the countries
proposed as participants in the Conference. He added that the URT-D had no “locus
standi” with the Indonesian authorities, and that he knew no one in the present
Government who might have an interest in it. Judging by the address of the
organization in Jakarta, he thought it was “not of any great size or significance.”768
Comments on the URT-D were subsequently sought by the Australian
Department of External Affairs from their Consulate in Dili. The Consul responded
that he had seen previous documents from the URT-D (one in April 1963, and another
in April 1965) “purporting to come from this ‘government’; the organization is not
765
Australian Consul – Dili, Memo 115, 19 June 1966 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9). This incident is also
related - citing Portuguese documents, in Fernandes, M.S., “O Timor Português na Política Externa de
Suharto…, 2006, op.cit., pp.313-314.
766
Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos …, 1977, op.cit., p.183/footnote 204.
767
Conference of Oceania, 094/XII/Prespu-URT/66, Batugade, 1 December 1966 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 3). Although “issued” at Batugade, the address of the URT-D “Struggle Representative”
was given as “C/o Utaria, Kramat Pulo Dalam II, Nr G. 46 A, Jakarta”.
768
New Zealand Legation – Jakarta, Letter 84/47/1, 20 December 1966 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part
3).
153
evident in Portuguese Timor. Batugade is a tiny, almost deserted area, to the north of
Balibo and about three miles distant from the crossing into the Indonesian end of the
island. It consists of a detachment of second-line native troops (about 30 under a
native officer) and about two dozen subsistence farmers. There are no doubt dissident
elements in Portuguese Timor, all communities have them, particularly where there is
a foreign power in control; however, control here is such that it is very doubtful
whether these elements could ever become organised.”769
A few months later in early April 1967, the Australian Embassy in Jakarta
received another letter in Bahasa from the URT-D addressed to the Prime Minister of
Australia - with an elaborate letterhead as shown below.
The letter dated 2 April 1967, in Bahasa Melayu and signed by President “A. Mao
Klao” and ostensibly issued at Batugadé, welcomed “Australia’s policy in making
Papua and New Guinea independent this year, 1967”770 – see Annex L (the document
includes a barely legible signature of “Mao Klao” – signed by Alamsyah Hasibuan,
see also later footnote 816). The letter repeated the URT-D’s aim of establishing “a
nation called Melanesia in the Pacific” and sought Australian protection to “defend
ourselves against threats from Asian Countries.” The URT-D hoped that Australia
would sponsor a “Conference of Melanesian Countries” as “the only country in the
position to pioneer such a Conference is Australia.” Australian Embassy staff in
Jakarta analysed this letter – and the URT-D’s preceding “Conference of Oceania”
letter of 1 December 1966 (both written in Bahasa), and commented: “the language
used in the letters is Malay and not Indonesian. There is a distinct difference in the
use of such consonants as ‘j’ instead of ‘y’, ‘dj’ instead of ‘j’, ‘ch’ instead of ‘tj’, and
‘c’ instead of ‘k’. An Indonesian would not spell the name of the capital city as
‘Jacarta’. Word usage is also distinctly Malay.”771
769
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 52, 17 March 1967 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3). As noted
earlier, the Australian Consul had visited Batugadé in mid-September 1966 and reported: “Batugade is
a small area, almost on the beach, consisting of an old military post and about two to three dozen native
houses. Population would not exceed 100, including a platoon of Second Line Timorese infantry. …
There are no Europeans stationed in Batugade. … You will remember that this place is said to be the
centre of the ‘Independence for Timor Movement’ – the organizers could not have chosen a less
suitable spot.” – Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 192, 23 September 1966 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1
Part 1).
770
Menyambut hangat atas akan Merdeka Nya Papua dan New Guinea 1967 ini (Warmly Welcoming
the Independence of Papua and New Guinea in 1967), URT-D, Nr. III/Prespu-URT/IV/67, Batugade, 2
April 1967 – in Bahasa Melayu spelling (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3). The address of the “Struggle
Representative” in Jakarta was given as “C/o Utaria, Kramat Pulo Dalam II, Nr. G 46 A, Jacarta” – as
for footnote 767.
771
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 753, 21 April 1967 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3). See
explanation of Bahasa Melayu/Malay and Bahasa Indonesia spellings at footnote 700.
154
Muhammad Saleh Akbar Balikh claims that his birth-name was “Mao Klao”773
– and that, as “Abdullah Mao Klao”, he was the President of the URT-D.
Balikh was born in Portuguese Timor in August 1938 in the village of Morai,
Maubara – about 65 kilometres west of Dili.774 His “official” birthdate however is 24
August 1942.775 According to Balikh, his grandfather (“arbor/avo”) was Dom Rei
Preto776, the raja of the Maubara area who had been connected with the Dom
Boaventura “Great Rebellion” in 1912.777 Balikh’s mother and father were detained
in the early 1940s and died soon after. Aged two or three, Balikh was taken to the
islands of Alor (in Japanese-occupied Dutch Timor about 80 kilometres north of
Maubara) to live with his paternal uncle – traditionally there had been a close cultural
association between the Maubara area on Timor and the Alor islands. Balikh was
raised in the village of Baranusa on the island of Pulau Pantar - to the immediate
west of the main island of Alor. He later moved to Alor Island for
education at the Sekolah Guru Bantai Kalabahi – an area 75
percent Christian, 25 percent Muslim. In 1958, Balikh travelled to
Jakarta for further education, staying enroute for one or two
months with Maubara clan relatives on the island of Flores in the
Lesser Sundas.
In Jakarta, beginning in 1958, Balikh attended secondary
school. On 5 July 1959, Balikh – as a member of the “Delegation
of Portuguese-Colonized Timorese”, attended a rally at the
Presidential Palace in Jakarta at which President Sukarno
called for the liberation of oppressed peoples.778 At the time,
772
Almost all the information in this section of the monograph was provided by Muhammad Saleh
Akbar Balikh during interviews with the author in Dili in December 2004, January 2005, August 2006
and late October 2008.
773
The author however has not sighted any written records that confirm that M.S.A. Balikh’s name at
birth was “Mao Klao”.
774
Indonesian intelligence records however, reportedly assert that Balikh was born in Bukit Tinggi,
West Sumatra – email to author of this monograph from Jakarta-based author and analyst, Ken
Conboy, 27 September 2005. However, these Indonesian intelligence records - referring to “Mao
Klao”, appear to be incorrect and have probably confused M.S.A. Balikh with Alamsyah Hasibuan, a
Sumatran, who appears to have used the name “Mao Klao” in the period 1967-1972 (and possibly
earlier) – see footnotes 770, 782, 783, 795, 796, 799, 802, 816, 818, 820, 895, 905, 1027, 1031 and
1037.
775
It is not uncommon for Indonesians or Timorese to have an official birthdate “later” than their actual
birthdate – this is often a device to more easily qualify for schooling or public service entry.
776
In October 2007, in an interview with the magazine TIME Timor, Balikh stated that his father was
“Dom Rebrito Sidoni - the raja of Gugleur Maubara”; and his grandfather was “Dom Kleti Leti
Letikari” – with both active in the Maubara area in 1942 during the “transition” period between Dutch
and Portuguese sovereignty of the area - “Mau-Klao Siap Mempertanggungjawabkan Kebenaran
Proklamasi Uni Republik Timor (URT)” (“Mau-Klao is Ready to Accept Responsibility for the Truth
about the Proclamation by Union of the Republic of Timor (URT)”), TIME Timor, No.11, Tahun II,
November 2007, Dili, p.23. Note however that the Dutch actually ceded Maubara to the Portuguese in
1859.
777
For the “Great Rebellion”, see Gunn, G.C., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999, pp.94-102; Pélissier,
R., 1996, pp.254-301; Davidson, K.G., The Portuguese Colonisation …, Sydney, 1994, op.cit.,
pp.232-275. The Argus newspaper (Melbourne) of 26 August 1912 reported that rebels “raided the
port of Dilly” and looted Government house on 19 February 1912 - Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, (Jolliffe, J.
& Reece, B. eds), Timorese Elites, Canberra, 1975, Appendix II (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2).
778
President Sukarno’s decree that began the “Guided Democracy” era was issued on 5 July 1959 at the
Presidential (Merdeka) Palace. Balikh also later gave the date of the rally that he attended in Jakarta as
155
Balikh was in Class 2 of senior high school and attended the rally with other students
including “Adi Mara” from “Irian” (ie Papua) and “Antasari” from North Borneo. The
ceremonies included several flag-raising activities. According to Balikh, “all three of
us were given the opportunity to give a speech before the assembled participants …
which was broadcast on the radio. … We met with Indonesia’s first President in the
Presidential Palace to request support, and Indonesian President Engineer Haji
Soekano positively welcomed our struggle.”779 Emanuel Mau Bere780 – a middle-aged
Timorese mentor of Balikh’s born in Letefoho (Ermera, Portuguese Timor) and
connected with the “Rapat Timorese” (Timorese Meeting), did not attend but listened
to the ceremony on the radio. Balikh’s senior mentor at this time appears to have been
Mulwan Shah – mentioned earlier as the principal of the AMRU, who Balikh himself
described as a “Malaysian” involved in the senior leadership of the Pan-Malay
movement – “Suku Bangsa Persatuan Melayu” (the “Malay Races United Nations” -
or AMRU)781.
According to Balikh, he (ie Balikh as “A. Mao Klao”) was the principal in the
URT-D’s 1961 promulgation of its Declaration of Independence. He related that in
early April 1961, he travelled by boat to Kupang in Indonesian Timor – and thence to
Atambua where he stayed with a relative of his mother. An elder URT-D companion,
Alamsyah Hasibuan – a Sumatran involved in the All Malay Race Union, went ahead
to Batugadé – just across the border in Portuguese Timor. Together with Simon
Serang Pria, they met in Batugadé on 9 April and organised a gathering a few
kilometres outside the small town. Balikh related that he made a speech declaring
“Independence”782 and, together with Simon Serang Pria, raised a flag.783 Soon after
“9 July 1959”. In a November 2007 magazine article, Balikh again related this rally – including the
attendance of Adimara and Antisari, and stated that all were given the opportunity to make a speech at
this event in “1975” (ie probable magazine error) – see page 206. Somewhat confusingly, in the article
Balikh also referred to making a speech at the “United Nations Youth Anniversary” in Jakarta. The
photograph of Balikh (above) was given to the author by M.S.A. Balikh in December 2004 on a simple
promotional-style “pamphlet”, probably prepared in the period 1999-2004 (ie with “modern Bahasa”
spelling), that declared “1958 – Status as a part of the delegation from Colonial Portuguese Timor to
the Republic of Indonesia in Jakarta” and “aged 18 – Mau Klao Muhammad Saleh Akbar Balikh …
since then ready to sincerely volunteer to sacrifice myself for the sake of the struggle for independence
for the beloved motherland and legacy of our East Timor forefathers.”
779
“Mau-Klao Siap …”, TIME Timor, No.11, Tahun II, November 2007, Dili, op.cit., pp.21-22.
780
Emanuel Mau Bere was noted as the URT-D Defence Minister in a URT-D document dated 19
December 1975 (see footnote 965) and was imprisoned in Jakarta for some months in early 1976. In
December 2004, M.S.A. Balikh advised the author that Emanuel Mau Bere died in the mid-1980s - and
his two sons (Yunus, Tomás) lived in Palmerah, Jakarta. Balikh also stated that Emanuel Mau Bere’s
wife was a descendant of the Mataram rajas (Indonesia). Emanuel Mau Bere appears as a signatory on
two “Proklamasi” versions of the URT-D Declaration of Independence – ie the version in the
November 2007 Timor Post/TIME Timor (see footnote 987 and Annex X) and the slightly different
“2006” version provided to the author (see page 204 and Annex V). In the November 2007 article in
TIME Timor magazine, Balikh stated that Emanuel Maubere was the uncle of the Timorese priest,
Domingos Maubere (Domingos Soares) – see footnote 988.
781
According to Indonesian intelligence records, Mulwan Shah (sometimes as “Mulwansjah” or
“Marwan Syah”) was from South Kalimantan - email from Ken Conboy (Jakarta-based author), 26
September 2005. See earlier reference to Mulwan Shah as of “apparent Malay stock” at footnote 679.
782
On 20 August 2006, at his home in Fatuhada (Dili), Balikh theatrically “re-enacted” his 1961
“proclamation address” to the author – ie he declaimed, without notes, the content of the document at
Annex V.
783
The URT-D’s purported flag was described in a vexillology Internet website “Flags of the World”
by Ollé, J., 30 August 1999 – http://y2z.biz/flags/tl%7Dbllt.html. see Bibliography, as “red with a
central black disc bordered yellow - and within, a five-pointed star touching the inner edge of the disc”.
However, the source of information for such a design is unclear and could not be substantiated –
author’s email exchange with Ollé. J., 18 January 2006 and Raeside R., 21 December 2008. In
156
however, Portuguese authorities arrived - the meeting dispersed, and the URT-D
members fled. Balikh, who was wearing the uniform of the Resimen Mahajaya
Mahasiswa of the University of Indonesia (and carried a student identity card) – and
was consequently not questioned or harassed by Indonesian border security elements,
returned immediately to Kupang and thence to Jakarta. According to Balikh, Simon
Serang Pria was captured by the Portuguese – and Balikh believed that Alamsyah
Hasibuan might have been captured also. Balikh stated that the text of the Declaration
of Independence that he pronounced at Batugadé was as provided by him to the Timor
Post newspaper in Dili and published in that newspaper on 25 November 2004 - ie the
short “Proklamasi document” (see footnote 983).
On returning to Jakarta, Balikh continued his university studies. During this
period, Balikh apparently received unofficial assistance
from Indonesian Government officials eg he claimed that,
following an “arrangement made by Mulwan Shah”, he
was transported to/from his studies in a vehicle driven by
Indonesian Foreign Minister Adam Malik’s “adjudan”.784
Balikh claims that his name was included as a member of
the URT-D’s Military Council (Dewan Militer) as
“Brigadier General Mohammed Shaleh Pakkeh, Chief of
Staff” – and that he also functioned as “Mao Klao” ie the URT-D “President” at that
time.785
Balikh related that in 1963 or 1964, Alamsyah Hasibuan visited him at the
University and asked him to sign the “master copy” of the URT-D’s 1,000 Pataca
denomination bank note (actual size: 15cm x 8cm) - see below including “reverse”.
Balikh stated that he signed the bank note as “Direktur Bank Revolusi Timor” – but
that he did not know who co-signed the note as the “Menteri Keuangan, Ekonomi &
Pembangunan” (Minister for Finance, Economy and Development).786
discussions with the author in Dili in December 2004 and August 2006, M.S.A. Balikh was unable to
describe the URT-D flag. On 20 August 2006, Balikh stated that the flag was “organised” by Alamsyah
Hasibuan. In a later interview on 27 October 2008, Balikh described the flag in detail to the author and
sketched the flag – see footnote 995.
784
M. S. A. Balikh – statement to the author, Dili, 5 December 2004. Adam Malik was the Indonesian
ambassador in the Soviet Union and Poland until 1963. In November 1963, Malik was appointed
Minister of Commerce, and in 1966 was appointed Foreign Minister of Indonesia.
785
See footnotes 698 and 699. That document, provided by Balikh to the author on 4 December 2004,
also lists “A. Mao Klao” separately as the General Chairman of the Military Council and as President
of the Presidium of the URT-D.
786
Balikh held one copy of the 1,000 Pataca URT-D bank note in December 2004 – which he allowed
the author to photocopy. He did not mention the existence of URT-D currency of any other
denomination. Balikh provided the 1,000 Pataca bank note for an article in the Timor Post newspaper
in November 2004 (footnote 982 and pages 202-203) and an article in the TIME Timor magazine in
November 2007 (footnote 987). Apart from the One Pataca (footnote 787) and 1,000 Pataca notes, it
is not known whether other denominations of URT-D currency were produced – or the extent of the
dissemination, if at all, of the One and 1,000 Pataca URT-D bank notes. The signature of the Direktur
Bank Revolusi Timor is not similar to that of M.S.A. Balikh – no confirmed “Mao Klao” signature by
Balikh is available (during discussions with the author, Balikh avoided signing a “example signature”
of “Mao Klao”). The signature of the Menteri Keuangan, Ekonomi & Pembangunan is somewhat
similar to that of Emanuel Maubere. In Portuguese Timor, the pataca was replaced as the official
currency by the Timorese escudo in early 1959.
157
A One (1) Pataca note was also produced – as featured in a February 1975
edition of Tempo magazine787 (see below).
787
“Perbatasan – Teriakan Nona Abaiyah”, Tempo, Th IV, No 51, 22 February 1975, pp. 9-10. The
URT-D was mentioned in a section sub-titled “Mimpi Yang Berani” (A Brave Dream) that related:
“The ‘Uni Republik Timor’ movement was born in 1961 from remnants of the uprising by Timorese
Malays of the Islamic religion.” The “Mimpi” section of the Tempo article was repeated in
Dokumentasi - Kliping tentang Pra-Integrasi Timor Timur 1975, CSIS, 67/P/XI/1983, Jakarta Pusat,
November 1983, p.28.
158
Interestingly, the URT-D one and 1,000 Pataca notes (dated 17 July 1964)
were far more sophisticated productions than the URT-D’s earlier rudimentary
pronouncements and circulars. The URT-D’s circulars and pronouncements were
invariably in either English or Bahasa, and only rarely included a Tetum word or
phrase eg except “Moris Timor” (“Timor Lives”) in a subscription. The Bahasa
spelling on the bank note was in Bahasa Melayu. However, while language used on
the bank note was predominantly in Bahasa – it also included a few phrases and a
sentence in Tetum on its reverse: ie “All unite in the struggle for a free Timor” (note -
“for a free Timor” was in Bahasa); “Arise Timor – long live Malaysian Melanesia and
Freedom”; and “Defeat Portuguese Oppression and Imperialism.”
Jakarta, several Portuguese Army officers are striving to establish what is called the
URT-D – they had tried several times but failed. This is the fourth time – intensified
after the failure of the PKI coup on 30 September 1965 … with the intention of
receiving the escaped ringleaders of the PKI and using ((Timor)) as a headquarters for
the ‘come-back’ of the communists in Indonesia.”793 Very soon after, any URT-D
connection with the PKI was strongly denied by the URT-D. A.B. Lao, an official
acting as the Chairman of the General Council of the All Malay Races Union and its
“Timor Faction”, explained to Merdeka that: “the URT was established on 9 Apr 61
under President A. Mao Klao … there are absolutely no members of the Portuguese
Army participating in the URT’s struggle. The URT has never suffered any defeats …
but continues its struggle employing guerrillas, an underground movement and
international activities. The URT comprises Islamic, Catholic and Halaik (the
Timorese traditional religion) groups … and the struggle is guided by Kitab Allah
Jang Suci ((ie the Koran)) ... the URT struggles for the aspirations of Melanesians in
particular and Malays in general. Accordingly, it is not possible that the URT would
be associated with the issue of the PKI in Indonesia or make itself a base for the PKI –
both from the political and military aspects. Its relationships with Malay countries ….
would be destroyed if it aligned itself with the PKI.”794
In June 1970, via the Sri Lankan Ambassador in Jakarta, the URT-D sent a
letter of “Support for Madame Bandaranayke’s Victory” to the newly-elected “Prime
Minister of Srilangka in Ceylon”.795 The letter sought “moral and material assistance”
– and “recognition for our State” although the “emergency Government was currently
in the jungle expanse of Timor”. In June, the URT-D also sent a letters to Her Majesty
Queen Elizabeth II and the King of Tonga – King Taufa Ahau Tapu. 796 The letter to
Queen Elizabeth referred to Tonga as a “Malay-Negrito” country in the Pacific, and
expressed the hope that independence would soon be granted to Fiji, the Solomon
Islands, Cocos and Christmas Islands, and Brunei – as well as islands in the Pacific
under United States and French administration. In comments on the letters, the British
Embassy in Jakarta noted earlier suggestions that “the Organisation ((ie the URT-D))
may well have Communist links”.797 In responding, the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office in London noted the “definite Muslim overtones” in the URT-D
“pronouncements” and the “strange confusion in terms” ie: “Malay-Negrito is a
contradiction. Malays and Negroids are of quite separate racial origins and the people
793
“Timor Portugis Basis Komunis ?” (“Portuguese Timor as a Communist Base ?”), Merdeka, Jakarta,
29 September 1969, p.1. The Merdeka article was also reported by AAP-Reuter TG (Jakarta - AAP001,
0002, 30 September 1969) - and a similar article had appeared in The Indonesian Observer on 29
September 1969 as “Portuguese Plot to Set Up a Pro-Red Republic in Timor”.
794
“Uni Rep. Timor Bukan Komunis”, Merdeka, Jakarta, 3 October 1969, p.1. Merdeka reported the
AMRU as “Persatuan Seluruh Bangsa Melaju”.
