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Slijede bitni izvodi iz pisma Nevenke Tromp Izetbegovicevom "savjetniku"
Mahmutovicu. Ne treba velika pamet da se vidi da Dr. Trump govori istinu.
Pri citanju njenoga pisma treba imati na umu da nema govora da su
Izetbegovicevi savjetnici (Mahmutovic i Ahmic) imali takvu moc da su npr.
mogli zabraniti Softicu da komunicira sa Jeffrey-em Nice-om, ili da su
mogli narediti da tekst revizije ostane tajna. Dr. Tromp je ocigledno
odlucila da u ovome pismu ne optuzuje direktno Izetbegoivca, ali je
ocigledno da sve odluke koje navodno donose "savjetnici" inkriminiraju
Izetbegovica, jer navodni savjetnici nisu mogli donostiti takve odluke, npr.
diktirati svome pretpostavljenom oficijelnom agentu Softicu sta da radi.
"Previously, however, the Registry had received a letter from Mr. Softic,
dated 25 May 2016, in which he enquired whether his appointment as the
Agent of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the case concerning the Application
of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia) was valid for the initiation of
proceedings for revision of the Judgment of 26 February 2007 in that
case. By letter dated 26 May 2016, the Registrar informed Mr. Softic that
a new appointment would be required. No document attesting to the
appointment of Mr. Softic for the purposes of proceedings for the revision
of the 2007 Judgment has been received by the Court."
http://articles.baltimoresun.com/1995-07-27/news/1995208099_1_arms-
embargo-bosnia-peacekeepers
July 27, 1995|By Karen Hosler and Mark Matthews | Karen Hosler and
Mark Matthews,Washington Bureau of The Sun
The 69-29 vote reflected widespread despair over an approach that has
failed to prevent the rape, torture and slaughter of Bosnian Muslims by
their Serbian neighbors or even to protect the United Nations
peacekeepers in the region.
"We did . . . the right thing," said Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole of
Kansas, chief proponent of the measure, who won the support of 21
Democrats, even though he is the leading GOP challenger to Mr. Clinton's
re-election.
Five Republicans and 24 Democrats opposed the bill, including Sens. Paul
S. Sarbanes and Barbara A. Mikulski, both Maryland Democrats.
"This is not about politics -- it's about life or death for a little country,"
declared Mr. Dole, who has long argued that the 4-year-old embargo on
the former Yugoslavia makes it impossible for the Bosnian Muslims to
defend themselves against the Bosnian Serbs who have benefited from
the arsenals of the former Yugoslavian army.
Mr. Dole garnered two votes more than would be needed to override a
veto. But Mr. Clinton, who has threatened to veto the bill, held out hope
that lawmakers ultimately would be persuaded not to defy U.S. allies in
Europe. The Europeans -- especially France and Britain -- fear that lifting
the arms embargo would escalate the conflict and endanger their troops
who are serving as U.N. peacekeepers in Bosnia.
"I do not believe the strong course for the United States and the strong
course for the people of Bosnia is to unilaterally lift the arms embargo,
collapse the U.N. mission and increase the chances of injecting Americans
troops there," Mr. Clinton told reporters.
Mike McCurry, the White House spokesman, seemed to concede that the
unexpectedly strong Senate vote would force a change in U.S. Bosnia
policy and sought to put the blame squarely on Congress.
"And good luck to all of us after they take this vote today and it is finally
ratified and survives a veto, because there are going to be an awful lot of
people who are going to end up dying as a result," he said.
Other senior officials said they hope that more serious military action by
U.N. troops and a tougher NATO airstrike posture would win back some
votes in the Senate and prevent a presidential veto from being
overridden.
Many of the lawmakers who voted in favor of lifting the embargo said
they did so more as an effort to change the political dynamics than as an
expression of confidence that this new approach would be any better.
"Neither the current policy of the United Nations and NATO, nor the Dole-
Lieberman approach" is coherent, said Democratic Sen. Sam Nunn of
Georgia, one of the Senate's leading voices on national security matters.
"With either policy . . . there is a danger that the conflict will be
increasingly Americanized."
Even so, Mr. Nunn voted in favor, saying he hoped it would strengthen
U.S. efforts to get the allies to agree that the time has come for all to lift
the embargo.
(Page 2 of 2)
July 27, 1995|By Karen Hosler and Mark Matthews | Karen Hosler and
Mark Matthews,Washington Bureau of The Sun
The legislation requires the United States to lift the arms embargo after
the withdrawal of U.N. peacekeepers or within 12 weeks of a request by
the Bosnian government for their departure. The measure empowers the
president to delay the lifting of the embargo if the safety of the
peacekeepers is in jeopardy.
Allies worried
"A lot will depend on what will go on in the next weeks in the field," a
European diplomat said. If the U.N. reinforcements succeed in halting a
downward spiral, he said, "I don't think Clinton has lost that fight."
French Foreign Minister Herve de Cherette, through a spokesman,
reiterated his country's previous warning that "lifting the embargo would
make the search for peace more difficult" and make the departure of the
U.N. forces "automatic."
A move by the United States to lift the embargo unilaterally would not
end the overall 1991 U.N. ban on shipping arms to the Bosnians unless
the U.N. Security Council acted to drop it. But in practical effect, it would
be widely seen as rendering the U.N. embargo meaningless. Bosnians
would be able to buy arms on the open market, and there would be
congressional pressure for the Clinton administration to provide weapons
and training.