Professional Documents
Culture Documents
HISTORY OF CATHOLIC ANTISEMITISM: DARK SIDE OF THE
CHURCH
By
Robert Michael
Professor Emeritus of European History
University of Massachusetts Dartmouth
Graduate Faculty, Florida Gulf Coast University
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication
Preface
2
Acknowledgements
Introduction: The Catholic Church and the Jews
1: Pagans and Early Catholics
2: Value Inversion and Vilification
3. Roman Law
4. Medieval Deterioration
5. Crusades and Defamations
6. Papal Policy
7. Germany
8. France
9. Poland
10. Papal Policy During the Holocaust
Postscript: Catholic Racism
DEDICATION
I dedicate this book to the patience and inspiration of my
wife, Susan, and my children, Stephanie, Andrew, and Carolyn.
To my parents, Gilbert E. Friedberg and Jeanne Greene
Friedberg.
To my brother, Stephen H. Friedberg. When Steve and I were
children, our second mother was Ruth Mary Hubbard Miller, a
Roman Catholic. This loving person, married to a Protestant,
expressed no prejudice toward us or our Jewish family. Not until
researching the earliest origins of the Holocaust did I discover the
Church Fathers, and from there the whole sorry history of Catholic
antisemitism.
This book is also dedicated to Ruth Mary Hubbard Miller.
Finally, I want to dedicate my work to my late friend, the
Reverend Father Edward Flannery, a human exemplar of the kind
of Catholic who followed the tradition of authentic love for Jews
his whole life long.
PREFACE
The search for truth is imperative if Catholics and Jews are
to be reconciled. This search requires us to remember and not
forget the bitterest facts. For without memory, past evils will
replicate themselves in new forms. Without memory, we cannot
complete a healing process that requires us to understand the
dark side of things we cherish. Without memory, there can be no
solid foundation for a compassionate and productive relationship
between Catholics and Jews, in which human similarities override
human differences. As the Ba'al Shem Tov has indicated, without
memory there can be no redemption.
INTRODUCTION: THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE JEWS:
"In the last analysis, antisemitism is not only an isue of physical life and
death for the Jews, it is also a spiritual problem for Christians."
Jacques Maritain
CATHOLIC ANTISEMITISM
It is almost impossible to find examples of antisemitism that are
exclusively racial, economic, or political, and free of religious
configuration. The infamous, secular, and "racial" Nuremberg Laws of
1935, for example, employed the religious affiliation of Jews in order to
identify them for discrimination. What else could they do? There is no
such thing as race and so there was no authentic scientific way to
detect the racial nature of a Jew.i So the Nazis had to resort to using
birth and baptismal records (seven of them, for 4 grandparents, 2
parents, the person him/herself) to establish who was a Jew, who was
not.
Many lay Catholics and widely respected Catholic writers still
hesitate to come to grips with the two millennia of Catholic antisemitism
that prepared Catholics not only to perceive Jews in a negative way,
but also primed them to accept the antiJewish aspects of secular
ideas—and to take action on them. Catholic, as distinguished from
Orthodox and Protestant, refers to those Christians in communion with
the Holy See of Rome, with the whole ecclesiastical structure of the
Church, with the popes at the top of an extensive episcopal hierarchy.ii
"Catholic antisemitism" refers to the antiJewish elements in the
theology of the Church Fathers, both Latin and Greek, the
pronouncements and actions of the papacy and Catholic orders, the
teachings and actions of clerics, the content of canon law, the laws and
behaviors of secular Catholic princes, as well as the works and
behaviors of secular Catholic faithful, including writers and artists. This
definition does not deny that some Catholics have thought positively of,
and acted benificently toward, Jewsespecially since Nostra Aetate in
1965 offered official sanction to such humane and philosemitic
behaviors. Nor does it deny that official Church doctrine, based on St.
Augustine, regarded the Jews as suffering witnesses, not to be
murderedthough this restriction was violated by Catholics time and
again. But until 1965, the Catholic Church's "dark side" in regard to the
Jews, Jewishness, and Judaism was predominant.
