CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 195

PEOPLE AND RESOURCES:

CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay,
Northern Palawan, Philippines

REBECCA RIVERA -GU IEB

ERNIE H . JARABEJO
Tambuyog Development Center Inc.

he Sustainable Coastal Area Development (SCAD) program in

T Palawan started as an idea, which is how most initiatives in

Tambuyog begin. But these ideas are not bubbles that simply pop into
our heads. They are ideas triggered by reading or simply observing, ideas
borne out of going to different places and talking to different people.
It was in late 1995 that Tambuyog started discussing the possibility of
implementing the SCAD program in Palawan. The year before, one of our
staff had the chance to visit Taytay in Northern Palawan and was amazed at
its many pristine sites. Crabs and shrimps thrived so abundantly in the man-
grove areas of the Abongan River that people were beginning to avoid eating
them due to high blood pressure.
But at the same time, he was also struck by the poverty of Taytay’s
residents, made starker by its generally unspoiled beauty. From previous
experience, we commonly assumed the existence of poverty in a degraded
environment; Taytay showed us something different. Thus, after an initial
visit, we made the rounds of possible donor agencies and convinced two
partner donors—Bread for the World and Helvetas—to make the commitment.
We explored the idea further and talked to more people in Palawan, among
them leaders of Nagkakaisang Mangingisda Para sa Kalikasan at Kaunlaran ng 195
196 HOPE TAKES ROOT

Busuanga

Coron

Culion

Lampacan Agutaya
El Nido

Magsaysay
Taytay Cuyo

San Vicente Aracali

Kalayaan Islands
Dumaran
Roxas

Puerto Princesa City

Cagayancillo

Quezon
Aborlan

Narra
Rizal

Brooke’s Point Tubbataba

Batanaza

Baladac

Figure 10. Map of Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines

 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 197

Taytay (United Fisherfolk for the Environment and Development of Taytay)

or NAMANGKA, a community-based organization (CBO) that eventually
became our local partner. We recognized that we all needed to deepen our
understanding of the issues in Taytay and find ways of collectively solving
common problems. By summer of 1996, we set out on our research using
participatory rural appraisal (PRA) tools.

Discovering Taytay: the participatory rural appraisal experience

Before the research in Palawan, Tambuyog used what it called the rapid
coastal systems appraisal (RCSA) which basically took off from rapid rural
appraisal techniques. But at some point, we felt that while the RCSA effec-
tively helped us identify problems and issues, something was missing—some-
thing as vital as people’s participation. RCSA engaged the community in
research but major limitations had to be hurdled to increase its role. For
one, the team processed the data separately from the community. Even if the
results were presented and accepted by the community members, the danger
remained that they could be merely re-affirming the analysis rather than re-
flecting and validating it. Our research process simply lacked the instruments
for ensuring community participation that would build people’s capabilities
over time.
We tried to change that in our Palawan research. Holding extensive as-
sessments of our research tools, we studied materials on PRA and asked re-
source people to talk to us about their PRA experience. We had one goal in
mind: to create processes for possible reversals of learning that would see the
researchers and the community engaged both as teachers and learners. We
wanted to dialogue with the community, and not simply extract information
so that we could have rich inputs for the SCAD program design. In effect,
the PRA tools had to be deeply integrated in the research process.

The preparatory phase of PRA

The first challenge of the Palawan research was to unite the team com-
posed of technical and social science researchers. How would a biologist, for
instance, value continuous dialogue with the fishers? Conversely, how would
an anthropologist grasp the essence of setting transects to collect data on
mangroves and corals? Several team building activities and theoretical dis-
198 HOPE TAKES ROOT

cussions on sustainable development, ecology and fisheries took off, facilitat-

ing a constant exchange of ideas and experience. (Rivera, 1995)
The need for creative ways to effectively dialogue with the community
posed another challenge. We were assured of the sincerity of the staff to in-
volve the community in the research process. The challenge was not in ex-
amining our interests and motivation but in coming up with a strategy that
would concretize our intent to dialogue with the community. As a first step,
we familiarized ourselves with the PRA tools. The experience of other de-
velopment workers taught us how PRA facilitates a process that encourages
more participation from people. We practiced over and over again among
ourselves.
It was while watching a video documenting the PRA experience in In-
dia that we thought—why not do a video documentary of the PRA process in
Taytay? The idea proved to be the much-needed boost that fired our imagi-
nation.

