WOMAN’S SUFFRAGE AND IDA CHALLISS MARTIN

Ernst F. Tonsing, Ph.D.

Thousand Oaks, California
November 10, 2006

I. INTRODUCTION.

The Los Angeles Times of September 29, 2001, contained an article that made my
jaw drop.1 It reported that the Olathe resident and GOP incumbent candidate for the
Kansas State Senate, Kay O’Connor, thought that the 19th Amendment giving women the
right to vote in the United States was a bad idea. The 59-year-old office seeker told the
Johnson County League of Women Voters that she could not celebrate the enactment of
the amendment in 1920. “I think the 19th Amendment, while it's not an evil in and of
itself, is a symptom of something I don't approve of," she said. "The 19th Amendment is
around because men weren't doing their jobs, and I think that's sad. I believe the man
should be the head of the family. The woman should be the heart of the family.” She
continued, “We have a society that does tear families apart.” When questioned about her
views about women’s suffrage, O’Connor responded: "I am who I am. You don't have to
agree with everything I say." I wonder what our ancestor, Ida Challiss Martin, wife of
Kansas Governor John A. Martin (1884-1889), would have thought of this? Not much, I
am sure!

II. WOMAN’S SUFFRAGE IN AMERICA.

The history of woman’s suffrage is a rather disheartening story. It consisted of a

few advances along with great steps backwards. The first step towards a more
meaningful role for women in America was when Anne Hutchinson was convicted of
sedition and was expelled from the Massachusetts Colony because of her religious ideas.2
The Society of Friends, called Quakers, had many women who were prominent leaders.
One of them, Mary Dyer, was hanged for preaching in Boston in 1660.3 During the
second Continental Congress, Abigail Adams urged her husband to “remember the
ladies” as he wrote the American code of law.4 Even though the colony of New Jersey
granted the vote to “all free inhabitants,” it was subsequently withdrawn for women in
1807 by a movement spearheaded by a man who had nearly lost in the ballot of ten years
before because of the opposition by women to his election.5

1
Los Angeles Times (September 29, 2001).
2
Eleanor Flexner, Century of Struggle: The Woman’s Rights Movement in the United States, Revised
Edition (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1959, 1975), 9-12.
3
Flexner, 11-2.
4
Flexner, 15.
5
Flexner, 146. The right to vote in New Jersey was extended only to parts of the state.
 It was in 1829 that the first woman was able to go on a paid lecture tour. The
author, Frances Wright, took the opportunity to castigate the churches for limiting women
to a second-rate status, and argued for divorce and birth control in order to enable women
to make their contributions to society.6 A movement was organized after abolitionists,
Lucretia Mott7 and Elizabeth Cady Stanton,8 went to London to attend the World Anti-
Slavery Convention. However, they were stopped from entering the hall because they
were women. Stunned, they returned to America and resolved to hold a woman’s rights
convention. Over three hundred people attended the first meeting at Seneca Falls, New
York, in 1848. Lucretia Mott’s husband, James Mott, presided, and a “Declaration of
Sentiments” authored by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, was passed. This document formed the
plan for the subsequent work of the group.9

Another meeting followed in Rochester, New York, and two years later, in Salem,
Ohio. The first National Woman’s Rights Convention was held in 1850 in Worcester,
Massachusetts. It was attended by notables such as Paulina Wright Davis, Abby Kelly
Foster, William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass, Lucy Stone, and Sojourner Truth.10
The next year at a woman’s rights convention in Akron, Ohio, Sojourner Truth delivered
the remarkable speech, “Ain’t I a Woman?”11 As the movement gained momentum, a
second, National Woman’s Rights Convention was held in 1851 in Worcester
Massachusetts. It received the endorsement of many notables who were present, such as
the educator, Horace Mann, the New York Tribune reporter Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and
America’s most well known preacher, the Rev. Harry Ward Beecher. However, at the
1853 World’s Fair in New York City, the meeting of suffragists in the Broadway
Tabernacle was disrupted by “hissing, yelling, stamping, and all manner of unseemly
interruptions.”