According to some authors, the early Church's hostility to Jews
grew out of a Gentile antisemitism that converted pagans carried into
the Church.iii These writers take into account neither the positive pagan
attitudes, nor pagan indifference, toward Jews, nor the qualitative
differences between pagan and early Catholic antisemitism. Of the
approximately twentyfive percent of pagan writers who disliked the
Jews, almost all of them felt Jews were an annoying people who ate
differently, wasted time on the Sabbath, believed in a ridiculous
invisible God, and so forth.iv But the earliest and strongest Catholic
charge against the Jews was "Christkiller" and the charge exploded
beyond Jesus of Nazareth's generation of Jews when Catholics cited
holy writ: "Let his blood be on our heads and the heads of our
children." (Matthew 27)
Other authors argue that Christianity taught contempt of Jews
only during the medieval period and that modern antisemitism is
essentially secular. Such writers find no definite connecting link or
continuity between Christian antisemitism and Nazism.v
Still other scholars dismiss the continuing power of Catholic
antisemitism; instead, they believe modern antisemitism originated in
the "secular" Enlightenment period.vi Robert Wistrich argued that if
modern Catholics were antisemitic, then Jews would never have been
granted any civil rights or other freedoms in modern Christian society.
Wistrich assumed that Christian antisemitism was unambiguous and
could not be hidden, disguised, or modified, and he ignored the fact
that, based on St. Augustine's WitnessPeople dictum, many Catholic
antisemites treated Jews like Cain, degraded them but did not set out
to kill them all. Wistrich also observed that Hitler's "eitheror" policy of
destruction of the Jews did not reflect the essential beliefs of Catholic
orthodoxy but followed instead the path of Catholic heresy.vii But
Catholic antiJewishness has been the predominant position on the
Jews, as this book will show, not the product of heterodoxy. Michael
Marrus believes that the causes of the Holocaust have no roots earlier
than the nineteenth century. In discussing Uriel Tal's analysis of
nineteenthcentury antisemitism, for example, Marrus misses Tal's
point that even when racist antisemitism is theoretically antiCatholic, it
involves crucial elements of Catholic beliefs and of Catholic culture.
Marrus mentions Peter Pulzer's analysis of Austrian antisemitism at the
turn of the century but omits Pulzer's recent appreciation of the
continuing importance of religious factors in modern antisemitism.
Pulzer's point is similar to that of Tal's: "I am more strongly convinced
than I was when I wrote the book that a tradition of religiouslyinspired
Jew hatred . . . was a necessary condition for the success of
antisemitic propaganda, even when expressed in nonreligious terms
and absorbed by those no longer religiously observant."viii Marrus
writes as though the Nazis were the first to demonize the Jews and
ignores the crucial importance of Christian antisemitism in their
mentality. St. Augustine, for example, called all Jews Cains, St. Jerome
saw all Jews as Judases, St. John Chrysostom regarded all Jews as
useless animals fit for slaughter. Catholic ideas such as these are not
the kind that exist in a detached Platonic realm, but idées forces—
ideas with emotional punch affecting the real world.ix "Ideas, endlessly
repeated, furnished justification for the vilest acts."x
James Parkes, John Gager, Robert Willis, and Alan Davies have
all made provocative statements concerning the enduring negative
effects of CatholicChristian theology. Robert Willis concluded that
"There are obviously, political, social, and economic factors that must
be taken into account in assessing the causes of the Holocaust. What
is at stake is a proper understanding of the contribution of theological
antisemitism to the creation of a social and moral climate that allowed
the 'final solution' to become a reality. . . . It is necessary . . . to
appreciate the cumulative impact of a centurieslong tradition of
hostility towards Judaism and Jews within the church as a crucial
condition enabling [Hitler's] mobilization [of public opinion] to take
place."xi
Just as the Catholic attitude toward the Jews was bipolar, so
Catholic antisemitism was not without exception. Indeed, had the
Church attempted to eradicate all the Jews, as it did the heretics, Jews
would have disappeared by the fourth or fifth century, when
Catholicism came to dominate the Roman Empire, or certainly by the
High Middle Ages, when at times the Church's influence was almost
totalitarian. Let us briefly examine the contradictory attitudes and
actions of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (d.1153)xiicertainly the greatest
spiritual figure, and perhaps the greatest historical figure, of the twelfth
century. He was the Church's most respected and influential cleric, the
leading figure of the Latin Church, its greatest writer and preacher, a
reformer of the powerful and prestigious Benedictine order, confidant of
Pope Innocent II, and teacher of Pope Eugenius III. Like the popes,
Bernard believed that religion should control every aspect of society.