795
Dukungan terhadap kemenangan Madame Bandaranayke (Support for Madame Bandaranayke’s
Victory), Number: 00437/Prespu-URT/VI/1970, via Jakarta, 8 June 1970 – in Bahasa (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS 1287/63, NT 3292). Note – Sri Lanka was known as Ceylon before 1972. The “Mao Klao”
signature on the letter was that of Alamsyah Hasibuan – see also footnote 818.
796
Ucapan turut terimakasih atas kemurahan hati Kerajaan Inggris yang telah dengan rela
memberikan Kemerdekaan Penoh [sic] kepada Negara Kepulauan Tonga di Pacific (Expression of
thanks to the British Empire its generosity in freely granting full independence to the Tongan Islands in
the Pacific), Number: 00436/Prespu-URT/VI/1970, Jakarta, 8 June 1970 – in Bahasa (The National
Archives – Kew: FWP 1/1 FCO 24/867). This letter to Queen Elizabeth II was signed by Alamsyah
Hasibuan as “Mao Klao” – see also footnote 818. It appears that the letter to King Taufa Ahau Tapu
was not on-forwarded to Tonga by the British.
797
British Embassy – Djakarta, (1/42), 23 June 1970 (The National Archives – Kew: FWP 1/1 FCO
24/867). Interestingly, this Foreign and Commonwealth (FCO) file holding material on the URT-D is
titled “Communist Organisations in Portuguese Timor”.
160
of Tonga and the other islands are neither Malay nor Negroid but Polynesian. One
would expect an independence organisation at least to know the race of the people
that are trying to ‘free’.”798 In October 1970, the URT-D sent very similar letters of
congratulation to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and to the Prime Minister of Fiji –
Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, on the occasion of the granting of independence to Fiji.799
The letters refered to Fiji as a “Malay-Negrito” country and also expressed the hope
that independence would soon be also granted to islands in the Pacific – including
Papua New Guinea, and Brunei.
The URT-D sent a petition to the United Nations in October 1970, and - five
months later, received a letter of acknowledgement from the UN’s Division of Human
Rights informing the URT-D that the matter would be dealt with under the relevant
resolutions of the UN’s Economic and Social Council.800 According to M.S.A. Balikh,
Alamsyah Hasibuan – a principal in the URT-D and the All Malay Races Union,
initially intercepted the correspondence from the UN and attempted to “use it for his
own purposes.”801 Balikh regarded Alamsyah Hasibuan as a “benalu” (Bahasa:
“parasite”) who “memperalat” (Bahasa: “manipulated”) him and others in the URT-
D.802
In late December 1970, an Australian journalist writing articles on Portuguese
Timor, visited Jakarta and reported: “the only visible evidence in Djakarta of
Indonesian interest in Portuguese Timor is a tiny slum building purporting to be the
headquarters of the Central Presidium of the Unitary Republic of Timor, president Mr
A. Mao Klao. Mr Mao Klao was not in Djakarta when I sought him; he was in Timor
perhaps, it was hinted darkly, even in Portuguese Timor. But the organization he
heads appears to be Islamic, though the Timorese are not, and appears to come under
the sway of another poverty-stricken body, the All-Malay Race Union, although the
Timorese are not Malays.”803
In early April 1972, a Jakarta newspaper reported that the Soviet Embassy in
798
FCO – London, FWP 1/1, 24 July 1970 (The National Archives – Kew: FWP 1/1 FCO 24/867).
799
Ucapan terimakasih atas kemurahan hati Kerajaan Inggris yang telah dengan rela memberikan
Kemerdekaan Penoh [sic] kepada Negara Kepulauan Fiji di Pacific (Expression of thanks to the
British Empire for freely granting full independence to the Fiji Islands in the Pacific), Number:
0460/Prespu-URT/X/1970, Jakarta, 12 October 1970 – in Bahasa. This letter to Queen Elizabeth II was
signed by Alamsyah Hasibuan as “Mao Klao” – see also footnote 818. Support for, and recognition of,
the establishment of friendly relations with the free state of Fiji, (to H.E. Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara,
Prime Minister of Fiji), Batugade, 12 October 1970 – English translation. Both letters can be found in
The National Archives – Kew: FWP 1/1 FCO 24/867.
800
Communications Unit – Division of Human Rights (United Nations), SO 215/1 PORT., New York,
15 March 1971. The letter indicates that the URT-D petition was dated 12 October 1970, signed by
“Mao Klao”, and used Bahasa Melayu spelling. The UN apparently referred the matter to Portugal who
reportedly denied the existence of any liberation movement. M.S.A. Balikh also referred to the UN
reply in an article in the Timor Post of 25 November 2004 - see footnote 982; and a copy of the letter
was included in the TIME Timor magazine of October 2007 – see footnotes 850, 855. For URT-D/UN
correspondence, see footnotes 736-738 for the URT-D’s contact with the UN in 1964-65; footnotes
800-801 and 853 for the 1970-1973 period; and 965-966 for 1975.
801
Discussions with the author in Dili, 20 August 2006.
802
Ibid – Balikh described Alamsyah Hasibuan as a West Sumatran from Padang; a devout Muslim
who only ate “rice and salt” and only drank “air putih” (Bahasa: “water” - ie not tea or coffee).
According to Balikh, Alamsyah Hasibuan had no Timorese friends or associates.
803
Mabbett, H., “Focus on Timor – Timor’s Chinese a dominant power”, The Canberra Times,
Canberra, 31 December 1970.
161
804
Indonesia Raya, Jakarta, 1 April 1972.
805
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable 1456, 7 April 1972 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4).
806
“Indonesia ‘would aid rising’ ”, The Age, Melbourne, 5 April 1972; and “Indonesian Support for
Timor Lib”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 5 April 1972.
807
Australian Department of Foreign Affairs, Record of Conversation with Indonesian Embassy
official, Canberra, 5 April 1972 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4).
808
Woolcott, R. - FAS South East Asia Division, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor”, 1 June 1973 –
Minister, 2 June 1973 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 5, pp.184-185).
809
These URT-D documents were acquired by the Australian Embassy – Jakarta and forwarded to
Canberra under cover of Memo 2570, 22 December 1972 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 4).
162
810
Hubungan Diplomatic dan Kerjasama Menuju Melanesia Raya yang jaya (Diplomatic Relations and
Cooperation Towards a Glorious Greater Melanesia), URT-D 0545/ZULK/Prespu-URT/1392 H/1972
M, Batugade, 8 December 1972 – in Bahasa (see Annex N). The covering letter by the Australian
Embassy – Jakarta (footnote 809) stated: “It is interesting to note that the letter is in Malay, not in
Bahasa Indonesia, even though it originates from a Jakarta address.” This comment suggests that while
the Bahasa Indonesia and Malay (Melayu) spelling systems had been unified in August 1972 under the
Ejaan Yang Disempurnakan program (see footnote 700), the unified spelling had not been popularised
in Bahasa Indonesia by late December 1972. However, note also that the URT-D document of 8
December 1972 declared that “Bahasa Melayu dipakai sebagai Bahasa Nasional … di Uni Republic
Timor” (“Malay is used as the National Language … in the Union of the Republic of Timor.”).
811
Pernyataan Kemerdekaan (Declaration of Independence), 9 April 1961 – in Bahasa Melayu (see
Annex O). The English version of this Bahasa text became available in April 1965 - see Annex J and
background at footnotes 742, 745 and 748. Stamped copies of the Bahasa text versions can be found at
The National Archives – Kew: FWP 1/1 FCO 24/867 (together with an English-language translation);
and TdT , Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1287/63, NT 3292. Subsequently, M.S.A. Balikh provided two shorter,
and different, Bahasa Indonesia “Proklamasi” versions of the “Declaration of Independence” - ie to the
Timor Post newspaper in November 2004/TIME Timor magazine in November 2007, and to the author
in Dili on 21 August 2006 (Annex V).
812
Formasi Presidium Pusat Uni Republic Timor – Period ke II: 9 April 1969 – 9 April 1977, 9 April
1969 – in Bahasa.
813
Dewan Pemerintah Pusat Uni Republic Timor – Period ke VI: 9 April 1971 – 9 April 1973, 11 June
1972 – in Bahasa.
814
Formasi Dewan Militer Uni Republic Timor – Period ke III: 11 June 1972 – 10 June 1975, 11 June
1972 – in Bahasa.
815
Timor Merdeka (Independent/Free Timor), Batugade, 18 August 1963 – in Bahasa (see Annex P).
163
The letter to the PNG Chief Minister, Michael Somare, welcomed PNG’s
forthcoming independence and sought diplomatic relations between the URT-D and
PNG within a future “Glorious Greater Melanesia”. With both the URT-D and PNG
as “Melanesian nations in the Western Pacific Ocean”, the letter urged the formation
of a “Greater Melanesian Union” comprising “the URT-D, PNG, the Republic of
Nauru, Fiji, Tonga, Western Samoa and other new Melanesian countries.” The URT-
D also proposed Bahasa Melayu (“Malay”) as PNG’s national language – noting that
Malay was the language of the URT-D, the Malaysian Federation, the Republic of
Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia, Brunei, “the Islamic Republic of Patani 817 –
whose struggle was ongoing.” This letter (Annex N) was signed by “A Mao Klao” –
and the same signature appears on the reverse of the photograph (footnote 816) – a
photograph of Alamsyah Hasibuan.818
The Bahasa-language text of the URT-D Declaration of Independence (Annex
O) was almost identical - when translated, to that of the English version noted earlier
that had first appeared in 1965 (see footnote 742 and Annex J). Although also
unsigned, this “1972” Bahasa-language copy of the Pernayataan Kemerdekaan
included the stamp of the Central Presidium of the URT-D – whereas the earlier
English-language “1965” text had included a stamp with the wording (in Bahasa)
816
The photograph was shown by the author to M.S.A. Balikh and Mrs Fatima Balikh (Balikh’s wife)
in Dili on 12 and 20 August 2006 – who both identified its subject as Alamsyah Hasibuan.
817
Patani is a Muslim majority province in southern Thailand contiguous to Malaysia - with a Muslim
separatist movement.
818
Hasibuan’s signature as “Mao Klao” is identical with that on the 2 April 1967 document – see
footnote 770 and Annex L; this letter to Prime Minister Somare (footnote 810 and Annex N) - and also
on letters to Queen Elizabeth II and newly independent countries in 1970 (Tonga, Fiji) and also to the
Prime Minister of Ceylon - see footnotes 795, 796 and 799. For background on Alamsyah Hasibuan
see footnotes 770, 774, 782, 783, 795, 796, 799, 802, 816, 820, 895, 905, 1027, 1031 and 1037.
164
“Kementerian Luar Negeri – Uni Republic Timor” (Foreign Ministry of the United
Republic of Timor) – see Annex J .
The list of the URT-D Central Presidium for Period II (1969-1977) was
headed by “A. Mao Klao” as President - with Sheikh B.M. Mai Laca as “Junior
President I”, T.E. Maly Bere as “Junior President II” and listed a further eight
members of the Central Presidium.
The composition of the Central Government Council for Period VI (1971-
1973) was headed by Brigadier General M.T. Analessy819 as Prime Minister - who
was also listed as the Foreign Minister as well as Minister for Information and
Propaganda. Of the 16 members listed, all but two had military ranks (from captain to
brigadier general) – together with their “branch of service” and “regimental numbers”
- eg “M.T. Analessy, Brig Gen (Politic) Nrc. 1321”.
The listing for the URT-D’s Military Council for Period III (1972-1975) was
headed by President A. Mao Klao as the General Chairman with Junior President II
T.E. Malybere as the Deputy – but did not include “M.S. Pakkeh”.820 The other
sixteen listed members had military ranks, branch of service and regimental numbers
– including Brigadier General M.T. Analessy as First Deputy Chairman.
The photograph of “A. Mao Klao” – also included as an insert on the map,
was of Alamsyah Hasibuan (see footnote 816). As related earlier, M.S.A. Balikh had
stated that Hasibuan – a senior member of the All Malay Races Union, had been
involved in the URT-D “Declaration” activities at Batugadé in April 1961; had - a few
years later, arranged for Balikh to sign the 1,000 Pataca bank note; and had later
attempted to intercept the URT-D’s correspondence with the UN.
Five months later, in April 1973, the URT-D’s Struggle Delegation in Jakarta
sent a letter of greetings to Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX on his appointment as Vice
President of Indonesia. The letter referred to the “good cooperation” between
Indonesia and the URT-D that had been “pioneered some time ago” by Minister
Adam Malik, and hoped for its continuation by the Sultan.821 The URT-D also called
for the Indonesian officials in the areas bordering Timor to “truly follow progressive
revolutionary politics pioneered by the Central Government of the Republic of
Indonesia”.
In mid-1973, the URT-D passed copies of “The Composition of the Central
Government Council” for “Period VII – 9 April 1973 to 9 April 75” to several foreign
legations in Jakarta.822 As for the preceding “Period VI” (see footnotes 813, 819),
Brigadier General M.T. Analessy was listed as the Prime Minister and Brigadier
General P.H. Ulamando was among the four Vice Prime Ministers.
819
A Bakin officer advised the Australian Embassy – Jakarta that a “Brig. Gen. Analessy” of the URT-
D travelled to Kuala Lumpur on a forged passport in March 1975: Australian Embassy – Jakarta,
Memo 004, 31 December 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2), footnote 918 refers.
820
“M.S. Pakkeh” was M.S. Balikh – see footnotes 698 and 699. As the document was “sponsored” by
Alamsyah Hasibuan, Balikh’s omission is probably a further indication of an “Alamsyah Hasibuan
versus M.S.A. Balikh” division in the URT-D in the early-mid 1970s.
821
Uchapan Selamat, dan kerjasama Timor dan Indonesia, dalam rangka Keluarga Bangsa Malayu
yang Besar (Greetings and Cooperation between Timor and Indonesia within the Framework of the
Greater Malay Family of Nations), No. 004/BAW/PP-URT/1393H/1973M, 16 April 1973 – in Bahasa.
The letter, signed by M.S.A. Balikh, included Islamic greetings and dates using the Islamic calendar eg
the year 1393 Hijrah.
822
The Composition of the Central Government Council of the Union of the Republic of Timor, Period
VII (April 9 1973 A.C. – April 9 1975 A.C.), Number: 588/J-aW/Prespu-URT/1393H/1973M,
Batugade, 28 June 1973 – in English (TdT , Lisbon: PIDE/DGS SC-CI(2)/DSI-2a, NT 7826) and in
Portuguese (Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., Annexo II, p.423 – as “VI Governo”).
165
166
The Movimentos
seeking “scholarships and other expressions of support” – and also separately by José
Ramos-Horta. Despite several invitations, Mari Alkatiri did not have direct contact
with the Indonesian Consulate.832 Ramos-Horta has related:
“In the early 1970s, an incipient nationalist organization began to take shape.
The group, of which I was a member, along with many others in today’s
nationalist movement, began to reach out for help in Indonesia – both because
we were inspired by Indonesia’s earlier independence struggle against the
Dutch, and because of its geographic proximity. I was in liaison with the
Indonesians through the Consul in Dili, E.M. Tomodok. I met him on
numerous occasions, usually in the middle of the night to avoid Portuguese
police detection. With him I discussed our projects for studying and training in
Indonesia. He was an enthusiastic supporter of our movement and encouraged
us to cross the border into West Timor to seek support. I remember him
saying: ‘There the military will be very enthusiastic. Go, cross the border and
you will find support there’.”833
832
As related in discussions with the author on 22 August 2006. Hill., H., Fretilin 1974-1978 – Stirrings
of Nationalism in East Timor, Otford Press, Otford NSW, 2002, pp.52-53 also cites Mari Alkatiri’s
recollections of approaches to the Indonesian Consul in the period January 1970 to 1973 “to gain
support for our aims” – noting: “It was a disappointment to the young Timorese Nationalists to realize
that they could not count on the support of Indonesia”.
833
Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, 1987, op.cit., pp. 26-27. According to Mari Alkatiri, Ramos-Horta’s
involvement in the Movement was less than implied in Funu, noting that Ramos-Horta was “exiled” in
Mozambique in the period 1970-72 – discussions with author, 22 August 2006. In Ramos-Horta, J.,
Amanhã em Díli, 1998. p.75, Ramos-Horta also refers to his (Ramos-Horta’s) contact with the
Indonesian Consul in Dili, E.M. Tomodok.
834
Abílio de Araújo wrote a “polemica”: “Balarque – sigilo ou enigma ?” (“Dowry – secret or
enigma ?”) for A Provincia … . Nicolau Lobato also wrote for A Provincia and Borja da Costa wrote
articles for Seara – see Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos …, 1977, op.cit., pp.185-186.
835
Mari Alkatiri’s pen-name was “O Peregrino”.
836
Francisco Xavier do Amaral’s article in the Seara edition of 10 February 1973 was titled “Sera
Verdadae ?” (“Is it True ?”) and “set out a list of the ills of East Timor under the Portuguese” – Hill,
H., FRETILIN 1974-1978 …, pp.53-54. See also Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos …,
1977, op.cit., pp.187 – Francisco Xavier do Amaral’s pseudonym was “Ramos Paz”.
837
Post-WWII, an Australian Consul had been appointed in 1946 – but was withdrawn on 23 June 1950
and re-instated in January 1951.
838
Woolcott, R. - FAS South East Asia Division, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor”, 1 June 1973 –
Minister, 2 June 1973 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 5, pp.184-185) – see also footnotes 852-854.
168
839
Claypole, S., “What about Timor ?”, The Sydney Morning Herald, 23 August 1973, p.7 (NAA:
A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 2). According to Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., p.126 :
“Although one cannot be certain, there is every likelihood that the young radical mentioned here is
Horta.”
840
Chega ! , CAVR Final Report, Part 3, para 77. José Alexandré (“Kay Rala Xanana”) Gusmão was
not involved in the Movimentos – only joining Fretilin on 20 May 1975, see Niner, S., Xanana – Leader
of the Struggle …, op.cit., 2009, pp.21-26.
841
The PIDE (see footnote 126) was renamed the Direcção-Geral de Segurança (DGS) in 1968 and -
reformed in 1974, became the Polícia de Informação Militar (PIM).
842
Author’s discussion with (then) former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri on 22 August 2006 in Dili.
Former Defence Minister, Dr Roque Rodrigues, was also present. José Ramos-Horta also claims to
have “expressed a desire ((through the Indonesian Consul Eliza M. Tomodok)) for Indonesia’s help
with a guerrilla war to expel the Portuguese.” - Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit.,
p.140. Nicol also provides comments on Consul Tomodok’s activities at p.62.
843
Author’s discussions in Dili with Mari Alkatiri on 22 August 2006. Subsequently, the Movimento
used the Club União opposite (ie west of) the Dili stadium as a basis for its activities. However in 1974
- disappointingly for ASDT/Fretilin, about 90 percent of its membership supported the UDT party.
844
Freney, D., “Ramos Horta on Timor”, Tribune, Melbourne, 6 August 1974 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1
Part 4).
845
Located in Rua de S. Bento, Lisbon – not to be confused with the “Casa de Timor” established in
Dili in 1939 to display Timorese products (BOdT, No.10, 7 March 1939, pp.222-223).
846
For the foundings of ASDT and Fretilin, see following footnotes 856 and 857.
847
An earlier “Mau Lear” had been a notorious bandit (quadrilheiro) captured in early April 1959.
169
(Muki), Guilhermia Araújo, Francisco Borja da Costa848, Vicente dos Reis (Vicente
Sahe), Hamis Bassarewan (Hata)849, Inácio Fonseca (Solan), Venâncio Gomes da
Costa (Mau Seran), Dulce Cruz, Abílio Araújo and Roque Felix de Jesus
Rodrigues.850
During this period, the Australian Government was quite sanguine regarding
any possible Indonesian threat to Portuguese Timor. In mid-1973, a Department of
Foreign Affairs official in Canberra commented that there were “no signs of a
liberation movement of any significance which might attract Indonesian support.
There is one nut in Jakarta who calls himself a PRG ((Provisional Revolutionary
Government)) or something like that.”851 Soon after – as noted earlier, a brief to the
Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs related that: “Far from fostering a ‘Liberation’
movement or displaying hostility towards the Portuguese authorities in Timor,
Indonesia cooperates with the Portuguese. Occasional border incidents, arising out of
cross-border cattle rustling or tribal disputes, are settled amicably and without
publicity.”852 A few days later, the Minister was advised that a United Nations
Secretariat paper issued on 9 May 1973853 “makes no mention of a liberation
movement in Portuguese Timor and makes no reference to any developments there.
This accords with our understanding that there is no significant political agitation in
Portuguese Timor, and that there is no liberation movement active in Timor itself.
There is at present no international pressure on Portugal to grant independence to this
territory in particular. … At present, relations between Indonesia and the Portuguese
administration are good and cooperative. The Indonesian Government is concerned
for general policy reasons not to appear expansionist. … It may be noted in this
context that an Indonesian airline, Merpati Nusantara, is recently understood to have
carried 150 Portuguese troops from Singapore to Dili (presumably en route from
Portugal).”854
848
Francisco Borja da Costa had been a member of the civil service in Dili – serving as a typist until his
obligatory military service beginning in September 1968 (BOdT, No.41, 28 September 1968, p.809)
and subsequently as an aspirante (BOdT, No.26, 26 June 1971, p.634).