New learnings from the PRA experience in Taytay

Surviving the 10-hour rough ride from Puerto Princesa City to Taytay
turned out to be the easiest of many hurdles for the PRA team. A day’s rest
was enough to soothe sore limbs and backsides. Enthusiasm remained intact
despite the anticipated hard work ahead.
Through the PRA, the team succeeded in reaching out to people and
engaging them in a more meaningful exchange of experience. We used more
symbols, illustrations and community stories, which put people at ease and
encouraged them to share more information with us. The PRA process also
fostered collective work, so the team made venues available for community
members to work together and to dialogue among themselves.
We realized that PRA goes beyond strategies; it also provides for intro-
spection. As we asked ourselves about our intentions and motivations, we
recalled the words of Gunnar Myrdal: “research is always and by logical ne-
cessity based on moral and political valuations, and the researcher should be
obliged to account for them explicitly.” (Hall, et.al. 1982, cited in Rivera,
1995) The PRA showed us that research can never be value-free, nor can
researchers simply detach themselves as observers. Our video documentary
summed this up in succinctly:
“PRA is an attitude. It is in being interested and sincere. In being
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 199

Fish corrals in Taytay Bay

Fish catch from spear gun

 200 HOPE TAKES ROOT

one with the people, we can see and understand the essence of the people’s
problems. This is far deeper and more comprehensive data than those
obtained through sheer volume of resources and expertise but lacking in
commitment and conviction.”

Program site: analyzing the problems of Taytay

Next to the capital city of Puerto Princesa City, Taytay is the second
biggest municipality in Palawan with a land area of 139,050 has. It is located
in the northeastern part of Palawan Island, about 217 kms. away from Puerto
Princesa City. Taytay is bounded by Malampaya Sound and South China Sea
on the west, the municipalities of Roxas and San Vicente on the south, the
municipality of El Nido on the north and Taytay Bay on the
east.
In 1992, Taytay ranked as the second most populated
In being one with the
municipality in the province, next to Puerto Princesa City,
people, we can see with 69 percent of 42,599 people living in the coastal areas.
and understand the Of the 32 barangays or villages in Taytay, 21 are coastal and
essence of the island barangays. Two fishing grounds—Malampaya Sound
people’s problems and Taytay Bay—adjoin the communities. (Rivera, 1995)
Taytay Bay lies adjacent to Cuyo Pass, the second larg-
est shelf area in the country. It is a shallow bay with scat-
tered patched reef areas and a dense strip of mangrove covering 1,987 has.
fringing its rim (Curran, 1997). On the other hand, Malampaya Sound lies
on the western side of Taytay, near the Capoas Peninsula. The Sound has
two basins: the northern basin or the Outer Sound and the southern basin or
the Inner Sound. Sandy substrates and corals dominate the former while the
latter is made up of muddy substrates and mangroves. (Dela Cruz,
Batungbakal and Ladra, 1995a)
Both fishing grounds were named as two of the most productive areas
in the country. In the 1940s, Malampaya Sound was called the “fish bowl of
the Philippines” (Jacinto, 1995). Taytay Bay, on the other hand, has a unique
mesh formation of corals that may very well gain recognition as a site of in-
ternational importance. (Curran, 1997)
Fisheries remained the major source of livelihood in Taytay with as
much as 70 per cent of the population employed in fishing; only 25 percent
then were farming while 5 percent were into livestock-raising.
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 201

Problems and issues in Taytay

Resource degradation and biodiversity loss. The idyllic Taytay that first
impressed the PRA-team soon faded into a backdrop of grim statistics on
production decline and stories of environmental degradation. While Taytay’s
fishing grounds still figured among the country’s richest,
there were already in danger of ending up among the most
threatened. (Estudillo, et. al., 1987) It is especially
For those who grew up in Taytay, it is especially painful painful to remember
to remember the old days of plenty when children used to
the old days of plenty
frequent the seashore to gather shells, fish, crabs and shrimp.
Only the leaves of mangroves and seagrasses littered the when children used
beach then, not the foul-smelling flotsam of plastic and junk to frequent the
that already lined it in several places. The children would seashore to gather
marvel at shrimps jumping as they paddled by in small shells, fish, crabs
outrigger boats. At night, fishes glowed mysteriously in the
and shrimp
dark. Catching fish took much less time then than the seven
hours needed to secure the family’s share of the catch even
with the women and children helping the men in their boats.
It has also become common practice for the women to be up by 2 am in their
daily struggle to produce more for their household needs.
In Malampaya Sound, the most critical ecosystem is the mangrove area
lying in the mouths of the Abongan and Alcalian Rivers in the southernmost
part of the Inner Sound. (Dela Cruz, Batungbakal and Ladra, 1995b) The
Ecosystems Research and Development Bureau (ERDB) reported a total of
2,519 has. of mangroves in the Sound in 1985. This declined to 1,898 has. in
1992 as revealed by Land Satellite imagery. (Jarabejo, 1997)
The decline has been attributed to unregulated cutting of mangroves
for charcoal, firewood and construction materials. A local resident described
the situation this way: “Panay-panay talaga ang putol dito ng bakawan. Di
tulad noon na kailangan pa naming hawaan ang bakawan para makadaan ang
aming bangka sa Buaya Sound” (Cutting of mangroves continues indiscrimi-
nately. In the past, mangroves grew so densely that we had to cut a path for
our boats to pass through thickly growing mangroves in Buaya Sound.)
Taytay Bay, for its part, has become a known source of demersal stocks
such as groupers, giant clams (Tridacna spp.), mother of pearl and sea cucum-
bers but unregulated and destructive harvesting methods have taken their
 202 HOPE TAKES ROOT