He was one of the founders of the Cistercian monastic order,
encouraged the cult of Mary, and contributed to popular piety. We shall
see in chapters 4, 5, and 6 that Bernard wrote against the Jews as
deicides, slaves, and racially evil. But the case at hand is his
relationship to the French Cistercian monk Rodolphe and the Second
Crusade. Rodolphe was believed to perform miracles and attracted
enormous crowds; he preached that the Jewish enemies of God must
be punished.xiii His preaching was followed by massacres in
Strasbourg, Cologne, Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Würzburg, and in other
French and German citiesxiv to the Crusader cry of HEP, HEP
(Hierosolyma est perdita, Jerusalem Is Lost).xv His demagogy was
finally terminated by St. Bernard, who spoke out against the murder of
Jews in England, France, and Germany. Bernard warned the English
people that "the Jews are not to be persecuted, killed, or even put to
flight."xvi An adherent of St. Augustine's precept about the Jews as the
Witness People, Bernard traveled to Germany in late 1146 both to
preach Crusade and to hush Rodolphe, "It is good that you go off to
fight the Ishmaelites [Turks]. But whoever touches a Jew to take his life
is like one who had touched the apple of the eye of Jesus; for [Jews]
are his flesh and bone. My disciple Rodolphe has spoken in errorfor it
is said in Psalms [59:11], 'Slay them not, lest my people forget.'"xvii The
psalm continues, "My God will let me look in triumph on my enemies.
Do not kill them, or my people may forget; make them totter by your
power, and bring them down, O Lord . . . consume them in wrath,
consume them until they are no more." [Psalm 59:1113]words
themselves quoted earlier by St. Augustine.
Yet Bernard's motives were not clearly mercy, charity, or human
decency. He told the Archbishop of Mainz that Rodolphe's murderous
preaching against the Jews was the least of his three offenses, namely,
"unauthorized preaching, contempt for episcopal authority, and
incitation to murder."xviii Again following St. Augustine, Bernard held
that "the Jews ought not to die in consequence of the immensity of
their crimes, but rather to suffer the Diaspora."xix Bernard recalled to
his English audience that Jews must "remind us always of what our
Lord suffered." Bernard also noted that at the Second Coming of Christ
Jews already dead would remain in hell.xx Likewise, he called the Jews
hardhearted and regarded the synagogue as a "cruel mother" who
had crowned Jesus with thorns.xxi He used the servile condition of the
Jews ("no slavery is as demeaning as that of the Jews"xxii), along with
their lack of kingdom, priesthood, prophets, and temple, to
demonstrate that the Jews were being punished for history's greatest
sin, the crucifixion of Christ. For Bernard, the Jews were venomous
vipers whose bestial stupidity and blindness caused them to "lay
impious hands upon the Lord of Glory."xxiii Bernard also wrote that a
Christian who neglected Christ's sufferings was "a sharer in the
unparalleled sin of the Jews."xxiv He commended the Abbot Warren of
the Alps for attacking the indiscipline of churlish monks as "destroying
those synagogues of Satan"a phrase from Revelation. Following St.
John Chrysostom, Bernard condemned the Jews as ever ungrateful to
God and as always resisting the holy spirit, calling them the minions of
Satan. He preached that "The Jews, ever mindful of the hatred
wherewith they hate his Father, take this opportunity to vent it on the
Son . . . these wicked men . . .." and that "Judaea hates the Light."xxv
The intimate connection between Judaism and Catholicism has
motivated authentic Catholicsthose who follow theologia crucisxxvi
within Catholic thoughtto treat Jews decently, and in every generation
they have genuinely respected Jews. The Roman Catholic Church's
historical prohibitions against CatholicJewish fraternization presumed
the existence of social relationships between Catholics and Jews.