Along with the anti-slavery movement, the suffrage movement developed an early
relationship to the temperance movement. However, at the 1853 World’s Temperance
Convention in New York City, Susan B. Anthony and the Rev. Antoinette Brown were
not allowed to speak, and the women delegates were excluded.12 During the Civil War of
1861-65, these issues were set aside in the effort to fight the war. Yet, soon after, in
1866, the Eleventh National Woman’s Rights Convention was conducted in New York
City. At it, Lucretia Mott presided, and, merging with the American Anti-Slavery
Association, the American Equal Rights Association was formed. It is strange today to

6
Flexner, 27.
7
Flexner, 71.
8
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Eighty Years and More: Reminiscences 1813-1897 (New York: Schoken,
1971), 79 ff.
9
Flexner, 74 f.
10
Flexner, 80-1.
11
Sojourner Truth (1795-1883), a slave born in New York State, became an outspoken antislavery figure
after she gained her freedom in 1827. Her speech in 1851 at a woman’s rights convention in Akron, Ohio,
was dramatic, turning the arguments of the men present upon themselves. Frances Gage, in her History of
Woman Suffrage gives the text of the speech and its impact, as does Flexner, 90 ff.
12
Flexner, 144.
think that, in 1867, the delegates at the American Equal Rights Association were deeply
divided over the issue whether Black men should receive the vote before women.13

During the 1870’s, two sensational events focused the attention of the United
States on woman suffrage. The first was the arrest of suffrage movement leader, Susan
B. Anthony, for voting in the presidential election of 1872. Born in 1820 in
Massachusetts to a Quaker family with a long history of social activism, she was an
aggressive and inspiring crusader for justice and morality, active in the anti-slavery
movement, advocating that women be admitted to the professions and be given better pay
as teachers, calling for equal educational opportunities for all regardless of sex or race,
and advocating the revolutionary idea of eight-hour days and equal pay for equal work.
She also strongly backed temperance, but was not allowed to speak at the temperance
rallies because she was a woman. After meeting Elizabeth Cady Stanton in 1852,
Anthony dedicated her life to woman suffrage.14

But, Anthony’s arrest had been anticipated by several attempts to gain the vote for
women. One effort had occurred in April, 1871, when Fredrick Douglass and sixty-four
women were turned away from the voting booth while attempting to register in
Washington, D.C. Then, in 1872, on one of her campaigns, Anthony, her three sisters
and other women (and even the election officials) were arrested in Rochester, New York,
for voting in the Presidential election. She refused to pay bail and appealed for habeas
corpus, to have her case brought to court. In order to keep the case out of the Supreme
Court, her lawyer paid the bail. She was then indited in Albany, but the Rochester
District Attorney requested a change of venue, saying that the jury would have been
prejudiced in her favor. At her trial in Canandaigua, the jury was instructed by the judge
to find her guilty without discussion. She was fined one hundred dollars and the
courtroom fees, but she did not pay them, and forfeited her right to appeal the ruling.

This caused great excitement, and the event was reported in the principal papers
of the nation. I am sure that Ida Challiss Martin followed the progress of Susan B.
Anthony closely in her husband’s newspaper, the Champion, and she would have been
inspired by the courage of these women.

The second event that caught the attention of the United States was the suffrage
demonstrations at the July, 1876, Centennial Celebration in Philadelphia of the
Declaration of Independence. This national celebration was to be a joyous
commemoration of American independence from England’s oppression and “taxation
without representation” of the colonies. As women were bared from the stage during the
ceremonies, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslin Cage wrote a
“Declaration of the Rights of Women.” Despite being rejected by the committee in
charge of the event, Anthony, Cage and three other women obtained passes to the
platform, but were bared from speaking. Still, they had a plan. After the dramatic
reading of the “Declaration of Independence,” they stood up, and one of them handed a

13
Flexner, 146 f.
14
Kathleen Barry, Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of a Singular Feminist (New York: New York
University, 1988), 63 ff.
copy of their own Declaration to the Vice President pro tempore of the United States
Senate, Thomas Ferry, a supporter of woman’s rights. He stood and received the
document, bowing deeply while the rest of the women walked out of the hall, tossing
copies to the assembly as they passed through the aisles. Once outside, Anthony read the
Declaration from a deserted musicians’ platform and distributed more copies.15

It is intriguing to note that seated on that platform during the 1876 Centennial
Celebration was one of the Vice Presidents in charge of the committee for the
commemoration, the representative from the state of Kansas, John A. Martin. No doubt,
the event was a startling reminder that while the Declaration of Independence proclaimed
freedom from oppression by England and the right of men to conduct their own affairs, it
disenfranchised not only slaves, but one half of the population of the United States. It
would be interesting to know what Martin, when he returned to his home in Atchison,
told his wife, Ida, about this incident during the ceremonies, and what was her reaction.