toll, particularly on the giant clams or taclobo, which have become rarer than
ever. Taclobo collectors–then numbering 200 in Taytay Bay – used hammers
to pound on the corals and knives to pry free the deeply embedded clams.
(Curran, 1997)
Another important resource in Taytay is the dolphin, locally known as
lumba-lumba or lampasot. In 1989, while conducting a research on corals in
Malampaya Sound, the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development
(PCSD) sighted six dolphins. A dolphin’s skull that has also been discovered
in Malampaya turned out to be an Irrawaddy (Orcaella Brevirostris), a white
species of dolphin named after a Burmese river (Sarmiento, 1998). This dis-
covery brought to 21 the number of dolphin species found in Philippine wa-
ters. There are only 80 known dolphin species in the world.
Balinsasayaw, a migratory bird whose expensive edible nests lace soups
in Chinese restaurants, is another valuable resource in Taytay. The
balinsasayaw seasonally migrates from Indonesia to Sulu Sea and finally to
Palawan in time for its breeding season (Dela Cruz, Batungbakal and Ladra,
1995a). They frequent the caves of the Pavillon islands—
Pavillon Grande, Pavillon Pequeño, Apulit, Talacanen, Nabat,
Sadly, fishers Pangalan and Batacan which were declared protected areas
themselves using sometime in the 80s by the Department of Environment
illegal methods and Natural Resources or DENR(Curran, 1997). None-
theless, the municipal government allows nest gathering
figured as one of the
and has even granted a concession lease that reportedly
main causes of coral rakes in PhP1.6 million in lease rental every three years.
destruction (Dela Cruz, Batungbakal & Ladra, 1995a)
Both Malampaya Sound and Taytay Bay have rich and
diverse fishery and marine resources but unselective and un-
regulated exploitation patterns forebode their inevitable ruin. Sadly, fishers
themselves using illegal methods figured as one of the main causes of coral
destruction. They would use a variety of poisons from local plants such as
tubli, lab-nek, lagtang, bayati and suma. (Curran, 1997; Tambuyog, 1999) to
stun highly priced species like the lapu-lapu (groupers) and maming (Napo-
leon wrasse). Often, sodium cyanide and a common household-cleaning
agent called chlorox, which contains sodium hypochlorite, were also utilized.
If these methods failed to kill fish and coral, blast fishing certainly did.
Fishers told us they could hear an average of four blasts every night.
(Curran, 1997)
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 203

These illegal fishing activities, combined with the unregulated use of

highly efficient gears such as the basnig (lift net), baring (ring net) and talakop
(baby ring net), effectively set the stage for marine resource degradation and
biodiversity loss in Taytay.
Lack of community involvement in local governance. Lauded by some
quarters for encouraging community participation in governance, the policy
environment of the province takes its cue from the 1992 Strategic Environ-
mental Plan (SEP) for Palawan Act (Republic Act 7611). The SEP lays down
a framework for sustainable development in Palawan and also serves as
guide for local governments in formulating plans and programs. As a main
strategy, the Environmental Critical Areas Network (ECAN) has been
adopted, wherein the municipal governments and community groups would
develop zoning maps for both land and marine areas. SEP brought in a wel-
come change in how communities could engage in the local governance pro-
cess.
For the Cuyunon and the Tagbanua indigenous communities, how-
ever, government actions have had little impact on their lives and may
even have made their exclusion from society and from the resource, more
acute.
In the 1960s for instance, the local government unit allowed a big fish-
ing firm called San Diego into municipal waters where it began to fish exces-
sively. The affected communities were never consulted and their despair over
the loss of their traditional fishing grounds still echoes in these strains of a
composo1 sung by the Cuyunon’s Tipano Band:

Datong unang tempo, tempo ni San Diego

maeng pagkaganap ng mga pescador
ang ila intensyon sa Malampaya
doon na sila na magpuyo kay maga pangisda

Nang didto na sila sa loob ng Malampaya

ang intensyon ay mangisda
lahat ng mga tao okupado nila
pati may asawa nadaramay na

(A long time ago, during the time of San Diego, fishers came
in droves to the island of Palawan, to stay and live in Malampaya.
204 HOPE TAKES ROOT