Catholic theologians continually complained about the faithful who
grew too close to Jews or treated them as human beings rather than as
theological types. In every era, some Catholics steadfastly taught their
children to respect other human beings, Jews included. "For most
rescuers [of Jews during the Holocaust,] helping Jews was an
expression of ethical principles that extended to all of humanity . . .."xxvii
Even though the Church has often sought to preserve Jewsat
least a remnent thereofand Judaism as historic forebears of
Christianity,xxviii most Catholic writers, thinkers, theologians, politicians,
and prelates have expressed a profound hostility toward Jews, and
their attitudes have incontestably influenced average Catholics. In the
earliest centuries of the Christian era, a relatively bland preexisting
pagan antagonism toward Jews was replaced by historical and
theological beliefs that the Jewish people were abhorrent and that any
injustice done to them, short of murder, was justified. Jews became the
archetypal evildoers in Catholic societies. This antiJewish attitude
was a permanent element in the fundamental identity of western
Christian civilizationand, for the purposes of this book, in the national
identities of countries with large Catholic populations like Poland,
Austria, and France. Catholics who took this antagonistic position
toward Jews adhered to triumphalism, or theologia gloriae.xxix
The Churches' predominant, normative theological position in
regard to the Jews has been called theologia gloriae—according to
James Parkes, an "inbred religious paranoia [that] has been a
perversion of everything Jesus meant."xxx This antisemitic theology of
glory, this dark side of the Church, generally holds that: 1. The
Christian Church, the new Israel—"ordained and sanctioned by God
himself"—has triumphantly succeeded the cursed and rejected old
Israel morally, historically, and metaphysically. 2. Jews denied the true
Messiah, the Christ, and murdered him, for which all Jews were forever
collectively guilty. 3. The Jews were paradigmatic evildoers even
before their atrocious act of deicide 4. Jews were not to be totally
exterminated since they adhered to the Law and gave Christianity the
history that it needed to legitimize itself.
Moral perception and behavior are shaped by the society into
which we have been socialized and even more by the community we
acknowledge as our own. What the Church thought about Christ and
itself as an institution determined what most Catholics believed about
Judaism and Jews. AntiJewish theological defamations, communi-
cated and empowered by the Church, justified most Catholics in their
antisemitic ideas. Moreover, this antiJewish repugnance has not been
restricted to the realm of ideas; like any ideology, it has boiled over into
contemptuous feelings and behaviors. Tragically, to love Christ for
many if not most Catholics came to mean hatred of his alleged mur-
derers. How could Catholics have ever learned to love the Jewish
people, asked Pierre Pierrard, when favorable religious ideas about
Jews "were lost in the blood of Calvary. 'The History of the Church'
made [Jews] appear only as an antithesis of the glorious epic of the
Roman Church."xxxi
Until 1965 and beyond, the most significant ideology about Jews
within the Church, the theology of glory, has encouraged Catholics to
view Judaism as little more than the work of Satan and the Antichrist,
and to regard Jews with sacred horror. This antiJewish theology has
been so pervasive that even decent Christians have sometimes uttered
the most "factually untrue and grossly libelous" statements about
Jews.xxxii Moreover, these negative perceptions have existed
independent of what Jews themselves have actually done, or, indeed,
of a Jewish presence at all. In their ideological assault on the Jews, the
Fathers of the Church, for example, never cited the misdeeds of their
contemporary Jewish neighbors. It was mythical Jewish actions—their
alleged deicide and later medieval defamations—that stood as the
basis of resentful Catholic misperceptions.xxxiii God was always pictured
as "in there punching" on the side of Catholicism and Catholics
against Jews and Judaism.xxxiv
These religious antagonisms, elaborated by the theological and
popular writings and preachings of the Church's great theologians and
popes, exploited by Catholic authorities, enhanced by the liturgy, art,
and literature of the Church, created in most of the faithful an automatic
hostility toward Jewishness. This diabolizing of the Jews has continued
into the modern period with only minor deviations.xxxv
Just as Catholic theology denied Jews salvation in the next life, so
it disqualified Jews from legitimate citizenship in Christendom. In a
sense, Jews were ostracized from full human status. Some protective
Roman legal traditions, some Catholic feelings of charity, and the Jews'
ambivalent role as suffering examples of the consequences of
offending God provided Jews with a precarious place within Catholic
society. But until their emancipation in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries—and to this day, for some—Jews had only a very tenuous
legal and moral right to exist, let alone act as citizens. The Jews had to
plead with Catholic authorities—kings and princes, bishops and
dictators, popes and presidents—to protect them. Sometimes this
worked. Other times the authorities turned their backs on the Jews or
collaborated with those Catholics who were intent on cursing,
expropriating, expelling, or murdering them.