849
Hamis Bin Umar Bassarewan (b. 29 May 1948) joined the civil service in Dili in early 1966 and
served as a radio-telegraphist (3rd-class).
850
See Australian Embassy – Lisbon, Memo 98, 2 March 1973 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 4). Later
known as “Casa dos Timores” (ie “pluralised”) from 19 May 1974 when - following a major
reorganization, António Duarte Carvarino was appointed Director and Abílio Abrantes (ie Abílio de
Araújo) as President of the Council. Many of the Casa students were members of a militant Beijing-
oriented Maoist group, Movimento Reorganizativo do Partido do Proletariado (MRPP). Chega ! -
CAVR Final Report, Part 3, p.26 also notes their involvement in Lisbon in the Movimento Libertação
de Timor Dili and the Frente Unica de Libertação de Timor Dili. Roque Rodrigues, an alferes (second
lieutenant) undergoing military national service, had been involved in underground activity against the
Caetano regime – see Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., pp.116-118; Rodrigues -
discussions with author 2004.
851
Department of Foreign Affairs – Canberra, Cable O.452224, 7 May 1973 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1
Part 5) – manuscript note dated 8 May 1973.
852
Memorandum for the Minister – “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor”, Department of Foreign Affairs,
Canberra, 1 June 1973 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 5).
853
This is probably a reference to the United Nations General Assembly (Secretariat Working Paper
A/AC.109/L.846), “Territories Under Portuguese Administration - Timor”, 25 May 1973, para 3 that
stated: “Little information is available on the activities of liberation movements in Timor. In 1971,
Portuguese authorities denied rumours that a liberation movement had declared the independence of
Timor.” - (NAA: A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 2). The United Nations had received a letter from the URT-D in
October 1970, replied in March 1971 (see footnote 800) – and apparently referred the issue to Portugal.
854
Memorandum for the Minister – “Policy Towards Portuguese Timor”, Department of Foreign
Affairs, Canberra, June 1973 (NAA: A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 2).
170
In January 1974, the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Eliza Meskers Tomodok, was
quoted extensively in an article by a visiting French journalist – including: “I am
certain that there is no organised resistance, but there is a passive opposition. In recent
years, there have been spontaneous explosions of social discontent – an important
uprising took place in 1959 not far from our border. The Portuguese Army reacted
quickly and attacked the villages, massacring the population – men, women and
children.”855 Tomodok was also critical of “medieval prison” conditions and the
activities of the DGS.
The Apodeti Manifesto sought as its first principle: “the viability, in terms of
international law, of integration with autonomy, into the Indonesian Community.”860
The Australian Department of Foreign Affairs noted that “Apodeti was seen as the
political heir of the 1959 rising against the Portuguese in Viqueque which was
initiated by refugees from the Permesta/PRRI rebellion in Indonesia.”861 Apodeti’s
Secretary General, 37 year-old José Fernando Osório Soares,862 was the “principal
figure in Apodeti” having “organized the formation of the party (when it broke away
from the ASDT as a splinter group) and drafted the party’s manifesto. He took the
title of Secretary General, making an older man president ((ie Arnaldo dos Reis
Araújo 863)), and arranged the leadership into a dual structure intended to maintain his
influence and keep him out of direct public attention.”864 In explaining the origins of
Apodeti to an Australian journalist, José Osório Soares related that the party’s real
leaders were the former members of the “movimento de ‘59’ ” – or more bitterly, “the
Apodeti, and Osório Soares’ early involvement with ASDT, is described Rusdie, H., et al, Perjuangan
…, March 1997, op.cit; and pp.21-25 in Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, 1987, op.cit., p.32. The guidance of
Indonesian intelligence is related in Subroto, H., Perjalanan Seorang Wartawan Perang, Pustaka Sinar
Harapan, Jakarta, 1998, p.270 (ie by Kupang-based Bakin agent Luis Taolin) and in “Saya yang
Pertama Masuk Tim-Tim” (I Was the First into East Timor), Tempo, 20, XXVII, Jakarta, 22 February
1999, pp.26-29 (by Colonel Aloysius Sugianto/Soegyanto, the executive officer of Opsus – see
footnotes 873, 962). One source claims that AITI was itself preceded by “União dos Povos Timorenses
(UPT)”, and its principal supporters included the URT-D – Fernandes, M.S., “A Preponderância dos
Factores Exógenos na Rejeição do Plano Português de Decolonização para Timor-Leste 1974-1975”,
Revista Negócios Estrangeiros, No.10, Instituto Diplomático, Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros,
Lisbon, February 2007, p.92, pp.103-104. Similarly, the URT-D’s “integration into Apodeti” is claimed
at Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., pp.357-358. Suggestions of an URT-D association with Apodeti
appear to have been based, in part, on an “anti-URT-D” remark by José Ramos-Horta when visiting
Jakarta – see footnotes 896, 897; and footnote 898 for the URT-D’s “no integration” statement reported
in Diário de Notícias of 13 June 1974. The author is aware of no evidence for URT-D support for
AITI/Apodeti.
860
Apodeti, Manifesto – in Comissão Para Autodeterminação de Timor, 19 June 1974 (see footnote
856) – “integração, com autonomia na Comunidade Indonésia” (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2). See
also earlier footnotes 860 and 861 on the Manifesto and discussion of the party’s founders. In arguing
for integration into Indonesia, Apodeti propaganda claimed that Timor had been part of “Nusantara”
during the West Java-based Majapahit empire – citing Empu Prapanca in the Negarakertagama Syair
14:5 (written in 1365) – ie that Timor had provided “upeti” (tribute) to the Majapahits - Lopes da Cruz,
F., Kesaksian …, 1999, op.cit., pp.60-61. For claims of Majapahit suzerainty see also footnote 76.
861
Australian Department of External Affairs, Savingram O.CH79457, Canberra, 3 July 1974 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 2).
862
José Fernando Osório Soares was born in Same on 3 November 1938. Two of his uncles (Joaquim
Osório and José Manuel Duarte) were Timorese principals in the 1959 Rebellion and were exiled to
Angola. José Osório Soares trained as a priest in Macau but, on his return to Timor, served as a civilian
official in the Portuguese administration – including several appointments as a Posto (ie Sub-District)
Administrator. See footnotes – 519, 527, 529, 543, 545, 859, 875, 876. Detail can be found in Rusdie,
H., et al, Perjuangan …, March 1997, op.cit., pp.7-11 and in Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, op.cit., 1987,
p.32.
863
Arnaldo Araújo, born 1913, had reportedly been jailed by the Portuguese for 29 years in February
1946 for collaboration with the Japanese during World War II – and was only released on 25 April
1974. See footnotes 168, 169, 527, 859, 874, and 875. However, a press report – White, K., “War
criminal now leads provisional Timor govt”, Northern Territory News, Darwin, 5 February 1976 –
claims that Arnaldo Araújo, a “catequista” (religious teacher) led “Black Columns” against the
Australians in Timor during World War II, was tried for collaboration with the Japanese in 1946,
sentenced to nine years “exile” on Ataúro, was released in the early 1960s and became a teacher in
Dili, and “acquired a large cattle property at Zumalai on Timor’s south coast” (NAA: A10463,
801/13/11/1 Part 21).
864
Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., p.74. This book provides a quite comprehensive
history of Apodeti – as well as political events in Portuguese Timor in the period 1974-1975.
172
dos Reis Araújo and the Secretary General José Osório Soares had earlier been imprisoned by Fretilin
in Dili. Guilherme Gonçalves later became the second Governor of East Timor during the Indonesian
period (1978-1982). José Osório Soares was subsequently killed in the Hola Rua/Hat Nipa area on 8
January 1976 (Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir …, op.cit., 1994, op.cit.) or, more likely, on 27/28
January 1976 (Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 22 February 1976) by Fretilin principal César Maulaka (Rusdie,
H., et al, Perjuangan …, 1997, op.cit.).
876
Statements by Tomás Gonçalves, 17 December 2003 - Commission for Reception, Truth and
Reconciliation (Comissão de Alcolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação – CAVR), “Internal Political
Conflict 1974-1976 – CAVR National Public Hearing 15-18 December 2003” – Appendix 2 in CAVR
Update December 2003-January 2004, Dili. According to Jolliffe, J., Balibo, Scribe Publications,
Carlton North, 2009, p.75 – Tomás Gonçalves had been directed by Osório Soares to “form militia
groups”, was summoned to Jakarta on 23 October 1974, and “consequently led 216 men over the
border into East Timor” (compare with 110 Apodeti members cited at the following footnote 878).
877
Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., pp.75-79 also relates Apodeti’s disappointment
at Indonesia’s insistence that an integrated Timor would not be a special autonomous province of
Indonesia (Apodeti had initially sought autonomous status).
878
An annex to a report by Nusa Tenggara Timor Governor El Tari details the movement of Apodeti
followers into West Timor – ie Daftar Pelarian (List of Refugees/Fugitives), El Tari, Laporan Khusus
Tentang Situasi Perkembangan Terakhir Di Timor Portugis, 277/DKN/III/75-RHS, Kupang, 28
January 1975.
879
Statements by Tomás Gonçalves, 17 December 2003 – CAVR, op.cit., (footnote 876). See also
Chega !, CAVR Final Report, Part 3, paras 116-117 for the training and preparation by ABRI of East
Timorese “Partisans” in Indonesian West Timor. This “fitness” training was managed by ABRI officers
seconded to Opsus/Komodo. An Australian Embassy official made a “guided visit” to a “refugee” camp
“of about 200 men located at Nenuk, eight kilometres from Atambua” in April 1975 and expressed
suspicion at its activities – Australian Embassy-Jakarta, Cablegram O.JA8887, 15 April 1975 (NAA:
A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 9).
175
885
The Joint Communique demanded that Portugal “eliminate” Apodeti, and also referred to a
transitional government comprising Fretilin, UDT and Portuguese authorities. The text and
correspondence related to the “Coligação UDT-Fretilin” is at pp.52-67 in Carrascalão, M.V., Timor –
Antes …, 2006, op.cit. The text, in English, of the 21 January 1975 Communique can be found at file
NAA: A1209, 1974/7573 and in Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., pp.98-105.
886
Subroto, H. Operasi Udara …, 2005, op.cit., pp.33-36.
887
Director - Joint Intelligence Organization, “Current Indonesian Attitudes on Intervention in
Portuguese Timor”, Canberra, 11 February 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3, Part 4).
888
Conboy, K., Intel, 2004, op.cit., p.95/footnote 19. In the period 1973-75, Australia gifted 23 CA-27
Sabre jet aircraft to Indonesia – however the armament on the aircraft was not operational in 1975. In
November 1975, Australia agreed to provide military advisors to train Indonesian personnel on the
aircrafts’ weapon systems. Australia also gifted 10 unarmed Nomad maritime reconnaissance aircraft to
Indonesia beginning in November 1975. Australian Department of Foreign Affairs officials were keen
“not to allow the present circumstances ((ie Portuguese Timor)) to deflect us from maintaining normal
relations with Indonesia.” – Brief for the Minister, Canberra, 31 October 1975 (NAA: A1838,
696/2/2/1 Part 11). On 16 December, the Indonesians gave an undertaking that the Nomad aircraft
would not be used in Portuguese Timor (Ibid, Part 12).
889
Kopassandha (Komando Pasukan Sandi Yudha) - re-titled “Kopassus” on 26 December 1986. See
Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003, op.cit., for a history of Indonesia’s Special Forces to 1993.
890
Conboy, K., Intel, 2004, op.cit., pp. 90– 91. See also Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003, op.cit., pp.206-
208: Captain Yunus Yosfiah - the leader of the ABRI trainers, and his team wore civilian clothes.
Disguised Kopassandha officers operating into Portuguese Timor included Lieutenant Untung Suroso
and Lieutenant Stevanus Gatot Purwanto – see Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003, p.207 (Suroso); and
“Kami Saat Itu Serba Salah”, Tempo Magazine, No.15/X, Jakarta, 8-14 December 2009 (noting
Stevanus Gatot Purwanto operating as a Chinese trader: “Aseng”).
177
of the Republic of Indonesia”891 was presented that “formally proclaimed the colony
of Timor as the 27th province of the Republic of Indonesia”. The Proclamation was
signed by the Apodeti Party’s Presidium – that included 1959 rebel veteran, Abel da
Costa Belo; and the Party’s Central Committee. Apodeti’s flag was also reportedly
flown publicly for the first time at the ceremony ie coloured red and white – identical
to the Indonesian national flag, with “Apodeti” printed in gold lettering horizontally
across the flag.
The following four political cartoons had appeared in the Jakarta daily
newspaper, Merdeka, in February and March 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part
8).
891
Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir ..., 1994, op.cit., pp.226-229. The Apodeti flag may have been
inaugurated a few days earlier at an Apodeti anniversary function on 27-28 May 1975 at the home of
Hermenigildo Martins, the Apodeti Vice-President. On 10 June, the Indonesian official newsagency,
Antara, reported the Apodeti proclamation of 1 June.
178
179
On 29 May 1974, the AFP news agency filed a report from Jakarta quoting a
URT-D spokesman - “First Secretary Mao Siku”, that restated the aims of the
movement and called for “all civilized and peace-loving countries, especially the
Malay and the revolutionary Middle-East countries to extend moral and material help
for the underground government in its fight against the Portuguese authorities.”892 The
statement also criticised an un-named “neighbouring country” for failure to give de
facto and de jure recognition to the URT-D. The URT-D spokesman added that it was
“up to President António de Spinola of Portugal to hold a summit meeting with
President Mao Kalo [sic]” on the future of the island territory. The coverage in a
Jakarta daily newspaper - The Indonesian Observer, noted that “ ‘President’ Mao
Kalo [sic] of the underground government set up a delegation in Jakarta in 1961 with
the blessing of the late President Sukarno. The Soeharto government continued to
tolerate the ‘republic’s’ representation in Jakarta.” The Australian Embassy in Jakarta
queried the URT-D’s background with the Indonesian national intelligence agency,
Bakin (Badan Ko-ordinasi Intelijen Negara - State Intelligence Co-ordination
Agency), and was informed that the movement had been set up in Jakarta in 1961 and
was “both small and confined to Jakarta.” 893 The United States Embassy in Jakarta
also reported on the URT-D article in The Indonesian Observer noting that the URT-
D was “largely a paper organization” with “no known contacts in Portuguese Timor
and limits itself to occasional press releases in Jakarta.”894 The US report further
commented that: “There have been reports that it has been offered funds by the Soviet
Embassy in Jakarta to finance the travel of Timorese students to plead for
independence for Portuguese Timor before the UN. The ‘President’ of this group,
Mao Klao, is a West Sumatran who was formerly associated with the now-defunct,
leftist Murba Party.895 According to an Embassy contact from Timor, Mao Klao was
once arrested by the Government of Indonesian authorities in Indonesian Timor and
sent back to Java during his one and only attempt to visit the Portuguese colony.”
In mid-1974, according to M.S.A. Balikh, José Ramos-Horta – then Secretary
General of the ASDT, when visiting Jakarta, called at the office of the URT-D.
Balikh was absent, and the URT-D members present were surprised – and fearful, as
they initially thought that Ramos-Horta was Portuguese.896 Balikh related that
892
The AFP item appeared in The Indonesian Observer as: “Underground Timor govt, to continue
struggle against Portugal”, The Indonesian Observer, Jakarta, 30 May 1974 (NAA: A10463,
801/13/11/1 Part 1).
893
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, O.JA2678, 30 May 1974 (NAA: A1838, 696/5 Part 2).
894
United States Embassy – Jakarta, 6636 E.O 11652:GDS, 30 May 1974.
895
The “West Sumatran” Mao Klao, was probably Alamsyah Hasibuan. M.S.A. Balikh described him
to the author on 20 August 2006 as a “Sumatran from Padang” (West Sumatra) – see footnotes 802 and
1037 – but also footnote 774. The Murba Party (Musyawarah Rakyat Banyak - ie People’s Party) was
founded in 1948 and, following demands by the PKI, was banned by President Sukarno in 1965.
Minister Adam Malik (see footnote 748) was a founder and executive member of the Murba Party.
896
Discussions with the author, Dili, December 2004. Balikh also recounted Ramos-Horta’s visit to the
URT-D office in Jakarta in newspaper (2004) and magazine articles (2007) – see footnotes 982 and
993. José Ramos-Horta visited Jakarta for the first time in mid-late June 1974 for meetings with
Indonesian Government officials – see Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, 1987, op.cit. Ramos-Horta does not
mention the URT-D in Funu. Ramos-Horta, born 1949, is a mestiço - his father, Francisco Horta, was a
Portuguese naval gunner deported to Portuguese Timor in 1931. Francisco Horta’s activities –
including his internment in Australia, are related in Chamberlain, E.P., Forgotten Men …, 2010, op.cit.
180
Mulwan Shah had discussions with Ramos-Horta and offered Ramos-Horta the
position of URT-D Prime Minister and Foreign Minister – but Ramos-Horta
reportedly demurred. According to a report in mid-June 1974, Ramos-Horta – visiting
Jakarta as the Secretary General of the ASDT, was seeking the support of UDT and
Apodeti “in denouncing the ‘Government for the Union of the Republic of Timor’, a
clandestine movement established in Jakarta, as ‘an adulterated group of Indonesian
conspirators’.”897 Ramos-Horta’s statement was probably in reaction to Mao Siku’s
statement of 29 May (see above and footnote 892), and Ramos-Horta’s reported call
on the URT-D offices in Jakarta in June 1974 (footnote 896).
On 12 June 1974, the “unofficial representative” of the URT-D in Jakarta -
Bere Lau, reportedly stated that “there are very few people in Timor who are in favour
of joining the island with Indonesia.” He indicated that the URT-D had passed a letter
on 7 June to “the Portuguese Consul-General in Jakarta, Sussa Uiraoni ((ie Guilherme
de Sousa Girão)), through emissaries coming from the Portuguese sector of Timor”
requesting the URT-D’s preferred options: “independence or that of federation with
Portugal.”898
In July 1974, the URT-D made an approach to the Netherlands Embassy in
Jakarta seeking “information about the Moluccan community in the Netherlands. The
URT expressed interest in the settlement of Moluccans in Portuguese Timor after
independence. The ((Netherlands)) Embassy did not encourage the URT in its
interest, but neither had it informed the Indonesians of the URT approach.” A senior
Dutch official in The Hague described the URT-D as “small and silly, carrying Marx
in the left hand and the Koran in the right.”899
In mid-October 1974, during the UN General Assembly’s 29th Session, its
Fourth Committee considered the issue of Portuguese territories. Regarding
Portuguese Timor, the UN Report discussed the formation in 1974 of the principal
political parties in the Territory and stated:
“No information is available on the activities of the Timor Liberation Front,
the only liberation movement known to have been formed in the Territory.
According to the Movimento Popular de Liberatação de Angola (MPLA), the
Front was formed in September 1971, and the Portuguese authorities have kept
silent about its formation, denying reports that a liberation movement had
declared the independence of Timor.”900
897
Australian Embassy – Lisbon, Cable O.LB174, 24 June 1974 (NAA: A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 2) and
Memo 203, 27 June 1974 – covering Diário de Notícias, 20 June 1974, p.2: “Postponement of the
Referendum Requested” (NAA: A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 3).
898
Australian Embassy – Lisbon, Memo 203, 27 June 1974 – covering Diário de Notícias, 13 June
1974, p.10: “A Clandestine Government Established in Timor Presents the Portuguese Government
with Two Options: Independence or Federation with Portugal” (NAA: A1838, 49/2/1/1 Part 3).
899
Australian Embassy – The Hague, Cable O.TH2679, 5 February 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1
Part 6).
900
United Nation General Assembly – 29th Session, Report A/9623/Add.1 (Part 1), Annex I – Timor,
p.20, para 6 (NAA: A1838, 3038/7/1 Part 1). The “Timor Liberation Front” appears to be a reference to
the URT-D – see preceding footnotes 800 and 853. The foregoing suggests that the UN had
provisionally acknowledged the URT-D’s claims of having been “formed” in the Territory – see
footnotes 736-738 for URT-D contact with the UN in the period 1964-65, and also footnotes 800, 853
and 965-966. The MPLA is probably referring to the early 1970s “Movimentos” – see pages 166-170.
181
Ambassador, and one for the Prime Minister of Australia.901 The letter’s subject was
“A strong protest against the Government of Mr Whitlam, for Australia’s attitude in
approving the Portuguese colony become [sic] a Republic of Indonesia Timor
colony”. The text of the letter included:
“The 4,000 demonstrators of the heroic Timor people against the attitude to
incorporate Timor into the territory of the Republic of Indonesia is a factor
which has been seen with his own eyes by the Indonesian Consul in Dilly. …
Australia, acting as a responsible neighbour, should advise the Republic of
Indonesia not to interfere in Timor affairs, advise the leaders of the Republic
of Indonesia not to incite disturbances and confusion in Timor: with the
Republic of Indonesia’s attitude of helping the Arnaldo Party ((ie Apodeti led
by Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo)), which is anti-independence, it is clear that the
Republic of Indonesia is involved in disturbances in Timor which is preparing
itself to be left by Portugal” … “and if it happens that Timor … absorbed by
the Republic of Indonesia using any subterfuge, it will be noted in the history
of the world that Australia masterminded the absorption.”