And because fish abounded in Malampaya, their hearts and minds

were content. They lured our girls, even the married ones.)
Groups of Cuyunon live in the mountainous side of the village while the
majority of the Tagbanua have settled in the small village of Yakal in New
Guinlo. Many decided to reside there after being displaced by waves of mi-
grants.
Other fisher communities remember only too well how government
hung them out to dry when it declared Malampaya Sound closed for fishing
by virtue of Fisheries Administrative Order 11 (FAO 11) of 1973. Govern-
ment extended no support, causing the majority of gill net fishers to de-
nounce this feeble attempt to conserve the resource. A former barangay
captain, Nolita Rey, quips: “Para ano ba ang pag-protekta sa Malampaya kung
nagugutom naman ang mga tao?” (What is the point of protecting Malampaya
if people go hungry?)
Only after spontaneous clamor from the community did government
rescind FAO 11 and replace it with FAO 11-1, which allowed the use of fish
corrals, nets and other small-scale and traditional gears.
The indigenous peoples, farmers, fishers and women, however, were
loosely organized and could not enjoy direct representation in processes of
local governance, especially in deciding on issues relating to the management
of the resource.
Fishers’ dependence on traders. Limited market opportunities for fishers
slowly deepened their dependence on fish traders. For the Taytay fishers,
their catch could be sold only two ways: through a trading boat from Manila
locally known as batil or by renting a jeepney to bring their produce to the
market in Puerto Princesa City. The batil had an estimated capacity of 10-20
tons of fresh fish, and also carried shrimps, crabs, dried fish, copra, corn and
other produce. Local stores and small merchants could also replenish their
stocks from the dry goods and general merchandise offered by the batil. Be-
cause of its accessibility, fishers preferred to trade with the batil operators.
Usually, fish catch reached Puerto Princesa City only when production slack-
ened or when bad weather prevented the batil from plying its usual route.
Fishers estimate that the batil bought around 90 per cent of their produce.
Women are also involved in marketing but they earned relatively higher
incomes from fish drying activities. Cleaning, drying and packing fish in car-
ton boxes fetched a daily net income of PhP45 – a far cry from the PhP4/
kilo paid for shredding crab meat in Malampaya Sound. Thus, even if women
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 205

did bring in some income from these activities, they could never adequately
meet their family needs. Working on a full-time basis was out of the question
because of their household chores. (Umengan, 1995)
As traders’ retained control over price levels, even abundant catches
could not be translated into higher income for the small fishers. Not only
were the marketing options limited; fishers had practically no information on
prevailing market prices. Inadequate post-harvest support such as good
roads and cold storage facilities further hemmed in market opportunities.
Combined with increasing costs of production inputs like gasoline, the fishers
become more beholden to the traders who enticed them even more with
credit and fishing implements in exchange for exclusive buying rights.
Ernesto Capampangan of Taytay understandably lamented: “Ah, dito sa
Taytay, ang mga maliliit na mangingisda ay parang utusan lang. Kami ang
naghihirap sa paghuli pero ang higit na nakikinabang ay ang mga dayuhang
mayayaman. Sila kasi ang may pera at kami, sumusunod lang sa takbo ng bilihan.
Sunod lang nang sunod! Kaysa naman mabulok ang huli naming isda.” (We are
like servants here in Taytay. We work hard to catch fish but in the end, only
the rich traders reap all the benefits because they have all the
money. We have no choice but follow the trading system or
end up with rotten fish.) The beauty of Taytay
Poverty. Poverty is no stranger to many coastal commu- finds no reflection in
nities where the lack of access to resources coupled with en- the lives of its people
vironmental degradation has made fishing a highly
who have been
unpredictable and unreliable livelihood. Taytay is no differ-
ent. Baloi Alcoba, a former community organizer in Taytay, forced into abject
observed: “Ang kagandahan ng Taytay ay hindi nasasalamin sa poverty and
buhay ng mga tao dahil sa tindi ng kahirapan nila.” (The beauty deprivation
of Taytay finds no reflection in the lives of its people who
have been forced into abject poverty and deprivation.)
Government statistics show that the income of households earning less
than PhP10,000 annually rose to 17.3 per cent in 1992. Fishing households,
however, earned only an average net income of not more than PhP2,000 in a
month.2 The peak months when fishers hit the “jackpots” occasionally punc-
tuated the long lean season of little or no income.
There was little to expect from government by way of social service delivery.
Malaria and pneumonia led the list of mortality causes. In addition, varying
degrees of malnutrition occurred in 72 percent of pre-school children. A
206 HOPE TAKES ROOT

Rural Health Unit and a district hospital were operational, but with only five
doctors for the whole of Taytay, the doctor-to-population ratio came to
1:9,975. (Addin, 1995) Even the delivery of social services was inad-
equate.
Water and electricity were also limited. A majority of Taytay resi-
dents got their water from wells while others sourced it from installed
water systems. Only residents of the poblacion (town center) could avail of
electric power from 6 pm to 12 midnight. Other areas had to make do
with intermittent electric supply. All in all, only 10 percent of the entire
Taytay population enjoyed what little electric power was supplied. The
majority relied on kerosene fuel and liquefied petroleum gas. (Adlin,
1995)