Despite the close theological relationship between Judaism and
Catholicism, despite Jesus' commandment about love of neighbor,
despite the modern Roman Catholic Church's insistence on "justice
and charity" in the treatment of Jews, despite the Church's emphasis
on caritas (love within families that extended outward toward
neighborhood, city, and nation) and agape (the selfsacrificial love
taught by Jesus on the cross that extended to love of enemies), most
Catholics found it impossible to love Jews. When Catholicism was a
new religion and had to fight for its own individual identity, churchmen
and theologians found it necessary to distance themselves from Jews.
Furthermore, humane behavior toward Jews required Catholics to
follow the difficult moral precepts of Jesus as expressed in the
Gospels. Although the Church professed the same moral precepts, it
usually followed antiJewish policies. Some Catholic writers called on
the faithful to love Jews but only as a first step toward converting them,
that is, this kind of love was meant to precede the elimination of Jews
as Jews.
The Dark Side of the Church will summarize and analyze the
history of Catholic antisemitism, a set of beliefs creating a climate of
opinion that led to untold suffering and millions of Jewish deaths before
the Holocaust,xxxvi and not only made the Holocaust possible, but likely.
What does it take for a nation's workers, middle class, aristocracy,
artists, and intellectuals in a few years to collaborate in the slaughter of
hundreds of thousands of its Jewish neighbors and fellow citizens, and
millions of Jewish coreligionists outside the national borders? As
historian Walter Zwi Bacharach wrote, "no human being gets up one
fine morning and sets out to kill Jews, just because he is ordered to do
so."xxxvii This comment was mirrored decades later by James O'Gara,
editor of the Catholic Commonweal: "Could the Nazi horror have
sprung fullblown out of nowhere, without centuries of [Christian]
antisemitism to nourish it and give it strength."xxxviii It takes centuries of
preparation, tradition, and religion to enable people to see others as
inhuman monsters and act on this perception. Gordon Allport points
out that Christianity stands as the focus of prejudice because "it is the
pivot of the cultural tradition."xxxix Catholic theological and Catholic
racist antisemitismxl prepared, conditioned, and encouraged Catholic
antisemites, and others, to collaborate actively and/or passively with
xli
individual and institutional antisemitic behaviorsavoidance,
antilocution, discrimination, expropriation, physical assault and torture,
murder, and mass murder.xlii This Catholic antisemitism paved the long
via dolorosa that led to Auschwitz and beyond.
Catholic antisemitism has been exported to the Middle East
where Christian Arabs were the conduit for entry, so that traditional
antisemitism has been grafted on to preexisting Muslim Jewhatred
and portends a grave danger for Jews in the future. The Protocols of
the Elders of Zion (translated into Arabic by a Lebanese Christian) in
the early 1920s), Hitler’s Mein Kampf, and Ford’s International Jew are
readily available all over the Muslim world. Mel Gibson’s antisemitic
film, The Passion of the Christ, gained instant popularity in the Middle
East.xliii Neither Arab immigrants to Europe nor reactions to the
PalestinianIsraeli conflict explains "the resurgence of European
antisemitism after the Holocaust." On the contrary, explains Manfred
Gerstenstein, the facts suggest that continuing antisemitism "is integral
to European [Christian] culture." Leftists, Rightists, and in between
express hatred of Jews. At the beginning of the twentyfirst century,
most European nations are exhibiting significant levels of antisemitism.