901
0618/Presidential Decision – Union of the Timor Republic/RMD/1394H/1974M, Batugade/Jakarta,
25 September 1974 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 3). The letter was signed by A. Mao Klao as
President of the Central Presidium – at Batugade, and forwarded through the “Struggle Delegation” at
Jalan Kernolong Dalam IV/16, Kramat IV, Jakarta. The letter’s subscription included an Islamic date:
“Arab’a Ramadan 1394, 25 September 1974”.
902
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 1288, 15 November 1974 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 4;
A1209, 1974/7573).
903
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 1333, 20 November 1974 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part
4).
904
Alex (Ali) Alatas - a career foreign affairs officer, was later the Indonesian Foreign Minister ie
1987-1999.
182
Embassy in Jakarta queried the status of the URT-D. Mr Alatas responded that the
group “was becoming a nuisance”; the Foreign Ministry was aware of its approaches
to embassies in Jakarta; and that the Foreign Ministry “knew perfectly well that
Indonesia was now the major target for its ((URT-D’s)) propaganda.” For some time,
the URT-D had sought an appointment with Foreign Minister Malik, but Alatas and
other advisers had recommended against this. Alatas confided to the senior Australian
official that he had now come to the conclusion that Minister Malik should see the
group and tell them that “Indonesia had no territorial ambitions; that Indonesia would
respect the principle of self-determination for the people of Portuguese Timor; and
that Portuguese Timor would join Indonesia only if that were the wish of the people
themselves.” Alatas added that he was not very confident that this would help to keep
the URT-D quiet, and he hinted that “if they became too much of a nuisance other
groups within the Indonesian Government might wish to do something about it.”
On 20 November 1974, Harry Tjan Silalahi (of the Centre for Strategic
Studies – CSIS, footnote 732) told the senior Australian Embassy official that the
URT-D had been “used” by Minister Adam Malik in the early years, but that it was
now becoming an embarrassment for him. Tjan also said that the URT-D had been
“plaguing” the Arab Embassies in Jakarta with requests for assistance. Tjan opined
that the leader of the group was a little “mad” and – as an aside, commented to the
senior Australian official that “anyone in Indonesia who had the courage to say the
sorts of things about Indonesia that this group was now saying must indeed be
mad.”905 Tjan concluded by saying that he thought the URT-D were quite
insignificant and even ridiculous.
905
It is unclear to whom Tjan referred as the “mad” URT-D leader – Mulwan Shah, Alamsyah
Hasibuan – or, less likely, M.S.A. Balikh. However, in July 1963, a senior Western press agency
manager in Jakarta - who had met Mulwan Shah on several occasions, described Mulwan Shah as an
“eccentric crackpot”: Australian Embassy - Jakarta, Memo 1155, 12 July 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3
Part 3).
906
“Codes Timde Wants Merger With Indonesia”, Antara, Jakarta, 20 November 1974. The content of
the Antara article was also later included in Indonesian Newsletter 35/74, 1 December 1974 as
“Students Oppose Referendum In Portuguese Timor” (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 14).
183
914
In 1971, General Francisco da Costa Gomes was the Portuguese military commander in Angola. He
later served as the President of Portugal in the period from late September 1974 to late June 1976.
915
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 41, 14 January 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 5).
916
This was contrary to Van Belly’s statement, ie “the desire to join with Indonesia”, reported in the
Antara article, “Codes Timde Wants Merger With Indonesia”, of 20 November 1974 – see footnote
906.
185
Australia.”917 This apparently was the Australian Embassy’s last contact with the
Codes Timde organization.
917
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Minute, 24 February 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 7). Van
Belly had earlier asked that his proposed visit to see Ministers in Australia not be mentioned to “others
in Jakarta” by Australian Embassy staff – see footnote 915 ( Memo 41, para 5).
918
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 004, 31 December 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2). A
“Brigadier General Analessy” was noted as the URT-D Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and Minister
for Information and Propaganda in the URT-D Central Government Council listing of 11 June 1972
(see footnotes 813, 819). Analessy was also listed as the First Deputy Chairman of the URT-D Military
Council on 11 June 1972 (see footnotes 814, 820).
919
Administrasi Pemerintahan – Mengambil oper semua kegiatan (Government Administration -
Assuming control of all activities), Struggle Delegation of the URT-D, 10 May 1975. In December
2004, Balikh related to the author that he termed his new Cabinet – the “Kabinet Restafel” (ie from the
Dutch “rijsttafel” – “rice-table”: a lavish meal served in Java with many side-dishes).
920
Email from Ken Conboy - Jakarta-based author and analyst, 26 September 1965. A Bakin officer
also told an Australian Embassy official that a split occurred in 1972: see Australian Embassy –
Jakarta, Memo 004, 31 December 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 18; 3038/2/2 Part 2).
921
Augusto César da Costa Mousinho/Mouzinho (b. 28 August 1936) - the Chairman/Vice President of
the UDT, and at that time concurrently “Mayor of Dili” - ie Presidente de Concelho/Câmara de Dili,
visited Jakarta in late September 1974 and in mid-late April 1975. Augusto César Mousinho was one of
three Timorese who held “High” Chefe de Serviços-level positions in the civil service in 1974 -
Guterres, F. da Costa, Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor (PhD dissertation), Griffith
University, Brisbane, January 2006. Balikh also referred to the planned meeting in Menteng in a
November 2007 magazine article – see footnote 993.
186
A few months later in late July 1975, Balikh issued a one-page URT-D “very
simple” Constitution (Undang Undang Dasar – Uni Republic Timor Timur).922 The
preamble to the Constitution declared that “the Uni Republic Timor Timur was based
on God; responsibility to the homeland and the people of Timor Timur ; and freedom
as the right of all the people of Timor Timur, based on humanitarianism and justice.”
The preamble continued that “the Government would be strengthened: internally by
enriching comradeship for the whole movement and uniting the Timorese; and
externally by discussions and agreements with friendly nearby countries, especially
the Malay countries from Polynesia to Melanesia and from Madagascar to Formosa.”
The Constitution comprised five chapters, totalling 11 paragraphs. The Republic was
to have a “Sosialis” structure, and “sovereignty was completely in the hands of the
people – effected through the traditional leaders (liuray2), MPR dan DPR” ((MPR =
People’s Consultative Assembly; DPR = People’s Representative Council – ie the
same nomenclatures as Indonesia’s two parliamentary houses)).923 The President was
to be assisted by a Vice President, Prime Minister, and Deputy Prime Minister.
This “United Republic of East Timor Constitution” made no reference to the
earlier URT-D Constitution of 4 May 1965 (footnote 750 and Annex K). In describing
a government structure and process, this “Balikh/East Timor” Constitution was far
more specific than the more general and ideological May 1965 Constitution. Further,
the Balikh/East Timor version contained no “pan-Malay” rhetoric ie no reference to a
“Malay country”, “Malay-Melanesian group of islands”, nor “Malayans … from
Hawaii to Malagasy.”
The URT-D was ignored by all political parties in Portuguese Timor924 and
had been unable to involve itself meaningfully in the swift-moving events in
Portuguese Timor in 1975. In late May, the UDT withdrew from the Fretilin-UDT
coalition, and Fretilin did not attend the Portuguese-sponsored “decolonisation” talks
held in Macau in late June. On 11 July 1975, the Portuguese Government
promulgated Law 7/75 for the “self-determination” of Portuguese Timor. This
provided for a transitional government to prepare for the election of a Popular
Assembly on 17 October 1976 – and the termination of Portuguese sovereignty on 22
October 1978.925
On 11 August 1975, the UDT – as the MAC (Movimento Anti-Comunista),
mounted a “coup”, seizing control of Dili – and this was followed a few days later by
a successful “counter-coup” by the Fretilin party (beginning on 15 August and
completed on 20 August). On 26/27 August, the Portuguese authorities in Dili
922
Undang Undang Dasar –Uni Republik Timor Timur, Jakarta, 22 July 1975. The preamble section
was printed on the letterhead of the Central Presidium of the Uni Republic Timor. Balikh passed a copy
to the author in December 2004. The status of this document is however unclear - ie the extent to which
it was formally promulgated and distributed is not known.
923
The Constitution is confusing in several parts. The “DPR” is described as a component of the MPR.
However, the DPR is not treated in a separate paragraph – but paragraph 10 covers a “Dewan Liuray”
(Council of Traditional Leaders).
924
José Ramos-Horta’s statements in Jakarta in mid-1974 have been noted previously – see footnotes
896 and 897.
925
Lei Constitucional No. 7/75, de 17 Julho 1975 – is discussed at pp.174-177 in Pires, M.L.,
Descolonização …, 1991, op.cit – and included at pp.439-453. The Law is also included at pp.34-36 in
Krieger, H. & Rauschning, D., East Timor and the International Community – Basic Documents,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997.
187
evacuated to Ataúro Island926 and, by the end of August, Fretilin controlled Dili. Large
numbers of UDT and some Apodeti cadre and supporters fled westward to the border
areas927 and subsequently crossed into Indonesian Timor – joining the large number of
refugees – and Apodeti “partisans”, already there.928
On 22 August 1975, Balikh – in his capacity as Head of the URT-D Struggle
Delegation, issued a URT-D circular “on behalf of all overseas Timorese in close
neighbouring countries” urging unity between the three major political parties in
Portuguese Timor.929 A week later on 30 August, Balikh issued a “Statement on the
Situation in Portuguese Timor” addressed to the President of Portugal – see Annex
T.930 This demanded that “Portugal resolve the turbulence in Portuguese Timor
caused by the three political parties that the Portuguese Government had created.”
The Statement declared that “no other country could resolve the upheaval – but if
Portugal itself could not put an end to the situation, then it would be best if full
926
Governor (Lieutenant Colonel) Mário Lemos Pires, his staff and a group of about 85 Portuguese
military personnel “withdrew to Atauro without any explanation … to prevent bloodshed between
Timorese and Portuguese. … the only group I could rely on” was two parachute units comprising less
than 70 men – Major General (Retd) Lemos Pires statement: CAVR - “Internal Political Conflict 1974-
1976 – CAVR National Public Hearing 15-18 December 2003” – Appendix 2 in CAVR Update
December 2003-January 2004, Dili, pp.20-23. “A tranferência para a ilha de Ataúro” is related in
Pires, M.L., Descolonização …, 1991, op.cit., pp.245-269. At 0330hrs on 27 August 1975, the freighter
MacDili departed the UDT-controlled Dili port and towed “a flotilla” of vessels to Ataúro before
continuing to Darwin with several hundred refugees – see Marine Operations – Canberra, Marsar
75/0874, 27 August 1975 and Department of Foreign Affairs – Canberra, Cable O.Ch259550, 27
August 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 8). Enroute to Ataúro, the MacDili met briefly with the
incoming ABRI Operasi Prihatin vessels (see footnote 543).
927
As noted earlier, Fretilin and UDT reportedly fought a week-long battle at “Rai Cortu” - 20km west
of Dili, and evacuated dependants by sea from Maubara – described at pp.34-35 in Subroto, H., Saksi
Mata …, 1996, op.cit. Fretilin forces seized both Baucau (4 September) and Liquiça (7 September) by
“negotiation” - with the surrender of numbers of UDT troops. According to Jolliffe, “full scale fighting
erupted throughout the territory, leaving 1500-2000 people dead in five weeks.” – Jolliffe, J., Balibo,
2009, op.cit., pp.76-77.
928
See the Merdeka cartoons earlier at pp.177-178. Registered refugees in “West Timor” numbered
31,397 as at 17 September 1975 - according to a Foreign Broadcast Information Service (Bangkok)
bulletin of 18 September 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2). See also Keesing’s Contemporary
Archives p.27534 reporting that “40,000 refugees fled to West Timor” and were located in “14 camps”.
929
Pimpinan Ketiga Partai Politik Di Timor Dilly (To the Leaders of the Three Political Parties in
Timor Dilly), No. 0127/PP-URTD/VIII/15, Jakarta, 22 August 1975. The signature block of the
circular was overprinted with the stamp of the “Perwakilan Timor – Jakarta” (Timor Delegation –
Jakarta).
930
Pernyataan situasi di Timport (Statement on the Situation in Portuguese Timor), No. 0128/PP-
URTD/VIII/75, Jakarta, 30 August 1975 – see Annex T, including an English translation. The
Statement was certified/signed by Moh Saleh Akbar Balikh – and included the signatures of Emanuel
Mau Bere, Simon Serang Prya, and G. Tom Pelo. Information copies were addressed to the Governor
of Portuguese Timor, the Portuguese Embassy in Jakarta, the Indonesian Foreign Minister, and the All
Malay Race Union in Jakarta – covered by Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 1283, 4 September
1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 1; A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 13). Interestingly, “G. Tom Pelo” may
have been “Gerson Tom Pello” – one of the “Permesta 14” Indonesians given asylum in Portuguese
Timor in 1958; and one of the four later imprisoned in Lisbon and Angola following the failed 1959
Viqueque Rebellion – see footnotes 209, 211, 221, 227, 228, 230, 308, 323, 328, 336, 338, 346, 350,
360, 363, 364, 370, 452, 472 and 507. Gerson Pello was in Jakarta in 1974 – see Rohi, P.A., Timor-
Portugis dari Masa-kemasa, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974, p.V. However, P. A. Rohi, a Jakarta-
based journalist and godson of Gerson Pello, advised the author that it was unlikely that Gerson had
been involved with the URT-D as: “Gerson never referred to himself in writing as ‘G. Tom Pelo’ and
did not use his middle name ‘Tom’ ” (although P.A. Rohi had inserted “Tom” in a 1995 press interview
– see footnote 211) - email from P.A. Rohi, 10 December 2006. Peter Apolonius Rohi (“Kore Rohi”),
journalist, was born on the island of Sabu (southwest of Kupang) on 14 November 1942 and served in
the Indonesian Marine Corps (Korps Komando Marinir - KKO) in the period 1964-1970.
188
931
Untitled – to President of Portugal, ..53/PP-URTD/X, Jakarta, 27 October 1975. The letter’s typed
subscription comprised: MSA Balihk [sic] as Head of the URT-D Struggle Delegation – and Simon
Soerang Prya and Emneul [sic] Mau bere. Additional copies were addressed to: Adam Malik,
Indonesian Foreign Minister; the Governor of Portuguese Timor; the Portuguese Legation in Jakarta;
“30 Traditional Leaders in Portuguese Timor”; the World; and File.
932
A copy of the Protest Note, in English, with a covering letter signed by the Association’s President
(Gaspar Bas) and General Secretary (Yulius Bria) was received at the Australian Embassy – Jakarta on
14 September 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 14).
189
operations have now been detected. They include planning to deploy Mustang
ground-attack aircraft to Kupang, the assembly at Surabaya of small, fast
surface craft, and training activities of air drops of troops and marine corps
landings.”937
training.948 While their regular troops were equipped with modern NATO G-3 semi-
automatic rifles, Falintil’s former second-line reservists had antiquated rifles.949
In early September 1975, the Australian Ambassador in Jakarta reported that
Indonesian military activities in Portuguese Timor were still Opsus-directed “covert”
operations - and that President Soeharto “had steadfastly adhered to his decision not
to use force despite pressure from many of his senior advisors”, refused “to agree to
Indonesian armed intervention in Portuguese Timor”, and was “refusing to be drawn
into intervening militarily in Portuguese Timor and risking international approbrium
[sic]”.950 A senior Australian Embassy official was also told by the Embassy’s
Indonesian interlocutors that “there would be no outright military intervention.
Indonesia was now looking to the UDT to bring about integration. On 1 September,
they had received from the UDT President, Lopes da Cruz, a statement supporting
integration with Indonesia and asking for Indonesian assistance. This statement would
not be published now, but would be kept until an appropriate occasion arose. Such an
occasion would be a declaration of independence by FRETILIN.”951
Further Indonesian covert operations were followed on 18 September with
small raids attempted against Suai, Tilomar, Bobonaro and Maliana.952 At about this
time, an Indonesian soldier, Corporal Weli, from a regular ABRI infantry battalion -
Yonif 317, was captured by Fretilin forces in the Bobonaro area and subsequently
imprisoned in Dili.953
948
Dunn J., 2003, op.cit., p.251. For Segunda Linha reservists, see also footnotes 880 and 881.
949
In an interview in Darwin, Portuguese Major F. Dentinho (formerly the military materiel/ordnance
officer in Dili) assessed Falintil/UDT weaponry as: “Falintil G-3 rifles: 3,700 (UDT had seized 1,000),
Mauser rifles: 15,000 (UDT 8,000), MG 250: (few), 81mm mortars : 20 ( 6-7), 60mm mortars: 40
(unknown), bazookas: 20 (0), 75mm Atk Gun: 6 (0)” - HQ Darwin Cable O.JA2461, 3 September 1975
(NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 9). The six "75mm Atk Guns" were either the German-made
Rheinmetal-Borsig 75mm P.40 howitzers, or the Italian Obice 75mm L18 Mod 34 - a mountain
howitzer. The "bazookas" were the US 3.5" RL. In Lisbon, Portuguese Major Francisco Mota assessed
that the weaponry left behind by the Portuguese forces comprised: “15,000 G-3 rifles, 81mm and 60
mm mortars - 12 to 15 each, small number of bazookas, some older artillery - but no Timorese capable
of using these (however lots of artillery ammunition with which to create explosives)” – Australian
Embassy Lisbon, Cable LB281, 4 September 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1, Part 9).
950
Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable O.JA1615, 3 September 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1
Part 13, pp.281-288). The Ambassador also noted that: “We now have from Lim Bian Kie (Murtopo’s
Private Secretary) and Tjan (CSIS) a detailed account of Indonesia’s planning in this respect” – ie of
“a continuation and extension of Indonesia’s covert activities” ie reporting 2 September discussions
with Lim and Tjan (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 13, pp. 324-326 – see below). Subsequently, an
Australian Embassy official remarked in a manuscript note to a 10 September 1975 cable from
Canberra that “Indonesian having confided her most secret plans and aims to Australia would
justifiably feel double-crossed by us.” – ie relative to “regional endorsement” (NAA: A10463,
801/13/11/1 Part 13, pp.55-61.
951
Australian Embassy – Djakarta (A.R. Taylor), Record of Conversation (Harry Tjan & Lim Bian Kie)
2 September 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 13, pp. 324-326).
952
In early September 1975, Harry Tjan Silalahi (of CSIS) noted to an Australian Embassy official in
Jakarta that “the OPSUS ((Special Operations)) plan was being implemented, some of the refugees
would be replaced with armed ‘volunteers’ who will provide backbone for the UDT and other anti-
Fretilin groups”: Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable CH263843, 6 September 1975 (NAA: A10463,
801/13/11/1 Part 13). These Flamboyan operations are described in Subroto, H., Operasi Udara …,
2005, op.cit., pp.36-41– including Kopassandha Captain Sutiyoso’s recall from a planned landing on
the coast south of Viqueque in south-central Portuguese Timor (see also Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003,
op.cit., p.226).
953
The capture of an Indonesian corporal at Bobonaro in September 1975 (assumed to be Weli) is
described by Alexandrino at pp.87-99 in Turner, M., Telling – East Timor: Personal Testimonies 1942-
1992, New South Wales University Press, Kensington, 1992. J.S. Dunn interviewed Corporal Weli in
the prison at Taibessi (Dili) - Dunn, J.S., The Timor Affair – From Civil War to Invasion by Indonesia,
194
Legislative Research Service, Parliament of Australia, 27 February 1976, p.11 (NAA: A1838,
3038/10/13/1 Annex 1). Corporal Weli (as “Sergeant Welly”) was summarily executed in Dili by a
Fretilin cadre, Raúl Isaac, on 8 December 1975 – author’s research at CAVR, Balide (Dili), 2 July
2007. Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003, op.cit., also notes two Kopassandha sergeants missing-in-action in
September – Said, p.216; and Suparman, p.220.
954
Jockel, G.A., Chairman, Assessment of the Timorese Situation, National Intelligence Committee
(NIC), Canberra, 27 January 1976, p.2.