III. WOMAN’S SUFFRAGE IN KANSAS.

Woman’s suffrage in Kansas became an issue very early in the state shortly after
the Civil War. In the spring of 1867, the Kansas Legislature passed two amendments,
one enfranchising black males, and the other women, to be ratified by the people of the
state. This was the first opportunity in the United States to pass a suffrage bill for
women. Just as the Territory had been the battleground for the states in the 1850’s
between free state settlers and slave state settlers, so the state was to take the lead in
extending full suffrage to all its citizens.16

Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton urged Lucy Stone, along with her
husband, Henry Blackwell, to crusade in the state. When they began, the response
initially was favorable, even among the Republican newspapers.17 When Lucy Stone left
to return to the east in May, Anthony and Cady Stanton came in August to take up where
Stone had left off, they found the circumstances had changed, and that the state’s
Republicans had rallied against woman’s suffrage in order to assure that black males
would be enfranchised.18 The two women did what they could to rally support, speaking
in every gathering that would have them. Cady Stanton relates that, riding with ex-
Governor Charles Robinson:

15
Eleanor Felxner, Century of Struggle: The Woman’s Rights Movement in the United States, revised
edition (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959, 1975), 173-4. Sally Roesch Wagner, A Time
of Protest: Suffragists Challenge the Republic: 1870-1887 (Sacramento, California: Spectrum
Publications, 1987), 71 ff. Barry, 268 ff.
16
Lois W. Banner, Elizabeth Cady Stanton: A Radical for Woman’s Rights (Boston: Little, Brown and
Company, 1980), 98-9.
17
I have not been able to examine the Champion of Atchison, Kansas, during this year. However, I would
imagine that the editor, John A. Martin, would have followed the party line in this issue, especially given
his attitude later in the 1880’s.
18
Banner, 99.
 We had a low, easy carriage, drawn by two mules, in which we stored
about a bushel of tracts, two valises, a pail for watering the mules, a basket
of apples, crackers, and other such refreshments as we could purchase on
the way. Some things were suspended underneath the carriage, some
packed on behind, and some under the seat and at our feet…As we went to
the very verge of civilization, wherever two dozen voters could be
assembled, we had a taste of pioneer life. We spoke in log cabins, in
depots, unfinished school houses, churches, hotels, barns, and in the open
air.19

They took their food whenever it was available:

For days, sometimes, we could find nothing at a public table that we could
eat. Then passing through a little settlement we could buy dried herring,
crackers, gum arabic, and slippery elm; the latter, we were told, was very
nutritious. We frequently sat down to a table with bacon floating in
grease, coffee without milk, sweetened with sorghum, and bread or hot
biscuits, green with soda, while vegetables and fruit were seldom seen.20

It must have been a startling sight to see these women on the frontier, speaking where
they could:

I spoke in a large mill one night. A solitary tallow candle shown over my
head like a halo of glory; a few lanterns around the outskirts of the
audience made the darkness perceptible; but all I could see of my
audience was the whites of their eyes in the dim distance. People came
from twenty miles around to these meetings, held either in the morning,
afternoon, or evening, as was most convenient.21

The accommodations were what these women could barely endure, since they were
accustomed to the refinements of homes and hotels in the east. One evening, after
traveling over the prairie all day, they saw a light in a cottage and asked the inhabitants
for a night’s lodging. Invited in, after Cady Stanton looked at the beds and suspected
them infested with bedbugs, she resolved to sleep in the buggy.

I had just fallen into a gentile slumber, when a chorus of pronounced

grunts and a spasmodic shaking of the carriage revealed to me the fact that
I was surrounded by those long-nosed black pigs, so celebrated for their
courage and pertinacity. They had discovered that the iron steps of the
carriage made most satisfactory scratching posts, and each one was

19
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, Eighty Years and More: Reminiscences 1815-1897 (New York: Schocken
Books, 1971), 246.
20
Ibid., 248-9.
21
Ibid., 246.
 struggling for his turn. This scratching suggested fleas. Alas! thought I,
before morning, I shall be devoured.22

She grabbed a whip and tried to fend off the beasts, but they were very aggressive, and
nearly jumped into the carriage to attack her.