The doublethinking European Union attacks Israel and at the same
time seems to oppose traditional antisemitism.xliv (In 2005, the
European Union Monitoring Center on Racism and Xenophobia
established a "Working Definition of Antisemitism."xlv)
Unanswerable questions remain. Can the Churches truly
eliminate the antiJewish elements in their teachings? Can the
Church admit to the mythic nature of the Gospel stories, which
may contain some fact but more fully convey the authors' (anti
Jewish) perspectives and the Church's (antiJewish)
interpretationsespecially the Crucifixion story, which fixes on the
Jews eternal responsibility and collective guilt for the murder of
God?xlvi A final question is whether the Catholic Church can give
up its antiJewish position and remain as an intact institution.
i
INTRODUCTION
Lolly O'Brien, quoting Shirley M. Tilghman, the director of the LewisSigler Institute for
Integrative Genomics, in "Of Genetics, race, and evolution: What the director of Princeton's
new institute for genomics has to say" (Oct. 25, 2000)
<http://www.princeton.edu/~paw/web_exclusives/features/features_05.html>
ii
In this book, "Catholic Church" and "Roman Catholic Church" refer to the "One, Holy,
Catholic and Apostolic Church" mentioned in the Nicean Creed and the "Holy Catholic
Church" [sanctam, ecclesiam, catholicam] referred to in the Apostles' Creed. Before the East
West Schism of 1054, both Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic held that they belonged to
the same One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church. It was with the great schism of the 16th
century that the Protestant Churches broke away from the mainline Holy Catholic Church,
which became identified as the Catholic Church or the Roman Catholic Church (in full
communion with the Bishop of Rome), the single strongest, best organized, and most
influential of the Christian churches, with 1,098,366,000 members in 2004, onesixth of the
world's population.
iii
Marcel Simon, Verus Israel (Oxford 1986), 2312; also Robert Wistrich, Antisemitism: The
Longest Hatred (London 1991), xviixviii; F. Lovsky, Antisémitisme et mystère d'Israël (Paris
1955); James Parkes, The Conflict of Church and Synagogue: A Study in the Origins of
Antisemitism (New York 1979); Jules Isaac, Genèse de l'antisémitisme (Paris 1956); and Jean
Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire romain (Paris 1914), among others, who take the position that
Christian theology provided a quantum leap into a qualitatively new kind of antisemitism.
iv
Menachem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism (Jerusalem 1984), 3 vols.,
has collected and translated all the relevant primary sources.
v
Simon, Verus Israel, 3978.
vi
E.g., Arthur Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (New York 1968), 10, 313;
Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York 1963),
297.
vii
Wistrich, Antisemitism, xvii; Wistrich, Hitler's Apocalypse: Jews and the Nazi Legacy (New
York 1985), 29. Manuel, Broken Staff, 296, also blames "rogue elements in Christianity" and
calls Nazism "a Christian heresy."
viii
Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Antisemitism in Germany and Austria (Cambridge, MA.,
1964, 1988), xxii.
ix
Alfred Fouillée, Morale des IdéesForces (Paris 1908), 353.
x
Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in TwentiethCentury France
(Stanford 1962), 463.
xi
Robert Willis, "Christian Theology After Auschwitz," Journal of Ecumenical Studies (Fall
1975), 495. See also Parkes, The Conflict of Church and Synagogue, 376; John Gager, The
Origins of Antisemitism: Attitudes Toward Judaism in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (New York
1983), 13; Davies, Antisemitism and the Christian Mind: The Crisis of Conscience After
Auschwitz (New York 1969), 39.
xii
Otto of Freising indicates that Bernard finally silenced Rodolphe by invoking monastic
discipline. Chazan, European Jewry, 1778.
xiii
Rabbi Ephraim bar Jacob of Bonn, in Neubauer and Stern, eds., Hebräische Berichte, 1878.