955
The ABRI force - Komando Tugas Gabungan (Kogasgab - Combined Task Force) had been
approved on 31 August – for detail see Subroto, H., Operasi Udara …, 2005, op.cit., pp.41-50;
Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003, op.cit., pp.223-226; and Pusat Sejarah dan Tradisi TNI, Sejarah TNI …
Jilid IV, 2000, op.cit., p.145. The Australian Embassy – Jakarta was informed by Harry Tjan Silalahi
that “up to 3800 Indonesian soldiers from Java would be put into Portuguese Timor gradually. Atsabe
would be their base. The king of Atsabe ((Guilherme Gonçalves)) would be the figure-head of the anti-
Fretilin side.” This was a “significant escalation of Indonesian involvement”: Australian Embassy –
Jakarta, Cable O.JA2161, 30 September 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 14). Detail of the
Indonesian advance – ie “the stepped up operation” to begin on 15 October, was subsequently advised
by Tjan to his Australian Embassy interlocutors: Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable O.JA2432, 15
October 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 15, p.415). This information described ABRI’s
planned advances to begin on 15 October from Batugadé to Balibo-Maliana-Atsabe (with a force of
3,800 to be deployed against Atsabe), then towards Dili through Ermera; and through Suai to Same-
Maubisse-Aileu and Dili; with an amphibious landing at Maubara, then moving through Liquiça to
Dili. Subsequently, in Tjan’s absence, Sujarti of CSIS advised the Australian Embassy on 5 December
that Dili would be attacked after President Ford left Jakarta – “as early as the night of 6 Dec 75, but
there were also logistic problems” – Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Cable O.JA3508, 5 December 1975
(NAA: A10463, 801/13//11/1 Part 17). In a submission to the Minister, a senior Australian Department
of Foreign Affairs official discussed whether it was in “Australia’s interests” for their Embassy in
Jakarta to continue to receive “very sensitive information” - “in particular from Mr Harry Tjan and
General Moerdani about Indonesian military plans for involvement”, lest “the Indonesians put the
((Australian)) Government in a position of conniving with them in their military intervention in the
territory.” – Submission – Canberra, 27 October 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1/2 Part 2 – Way, W.
(ed), 2000, pp.516-517. For charges of “the connivance ((conivência)) of the Australian government …
contributing decisively to the invasion of the former Portuguese colony” – see Fernandes, M.S., “A
Preponderância dos Factores Exógenos”, 2007, op.cit., pp.90-91, pp.162-164.
956
For detail, see Pinch, D. Magistrate (Coroner), Inquest into the Death of Brian Ray Peters, Sydney,
16 November 2007.
957
See Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, op.cit.,; Subroto, H., Operasi Udara …, 2005, op.cit.; and
Kamah, M.S., Seroja: pengalaman …, 1997, op.cit. – Indonesian journalists who accompanied ABRI
Flamboyan/Seroja forces and “partisan” elements. The ABRI attack on Atabae was preceded by four
weeks of consolidation - due to heavy Fretilin resistance, difficult terrain, wet season rains, logistic
shortfalls and the need for ABRI infantry reinforcements and additional combat support – see also
Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003, op.cit., pp.231-233.
195
armed anti-Fretilin Timorese “partisans”958 – principally from Apodeti and UDT, with
nominal elements from two minor parties Trabalhista (ie Labour)959 and KOTA
(Klibur Oan Timor Aswain – Fighters for Timorese Unity).960
On 28 November 1975, Fretilin unilaterally declared independence in Dili – as
the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, with Francisco Xavier do Amaral as its first
President. On 29 November, the enclave of Oecusse was occupied by an Indonesian
military force without resistance, and its administration taken over by a Timorese
“fifth column”.961 On 30 November, the four opposing political parties – UDT,
Apodeti, Trabalhista and KOTA, signed the “Balibo Declaration”962 announcing East
Timor’s integration with Indonesia.
958
Indonesia attempted to maintain a pretence of no involvement by ABRI elements – for example:
“Maliana and Bobonaro Fall to Apodeti and MAC”, Berita Yudha (an Army daily newspaper), Jakarta,
17 October 1975, p.1. MAC (Movimento Anti-Comunista – see footnotes 542, 543) was a coalition of
UDT (footnote 858), KOTA (see footnote 960) and Trabalhista (see the following footnote). For a
description of ABRI volunteers – “Sukarelawan”, and “Os Partisans”, see Carrascalão, M.V., Timor –
Antes …, 2006, op.cit., pp.112-117.
959
The Trabalhista party was formed on 17 September 1974 by Paulo Freitas da Silva and Alpidio
Abrão Martins.
960
KOTA (Klibur Oan Timor Aswain – Fighters for Timorese Unity), was founded by José Martins (ie
José Celestino da Silva Martins ie “José Martins III”, born 29 September 1941) and Leão Pedro dos
Reis Amaral in November 1974. It emerged from the earlier Associação Popular Monarquica
Timorese (APMT) reportedly founded by Tomás Dias Ximenes on 8 November 1974 – see also “He
Wants to be King of Timor – Tomás Maria Ferreira Dias Ximenes”, Indonesia Times, 17 January 1975
(A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 5). Notes on the founding of APMT/KOTA can be found in Chrystello,
C.J., East Timor: The Secret File 1973-1975, eBooksBrasil, 2000, including its founding “premises”
with signatories at pp.119-120 and its later manifesto at pp.127-128. Chrystello suggests the visit to
Timor by the one-time claimant to the Portuguese throne, Dom Duarte Nuno de Bragança, may have
contributed to the formation of the APMT in late 1974. See also Soekanto, Integrasi … , 1976, pp.445-
447 (including the activities of Ximenes and Martins in Lisbon in April 1975); and the KOTA
manifesto at Australian Embassy – Lisbon, Memo 260, 6 June 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2). José
Martins declared that his father, “the former Liurai of Ermera” was “forced to abandon Timor because
of his non-acceptance of the colonial regime …” – UN Security Council, S/N 1865, 16 December
1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/13/1 Annex 2; 3038/2/2 Part 2). José Celestino da Silva Martins, after
several decades of residence in Portugal, reportedly returned to reside in Portuguese Timor in the
period 1959-61 – returned to Portugal and claimed to have been “arrested by the PIDE in 1964 in
relation to a liberation movement for the independence of Timor” (UN Security Council, S/N 1865 –
see above). In a later statement in mid-1994, José Ma.rtins claimed that in 1962 he was a “political
prisoner of the Portuguese colonial power” (Statement by José Martins III, United Nations
Decolonization Committee, New York, 13 July 1994). He first came to Australian notice when he
called at the Australian Embassy in Lisbon on 11 November 1974 - Australian Embassy – Lisbon,
Record of Conversation, 11 November 1974 (NAA: A1838, 935/17/3 Part 3; 3038/10/13/1 Part 1;
3038/2/2 Part 2) when he proposed a “Fourth Solution” whereby Timor would become an Australian
“protectorate” or be granted “federated status” with Australia. The movements and activities of José
Martins are difficult to confirm. A very critical Indonesian analysis of José Martins can be found at
Soekanto, Integrasi … , 1976, op.cit., pp.444-452. This alleges that José Martins did not arrive in
Portuguese Timor until after 4 July 1975 – although the Indonesian Consul, E.M. Tomodok, relates
meeting José Martins in Dili on 31 May 1975 - Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir ..., op.cit., 1994,
p.226. Jolliffe has written: “Martins returned to Timor in June 1975 to form the monarchist party Kota”
– Jolliffe, J., Balibo, 2009, op.cit., p.148. José Martins returned to Timor in mid-1975 – and has been
incorrectly reported as a member of the Apodeti party in 1974, ie being confused with João Martins
Corbafo (see footnotes 526 and 961). Martins was a signatory to the “Balibo Declaration” – but, in
early 1976, publicly denounced the Indonesian occupation at a United Nations meeting in New York.
In the early 1990s, estranged from the Timorese resistance movement, José Martins founded the Timor
Liberation Organisation. He died on 21 August 1996 during a visit to Jakarta to participate in
Indonesian National Day activities.
961
João Martins Corbafo (noted as an aspirante in the Police and Crime Archives in September 1973 –
BOdT, No.18, 11 March 1974, p.363) was a member of the Apodeti Presidium, and reportedly first
196
ABRI’s advance eastward into Portuguese Timor had been slowed by Fretilin
resistance and heavy wet season rains – and the flooded Loes River north of Atabae
was a major obstacle. The Fretilin declaration of 28 November now precipitated a
more immediate Indonesian military drive on Dili.
On Sunday 7 December 1975, ABRI conducted Operasi Seroja/Lotus with
Indonesian airborne and amphibious troops attacking and seizing Dili – followed by
the seizure of Baucau on 10/11 December.963 Fretilin’s armed forces – ie Falintil,
resisted the Indonesian attacks, but within days had withdrawn south into the
mountains of the interior.964 On 17 December, a Provisional Government of East
Timor (PGET) was established in Dili comprising elements from UDT, Apodeti,
Trabalhista and KOTA – and led by Apodeti’s Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo.
The URT-D Seeks a Role – and Foreign Support
raised the Indonesian flag in Pante Makassar (Oecusse): ie “pengibar bendera Merah Putih pertama” –
“Pejuang Integrasi Sosialasikan Otonomi Timtim Kepada Masyarakat”, Antara, Dili, 19 November
1998. However, for detail on events – including the flag-raising on 7 December involving the
Administrator – Jaime dos Remedios de Oliviera, and José Valente (Tropaz Commander) see Subroto
H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, pp.173-180.
962
The “Balibo Declaration” was drafted and signed in Bali (Penida View Hotel) and Atambua – not in
Balibo - see Chega !, CAVR Final Report, Part 3, para 278 and Santoso, A., Jejak Jejak Darah –
Tragedi dan Pengkhianatan di Timor Timur, Stichting Inham, Amsterdam/Yogyakarta, 1996. Analyses
of the Declaration document and its background can be found in several articles by Akihisa Matsuno.
Opsus/Komodo Colonel Aloysius Sugianto (see footnotes 859 and 873) admitted to managing the
drafting and signing of the Declaration in Bali – Detak, No.38, Th 1, Jakarta, 13-19 April 1999. Signed
copies of the Declaration can be found on NAA: A10463, 80113/11/1 Part 16.
963
Operasi Seroja was initiated on 4 December 1975 - for detail see: Subroto, H., Operasi Udara …,
op.cit., 2005, pp.46- 52 and 107-167; Conboy, K., Kopassus, 2003, pp.236-253; Conboy, K., Elite: The
Special Forces …, 2008, pp.24-34. Madjiah, L.E., “Indonesia’s Military Involvement”, 1999, pp. 6-7,
9-12; and Adrian, B., “Sky Assault on Dili”, Angkasa, No 5, February 1999. See also Subroto, H.,
1996; and Ball, D. and McDonald. H., Death in Balibo …, 2000, op.cit., pp.172-177 for detail. The
leading elements of ABRI’s amphibious force departed from Tailaco – immediately south of the Loes
River, on 6 December – see Kamah, M.S., “Seroja”: pengalaman …, 1997, op.cit. (Kamah
accompanied the force). Jolliffe, J. has reported ABRI strength as - “the landing of about 30,000 troops
in Dili on 7 December” - Jolliffe, J., Balibo, Scribe, Carlton North, 2009, p.7.
964
The Fretilin leadership withdrew southwards to Aileu, Maubisse, and Same – Xanana Gusmão then
moved northeast to the Manatuto area – Gusmão, 2000, pp.39-41. According to Dunn, J., 1996, p.258
and Dunn J., 2003, p.251- Falintil’s strength comprised a “hard professional core of some 2,500 regular
troops”; 7,000 second-line reservists; 10,000 with previous military training, and villagers who had
received rudimentary training since October 1975 – “It was a people’s army”. For detail on the seizure
of Baucau (amphibious landing at Laga to the east and airborne attack at Baucau airfield) - and early
ABRI Seroja operations in the Baucau-Viqueque areas see Ahmadi, A (ed), Terbaik …, 1999, pp.345-
370. ABRI’s Operasi Seroja continued until November 1979. As noted earlier at footnote 926, the
Portuguese administration and forces – about 100 strong, had withdrawn to the island of Ataúro on
27/28 August. Two modern Portuguese corvettes were off Dili on 6-8 December supporting the
Portuguese administration on Ataúro – F487 NRP João Roby and F488 NRP Afonso Cerqueira (the
first corvette had arrived on 1 October; and the corvette NRP F489 Oliveira e Carmo had also earlier
been operating in Portuguese Timor waters). The two corvettes noted the approaching ABRI aircraft
and naval vessels before dawn on 7 December 1975 but did not engage the Indonesian forces - Pires,
M.L., Descolonização …, 1991, op.cit., p.345. Mário Viegas Carrascalão (UDT leader and later East
Timor Governor 1982-1992) has speculated that had the two Portuguese vessels moved into the
harbour at Dili, the Indonesian airborne and amphibious operation against Dili would have been
aborted - and “pages of Portuguese history would have been written in gold” and many thousands of
lives saved - Carrascalão, M.V., Timor – Antes …, 2006, op.cit., p.132.
197
• “In 1972, a small group of Malays within the URT split off from the
original organization. They denounced the Timorese leadership as
being too passive in the pursuit of its ideals of independence. It is this
Malay splinter group which is responsible for this letter. They operate
within a broader organization called the ‘Central Praesidium for the All
Malay Race Union’ … an extremist Islamic group.”
• “The URT was ineffectual and had no followers … there was a
possibility that the organization might be of some interest to the Soviet
Union if it wanted to counter-balance Chinese influence with Fretilin.
The Soviet Union might also regard the URT with some interest
because of its Malayan characteristics and the fact that the Soviet
Union was interested in getting a foothold in Malaysia – again to
counter the Chinese.”
• Copies of the URT-D letter of 19 December 1975 had not been
delivered to other embassies in Jakarta.
On 23 December 1975, the United Nations Security Council requested that the
Secretary General nominate a Special Representative for East Timor. Soon after, on
29 December, Vittorio Winspeare Guicciardi, a senior UN official (Director General,
UN Office – Geneva), was appointed with a mandate to make an “on-the-spot”
assessment of the situation in East Timor and to report to the Secretary General.
August 1962. Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 04/Cable I.30077, 16 December 1960 related that
men from Indonesian Timor, who had been forcibly recruited for the “liberation” of Netherlands New
Guinea, fled into Portuguese Timor - but were repatriated to Indonesia by the Portuguese authorities
(NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). For information on Indonesian recruitment of Irianese and personnel
from Eastern Indonesia for the West Irian campaign – see also Conboy, K., Intel, 2004, op.cit., pp.31-
35.
970
Email from Mr Ken Conboy (Jakarta-based author and analyst), 26 September 2005.
971
Email from Mr Ken Conboy, 27 September 2005.
199
Enroute to East Timor, Winspeare Guicciardi visited Jakarta in the period 15-19
January 1976 to meet with Indonesian Government officials.972
According to Balikh, at about 2200hrs on 14 January 1976, ABRI officers
called at his home and ordered him to be present at Halim Perdanakusumah airport in
south-eastern Jakarta early the next morning to meet Winspeare Guicciardi. Emanuel
Mau Bere was also directed to attend. Balikh arrived at the airfield at 0400hrs on 15
January – equipped with a satchel and a small portable typewriter. When the plane
landed some hours later, Balikh was at the rear of the Indonesian reception party –
and briefly shook hands with Guicciardi, but “did not have time to tell Guicciardi of
my ((Balikh’s)) love of Timor”.973 Balikh also remarked that the other URT-D leader
present, Emanuel Mau Bere had “remained in the car” throughout this event.
Several days later, during Balikh’s absence at work, Mrs Fatima Balikh974
received an “official letter” addressed to “Saleh Balikh” requiring him to report to
security authorities in Jakarta for an “interview.” She informed Balikh on his return –
who then “hid around Jakarta” for several weeks avoiding arrest. He fled initially to
the home of Abu Bakar Lam Dua, a Muslim Timorese, in the naval residential area of
Tanjung Priok port. Subsequently however, he was apprehended in the Setia Budi
area in south-central Jakarta on 31 January 1976. Balikh related that he was arrested
by two “generals” – including “Sinamora”, a Protestant Batak from Sumatra. Balikh
was detained and interrogated at the Penjara Tentara Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian
Armed Forces Prison) in the Tanah Abang camp in central Jakarta.975 He was charged
for his involvement with the “Unie Republik Timor” and “other undertakings
suspected of disturbing security and public order.”976 At least 12 persons associated
with the URT-D were also detained – see the following account of court proceedings.
However, those arrested did not apparently include Alamsyah Hasibuan – who,
according to M.S.A. Balikh, “had already fled.”
According to Balikh, his interrogators offered that he could become a minister
in the new government in East Timor if he joined their cause – but Balikh states that
he rejected this offer. Balikh was required to complete a “formulir” (form) - in which
he declared his nationality as “Timorese.” However, this angered his interrogators
and, after some resistance, Balikh eventually signed a second statement that omitted
this apparently contentious element.
Balikh was subsequently put on trial in a “closed court” in Jakarta – together
with several other URT-D principals, including Mulwan Shah, Muhamad Tarief
Analesy [sic], Emanuel Mau Bere, Simon Serang Prya and Curasa Effendi “alias”
Mali Bere - on charges concerning the “Peristiwa U.R.T.” (“U.R.T. Affair”). The
court proceedings were apparently conducted under the provisions of the “Special
Executive Authority” of the “Command for the Restoration of Security and Public
972
Winspeare Guicciardi visited East Timor in the period 20-22 January (Dili, Ataúro, Manatuto,
Baucau) – but was unable to visit Fretilin-controlled areas. He returned to Jakarta on 23 January 1976
before travelling to Darwin on 1 February. His initial report, dated 29 February 1976, was tabled at the
United Nations on 12 March 1976 – as an annex to United Nations Security Council, S/12011 (NAA:
A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 21; A1838, 3038/9/1 Part 1; A1838, 3038/10/13/1 Annex 1). A second
report based on subsequent discussions in Europe was tabled on 22 June 1976.
973
As related to the author in Dili on 12 August 2006 – somewhat confusingly, Balikh implied that he
may have been invited to travel to Dili with the Guicciardi party, but declined.
974
Balikh’s wife, Fatima, was born in Alor (Baranusa village, Pulau Pantar - Alor). They married on 24
January 1972.
975
According to Balikh, “300” people associated with the URT-D were arrested in Jakarta at this time –
interview with the author in Dili on 12 December 2004.
976
As related in the preamble to his Provisional Prisoner Release document: Surat Pembebasan
Tahanan Sementara, No. SPTS. 10/SIN/IV/1976 dated 10 April 1976.
200
Order of the Greater Jakarta and Surrounding Area.”977 Balikh related his disquiet
with the conduct of his URT-D colleague, Analessy – who, Balikh claimed, had
corruptly used URT-D funds for his (Analessy’s) private expenditure including for
overseas travel. Subsequently, following several months in prison, the 12 URT-D
detainees were provisionally released with “Bebas Wajib Lapor” (“Reporting
Status”)978 - in four phases, as follows:
“22 March 1976: Lajamudin Balikh, Emanuel Mau Bere, Mochamad Saleh
Mansur, R.W. Kaseger, Pagaran Raja Simbolon, Loudy Emanuel Duarte.
10 April 1976: Curasa Effendi alias Mali Bere ((see also footnote 674)),
Maskhuri, Simon Serang Prya, Mohamad Saleh Akbar Balikh.
Balikh was required to report on each Monday and Thursday to the Kodam Jaya
Intelligence Task Unit in Jakarta and not permitted to leave the Greater Jakarta area
without prior authorisation.
On 11 August 1976, the above-mentioned URT-D members were granted
“Bebas Penuh” (“Full Freedom”) by the Kopkamtib Special Authority - with the
qualification that “if any took action that violated public order and security or
undertook other negative acts, then further action would be taken against them” – the
Kopkamtib document (ie footnote 978) and an English translation are at Annex U.
An individual release certification for M.S.A. Balikh was annexed to the document
that showed Balikh’s age as 34 years; his employment as “former teacher at the XXIV
State Senior High School in Jakarta”; and resident at “Cipinang Lontar 0011/06,
Jakarta.”
For the next twenty years, the URT-D appears to have been inactive.
Balikh however declared that he remained involved with East Timor issues, produced
documents - and that East Timorese students would call at this house in Jakarta.
Balikh commented that he did not vote in any Indonesian elections during this period.
He claims to have maintained regular contact with the East Timor independence
organisations and to have corresponded with José Ramos-Horta in Australia.
977
In Bahasa Indonesia: Pelaksana Khusus, Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (Laksus,
Kopkamtib) – Daerah Jakarta Raya dan Sekitarnya.
978
Laksus Kopkamtib - Daerah Jakarta Raya dan Sekitarnya, Surat Keputusan … - Nomor Skep-
24/PK/VII/1976, Jakarta, 11 August 1976 – see Annex U, including an English translation by author.
201
979
Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão was captured by ABRI in Dili on 20 November 1992. Sentenced to life
imprisonment in May 1993 (later commuted to 20 years), he was imprisoned in Semarang (Central
Java) and Cipinang (Jakarta) – but was moved to a house in Salemba (Jakarta) in early February 1999.
Balikh stated that he held an official receipt for his correspondence to Xanana Gusmão, and implied
that he had enclosed earlier URT-D documents – presumably to prove his “independence struggle
credentials”, in his correspondence to Xanana Gusmão.
202
The 2004 Timor Post “Proklamasi” Declaration – and the 1,000 Pataca Note
Kami bangsa Timor Timur dengan ini menyatakan kemerdekaan Timor Timur dan
sekitarnya dalam tempo yang sesingkat singkatnya.
Hal-hal yang mengenai pemindahan dan lain lain akan diatur di kemudian hari.