This thought was more terrifying than that of the fleas, so I decided to go
to sleep and let them alone to scratch at their pleasure. I had a sad night of
it, and never tried the carriage again, though I had many equally miserable
experiences within four walls.23

As Cady Stanton and Anthony traveled throughout the state, they were subjected
to sabotage from a former supporter, Wendell Phillips, who had gained control of the
finances donated to the formerly joined Abolitionist and Woman’s Suffrage movements
by a Boston merchant. He withdrew their funds, but they struggled on in their work.
Their heroic efforts came to naught when not only woman’s, but also black male’s
enfranchisement were rejected in the polls. Kansas had lost the opportunity to lead the
rest of the states, and this led to long series of defeats in other states.24

Kansas had the opportunity to lead the nation again twenty years later in 1887.25
On February 10th, the House of Representatives had approved the woman suffrage bill
making Kansas the first state in the nation to give municipal voting rights to women.
While national woman’s suffrage was a distant thirty-three years later (1920) when the
Nineteenth Amendment was added to the Constitution of the United States, the 1887
Kansas bill allowed women to vote in city and school elections and for school bonds, and
opened the possibilities for women to hold municipal offices.26 While uninvolved in the
politics of the state, Ida Martin wrote in her diary that on March 19th, 1887, she registered
as a voter. This terse entry and another on a conversation about voting on March 10th
(“Had a lovely discussion on voting” at a Mrs. Blair’s house), are unique, political notes
in her diary, which is filled with memos about her church, family, and other affairs of her
household. It is significant that Ida Martin thought these important enough to write them
down as milestones in that year.

Indeed, it was significant. The vote had not come easily. Even after the bill was
read in the House, member after member rose to speak against it. The Champion notes:
“The debate was one of the most remarkable ever known in Kansas. The members took
their texts from the Holy Scriptures, and from the pictures on the ceiling, and from every
department of nature and art, and all of history, sacred and profane.” 27 The Democratic
members in the House were almost solidly opposed to it.28 Yet, as the body was polled,

22
Ibidl, 248.
23
Ibid., 249.
24
Flexner, 178.
25
Ibid., 229.
26
James Small Owen, annalist, and Kirke Meche4m, editor, The Annals of Kansas 1886-1925, volume one
9Topeka, Kansas: Kansas State Historical Society, 1954), 31.
27
The Atchison Weekly Champion, Atchison, Kansas, February 19, 1887.
28
Ibid.
the approval was overwhelming: ninety-two for, twenty-two against, with one member
changing his vote from “nay” to “aye” after the roll call.29

Even after the successful approval in the Senate and House, male resistance to the
measure evoked sarcasm and threats. Luther Challiss, a prominent figure in Atchison
commented: “The cartoon in the GLOBE of Saturday represents women of the future
attending the City Council with their babies. I protest. When women become
councilmen they will leave their children at home with their husbands."30 Another
comment was: “A leading woman’s suffrage agitator (a woman, of course) asked a
citizen to-day for inside points concerning the two candidates for Mayor. ‘I don’t know
any inside points concerning either of them,’ the man said, ‘but if I did, I wouldn’t give
them away.’”31

Ed. Howe, editor of the Atchison Daily Globe quotes the condescending G. W.
Buckington approvingly: “All newspaper men should be in favor of female suffrage, for
it will put women in positions where they will be of great benefit to reporters. Suppose
Madame Blank is secretary of war, and a rumor gets abroad that she is about to resign;
all a reporter has to do is to approach her, compliment her on her good looks and learn
the facts without any circumlocution on her part.” In contrast to “close-mouthed men,” a
woman, “if properly approached by a handsome, well-dressed, diplomatic reporter like
myself, would have immediately given up all the facts, and the matter would have been
forgotten in two days. The women, owing to their inability to keep secrets, are the
reporters’ best friends, and we should never lose an opportunity to put in a good word in
favor of woman’s suffrage.”32 Fears that women soon would be serving in the military
also were voiced: “Now the women have a right to vote, we presume that ‘colonels’ and
‘Majors’ will soon develop among them.”33