Otto of Freising quoted in Chazan, European Jewry, 170.
xiv
Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, 6970.
xv
Graetz, History of the Jews, 3:3512; Vamberto Morais, A Short History of Antisemitism (New
York 1976), 104.
xvi
The document is translated in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle Ages, 1014.
xvii
Rabbi Ephraim bar Jacob of Bonn, in Neubauer and Stern, eds., Hebräische Berichte, 188.
See also Henry Hart Milman, History of the Jews (New York 1939), 2:310.
xviii
Bernard's letter to the Archbishop of Mainz, in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the
Middle Ages, 1045.
xix
Bernard of Clairvaux, "Epistola CCCLXIII (946)," in PL, 182:567.
xx
"Bernard's Letter to the People of England," in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle
Ages, 1014.
xxi
Bernard of Clairvaux, St. Bernard's Sermons for the Seasons and the Principal Festivals of
the Year (Westminster, MD, 1950), 1:379.
xxii
De Consideratione I, 4, quoted by Torrell, "Les juifs dans l'oeuvre de Pierre le Vénérable,"
342 n58.
xxiii
Bernard, Sermones super Cantica Canticorum, 60.4, in David Berger, "The Attitude of St.
Bernard of Clairvaux Toward the Jews," American Academy for Jewish Research,
Proceedings (New York 1973), 96.
xxiv
Bernard, St. Bernard's Sermons, 2:149, in Berger, "The Attitudes of St. Bernard of Clairvaux
Toward the Jews," 104.
xxv
Berger, "The Attitude of St. Bernard of Clairvaux Toward the Jews," 1012.
xxvi
See below this chapter.
xxvii
Samuel and Pearl Oliner, The Altruistic Personality: Rescuers of Jews in Nazi Europe (New
York 1988), 170.
xxviii
See chs. 1 and 2, below.
xxix
Luther, "Heidelberg Disputation," Article 21, in Luther's Works, 31: 40.
xxx
James Parkes, "Antisemitism and Theological Arrogance," Continuum (Autumn 1966), 413.
xxxi
Pierre Pierrard, Juifs et Catholiques Français (Paris 1970), p. 298.
xxxii
James Parkes, "Attitude to Judaism," The Journal of Bible and Religion (October 1961), p.
300.
xxxiii
Bernard Glassman, Antisemitic stereotypes without Jews: Images of the Jews in England,
12901700 (Detroit 1975).
xxxiv
Rosemary Ruether, Faith and Fratricide (New York 19674), 147.
xxxv
Frederick Schweitzer, "The TapRoot of Antisemitism: The Demonization of the Jews,"
Remembering for the Future (Oxford 1988), 87990.
xxxvi
In The Last Three Popes and the Jews (New York 1967), Pinchas Lapide estimates that
more than six million Jews were murdered by Christians in the centuries before the Holocaust.
xxxvii
Walter Zwi Bacharach, AntiJewish Prejudices in GermanCatholic Sermons (Lewiston,
NY, 1993), 46.
xxxviii
May 1961, quoted in Cohen, Christ Killers, 170.
xxxix
Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, (New York 1988), 446.
xl
See Postscript below.
xli
Not just Protestants but Muslims as well.
xlii
Based on Gordon Allport's list in his Nature of Prejudice (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), 1415.
xliii
See Robert Michael and Philip Rosen, Dictionary of Antisemitism (Lanham, MD, 2006); Cohen,
Christ Killers, 117.
xliv
Manfred Gerstenfeld, "Antisemitism: Integral to European Culture," Jerusalem Center for
Public Affairs (30 March 2004).
xlv
Working Definition of Antisemitism, EUMC. Discussion PapersRacism, Xenophobia,
Antisemitism, March 16, 2005. <eumc.eu.int/eumc/index> See Robert Michael and Philip
Rosen, "Introduction," Dictionary of Antisemitism (Lanham, MD, 2006).
xlvi
See Jeremy Cohen, ChristKillers (New York 2007).