Tanda tangan kemerdekaan Timor Timur dan sekitarnya.
983
The text of the Proklamasi document in the Timor Post is not fully legible. Interestingly, the style is
very similar – and some phrases are identical, to the Indonesian Declaration of Independence of 17
August 1945 (I am indebted to Nug Katjasungkana for this insight – email to author, 17 December
2008). The 1945 Indonesian Declaration reads: “Kami bangsa Indonesia dengan ini menjatakan
Kemerdekaan Indonesia. Hal hal jang mengenai pemindahan kekoeasaan d.l.l. diselenggarakan
dengan tjara saksama dan dalam tempo jang sesingkat-singkatja.” The Indonesian Declaration (draft)
can be found at NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1, p.160. The URT-D “Timor Post” Proklamasi document
was also later provided to the TIME Timor magazine and appeared in its November 2007 issue – see
footnote 987 and Annex X. This Proklamasi document above is far shorter (ie with only about 70
words) than the earlier Bahasa version of the URT-D Pernyataan Kemerdekaan (Declaration of
Independence) disseminated in April 1965 (215 words) – see Annex O. The style and content of the
two versions are also markedly different.
204
Tempat Darurat
Atase Militer Batu Gade, 9 April 1961
((manuscript signature)) Panglima Tertinggi
Emanuel Mau Bere ((manuscript signature))
Mao Klao M.S.A. Balikh
In English:
CENTRAL PRESIDIUM
UNITED REPUBLIC of TIMOR
AT THE EMERGENCY LOCATION – BATUGADE
TIMOR (DILLY)
Emergency Location
Military Attache Batu Gade, 9 April 1961
((manuscript signature)) Supreme Commander
Emanuel Mau Bere ((manuscript signature))
Mao Klao M.S.A. Balikh
On 21 August 2006, M.S.A. Balikh provided the author with a purported copy
of the Timor Post Proklamasi document – see Annex V: “Memproklamasikan:
Kemerdekaan Timor Timur” (Proclaiming the Independence of East Timor”).
However, this “2006 Proklamasi”(at Annex V with English translation) – while
similar in length, it is marginally different in “layout” and text from the copy of the
Proklamasi shown in the Timor Post newspaper of 25 November 2004 and the TIME
Timor edition of November 2007.
In October 2007, the Dili magazine “TIME Timor” included an article titled
“Proklamasi Timor Leste Sebenarnya Sudah Terjadi Pada Tahun 1961 ?” (“Did
Timor-Leste’s Proclamation Occur in 1961 ?”), 986 The article related that “Polemics
on who was Timor-Leste’s Proklamator have been a quite crucial discussion since
this country gained its independence from the grip of Indonesia” – and cited the
contending arguments between Fretilin and Xavier dos Reis Amaral in the period
2005-2007. TIME Timor continued: “Last week, we discovered someone ((M.S.A.
Balikh)) who declares himself as the First Proklamator on 9 April 1961. To prove this
statement, we have attached one of many important documents that can become
historic evidence - that we have received directly from the First Proklamator of the
Uni Republik Timor”. Included at the end of the article were photocopies of Balikh’s
April 2007 “Letter of Declaration I” mentioned above, and the United Nations’ letter
to “A. Mao Klao” of 15 March 1971 (see footnotes 800, 966 and 982). The TIME
Timor article indicated that the magazine also planned to publish further documents
from M.S.A. Balikh.
985
In December 2004, Balikh had related to the author his membership of the Resimen Mahasiswa
Mahajaya of the University of Indonesia – and his wearing of the Regiment’s uniform in West Timor
in 1961 (see page 156). Note however, that the Resimen Mahajaya did not exist in 1961 – the Regiment
was founded following the issue of Directive 062 by the Supreme Military Commander of Greater
Jakarta and Surrounding Area on 15 May 1962, with a unit being established at the University of
Indonesia soon after.
986
“Proklamasi Timor Leste Sebenarnya Sudah Terjadi Pada Tahun 1961 ?” (“Did Timor-Leste’s
Proclamation Occur in 1961 ?”), TIME Timor, No.10, Tahun II, October 2007, Dili, p.49.
987
“Mau-Klao Siap Mempertanggungjawabkan Kebenaran Proklamasi Uni Republik Timor (URT)”
(“Mau-Klao is Ready to Accept Responsibility for the Truth about the Proclamation by Union of the
Republic of Timor (URT)”), TIME Timor, No.11, Tahun II, November 2007, Dili, pp.19-24.
206
- “I first met Ramos-Horta in 1975, not 1961. … I received a letter from the
mayor of Dili, Antonio, to participate in the inauguration of the three
parties ((UDT, Fretilin, Apodeti)). I went to meet with the mayor at the
Hotel Minang Gondal in central Jakarta. Ramos-Horta called at the office
in Jalan Karnolong Dalam, No.16 (Office of the Timor Freedom Struggle)
to meet with me. His aim was to establish my name as the manager of the
URT.”993
- “In 1975 [sic], President Soekarno invited all the Indonesian people to the
Presidential Palace to hear his speech. … I was there from East Timor,
Adimara was there from Irian ((Papua)), and Antasari was there from
Kalimantan Utara ((North Borneo)). We were all given the opportunity to
make a speech to the assembled crowd. … President Soekarno spread the
news about our declaration. So it wasn’t just the people of Jakarta that
heard about the URT declaration, but that broadcast was heard by the
whole world. It must be understood that the whole world supported us. We
met with the first President of Indonesia in the Palace to request support,
and President Soekarno welcomed our struggle positively.”994
- “We sought out Timorese in Indonesia and in other countries. … Later, we
sent several people to East Timor – both men and women, by boat. … We
undertook a number of activities, but those that we sent to East Timor were
captured and killed by the Portuguese colonialists.”
- “At that time, the Portuguese did not have a prison system. They captured
Timorese, killed them – and then threw them away.”
- “I struggled for Timor-Leste’s independence while in Indonesia, as it was
very difficult to enter Timor-Leste. … While struggling for Timor-Leste’s
freedom, I also was arrested and placed in prison.”
- “Many of my friends infiltrated Timor-Leste but were captured then killed.
Not just one or two were mobilized, but thousands. However, the vicious
Portugese military captured and killed some of them.”
- In reply to questions on the proclamation in November 1975 by Fretilin’s
Francisco Xavier do Amaral, Balikh stated that such was not difficult for
Amaral as Timor was no longer under colonial oppression at that time.
“When I returned to Timor-Leste in 1999, I heard that Francisco Xavier do
Amaral was Timor-Leste’s Proclaimer, and I was shocked.”
- “There has not been attention to the struggle that I led. … However, it
doesn’t matter if the Government pays no attention. … The Government
did acknowledge me when Ramos-Horta met with me and later introduced
me to Xanana, saying: ‘This is the real Mau Klao’. There has been no
other acknowledgement since 1999. Moreover, since I have been living
here, there are people who chase me and say that I am a newcomer
((“orang pendatang” – ie “newcomer” or “interloper” in Bahasa))”.
993
Balikh’s earlier account of Ramos-Horta calling at the URT-D office in Jakarta is at pages 179-180.
The meeting at the hotel in Menteng - ie with “Antonio” (ie most likely Augusto César da Costa
Mousinho), is also related earlier at page 185 and footnote 921.
994
Balikh’s earlier account of this rally is at pages 155-156.
208
Balikh described the “Timorese Independence” flag – using Bahasa Indonesia terms,
as having ten alternate white and red stripes, with a green “square” in the high hoist
corner (ie in the canton quadrant). He explained that the green square was to represent
“subur” (Bahasa - “fertility”). The alternate stripes, beginning at the top with white,
represented:
During the discussion with the author, Balikh occasionally referred to a small
manuscript note in his shirt pocket to confirm the meanings of the stripes.
995
For the “Flags of the World” late-1990s depiction of the purported URT-D flag, see footnote 783.
The “October 2008” version of the flag, shown above (as sketched by M.S.A. Balikh), replaced the
late-1990s version on the “Flags of the World” website following email correspondence between the
author and António Martins of “Flags of the World” in mid-January 2009.
209
996
Mau Brani (Juru Bicara – ie Spokesperson), Pesan Natal dari Uni Republik Timor (Christmas
Message from the Union of the Republic of Timor), 26 December 2000 – in Bahasa Indonesia.
997
A Dewan Rakyat Timor (DRT -Timor People’s Council) was subsequently formed in Kupang in
mid-August 2001 – to campaign against the “enforcement” of Javanese culture. The declaration of the
Negara Timor Raya emerged from the DRT in late 2001. For background see“Gerakan Separatis
Negara Timor Raya Muncul di NTT” (“Negara Timor Raya Separatist Movement Arising in NTT”),
Republika, Kupang, 21 December 2001.
998
NTT includes the major islands of Sumba, Flores, Alor, Lomblen, Sawu, Rote, Semau, and
Indonesian (“West”) Timor.
999
MTB comprises 133 islands - the largest being Seram, Buru, Ambon, Wetar, Kesar, Yamdena, Kai,
and Aru.
1000
NTT is the most Christian of the Indonesian provinces – with the population 53.9 percent Catholic
and 33.8 percent Protestant ie 87.7 percent Christian (2004). Kupang is predominantly Protestant
(86.56 percent) – with 7.13 percent Catholic and 2.24 percent Moslem/Islam (Kupang Dalam Angka,
Badan Pusat Statistik, Kupang, 2003).
1001
Nixon, R., “Indonesian West Timor: The Political-Economy of Emerging Ethno-Nationalism”
Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol 34, Iss 2, Manila, 2004, p.180.
1002
“Polda NTT Periksa Penggagas Negara Timor Raya” (“NTT Police Investigate Negara Timor
Raya Founders”), Tempo Interaktif, Kupang, 8 January 2002. The movement appears to have been
quiescent in the period 2003-2007 – but see “Cegah Wacana Pembentukan Negara Timor Raya”
(“Block the Idea of the Formation of a Negara Timor Raya”), Antara News, Kupang, 19 February
2005.
210
1003
Bere Nahak, (Permahati Gerakan Timor Raya – Observer, Timor Raya Movement), email, 11
January 2002.
1004
Author’s note - this is the area of the August 1942 “Maubisse” uprising against the Portuguese – see
footnote 58.
1005
Bere Nahak, Pesan Natal dari Uni Republik Timor, email, 13 January 2002.
1006
“TNI Antisipasi Berdirinya Negara Timor Raya” (“TNI Anticipates the Establishment of Negara
Timor Raya”), Tempo Interaktif, Jakarta, 16 May 2006.
1007
The Parentil party (Partido Republika Nacional Timor Leste) was a youth-based party founded in
February 2001 that stood unsuccessfully for the 2001 Constituent Assembly election – winning only
0.54 percent of the vote. The brief RTTM declaration ceremony included a RTTM flag, a red-and-
white flag, and a Parentil flag – “Kasus RTTM resmi disidangkan, KH tolak pasal makar” (“RTTM
case officially convened, Judge rejects attack against government”), Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 16
May 2005, p.3.
1008
The four sentenced were: Flaviano Pereira Lopes/Lopez, Agapito Pereira, Viriato da Costa
Fernandes and Saturnino Pereira – “Pendiri negara RTTM masuk bui” (“RTTM founders jailed”),
Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 9 September 2005.
211
duty in early June 1959, it is very doubtful that his replacement - Tengku Usman
Hussin, would have encouraged an uprising at the end of that year. This however does
not preclude the possibility that the rebel leaders in Dili might have acted in
December – as apparently planned. Regardless, their prospects for success at that later
date would also have been poor.
In the countryside, the uprising in the Viqueque Circunscrição was launched
precipitously, and was poorly planned and ineffectively executed - without any real
hope of success. The areas of the Rebellion in the Circunscrições of Baucau and
Viqueque were relatively remote and were not ethno-linguistically homogenous. The
attacks by the rebels against the Portuguese administration offices in Viqueque Town
and in the Postos of Uatolari, Uato-Carabau and Baguia appear to have had only
limited popular support – ie from a core group in the Viqueque Town vicinity and in a
few villages to the northeast, principally villagers of the Naueti ethno-linguistic
group. Importantly, there were traditional antipathies and enmities between tribes,
clans and groups in the Viqueque Circunscrição – including residual enmities from
the tribal fighting in the areas during World War II.1010 Further, in 1959, some tribes
remained loyal to the Portuguese - eg in the Ossú and Lacluta areas, and were
successfully employed by the Portuguese authorities against the Rebellion.
Consequently, the rebels were unable to mobilise either the necessary large forces or
widespread popular support throughout the two Circunscrições. In 1975, Fretilin’s
Vice President, Nicolau Lobato remarked that the “Uatelari” [sic] revolt was
“ineffective in 1959 due … divisiveness prevailing among our ancestors.”1011
Regardless, the Rebellion had little real chance of success against the forces that the
Portuguese would have been able to assemble to quell the unrest.
No Portuguese are known to have been killed in the Rebellion. Timorese
casualties suffered in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições are difficult to
determine accurately (see estimates and claims at pages 80-81) - but up to several
hundreds of deaths is probably a reasonably accurate estimate. Portuguese authorities
appear to have never published information on casualties. The total number of
Timorese imprisoned in Timor following the uprising is unknown, and also merits
further research. While ex-Governor Barata’s 1998 book is an important contribution
and provides considerable useful information on the 1959 Rebellion, his avoidance of
recounting the detail of the killings and summary executions at the Bebui River –
overseen by the Viqueque Administrator Artur Marques Ramos and Captain
Barreiros, is a significant and disappointing omission (see footnotes 378-380).
Several other aspects of the 1959 uprising are also worthy of further
examination – including the objectives of the Rebellion, and the aims of the
1010
During World War II, both the Australian and the Japanese military forces mobilised tribesmen as
paramilitaries in Portuguese Timor - see Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle …, op.cit., 2008, pp.30-36;
and Chamberlain, E.P., Timorese in Special Operations during World War II, op.cit., 2010. For detail
on Australian forces in Portuguese Timor see also Wray, C.C.H., Timor 1942, 1987; Doig, C.D., A
History …, 1986; and Powell, A., War by Stealth – Australians and the Allied Intelligence Bureau
1942-1945, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1996. Australian special forces (Z Special Unit)
also recruited local support in the Circunscrição of São Domingos (covering the Baucau and Viqueque
areas) and in the Lautém Circunscrição.
1011
Lobato, N., Letter to the United Nations Secretary General, Lourenço Marques, 24 April 1975
(NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 11). Nicolau dos Reis Lobato (b. 24 May 1946) served as an
aspirante in the Finance Service in Dili from 13 November 1969 to 1974 – BOdT, No.7, 16 February
1974, p.123; No.29, 20 July 1974, p.561 - and was also noted as a secondary school teacher in Dili in
1974. Nicolau Lobato became Timor-Leste’s first Prime Minister on 28 November 1975 – and its
second President in October 1977. Note also Fretilin’s reported positive view of the 1959 Rebellion as
a “formative influence” – as cited at footnote 511.
213
Indonesian “Permesta 14”. However, it is certain that the “14” were Permesta
members and came directly from the Kupang area of Indonesian Timor – driven out
by TNI troops suppressing Permesta separatist elements in West Timor. Here, it
should be noted that: as early as 1958, the official Indonesian newsagency declared
them to be “Permesta”; the Indonesian authorities soon sought their extradition from
Portuguese Timor; and only in late 1960 did Indonesia “clarify” that the “14” were
deserters from the Indonesian Army in Kupang who had committed robberies before
fleeing to Portuguese Timor.
The composition of the group of “14” is detailed in their request for asylum
(see Annex C) - and also in the 1995 article by Peter A. Rohi (footnote 211) in which
all 14 were specifically named. According to the Indonesian authorities, two of the 14
had been Indonesian security force (ie TNI) personnel ie Lambertus Ladow – corporal
and “Udy” Welong – private.1012 However, in their asylum request, all but Jermias/
Jeremias Pello declared themselves to have military ranks in the Permesta/PRRI ie
from lieutenant down to private soldier. In his book, Governor Barata makes several
references to “Lieutenant Gerson” ie Gerson Pello. However, once in Baucau, it
appears that almost all members of the party “assumed” higher military ranks – as
indicated in the Australian Consul’s meeting with members of the group in Baucau in
late 1958 (footnote 221). Only three of the 14 Indonesians appear to have been
actively involved in actively proselytising for Timorese independence and
participating in the Rebellion itself – ie Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, and Jobert
Moniaga in Viqueque. However, four were detained and imprisoned in Portugal (and
later in Angola) ie Lambertus Ladow, Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello and Albert
Ndoen/Ndun. The remainder - ie nine, were returned by the Portuguese authorities to
Indonesian Timor, through Oecusse, in October 1960 – and were reportedly
imprisoned for a time in Denpasar (Bali) by the Indonesian authorities.
It is still not clear why the Portuguese authorities granted asylum in
Portuguese Timor to the “Permesta 14” – an act sure to offend the Indonesian
Government. While this was done during the Governorship of Captain César Serpa
Rosa, there is no explanation of this aspect in the book by his successor, Governor
Themudo Barata. There have been suggestions (see footnote 226) that either the
United States – that actively supported the PRRI/Permesta movement, or perhaps
Australia, may have pressured the Portuguese to accept the 14, but evidence for such
is lacking. Indeed, examination of the classified “record of conversation” between the
Australian Minister of External Affairs and the Australian Consul – Dili that related
their meeting in Canberra on 29 April 1958 suggests little Australian knowledge of
the Permesta 14 and confusion on their origins (see footnote 202). However, in
November 1959, a “fulltime” Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) officer
was reportedly appointed as the Australian Consul in Dili. This may have been a
belated initiative – ie perhaps precipitated by the arrival of the Permesta 14 and the
Rebellion, to improve Australia’s intelligence collection on developments in Eastern
Indonesia.1013 However, with Portugal a member of the North Atlantic Treaty
1012
As declared by the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1958 - see footnote 214. Note also the
email advice by P.A. Rohi that Lambertus Ladow and Jobert Moniaga had been members of Yonif 712
in West Timor. For discussion see footnote 221.
1013
See footnote 631 – and also 226. It has been contended that the Australian Secret Intelligence
Service (ASIS) established a presence in the Dili Consulate in late 1959 ie that the Consul was an ASIS
officer - see: Toohey, B. & Pinwill, W., Oyster: the story of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service,
Heinemann, Melbourne, 1989, p.169; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999 - p.261 (p.146 in the
Internet edition); and Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.99. Apart from Dili, there
were reportedly only two other ASIS-controlled posts outside Australia – Jakarta and Tokyo: see
214
there were many natives in that area who were in possession of small Indonesian
flags.”1018 Governor Barata also described the rebels at Uatolari “wearing … the
colours of the Indonesian flag” (footnote 344). Subsequently, in the 1990s, the
“Indonesian version” of the Rebellion played down the involvement of the
“Indonesian 14” as a catalyst – and, rather, emphasised the indigenous roots of the
uprising and highlighted Timorese leadership and participation. For example, an
“official” Indonesian version published in 1992 – the high school text-book, declares
that the “14” were only “youth from Kupang” who “inspired” the local Timorese to
plan and undertake the uprising.
Despite a reluctance by the contemporary authorities in Portuguese Timor and
Lisbon to admit publicly that the Rebellion’s participants sought unification with
Indonesia, subsequent Portuguese investigations more clearly acknowledged this
aspect eg the Tribunals in Angola in 1960 (see footnote 494), and in the 1983
Certidão document at Annex H (see also footnote 569). Former Governor Barata’s
1998 book also indicated his belief that the rebels had planned to integrate eastern
Timor into Indonesia. Moreover, his view of official Indonesian involvement is also
expressed in the title of his 1998 book that has been extensively cited earlier in this
work ie: Timor contemporâneo: Da primeira ameaça da Indonésia ao nascer de uma
nação (Contemporary Timor: From the first threat by Indonesia to the birth of a
nation). In his book, Barata referred to “the movement instigated by Indonesia” and
concluded that, “in truth”, the Rebellion represented “the active intervention of
Indonesia, through its Consul in Dili and the pseudo-refugees ...”.1019 In an earlier
1963 publication, ex-Governor Barata had indicated also that the uprising was “uma
agitação que do exterior foi provocada na província em 1959.”1020 However, this
implication by Barata of official Indonesian involvement is markedly different to then
Governor Barata’s views expressed in his letter to Lisbon in July 1959: “Nothing was
found that allowed us to confirm or deny that the Indonesian Government had
instigated or was aware of the event.”1021 ; and Governor Barata’s view - as reported
by the Australian Consul in 1960, that there was “no acceptable evidence” for
such.1022 It would therefore appear that Barata’s views that Indonesia had been
involved in “1959” – ie as expressed in Timor - esse desconhecido in 1963, may have
been influenced by events in the early 1960s such as criticism in the United Nations
and other forums of Portugal’s overseas possessions, the emergence of the Jakarta-
based Uni Republik Timor, and post-1959 Indonesian subversive activities against
Portuguese Timor. Later, in writing his 1998 book, Barata more explicitly cites
official Indonesian involvement – and this review and contradiction of his
assessments made in 1959 and 1960 is no doubt related to his very negative views of
the Indonesian invasion of 1975 and the subsequent excesses of the Indonesian
occupation. It is also interesting to consider whether interference in Portuguese Timor
would have been a priority for Indonesia in 1958-59 – a period when the Indonesian
state was facing the major challenges of armed dissident movements in Sumatra and
1018
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
1019
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.27, p.50. Barata also refers to the
“Permesta 14” as “pseudo-refugiados políticos” at p.53 and p.54.