Opposition also came from black males who had received full citizenship only a
little over two decades before. “Rev. Robt. Seymour, pastor of the colored Methodist
church, is strongly opposed to woman’s suffrage, and recently gave his people to
understand that he would not tolerate any such foolishness in the church. Mrs. Gougar
recently addressed the colored women in the colored Baptist church, advising them to
register for the coming election, but Mr. Seymour gives it out flat that he will not permit
any such foolishness in his church.”34

Three days later the following note appeared: “The official board of the Colored
Methodist church met recently, and resolved that no woman’s suffrage meetings should
be held in the church. It was further resolved that the men of the church use their
influence to keep the women from the ridiculousness of registration.”35 Male resistance
became ominous: “A colored man and his wife are engaged in a row over the question of
29
Atchison Daily Globe, February 11, 1887; The Atchison Weekly Champion, February 19, 1887.
30
Atchison Daily Globe, March 19, 1887.
31
Ibid., March 30, 1887.
32
Ibid., March 22, 1887.
33
Ibid., February 17, 1887.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid., March 22, 1887.
suffrage. They have already fought over registration, and the man says he will kill his
partner if she attempts to vote.”36

The suffrage bill had allowed women to vote, but now a great effort was needed
to move women to register. Churches offered their spaces for the campaign. Ida Martin
notes in her diary on March 18, that she heard a certain Mrs. Gougar give a lecture. The
Daily Globe announced the meeting: “Helen M. Gougar, the eloquent and persistent
advocate of woman’s suffrage, will deliver a free lecture in the Congregational Church
this evening. The people generally are respectfully invited.”37 The next day the
newspaper noted the size of the gathering: “The woman’s suffrage meeting at the
Congregational church last evening drew an immense crowd of ladies, and chairs had to
be carried into the church to seat them.”38 Other successful meetings were held, and the
papers revealed that Mayor Kelsey “became alarmed over the importance of the woman
vote, and has given notice that a woman clerk will be placed in the city clerk’s office, to
encourage registration.”39

By March 19th, the Daily Globe announced that one hundred and twelve women
had registered in Atchison, and added: “Among those who registered to-day was Mrs.
Governor Martin.”40 Eleven decades after this note was published one can hardly judge
the impact of these words, but, it was the spouse of the state’s governor who had come
forward, and her example carried weight. Ida Martin’s diary notes that she wrote a letter
to Mrs. Gougar. The Leavenworth Times printed that letter: “At your request I write to
inform you that I am a regularly qualified voter, having registered this morning. I have
done it from a sense of duty, and hope I shall have no reason to regret it. About fifteen
have registered before me, this morning. I suppose, according to the Patriot, I have
fallen from the ranks of ladies into those of the women, but I am satisfied to be classed as
a true woman.” Commenting, the editor writes: “The Times is pleased to note the action
and the strong words of the wife of the governor. The action of this womanly woman
will make her many warm friends among the Kansas women.”41 Ida Martin could very
well be the first wife of a seated governor of a state to register to vote.42

But, this house-wife, mother of seven, manager of a large household, whose circle
consisted mostly of family, close friends and her church, had actually made an even
greater contribution to the success of the movement. Ida Martin’s own strong

36
Ibid., March 23, 1887.
37
Ibid., March 18, 1887.
38
Ibid., March 19, 1887.
39
Ibid., March 23, 1887. The efforts to register women were not entirely successful in the city. According
to the Daily Globe: “The women of Atchison did not come to the front in the matter of registering as they
did in other Kansas towns. In Leavenworth, 2,673 have registered; in Topeka, 1,200; in Lawrence, 1,157;
in Fort Scott, 522; in Emporia, 524, and more than 337 (the number in Atchison) registered in many small
towns.” Ibid., March 28, 1887.
40
Ibid., March 19, 1887.
41
Daily Globe, Atchison, Kansas, March 22, 1887.
42
I thank Dr. Rebecca Chaky for this insight (oral communication, November 11, 2006). While New
Jersey had extended suffrage to women in the state before 1807 (see above), it was restricted only to certain
portions of the state. Tt is likely that the wives of its governors did register, but the records of these women
are not available at the moment.
endorsement was behind her husband’s patronage of the bill: “The Leavenworth Times
quotes Mrs. J. A. Martin as saying to Mrs. Helen M. Gougar that her husband was
opposed to woman’s suffrage, and would have vetoed the bill but for her request to the
contrary.”43 The Atchison Weekly Champion revealed her husband’s reticence: “He
regards it as an experiment, but is willing to have it tried. If it works well Kansas will
soon allow women to vote at all elections. If it falls, that is the end of the question in this
State, for the present.”44