Implementing the SCAD program in Taytay

Lengthy discussions with community members regarding Tambuyog

and the SCAD program marked our initial activities in Taytay. Leaders of
NAMANGKA, and later on, the Malampaya Sound Fishermen Associa-
tion (MSFA), acted as the organizers’ guides and advisers, as they went
house-to-house. In some instances, they met impatience, such as one
woman leader in Baong who commented: “Ano ba ang bago sa programa
ninyo? Marami na kasing pumunta dito pero tingnan mo, hanggang ngayon
ay mahirap pa rin kami.” (So what is new with your program? Many
have come before you but look – we are still poor.) Our organizers of-
fered no promises, only the commitment to help people find solutions to
their problems. Most of the time, the organizers were well received by
the community, which made the long and tiring discussions enjoyable as
a whole.
By October 1995, Tambuyog’s partnership with the communities in
Taytay was strong enough to be formalized in the launching of the SCAD
program. We initiated roundtable discussions with Palawan-based NGOs,
PCSD and local government officials. The activity culminated with the sign-
ing of a covenant by representatives of Tambuyog, Helvetas, local govern-
ment and the community, who officially united their efforts to protect
Taytay’s resources.
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 207

Figure 1: THE SCAD PROGRAM IN TAYTAY,

NORTHERN PALAWAN, PHILIPPINES

To facilitate the enhancement

of capabilities of men and women in coastal communities
so they can directly and fully control
and manage their resources.

PROGRAM GOAL

To protect and conserve the biodiversity of Malampaya Sound and

Taytay Bay in order to ensure ecological sustainability and provide food
security to coastal communities.

PRIMARY OBJECTIVE

• Strengthen community groups of men and women that shall pursue an

area-based and sustainable development agenda
• Mitigate poverty through cooperation, self-help and shared
responsibility
• Limit the number of users and incidence of user conflicts
• Facilitate the community’s participation in decision-making
processes.

SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES
208 HOPE TAKES ROOT

Figure 2: THE SCAD PROGRAM’S PRINCIPLES AND STRATEGIES

IN TAYTAY , NORTHERN PALAWAN, PHILIPPINES

PRINCIPLES CORE STRATEGIES

• EMPOWERMENT • Community Organizing

• Education and Training

• EQUITY
• Environmental Protection
and Rehabilitation

• SUSTAINABILITY • Enterprise Development

• Research

• SYSTEMS-ORIENTATION • Gender Mainstreaming

• Advocacy and Networking

• GENDER-FAIRNESS
• Co-Management Formation

Initial stage

We noted in the early phases of program implementation that commu-

nity groups and cooperatives were not very popular in Taytay. Some people
even referred to the kooperatiba (cooperative) as “corruptiba,” in reference to
their unpleasant experience with unscrupulous groups in the past. People in
New Guinlo, for example, attended meetings only out of curiosity because to
most of them, organizations were all the same.
Of the seven groups in Taytay, only NAMANGKA functioned actively.
This organization started in 1993 with the assistance of Task Force Detain-
ees (TFD), an NGO that primarily helps political detainees and victims of
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 209

Figure 3: THE SCAD PROGRAM PHASES IN TAYTAY, NORTHERN

PALAWAN, PHILIPPINES

• Community integration and socio-

SOCIAL PREPARATION
PHASE
(November 1995 – May 1997)
ecological scanning
• Establishment of pre-cooperative
formations and women clusters
• Establishment of linkages and
partnership with government
• Environmental education campaign
• Resource management planning

• Conduct in-depth researches

RELATIVE AUTONOMY
PHASE
(June 1997 – December 1999)
• Establish Union of Cooperatives
• Establish separate women’s
organizations
• Establish Provincial Network of CRM
Supporters
• Implement micro-finance projects
• Establish co-management formations

• Cooperative will lead in project

implementation
• Targets project sustainability through
PHASE-OVER PERIOD incomes from business
(2000-2001) • Tambuyog extends technical assistance
• Cooperatives play active roles in
co-management formations
• Sustained efforts of the Provincial
Network
210 HOPE TAKES ROOT

human rights violations. In its inception, NAMANGKA focused on environ-

mental issues and conflicts and how these related to human rights violations.
Unfortunately, it did not last very long because of the phase out of TFD,
combined with the organization’s failure in economic projects such as the fish
cage venture and gasoline trading. By 1995, when Tambuyog met
NAMANGKA’s leaders, only a handful of its 53 members were interested in
sustaining their involvement.
In Malampaya Sound, the MSFA members had also lost interest in
the organization. A majority of MSFA’s founding members were involved
in a multi-purpose cooperative called NEGUTRA or the New Guinlo
Traders’ Multi-Purpose Cooperative. The economic projects failed, how-
ever, and the leaders could not account for the money that was entrusted
to them. Keeping this in mind, the Tambuyog organizers were more flex-
ible on what could be the more acceptable form of organization to the
people of Malampaya Sound. Introducing the idea of a resource manage-
ment cooperative seemed remote in the beginning of the organizing pro-
cess.
The environmental education campaign focused mainly on access and
control of resources. This was a fitting concern in Taytay because the people
had become wary of “outsiders” making claims on their resources. Fearing
the fate of disputed Philippine territories, a poster that hung in the commu-
nity hall spoke of the people’s sentiments: “Spratlys at Sabah, inangkin na ng
iba, Malampaya, paangkin ka rin ba?” (Others have already claimed Spratlys
and Sabah. Would Malampaya be next?)3
The community organizers of Tambuyog consulted them on forming
their own organization. Majority of the men expressed their willingness but
the women were held back by household chores that remained their burden.
Some women in New Guinlo felt that because of their lack of schooling, they
had little to contribute. Others were simply not used to being consulted or
having the chance to voice their opinions. Membership in community orga-
nizations was not within the bounds of the world they had grown accus-
tomed to.