1020
Barata, F. J. F. T., Timor - esse desconhecido, 1963, op.cit., p.12.
1021
“Nada se averiguou, todavia, que permita afirmar ou negar que o assunto era do conhecimento ou
instigado pelo Governo da Indonésia”, Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter No.15 to the Minister of the
Interior (Lisbon), Dili, 27 July 1959, paragraph 2 – as noted earlier, see footnote 260.
1022
See footnote 266 – ie: “There has been no acceptable evidence produced that Indonesia had
anything to do with last year’s unrest … Nor was there any evidence to suggest that these refugees
were other than genuine rebels.”
216
Sulawesi (PRRI/Permesta), the Darul Islam in West Java, was “mopping up” RMS
remnants, and was beginning its struggle to incorporate Irian Barat (West Irian – ie
modern-day Papua). Also, if Jakarta was directing the Rebellion, why would they
have scheduled the replacement of their Consul Nazwar Jacub in June 1959 – ie
leaving the incoming Tengku Usman Hussin to develop a relationship with the
dissident Timorese and the Permesta 14 ?
It is also perhaps relevant that in April 1958 – when the 14 Indonesians had
just arrived and sought asylum, Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub hurriedly travelled
to Australia for “medical treatment”. This suggests that Jacub, a Sumatran, wished to
distance himself from events - lest his superiors in Jakarta suspect that he was
sympatheic or supportive of the Permesta 14’s separatist politics and asylum bid.
Accepting that the “14” were Permesta separatist rebels from Kupang fleeing
the Indonesian authorities, why would the three Indonesians directly involved in
Viqueque (ie Gerson, Jeremias and Jobert) encourage the Timorese to carry
Indonesian flags and seek integration into the Republic of Indonesia - whose
government they (ie as Permesta members) had opposed ? As noted earlier, it appears
that only a few of the “14” were actively involved in the Rebellion – and these may
have been “pro-Republic” or, most likely, “anti-colonial” and supportive of the
embryonic plans of the small number of Timorese hoping to oust the Portuguese.
Further, and importantly, accounts by Timorese rebels indicate that their plans for
revolt – or at least opposition to the authorities, pre-dated by several years the arrival
in Portuguese Timor in March 1958 of the Permesta 14. Moreover, the Permesta 14 in
Baucau and Viqueque had little contact with the Rebellion principals in Dili – rather,
the mentor of the Timorese leadership in Dili appears to have been the quixotic
Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub. As noted earlier, Nazwar Jacub was scheduled to
end his appointment in early June 1959 and return to Indonesia. Perhaps rethinking
the personal implications of his involvement with the incipient rebel movement, he
convinced its leadership to defer the uprising from late May to late December 1959 ?
Perhaps Nazwar Jacub “got cold feet” – ie wishing to depart Portuguese Timor before
any uprising ?
How serious a threat were the 1959 rebels to Portuguese rule in Timor ? The
investigation and treatment of the Timorese deportees in Lisbon and in Angola
indicates that the concerns by the administration in Dili were not shared by the
authorities in the Metrópole or Angola. Following their investigations, in February
1961, the Portuguese authorities conditionally released half of the deportees in Angola
– ie those não considerado culpado (see footnotes 497-499 and Annex F); and the
remainder were similarly released three months later. Only a small handful of the 54
Timorese deportees in Angola were considered active “separatists” warranting close
surveillance.
Interestingly, a Roman Catholic vice-parish priest, who served in Uatolari for
several years up until 1992, has characterised the Rebellion as “a movement to
formalise the relationship with West Timor.”1023 This theme of integration with West
Timor – and standing separate from the Republic of Indonesia, is also evident in the
1023
Neonbasu, G. SVD, “Building Peace in East Timor: The Role of the Catholic Church”, November
2002. See also José Manuel Duarte’s comments on uniting East and West Timor at page 106, footnote
553. The claim that some rebels supported the concept of an independent “Timor island” merits further
investigation. Such a concept might have been attractive to the “Permesta 14” – but its attainment of a
united Timor would have faced insurmountable opposition from the Republic of Indonesia.
217
interpretation of the Rebellion by the relatively recent Negara Raya Timor (Greater
Timor) movement1024 and the “new” Uni Republik Timor.1025
The formation of the URT-D was publicly declared through its “Second
Announcement” dated 10 December 1960 – which was disseminated in Jakarta in
March 1961. Later, in June and August 1961, there were reports that URT-D
“pamphlets” had been distributed in the border areas of Indonesian Timor, and of a
few pamphlets appearing in Portuguese Timor (footnotes 614, 616, 637, 638) –
probably the “Second Announcement” or based on that document.
The URT-D claimed that it declared independence at a flag-raising ceremony
at Batugadé on 9 April 1961 attended by nine members of the First Central Presidium
(see page 147) – and issued its Declaration of Independence on that date. However,
the early reports and URT-D proclamations did not mention any “Declaration of
Independence” - nor any reference to Batugadé as the “emergency headquarters” of
the URT-D. In particular, URT-D documents dated 3 April 1963, 10 June 1963, and
21 June 1963 still made no reference to the purported earlier 1961 Declaration of
Independence at Batugadé. Rather, the Declaration of April 1961 appears to have
been first mentioned in a URT-D letter to the United Nations dated 9 December 1964
- and the Declaration itself (dated 9 April 1961) was not made public until distributed
in Jakarta in early April 1965. This suggests that the Declaration was probably not
written until late 1964 – and then probably retrospectively dated - ie“back-dated” to
April 1961 in order to suggest a longer provenance for the URT-D.1026
In the author’s discussions with M.S.A. Balikh in Dili in December 2004,
Balikh described the alleged events in the Batugadé area on 9 April 1961 – as related
earlier in this work. However, in parts, his description was confused and inconsistent.
He had difficulty describing the ceremony and could not describe the URT-D flag
with any surety. It was only in October 2008 that he sketched the flag for the author –
see page 208. In discussions with the author, Balikh mentioned two URT-D cadre
involved with him in the proclamation event at Batugadé: Simon Serang Pria/Prya and
Alamsyah Hasibuan.1027 According to Balikh, Simon Serang Pria was captured by the
Portuguese; and Balikh believed that Alamsyah Hasibuan might also have been
captured. However, it is not plausible that Simon Serang Pria - and possibly
Alamsyah Hasibuan, were captured at Batugadé by the Portuguese authorities. If
either, or both, had been captured, such information would almost certainly have
become known in the Dili diplomatic community – even if the Portuguese had tried to
suppress the information. Balikh also later worked with both Simon Serang Pria and
Alamsyah Hasibuan in Jakarta in the mid-1960s, and later. Accordingly, he must
surely have known whether Alamsyah Hasibuan had been captured, or not, by the
1024
As noted earlier, the concept of a “Greater Timor” (Negara Timor Raya) had emerged from a
seminar in early 1997 at the Political and Social Science Faculty of the Widya Mandira Catholic
University in Kupang, West Timor – see footnotes 996-1003.
1025
Mau Brani (Juru Bicara – Spokesperson), Pesan Natal dari Uni Republik Timor (New Year’s
Message from the Union of the Republic of Timor), 26 December 2000 – see footnote 996. This email
claimed that the Uni Republik Timor continued the struggle of the “1959 Rebellion whose aim had
been to unite and free the island of Timor, including Rote, Jako [sic] and Ataúro”.
1026
This probability was suggested earlier at footnote 741. These observations are based only on the
URT-D documents sighted by the author - as listed in the Bibliography. Other documents may exist.
1027
However, when interviewed by TIME Timor magazine in November 2007, Balikh could only recall
the names of two participants at Batugadé: Simon Serang Pria and Emanuel Maubere – no mention was
made of Alamsyah Hasibuan.
218
Portuguese. Relatedly, a United States Embassy report (footnotes 894, 895) noted that
“Mao Klao” – a “West Sumatran” (most likely Alamsyah Hasibuan) was arrested by
the Indonesian authorities in Indonesian Timor – but no year is given. This suggests
that Alamsyah Hasibuan may have been involved in an attempted URT-D activity in
Indonesian Timor, or even in the Batugadé area, in the early 1960s – but
corroborating information is lacking.
As noted earlier, Balikh’s relationship with Alamsyah Hasibuan soured in the
early 1970s - eg in discussions with the author, Balikh referred to Hasibuan as a
“parasite” (footnote 802). However, in the author’s discussions in 2004, Balikh did
credit Hasibuan with participation in the purported April 1961 proclamation event at
Batugadé (footnote 782) – this suggests that Hasibuan was in West Timor and
possibly the Batugadé area. Perhaps Hasibuan - possibly accompanied by Balikh, was
in West Timor in mid-1961 distributing the URT-D’s “Second Announcement”
pamphlets and other material mentioned earlier. They may have been enroute to (or
from) Batugadé when Hasibuan was arrested by the Indonesian authorities in West
Timor – and Balikh escaped arrest and returned immediately to Jakarta ? However, if
any “Batugadé Declaration/flag-raising” did occur in 1961 – why was it not
mentioned by the URT-D until late 1964 ? It is more likely that Alamsyah Hasibuan
visited West Timor in mid-1961, distributed URT-D pamphlets, and was arrested in
West Timor by the TNI lest he disturb Indonesian plans – and returned to Jakarta.
Subsequently in late 1964, an imagined 1961 flag-raising at Batugadé was concocted
and included in the URT-D’s “9 April 1961” Declaration of Independence.
More recently, Balikh’s 19 April 2007 “Declaration I” - included in the
October 2007 edition of TIME Timor, restated his connection with the Resimen
Mahajaya at the time of the purported 1961 Batugadé Declaration/Proclamation event
– and he “added” the participation of “volunteers” from the Resimen at Batugadé.
However, the Resimen Mahajaya was not formed until mid-1962 (see footnote 985).
In the November 2007 edition of TIME Timor, when relating the proclamation at
Batugadé, Balikh omits any mention of Alamsyah Hasibuan – but rather includes
Emanuel Mau Bere and Simon Serang Prya as participants and notes “student friends
in Jakarta” as “sponsors of the funds for the 9 April 1961 proclamation”.
As discussed above, it is therefore quite unlikely that the suggested URT-D
Declaration/Proclamation event at Batugadé occurred as early as 1961. It may have
occurred in late June 1964 - when there were unconfirmed reports of the founding of a
“Gerakan Timor Merdeka” (“Timor Independence Movement”) at Batugadé “before
the malcontents retreated over the border” (see footnotes 717, 718). Any event in
1964 may have involved Alamsyah Hasibuan – and possibly M.S.A. Balikh.
In early December 1972, Alamsyah Hasibuan “presented” himself as “A. Mao
Klao” in his attempted contact in Jakarta with the Papua New Guinea Minister for
Information – ie as evidenced by the photograph of Hasibuan with a manuscript
signature: “A. Mao Klao”, on the reverse. That “A. Mao Klao” signature is the same
as appeared on a URT-D letter dated 2 April 1967 (Annex L)1028, several 1970 letters
to foreign dignitaries1029and the URT-D letter dated 8 December 1972 (Annex N) to
the Papua New Guinea Chief Minister, Michael Somare1030. As related earlier, M.S.A.
1028
Menyambut hangat atas akan Merdeka Nya Papua dan New Guinea 1967 ini, (Warmly welcoming
the forthcoming Independence of Papua and New Guinea in 1967), URT-D, Nr. III/Prespu-URT/IV/67,
Batugade, 2 April 1967 – in Bahasa Melayu (see footnote 770 and Annex L).
1029
See footnotes 795, 796 and 799.
1030
Hubungan Diplomatic dan Kerjasama Menuju Melanesia Raya yang jaya (Diplomatic Relations
and Cooperation in a Future Glorious Greater Melanesia), URT-D 0545/ZULK/Prespu-URT/1392
H/1972 M, Batugade, 8 December 1972 – in Bahasa (to H.E. Mr Somare, Chief Minister, Papua New
219
Balikh had claimed to the author that Hasibuan was involved with the 9 April 1961
“Declaration” activities in Batugadé – and that Hasibuan was responsible for the
URT-D flag and, subsequently, for the production of the URT-D 1,000 pataca bank
note. The foregoing suggests strongly that Alamsyah Hasibuan held a very prominent
position, if not the leading position, in the URT-D. Certainly from the mid-1960s,
Alamsyah Hasibuan appears to have been a more central figure in the movement than
the younger M.S.A. Balikh – probably until Balikh’s seeming “take over” of the
URT-D in May 1975.1031
As noted earlier, in late November 2004, Balikh provided a copy of what he
claimed to be the original April 1961 “Declaration of Independence - ie a short
“Proklamasi” in Bahasa, for an article on the URT-D in Dili’s Timor Post newspaper.
He also provided a very similar Proklamasi version to the author in Dili in August
2006 (Annex V – Bahasa and English translation). A copy of the Timor Post version
was also later included in a TIME Timor article of November 2007. Those
Proklamasi versions are markedly different to the “original” – and longer, URT-D
Declaration of Independence distributed in Jakarta in April 1965 (see Annex J in
English, and Annex O in Bahasa as Pernyataan Kemerdekaan,). Firstly, the text of
the 2004 Timor Post/2007 TIME Timor and 2006 Annex V Proklamasi versions, both
in Bahasa, are far shorter - ie with only about 70 words, while the earlier Bahasa
version disseminated in April 1965 is about 215 words. The style and content of the
two (ie “long” and “short”) versions is also markedly different. In particular, the
Timor Post/TIME Timor and Annex V Proklamasi versions provided by Balikh in
November 2004, August 2006 and late 2007 all omit the Pan-Malay rhetoric and
Islamic phrases of the version distributed in April 1965. The Proklamasi versions are
written in Bahasa Indonesia (both in spelling and style) – while the Pernyataan
Kemerdekaan is in the Bahasa Melayu of that time. Further, the shorter Timor
Post/TIME Timor and Annex V Proklamasi versions refer to “Kemerdekaan Timor
Timur” (Independence of East Timor) – but the use of the term, “Timor Timur” (ie
East Timor), did not appear in the URT-D’s principal documents until Balikh’s
“Constitution” of 1975.1032 More generally, the expression “Timor Timur” was not
popularised until late 1975. Perhaps most importantly, the version of the Declaration
of Independence distributed in April 1965 had a subscription block of “Acting
President of the Central Presidium … A. Mao Klao, 9 April 1961”. The Timor
Post/TIME Timor Proklamasi version of November 2004/November 2007 and the
Annex V Proklamasi version made available to the author in August 2006 are signed
by the “Panglima Tertinggi ((ie Supreme Commander))… Mao Klao MSA Balikh – 9
April 1961” and counter-signed by “Atase Militer ((ie Military Attache)) Emanuel
Mau Bere.”1033 This appears to be the only occasion where the name “Mao Klao” is
formally and directly attributed in URT-D documents to “M.S.A. Balikh.” In
interviews in December 2004 and August 2006, Balikh did not mention that Emanuel
Mau Bere was present at Batugadé on 9 April 1961 – ie when the Timor Post/TIME
Timor and Annex V Proklamasi versions of the Declaration was purportedly signed,
including allegedly by Emanuel Mau Bere as “Military Attache”. However, in the
TIME Timor interview of November 2007, Balikh asserts that Emanuel Maubere and
Simon Serang Pria were with him at Batugadé on 9 April 1961. Further, the Timor
Post/TIME Timor and 2006 Annex V versions of the Declaration/Proklamasi appear
on URT-D letterhead paper of a style first noted as used for URT-D pronouncements
in April 1967 (see Annex L) – ie several years after 1961. In summary, the 2004
Timor Post/2007 TIME Timor and the 2006 Annex V “short” Proklamasi versions of
the Declaration/Proclamation “promoted” by Balikh are not the “original” document
purportedly signed in Batugadé in 1961. These Proklamasi versions were almost
certainly “bogus” and constructed by M.S.A. Balikh since the late 1960s - most
probably in the early 2000s (ie after his return to Dili), for purposes of “self-
promotion” ie for acknowledgement and possible engagement in the nascent political
processes then emerging in Dili.
It is almost certain that the URT-D was an initiative of the All-Malay Race
Union (AMRU) in Jakarta in the very late 1950s/early1960. Mulwan Shah, the
AMRU founder, appears to have used a Timorese name – that of “Abdullah Mao
Klao”, for the URT-D’s nominal, and notional, President; and he possibly
appropriated the name “Mao Klao” from the recently-arrived M.S.A. Balikh in order
to give the movement a Timorese character. However, it is not yet fully certain that
M.S.A. Balikh was called “Mao Klao” at birth – see footnote 773.
It is also important to note that URT-D letters and pronouncements issued
before mid-1972 were written with a Bahasa Melayu style and spelling (see footnote
700) – evidencing the influence, and almost certainly the control, of the AMRU over
the URT-D. Further, the “Islamic bias” evidenced by the URT-D’s declared office
holders - and the language and tone of their pronouncements, indicates little realistic
understanding of the native cultures in Portuguese Timor or the prospects for effective
promotion and proselytising of the URT-D cause in the Province.
During his early years in Jakarta as a student (beginning in 1958), the young
Balikh probably had only a very minor role in the URT-D. It is also useful to note
that, in several discussions in Dili with the author in the period 2004-2008, M.S.A.
Balikh had only a very limited knowledge of URT-D formal pronouncements and
documents. During interviews with the aged and frail Balikh in Dili in December
2004 and January 2005, Balikh appeared unaware of several early URT-D
proclamations and statements eg the announcements of the Liberation Bureau (10
December 1960), the “new” Cabinet (4 April 1963), Cabinet changes (2 November
1964), and the Petition to the United Nations (9 December 1964). He did state
however that he was vaguely aware of the “Peace on Earth” declaration (19 December
1964). For all the URT-D documents mentioned immediately above that include
“Mao Klao” in the signature block, Balikh claimed that “other people used my name”.
Further, in the June 1963 announcement of the URT-D Military Council, while “Mao
Klao” appears as the General Chairman, Balikh is also listed separately as a the Chief
of the General Staff (as “M.S. Pakkeh”). Importantly, Balikh did not appear to possess
a copy of the “longer” and “official” version of the URT-D Declaration of
Independence (ie Annex J and O). In summary, he was only familiar with those URT-
D and associated documents that he provided to the author in late 2004 (marked with
an asterisk ie * in the following Bibliography) and documents that he provided to the
Timor Post and TIME Timor.
It is therefore almost certain that another person (ie other than M.S.A. Balikh)
led the URT-D movement in its early years – using the appropriated Timorese
221
appellation of “Mao Klao” for pronouncements. This was almost certainly Mulwan
Shah – and later Alamsyah Hasibuan.
Despite M.S.A. Balikh’s assertions, it is also yet to be confirmed that Balikh
participated in any “Declaration of Independence” and “flag-raising” activity in the
Batugadé area in April 1961 – even if such an event did occur (which itself still needs
corroboration). Rather, Balikh appears to only have come to some prominence in May
1968 - by which time he had apparently been appointed as the Head of the URT-D’s
Struggle Delegation in Jakarta.1034 A “split” appears to have occurred in the URT-D
in the early-mid 1970s – with Alamsyah Hasibuan and Analessy (see footnotes 820,
919) heading one group, and Balikh heading the other. As related earlier, a senior
Bakin officer stated that the “split” in the URT-D occurred in 1972 between the “Pan
Malay/AMRU” and Timorese groups (see footnote 967) – however, the
Bakin/Australian Embassy report appears mistaken in crediting the “Malay splinter
group” for the URT-D letter of 19 December 1975 signed by M.S.A. Balikh – and by
implication, Balikh’s call on the Australian Embassy on 23 December 1975.
The split in the URT-D is clearly evidenced in Hasibuan’s attempted approach
in December 1972, as “Mao Klao”, to a Papua New Guinea Minister visiting Jakarta
(as related at page 162) – and the URT-D documents offered by Alamsyah Hasibuan
at that time excluded Balikh (as “M.S. Pakkeh”) as well as Balikh’s associates from
positions in the URT-D hierarchy.