In her determination to bring about the vote for women, Ida Martin and her state
led the nation. An editorial in the Atchison Champion notes the importance of the action:
“…Kansas believes that she leads in granting just rights to women, just as she did in
emancipating the slave…It is the leading State of the American Union, and is not afraid
of a question because it is new. The new law will add to our Republic majorities and
increase the great tide of immigration. Women of wealth, brains and character will be
proud to come here to live, and every moral reform will be aided by the accession of
200,000 votes who respect the virtue and morality of the country. Kansas will be the
greatest of free and temperate States, and the first State in the Union with a Republican
form of government, no part of mankind being disfranchised.”45

Ida Martin’s interest in reading and in national issues46 continued throughout her
life, but her interest in suffrage remained foremost. Evidence of her commitment is
revealed in the effort she made just two weeks before her death to register to vote in an
upcoming election. Her son-in-law, the Rev. Paul Tonsing, wheeled her in her large, oak
and wicker wheelchair to the Atchison city hall at her insistence. This was her last public
appearance.47

IV. CONCLUSION.

The candidate for Secretary of State in Kansas, Kay O’Connor said afterwards
that she did not consider her statements as any “big deal.” She was merely expressing
what she thought was right. But, change her words from saying that she thought it a
mistake to allow women to vote, to saying that she thought it a mistake to allow Blacks to
vote, and it becomes clear what an extremist position she has taken. Imagine, if you will,
if Candidate O’Connor and Ida Challiss Martin were put together in a small chamber. I’ll
bet Ida Martin would have had a thing or two to say to her. I would have liked to be a
little mouse in that room watching that discussion, wouldn’t you?

43
Ibid., March 22, 1887.
44
The Atchison Weekly Champion, Atchison, Kansas, February 19, 1887.
45
Ibid.
46
While prohibition was not mentioned in the diary, it, too, received considerable attention from Ida
Martin, and the issue was often associated with the Suffrage of women. Ibid. Her friend, Helen Gougar,
was also well-known as a temperance lecturer. Atchison Daily Globe, March 19, 1887; Salina Heeald,
January 26, 1889.
47
The Atchison Daily Champion, November 2, 1932.
 Oh, yes, in 2006, Kay O’Connor, who had also served four terms in the House,
ran for the position of Kansas Secretary of State, loosing in the primary election on
August 1st to Ron Thornburgh, 27% to 73%. The Kansas City Star, September 21, 2006,
then announced that she would resign from the state Senate in late October, a belated
resignation in the opinion of many Kansans!

BIBLIOGRAPHY

[Note: Many of the following sources have excellent bibliographies for further research.]

Atchison Daily Globe. Atchison, Kansas.

Atchison Daily Champion. Atchison, Kansas.

Atchison Weekly Champion. Atchison, Kansas.

Banner, Lois W. Elizabeth Cady Stanton: A Radical for Woman’s Rights. Boston:
Little, Brown, 1980.

Barry, Kathleen. Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of a Singular Feminist. New York:

New York University Press, 1988.

DuBois, Ellen Carol, ed. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony: Correspondence,
Writings, Speeches. New York: Schocken Books, 1981.

Flexner, Eleanor. Century of Struggle: The Woman’s Rights Movement in the United
States. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, 1959, revised 1975.

Owen, Jennie Small, annalist, and Kirke Mechem, ed. The Annals of Kansas 1886-1925.
Volume One. Topeka, Kansas: Kansas State Historical Society, 1954.

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady. Eighty Years and More: Reminiscences 1815-1897. New
York: Schocken Books, 1898, 1971.

Wagner, Sally Roesch. A Time of Protest: Suffragists Challenge the Republic: 1870-
1887.