The organizing process

As designed, the SCAD program anchors all program activities on or-

ganizing the women and the fishers and helping them build their capabilities
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 211

for coastal resource management. Organizing work goes hand-in-hand with

human resource development, particularly the enhancement of knowledge,
skills and attitudes of fisher-leaders. Finally, organizing work is linked as well
with socio-economic work aimed at addressing coastal livelihood issues.
In 1996, organizing work in Malampaya Sound focused on the MSFA,
which covered Barangay Baong, Old Guinlo and Bambanan. It had a total of
35 members, mostly men. By the latter part of the year, organizing work
expanded to Barangay Pansol, and before the end of the year, there were two
Resource Management Cooperatives (RMCs)—the MSFA and the Samahan
Para sa Kaunlaran ng Banbanan (SPKB). These were still mixed groups of
men and women but SPKB had more women members. As for
NAMANGKA, members came from four barangays covering eight sitios
(smaller village divisions).
In the beginning, we pursued a two-track organizing strategy—on one
hand, organizing the generic people’s organization (PO) and organizing the
RMC on the other. For Tambuyog, the RMC would have political, economic
and environmental functions. Its political task would concentrate on constitu-
ency building and advocacy work on granting resource access and control to
small-scale fishers; its economic task would be through the implementation
of economic projects; and its environmental function would revolve around
resource management.
Unlike the RMC, a PO is generally regarded as an organization that
is more concentrated on political tasks. While this may not always be
true, Tambuyog held the view that a cooperative would have more flexibil-
ity in terms of implementing resource management activi-
ties and economic projects. In the end, the people
themselves had a hand in identifying what would be a Some women felt that
workable organization in their communities. In Taytay because of their lack
Bay, The people readily agreed to the idea of forming an of schooling, they
RMC. In Malampaya Sound, more community members had little to contribute
wanted to start with a PO formation. It was only later that
the community decided to try the cooperative concept
again and practice cooperativism.
By end 1996, however, we shifted to single-track organizing, i.e., orga-
nizing the RMC in coastal communities using a common fishing ground, be-
cause we realized that a single center of leadership would wield more
influence over the local governance process. Secondly, a bay-wide formation
 212 HOPE TAKES ROOT

(e.g., a union of RMCs could serve as a venue for bay-wide management

agreement among barangay federations.
The RMCs during this period retained their male-dominated character.
To integrate the women in community activities, Tambuyog organizers fa-
cilitated the formation of clusters of women from four to eight households in
one neighborhood. Without any rigid organizational structure, these clusters
met almost every afternoon to talk about family and community problems. A
year after, the women clusters decided to form a separate all-women organi-
zation coordinated with the mixed-group RMC. Four RMCs in all were set
up in Taytay and a separate women’s organization established in Malampaya
Sound.
It was also during this period that Tambuyog opened
In the end, the a project site in Narra, a municipality in Southern Palawan
people themselves as a strategy to achieve strategic spread or the horizontal
had a hand in growth of sectoral and community intervention for cumu-
identifying a lative impact. We also saw this as a means to
operationalize Tambuyog’s intentions to reach out to com-
workable
munities and help them deal with illegal fishers and
organization in their poachers.
communities
Research and resource management planning

After the PRA activity in 1995, Tambuyog carried out in-depth stud-
ies geared towards resource management planning. These studies cov-
ered the ecological conditions of Malampaya Sound and Taytay Bay,
selected economic activities of women and the community legal and insti-
tutional studies. Other studies included those on culture, sustainable wa-
ter management, gender and the ecological status of dolphins in
Malampaya Sound.
The results of these studies and the inputs of the RMC members pro-
vided the basis for the resource management plans of Taytay Bay and
Malampaya Sound. Partner RMCs completed and validated these plans
in the second quarter of 1997. Two areas for the zonation of Malampaya
Sound were then pinpointed—Buaya Sound and Gamao Channel—where
activities will be regulated in the next two years. For Taytay Bay,
Tambuyog proposed setting up a marine protected area in Tegas
Reef, near Talacanen Island.
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 213