Later, in May 1975, Balikh apparently attempted to take formal control of the
URT-D movement, signing the document that appointed him as Prime Minister – ie
additional to his position as Head of the Struggle Delegation in Jakarta. Soon after, he
drafted a somewhat amateurish Constitution for the “Union of the Republic of East
Timor” – although the status and the extent of this document’s dissemination is
unclear. The principals in Balikh’s Timorese URT-D group appear to have been
Emanuel Maubere (or “Mau Bere”) and Simon Serang Prya/Pria – ie the regular co-
signatories, with Balikh, on several URT-D documents in the mid-1970s. Importantly,
Indonesian intelligence records reportedly suggest that Mulwan Shah and Emanuel
Mau Bere were still principals in the URT-D in late 1975 and organised the calls on
embassies in Jakarta in late December 1975 – although, as noted above, Balikh called
on the Australian Embassy at that time also. The “open” document1035 distributed
during those calls included Balikh’s signature – but as the “Cabinet Secretary,
Minister of State/Head of the Struggle Delegation.” A review of the Kopkamtib
release-from-detention document1036 shows that Mulwan Shah was detained for a
month longer than Balikh – probably indicating Mulwan Shah’s greater involvement
as a founder, principal - or at least éminence grise, of the URT-D. Alamsyah
Hasibuan appears to have avoided arrest in Jakarta in early 1976 – for reasons that are
not yet clear. He may have left the URT-D movement earlier, avoided arrest in early
1976 – ie “fled” as claimed by Balikh, or perhaps collaborated with the Indonesian
authorities.1037
1034
See footnotes 788, 789 – the circular - congratulating Indonesian Foreign Minister Adam Malik on
his visit to the “Pacific Regions”, has a signature block of “MSA. Balikh B.A. (see Annex M).
1035
Pendirian Uni Republik Timor (Dilly) (Standpoint of the United Republic Timor (Dilly) ), Batugade
– through “Jl Kernolong Dalam IV/16, Kramat IV, Jakarta”, 19 December 1975 (footnote 965).
1036
Laksus, Kopkamtib – Daerah Jakarta Raya dan Sekitarnya. Surat Keputusan - Nomor Skep-
24/PK/VII/1976, Jakarta, 11 August 1976. It is highly unlikely that as many as “300” URT-D members
and supporters were arrested by Indonesian security authorities in early 1976 as claimed by Balikh.
1037
Alamsyah Hasibuan’s subsequent activities from the mid-1970s are not known to the author. On 20
December 2005, 83 year-old Kari Sutan Hasibuan Bin Tk. Alamsyah Hasibuan (of Lubuk Bunut, South
Tapanuli, North Sumatra) died of a heart attack while on a Haj pilgrimage in Medina, Saudi Arabia –
222
A small number of PIDE reports in the 1960s (see also footnote 674) link
“Silvestre Martins Nai Buti Seço”1038 – of Ermera and Atambua, with the “URT-D” in
West Timor. However, it is highly likely that Silvester Martins’organisation was
but it is not clear whether he was the Alamsyah Hasibuan prominent in the URT-D (footnotes 770, 774,
782, 783, 795, 796, 799, 802, 816, 818, 820, 895, 905, 1027, and 1031).
1038
For background on Silvester/Silvestre Martins Nai Buti (Seço) - see footnotes 524, 671, 674, 681-
690, 716, 721, 728 and 764. The photograph above of Silvester Nai Buti’s tombstone was provided by
Shigehito Takahashi.
223
quite separate to the Jakarta-based “Mao Klao” URT-D – and that PIDE officers have
mistakenly confused and conflated the two organisations ie naming Martins’
organisation as the “URT-D” or as associated with the URT-D. With its Islamic and
Pan-Malay emphases, it is quite unlikely that the URT-D would be welcomed by
Silvester Martins’ Christian Kemac-based group. As noted earlier, when queried by
the author in Dili on 27 October 2008, M.S.A. Balikh (“Mao Klao”) had no
knowledge of Silvester Martins Nai Buti or of any Indonesian-supported anti-
Portuguese operations in the border area in the early-mid 1960s.
No confirmatory press coverage has been noted of Silvester Martins’ PIDE-
reported visit to Jakarta in June 1963 leading a delegation of elders - and accompanied
by Brigadier General Andi Rivai (footnote 684). However, Silvester Martins’ son –
Fransiskus Nai Buti, has confirmed that Silvester Martins did receive a “directive”
from the Indonesian military “High Command” (ie KOTI) and met “face-to-face”
with President Sukarno (see footnote 685). Accordingly, it seems certain that Silvester
Martins was directed by TNI/ABRI and was probably the Timorese element of their
limited covert operations against Portuguese Timor in the early-mid 1960s (see
footnotes 657-658, 669-671, 681-690, 691-693, 709, 713-722, 726-732).
The anti-Portuguese activities of Silvester Martins Nai Buti in West Timor in
the 1960s merit further research and analysis.
The Codes Timde Memorandum of May 1974 supported both Apodeti and the
ASDT (ie later to become Fretilin), but the Codes Timde Note of July 1974 supported
only Apodeti. Accordingly, there may have been some association between Codes
Timde and Apodeti in mid-late 1974 – noting that the Apodeti President, Arnaldo dos
Reis Araújo, was in Jakarta in the period June-October 1974; and the Apodeti
Secretary General, José Fernando Osório Soares, was in Jakarta for a period in
October-November 1974. The standard of the three Codes Timde documents
reviewed (ie the Memorandum, Note and Statement of Support) is quite poor – in
terms of both expression and political knowledge/“savvy”. Accordingly, it appears
that Codes Timde may not initially have had any substantive official mentoring or
assistance from Indonesian Government agencies in Jakarta. However, the call by two
Codes Timde principals on Foreign Minister Adam Malik on 19 November 1974 –
and their reported calls on other officials, may have been an Indonesian initiative to
establish something like an “expatriate youth wing” for Apodeti – that was later
abandoned by Jakarta.
Indonesian Involvement
From the early 1950s to the early 1970s, any liberation or incorporation of
Portuguese Timor into the Republic of Indonesia was not a principal pre-occupation
for Jakarta. Separatist challenges from Darul Islam, Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS –
Republic of the South Moluccas) and the PRRI/Permesta movement were followed
by the Indonesian campaign to incorporate Netherlands New Guinea/West Irian. From
late 1962, the “Crush Malaysia” Konfrontasi campaign was the priority – and this was
followed by the internal political and economic traumas after the attempted Gestapu
“communist” coup of 30 September 1965. However, throughout these years, Jakarta
does appear, at times, to have involved itself in somewhat desultory and “half-
hearted” activities against Portuguese Timor.
The earliest suggestion of Indonesian activity related in this work – ie the
allegedly sponsored, but covert, attendance of representatives from Portuguese Timor
at the 1955 Bandung Conference, relies on two sources: the Indonesian journalist
Peter Rohi who has claimed that three Timorese youth did attend the Conference1039;
and Marcelino António Fausto Guterres, one of the three youths – but who has
declared that, although completing the travel modalities with the Indonesian Consul,
the three did not travel to Bandung in 19551040. These two versions of events have yet
to be satisfactorily resolved. However, it is likely that the Rohi-published version of
“attendance in Bandung” was either:
• knowingly “embroidered” in 1996 by Peter Rohi as an element of an
Indonesian campaign to fabricate an earlier history of association
between Indonesia and young “independentists” in Portuguese Timor
(see footnotes 136 and 558);
• Rohi was misled by Marcelino who, in 1996, claimed falsely to Rohi
that the three Timorese had attended the Bandung Conference – and
that Marcelino, on his return, had been involved in clandestine activity
associated with the 1959 Rebellion.
1039
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – an
interview with Marcelino (a purported “youth observer” in Bandung), Venilale (East Timor), 1996 –
see footnotes 136, 138 and 141.
1040
As clarified in the author’s interviews with Marcelino Guterres in Dili and Baucau in April and
June 2007 – see footnote 138.
225
• In 1963-1964 one and 1,000 Pataca currency notes, dated “July 1964”
– with Bahasa Melayu spelling, were produced by/for the URT-D.
These were markedly more sophisticated items that any preceding
URT-D declaratory material – and may have been produced for the
URT-D by an Indonesian intelligence agency.1041
• An Indonesian academic, Harry Tjan Silalahi of CSIS - with close
links to Indonesian intelligence, admitted in mid-1974 that Indonesia
“had a clandestine operation of some sort going in Portuguese Timor
during Confrontation.”
• In mid-August 1965, President Sukarno publicly stated “Indonesia
continues to actively support the independence struggles of the peoples
of … ((including)) Portuguese Timor.”
• In late 1965, there were reports of Indonesia using tribes near the
border in Indonesian Timor to support subversive activities in
Portuguese Timor.
From 1966 however, the New Order regime of General Soeharto seems to
have had little interest in Portuguese Timor - until the early-mid 1970s.
Apodeti Preferred
1041
Regrettably, to date little is known about these URT-D currency notes - ie their provenance,
denominations, purpose or distribution.
1042
Including, from the early 1970s, the use of the Islamic calendar for dates on URT-D documents - ie
together with the “Western” calendar.
1043
The majority of the Timorese population were “tribal animists”. In 1973, the Roman Catholic
community in Portuguese Timor was assessed as 27.3 percent of the population – but its influence was
wider (see footnote 609). On Islam in Portuguese Timor, see the earlier footnotes 113, 445 and 446. A
later assessment indicates that Muslims comprised less than 0.5 percent of the population – almost all
in towns on the north coast, including a small “Arab” community of about 500 living in western Dili
(Kampung Alor) - see Aditjondro, G.J., Menyongsong Matahari Terbit Di Puncak Ramelau, 2000,
pp.217-220. A review of eleven URT-D documents that list members of their assemblies and councils
indicates that the names of 34 percent were Islamic/Malay ie 69 of 203; and 8 of the 12 detained by
Kopkamtib in Jakarta in early 1976 had Islamic/Malay names – see footnote 978.
227
Tomás Gonçalves – the son of Guilherme Gonçalves ie the liurai of Atsabe (Ermera),
had met with visiting Indonesian officers in Atsabe and planned for an Apodeti armed
force “if necessary”– and was joined by “about 110” Apodeti members in November
1974 who commenced training with ABRI in West Timor in early December
(footnotes 875-879). Guilherme Gonçalves “provided a significant power base for the
party”1044 and was “not only the leader of the Atsabe Kemak group but had extensive
marriage alliance ties with groups within the former kingdom of Atsabe and with
groups allied with the former kingdom – thus his ties extended to the Northern Tetun
and Bunaq ethnic groups on both sides of the border, as well as with other Kemak
groups in Ainaro and Bobonaro districts, and also with southern Tetun groups on both
sides of the border.”1045
Apodeti’s policies sought integration with Indonesia1046 – but with an
autonomous status. Any such autonomy however was rejected by Indonesia in late
1974 – but Apodeti’s policy remained one of integration. While Apodeti was
numerically the weakest of the three major Timorese parties – both in member
numbers and assessed support, it did offer Jakarta a far more viable and exploitable
foothold in the politics of Portuguese Timor than the very few and Jakarta-centric
Timorese expatriates and the Pan-Maly non-Timorese of the URT-D.1047
Indonesian officials had found the URT-D increasingly annoying –
particularly its vexatious criticisms of Indonesia’s policy towards Portuguese Timor
and the URT-D’s complaints of the Indonesian lack of support for the URT-D (eg see
footnotes 892, 898, 901-905 and 965). Indonesian annoyance was evidenced by Ali
Alatas’ comments to the senior Australian Embassy official in Jakarta in November
1974 – as well as the reported negative remarks on the URT-D by General Ali
Moertopo and Harry Tjan Silalahi.
The URT-D’s final attempts to involve itself in a settlement in Timor ie: the
denouncement of the three major political parties in Portuguese Timor in August 1975
(footnotes 929, 930); “post-invasion” calls on embassies in Jakarta in late December
1975 (footnotes 965, 970-971) – including the Embassy of the USSR; and apparent
difficulties arising during their participation in a delegation meeting the UN’s
Winspeare Guicciardi in January 1976 (footnotes 972-973) - all exhausted Jakarta’s
patience. Under the rubric of the Peristiwa/Kasus (Affair/Case) Uni Republik Timor,
the URT-D’s leaders and cadre were arrested by the Indonesian authorities in early
1976, put on trial and detained for several months – effectively ending the movement.
Resurrection ?
1044
Chega ! , CAVR Final Report, Part 3, para 80.
1045
Molnar, A.K., East Timor: An Introduction to the History, Politics and Culture of Southeast Asia’s
Youngest Nation, Northern Illinois University, May 2005.
1046
The Apodeti political party also cited the “1959 Viqueque Rebellion” – with its pro-Indonesia
connotations, as Apodeti’s “progenitor” – see Rusdie, H., et al, op.cit., Perjuangan …, March 1997 and
preceding footnotes 860 and 865-867.
1047
For a discussion of Apodeti’s strength, see Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, 2002, op.cit., pp.
75-78. A comprehensive discussion of Jakarta’s selection of Apodeti is contained in Fernandes, M. S.,
A União da República de Timor (URT): o primeiro movimento nacionalista timorense 1960-1974,
op.cit., 2003.
228
More recently, in October 2007, the TIME Timor article on M.S.A. Balikh –
including his “Declaration I” - has appeared on an Internet blogsite favoured by
young expatriate Timorese. This exposure may engender further reference to, and
discussion of, the Uni Republik Timor - and Balikh as “Mao Klao”.
A Future History
1048
For reported Fretilin and UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union)
positive attitudes towards the 1959 Rebellion as a “formative influence” – see footnote 511.
1049
Romain Rolland, 1866-1944 - Nobel Prize for Literature 1915. xxxxx
1050
Examples include: Abílio de Araújo (footnote 550 – written in 1977); Francisco Xavier do Amaral
(footnotes 412 and 413); and Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão (footnote 511). See also Nicolau Lobato’s
comment in May 1975 at footnote 1011.
1051
Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e Watocarbau”, Porto, 5 Junho de
2009, p.6 – quoted earlier at page 117 and footnote 603.
229
----------------------------------------------------
1052
Leach, M., “East Timor – History on the Line …”, History Workshop Journal, Spring 2006, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, p.235.
1053
The 1959 Rebellion was included a topic for the Timor-Leste Studies Association research
conference “Understanding Timor Leste” at the University of Timor-Lorosae (2-3 July 2009) and a
related History Workshop at the CAVR offices at Balide (4 July 2009).
230
F. Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de
1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto
(Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – in Portuguese (initialled/authenticated by
Evaristo da Costa, Salem Musalam Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da
Costa and Juman bin Basirun); see footnote 497. This document appears as
pp.15-17 in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-
Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at
Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005.
L. Menyambut hangat atas akan Merdeka Nya Papua dan New Guinea 1967 ini,
(Warmly welcoming the forthcoming Independence of Papua and New Guinea
in 1967), URT-D, Nr. III/Prespu-URT/IV/67, Batugadé, 2 April 1967 – in
Bahasa Melayu (see footnote 770). English translation by author
(Chamberlain) overpage.
Q. Timor Union Republic (Union of the Republic of Timor), (A-4 copy of the
original A-3 size map of Timor Island with inserted photograph of “A. Mao
Klao”) – see footnote 809 for the covering letter dated 22 December 1972.
W. Surat Pernyataan I (Letter of Declaration I), Mau Klao M.S.A. Balich (sic),
Gugleur – Maubara, 19 April 2007 (see footnote 984). In Bahasa Indonesia
English translation by author (Chamberlain) overpage. Included in an article in
TIME Timor, No.10, Tahun II, October 2007, Dili, p.49 (see footnote 986).
------------------------------------------------------------
233
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Damai Di Bumi – Selamat Natal & Tahun Baru 1 January 1965 (Peace on Earth –
Merry Christmas and Happy New Year 1 January 1965), Batugadé, 19 December
1964 - in Bahasa Melayu and English.
Constitution, Batugade, 4 May 1965 (see Fernandes, M.S., 2005, op.cit., pp. 385-386
and footnote 92 – the text of the Constitution, in English, is included at pp. 428-429
Anexo V) – as provided to Lisbon by the Portuguese Consulate in Jakarta on 18
September 1965.
similar to the Proklamasi document immediately above that appeared in the Timor
Post of 25 November 2004 and TIME Timor magazine of November 2007.
One Pataca TIMOR ((Bank Note)), Uni Republik Timor, 16-7-64 – in Bahasa
Melayu – as printed in “Mimpi Yang Berani” (A Brave Dream) within “Perbatasan –
Teriakan Nona Abaiyah”, Tempo, Th IV, No 51, Jakarta, 22 February 1975, pp. 9-10.
Menyambut hangat atas akan Merdeka Nya Papua dan New Guinea 1967, (Warmly
welcoming the forthcoming Independence of Papua and New Guinea in 1967), URT-
D, Nr. III/Prespu-URT/IV/67, Batugadé, 2 April 1967 – in Bahasa Melayu.
Pernyataan Sambutan - Menyambut Missi Adam Malic kembali dengan succes dari
Pacific - (Congratulatory Statement - Welcoming Adam Malik on his Return from a
Successful Mission in the Pacific), Number 019/PP-URT/VI/68, URT-D, Djakarta, 26
April 1968 – in Bahasa Melayu (signature block “MSA Balikh B.A.”).
Ucapan turut terimakasih atas kemurahan hati Kerajaan Inggris yang telah dengan
rela memberikan Kemerdekaan Penoh [sic] kepada Negara Kepulauan Tonga di
Pacific (Expression of thanks to the British Empire its generosity in freely granting
full independence to the Tongan Islands in the Pacific), Number: 00436/Prespu-
URT/VI/1970, Jakarta, 8 June 1970 – in Bahasa. This letter to Queen Elizabeth II was
signed by Alamsyah Hasibuan as “Mao Klao”.
Ucapan terimakasih atas kemurahan hati Kerajaan Inggris yang telah dengan rela
memberikan Kemerdekaan Penoh [sic] kepada Negara Kepulauan Fiji di Pacific
(Expression of thanks to the British Empire for freely granting full independence to
the Fiji Islands in the Pacific), Number: 0460/Prespu-URT/X/1970, Jakarta, 12
October 1970 – in Bahasa. This letter to Queen Elizabeth II was signed by Alamsyah
Hasibuan as “Mao Klao”.
Support for, and recognition of, the establishment of friendly relations with the free
state of Fiji, (to H.E. Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, Prime Minister of Fiji), Batugadé, 12
October 1970 – English translation.
* Ceccatto, G.N., SO 215/1 PORT, United Nations, New York, 15 March 1971 (letter
from the United Nations Division of Human Rights to “Mr Mao Klao” acknowledging
his letter of 12 October 1970). This letter was also included in “Proklamasi Timor
Leste Sebenarnya Sudah Terjadi Pada Tahun 1961 ?” (“Did Timor-Leste’s
Proclamation Occur in 1961 ?”), TIME Timor, No 10, Tahun II, October 2007, p.49.
Formasi Presidium Pusat Uni Republic Timor – Period ke II: 9 April 1969 – 9 April
1977, 9 April 1969 – in Bahasa Melayu (copy issued in December 1972).
Dewan Pemerintah Pusat Uni Republic Timor – Period ke VI: 9 April 1971 – 9 April
1973, 11 June 1972 – in Bahasa Melayu (copy issued in December 1972).
Formasi Dewan Militer Uni Republic Timor – Period ke III: 11 June 1972 – 10 June
1975, 11 June 1972 – in Bahasa Melayu (copy issued in December 1972).
Timor Union Republic (A-3 size map of Timor Island showing “Capital De Union
Republic” at “Batugadé” – with inserted photograph of “A. Mao Klao”) – in
Portuguese and Bahasa (copy issued in December 1972).
* Uchapan Selamat, dan kerjasama Timor dan Indonesia, dalam rangka Keluarga
Bangsa Malayu yang Besar (Greetings and Cooperation between Timor and Indonesia
within the Framework of the Greater Malay Family of Nations) – to Sultan
Hamengkobuwono IX Vice President of Indonesia, No. 004/BAW/PP-
236
The Composition of the Central Government Council of the Union of the Republic of
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aW/Prespu-URT/1393H/1973M, Batugadé, 28 June 1973 – in English.
* Undang Undang Dasar – Uni Republik Timor Timur (Constitution – Union of the
Republic of East Timor), Jakarta, 22 July 1975 - in Bahasa Indonesia (with covering
“preamble” letter with signature block: M S A Balikh - provided to the author in
December 2004 by M.S.A. Balikh).
* Pimpinan Ketiga Partai Politik Di Timor Dilly (To the Leaders of the Three
Political Parties in Timor Dilly), No. 0127/PP-URTD/VIII/15, Jakarta, 22 August
1975 - in Bahasa Indonesia (signed by MSA Balikh BA - provided to the author in
December 2004 by M.S.A. Balikh).
Pendirian Uni Republik Timor (Dilly) (Standpoint of the United Republic Timor
(Dilly)), Batugadé – through “Jl Kernolong Dalam IV/16, Kramat IV, Jakarta”, 19
December 1975 – in Bahasa Indonesia (signed by Emanuel Mau Bere, A. Bakhra B,
M S A Balikh).
Surat Pernyataan I (Letter of Declaration I), Mau Klao M.S.A. Balich, Gugleur –
Maubara, Timor Leste, 19 April 2007 – in Bahasa Indonesia. A copy was included in
the article “Proklamasi Timor Leste Sebenarnya Sudah Terjadi Pada Tahun 1961 ?”
237
(“Did Timor-Leste’s Proclamation Occur in 1961 ?”), TIME Timor, No.10, Tahun II,
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