Co-management formation

Coordinating with the Association of Barangay Councils (ABC),

Tambuyog facilitated the formation of a co-management body in Taytay in
1996. Ten barangay councils constituted the Malampaya Association of
Barangay Councils (MABAC) which solicited signatures for a petition
against illegal fishing that they presented to the Mayor. However, the
MABAC leaders accused the Mayor of not being supportive of the campaign
against illegal activities and this caused tensions to rise between the organi-
zation and the municipal government. By the end of 1996, MABAC dis-
banded due to political pressures from the local government. In its place, the
municipal government accepted the formation of Task Force Illegal Fishing.
Meanwhile in Taytay Bay, a dialogue between the fishers and the president of
the Association of Barangay Chairman continued to dialogue in a forum
dubbed Baragatan sa Taytay (Convergence in Taytay). This resulted in the
creation of Task Force Taytay Bay, which was composed of Tambuyog,
NAMANGKA and the Philippine National Police with the municipal mayor
as head.
The campaign against illegal fishing in both areas initially succeeded
but the fisher’s active involvement in law enforcement became increas-
ingly difficult to sustain because of pressures reportedly coming from the
municipal government and the Mayor herself. RMC leaders reported
some instances when illegal fishers were not penalized and that their ar-
rests were mainly for show. They also alleged that the arrests being made
were selective and that some municipal government officials would pres-
sure them to go easy on illegal fishers who were known to have close
connections with the local government. The fishers complained that they
could not do a good job in a campaign against illegal fishing if the munici-
pal government was not sincere in providing its unconditional support to
their activities.
The task force, however, has made inroads in other respects. Following
the arrest of illegal fishers in Taytay, the local government passed on June
1998 a municipal fisheries ordinance containing strict stipulations on illegal
fishing. Tambuyog and its local partners also gained representation in the
ECAN Board and the newly formed Municipal Tourism Council. Their com-
bined efforts led to the organization of the Municipal Fisheries and Aquatic
Resource Management Council (MFARMC) which is mandated by Execu-
214 HOPE TAKES ROOT

tive Order 240 of 1994 (signed by former President Fidel Ramos) as well as
the Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998.

Work with communities continue

In September 1997, NAMANGKA secured a soft loan from the mu-

nicipality of Taytay amounting to PhP20,000 and channeled this into the fish
catch trading of its members. Fish catch was collected by a point person each
morning and brought to the market for retailing. The project ran from
December 1996 until April 1997.
In February 1998, NAMANGKA proposed the electrification of 73
households in Sitio Talacanen using solar power panels. The solar panels,
however, turned out to be very expensive so they opted for the use of a gen-
erator. A proposal was submitted to the Foundation for Philippine Environ-
ment for funding.
The Alitaptap (Firefly) Project, as it was called, forms part of a bigger
proposal to implement an Eco-Park Program in Taytay Bay. Aimed at pro-
tecting the giant clams in Tegas Reef in Sitio Talacanen, it also covers the
construction of walkways in the mangrove and coralline areas in Sitio Batas
and Barangay Bantulan. Installing the electricity project and an information
center/guard house in Talacanen formed part of the strategy to protect the
resources because illegal fishers and poachers used the area as a hiding
place.
In Malampaya Sound, a savings and credit project that started in Janu-
ary 1997 continues to be implemented by MSFA. In addition, the MSFA went
on its second cycle of operating a fish cage. Began in July 1996 with initial
funding from Tambuyog, the project grossed an impressive PhP128, 864
after only nine months of operation.
At the provincial level, Tambuyog made way for the formation of a net-
work of CRM practitioners. As one of the committees of the Palawan
NGO Network, Inc. (PNNI), this group initiates discussions on resource
management and provides inputs from NGO experiences at the community
level to firm up advocacy activities in the province. In 1997, the committee,
in coordination with the State Polytechnic College of Palawan, opened a
non-traditional course on community-based management which has been
duly recognized by the Commission on Higher Education.
This case study covers the period August 1995 when Tambuyog started
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 215

its work in Taytay until June 1999, when the responsibility of implementing
the SCAD program transferred to the Program Management Committee
(PMC) composed of Tambuyog, PNNI and the RMCs. By this time, the
RMCs were already handling the direct implementation of the livelihoods
projects while PNNI provides technical support. Tambuyog continues to be
involved in the project through the PMC, which is the main body responsible
for setting the program direction.

Insights

The SCAD program proceeds from the premise that resource manage-
ment approaches should be based on the inherent capacities and practical ex-
perience of communities. Thus, organizing stands out as its
core strategy. Organizing work facilitates the creation of
community institutions, structures, programs and systems. Organizing facilitated
Organizing is expected to enhance the capacities of commu- a process whereby
nity groups so that they can eventually manage their re- people could
sources for the benefit of the greater majority. Once the
develop a shared
enhanced capacities are in place, we believe community
groups will make significant advances to improve their lives. perspective on
The experience in Taytay offers some insights into orga- community problems
nizing work with communities. and arrive at possible
One, it shows the potential of organizing and directing options to address
people to think towards common goals and interests. This is
them
one of the goals of organizing and one that is often cited in
case studies and researches. As in Taytay, organizing facili-
tated a process whereby people could develop a shared perspective on com-
munity problems and arrive at possible options to address them.
Two, the Taytay experience points out that organizing produces both
material and non-material incentives upon which mobilization and action
proceeds. For example, training opportunities provided added information
and skills to the cooperative members. These served as incentives for people
to participate. Other incentives came in the form of profits generated from
the livelihood projects of the cooperative as well as the prestige often asso-
ciated with its local leaders.
Finally, the case study indicates that organizing promotes a sense of
solidarity among community members. In Taytay, many people avoided
 216 HOPE TAKES ROOT

organized groups because they did not see any benefit in participating. But
because of the persistence of the local leaders and seeing the financial gains
of their socio-economic projects, some community members became con-
vinced to at least give the organization a try.
The unsympathetic stance of the municipal government officials, par-
ticularly the mayor, did not lessen the enthusiasm of the local leaders. In fact,
such actions as the Task Force Taytay Bay’s arrest of illegal fishers, em-
boldened some community members to do the same. This is similar to the
situation described by Uphoff (1996) in Gal Oya, Sri Lanka, where organiz-
ing efforts created and nurtured friendships among the local people. These
relationships formed the basis of solidarity in a larger sense
and this in turn generated greater energy in pursuing the
Organizing promotes organization’s collective goals.
a sense of solidarity In another sense, the Taytay case study offers caution
among community on the positive results produced by organizing and social in-
tervention, in general. Tambuyog concentrated its work on a
members
relatively small group of fisher and women-leaders on the
assumption that the incentives and benefits of organizational
development would “radiate” in the larger segment of the community. This
was a dangerous assumption because benefits do not automatically spill over
the larger community, particularly if they are originally intended for a spe-
cific group of people within the area.
It was true that the core group of leaders facilitated the organizing pro-
cess. It was also observed that the leaders had what Uphoff (1996) de-
scribes as an “energizing effect” on organizing. But the core group of
leaders should not be taken as the whole organization. The challenge the
PMC now faces is expanding the reach of organizing work. Concretely,
this is being addressed by reviewing and reformulating organizational
policies so these can encourage wider community participation. Program
indicators, including the expansion of organizational membership, are be-
ing reviewed and revised.
Tambuyog should have also proceeded more carefully in providing ma-
terial incentives, especially money, to produce results in organizing work. In
Taytay, the POs became dependent on the organizers in generating funds not
only for organizational projects but for personal purposes as well. As a re-
sult, the relationship of Tambuyog and the POs has been largely reduced to
a funding relationship, with Tambuyog as the provider and the POs at the re-
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 217

A fully-loaded jeep, the most common means of transportation in Northern Palawan

Preparing driedfish for the market

218 HOPE TAKES ROOT

ceiving end. Tambuyog should have been more careful in creating depen-
dencies such as this.
The challenge for Tambuyog and its partner POs now is to overcome
the organizational hurdles and difficulties that resource management contin-
ues to pose. To do this, they have been pursuing open dialogues, finding re-
vitalized energy from small successes in livelihood projects and rethinking
how strategies can be more adaptable to the changing political environs.
A final reflection on this case study concerns the analysis on resource
use and management. The complexities brought about by resource use in-
teractions and conflicts cannot be simplified by locating power from one
source such as the state structure and the market, and assuming the lack of
absolute power from largely unorganized communities. The complexities of
resource use indicate that communities are “strategizing actors4 ” who make
decisions based on their individual and collective histories, values and inter-
ests. It is too simplistic to attribute absolute power and influence to the
state machineries and the lack of it to the communities. This does not mean
one should underplay the role of the LGU in the decisions made in Taytay
on resource use. This only means that in analyzing the situation in Taytay,
one should look at the interactions of actors and the diversity of forms and
sources of power, including the relationship of the organized groups in the
communities with government and external institutions like NGOs.
CBCRM after all is about the environment. And people and institutions, in-
cluding the relationships between them, are integral elements of the environ-
ment.

Notes:

1
The composo is a traditional piece of oral literature in the Philippines, whose affinity is
close to the Mexican corrido (Simmons, 1957 as cited in Guieb, 1996). This particular
composo refers to the impact of the entry of a fishing company, resulting to feelings of
neglect among the locals, particularly the indigenous groups.
2
This is based on estimates provided by fishers in Taytay to the community organizers
of Tambuyog.
3
The Spratlys is a chain of 53 islets, reefs, cays and shoals scattered over an area of
61,876 square miles southwest of the Philippines, some 270 nautical miles west of
 CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 219

Palawan (Doyo, 1991). Six Asian countries, the Philippines included, have territorial
claims to these island group. Sabah, on the other hand, also used to be disputed territory
but now forms part of Malaysia. The people of Taytay felt that the Spratlys and even
Malampaya Sound would face the same fate as Sabah. They also felt that they should be
doing something – collectively.
4
This term is used by Resurreccion and Sajor (1998) in their critical essays on the poli-
tics of environment in the Philippines.

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