UNIT 7

ENGLISH PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM I. VOWELS:

PHONETIC SYMBOLS. STRONG AND WEAK FORMS.
DIPHTHONGS: PHONETIC SYMBOLS. COMPARING
PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEMS: ENGLISH VS SPANISH, THE
OFFICIAL LANGUAGE OF MURCIA AUTONOMOUS
COMMUNITY
OUTLINE

1. INTRODUCTION.
1.1. Aims of the unit.
1.2. Notes on bibliography.

2. THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF PRONUNCIATION TEACHING.

2.1. Pronunciation instruction in perspective.
2.2. A history of pronunciation teaching.
2.2.1. Earlier times.
2.2.2. XVIth and early XVIIth century: the spelling reform.
2.2.3. XVIIth century: the precursors of modern phoneticians.
2.2.4. XVIIIth century: the standardization of pronunciation.
2.2.5. XIXth century: the creation of an International Phonetic Alphabet.
2.2.6. XXth century: modern methods and approaches.
2.2.7. XXIst century: pronunciation teaching today.

3. A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK TO THE ENGLISH PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM.

3.1. The nature of communication: main features.
3.1.1. Language as system: a duality of patterning.
3.1.2. Language as speech: the sounds of English.
3.2. Phonetics vs phonology: sounds vs phonemes.
3.3. The production of speech: a physio logical aspect.
3.3.1. The speech chain: three main stages.
3.3.2. The speech mechanism: the speech organs.
3.4. Sound change: the Great Vowel Shift.
3.5. A standard of pronunciation: Received Pronunciation (RP).

4. ENGLISH VOWELS: PHONETIC SYMBOLS.

4.1. On defining English vowels.
4.2. A classification of English vowels.
4.2.1. The Vowel Quadrant.
4.2.2. An articulatory description: main features.
4.2.3. Other main articulatory features.

5. COMPARISON OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEMS.

5.1. Spanish /a/.
5.1.1. English ash / /.

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 5.1.2. English long /a:/.
5.1.3. English short half-open central / ? /.
5.2. Spanish /e/.
5.2.1. English short /e/.
5.2.2. English long /3:/.
5.3. Spanish /i/.
5.3.1. English short /i/.
5.3.2. English long /i:/.
5.4. Spanish /o/.
5.4.1. English short /o/.
5.4.2. English long /o:/.
5.5. Spanish /u/.
5.5.1. English short /u/..
5.5.2. English long /u:/.
5.6. English schwa /? /.

6. ENGLISH DIPHTHONGS. PHONETIC SYMBOLS.

6.1. On defining English diphthongs.
6.2. A classification of English diphthongs.
6.2.1. Closing diphthongs gliding to /i/.
6.2.2. Closing diphthongs gliding to /u/.
6.2.3. Centring diphthongs gliding to schwa / ? /.
6.3. A comparison of English and Spanish diphthongs.

7. ENGLISH TRIPHTHONGS. PHONETIC SYMBOLS.

7.1. On defining English triphthongs.
7.2. A classification of English triphthongs.
7.3. A comparison of English and Spanish triphthongs.

8. PRESENT-DAY DIRECTIONS IN PRONUNCIATION.

9. CONCLUSION.

10. BIBLIOGRAPHY.

11. FIGURES.

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1. INTRODUCTION.

1.1. Aims of the unit.

This study is aimed to serve as the core of a survey on pronunciation, and in particular on the vowel
system. Therefore, all sections which shall be reviewed in this unit are aimed to provide the reader
with the following: (1) a historical overview of the issues involved in teaching pronunciation, such
as how pronunciation has been viewed from various methodological perspectives and what we
know about the main methods in second language phonology; (2) a thorough theoretical grounding
in the English phonological system; (3) a theoretical insight into the ways in which this sound
system intersects with the vowel system (4) a description and classification of English vowels in
terms of articulatory features; (5) a comparison between the English and the Spanish vowel
systems; (6) a description and classification of English diphthongs and triphthongs; (7) a framework
for new directions on pronunciation, and an evaluation of the vowel system within a current
language curriculum design in the framework of the European Community; (8) a conclusion on this
present study will be offered, and (9) finally, bibliography shall be listed according to the different
sections of this study.

1.2. Notes on bibliography.

Different valuable sources have been taken into account for the elaboration of this unit. Thus, in
Part 2, for a historical overview of the development of the phonological system, see Celce-Murcia,
Brinton and Goodwin, Teaching Pronunciation (2001); Gimson, An introduction to the
pronunciation of English (1980); and Crystal, Linguistics (1985). In part 3, for a theoretical
background to the phonological system, classic works on the origins and nature of communication
and language are Algeo and Pyles, The origins and development of the English language (1982);
and Crystal, Linguistics (1985); on the production of the speech chain and its features, see Gimson,
An introduction to the pronunciation of English (1980); and Celce-Murcia (2001).

In Part 4, an influential description of the vowel system is offered again by Gimson (1980), and
Fernndez, Historia de la lengua inglesa (1982). In part 5, for a comparison between English and
Spanish vowel systems, indispensable works are Gimson (1980); Alcaraz and Moody, Fontica
inglesa para espaoles (1982); and OConnor, Better English Pronunciation (1988).

In parts 6 and 7 of this study , English diphthongs and triphthongs are described and compared to the
Spanish system. Again, among the many general works that incorporate recent phonological
advances, see especially Celce-Murcia (2001); and classic works by Gimson (1980) and OConnor
(1988). In part 8, for a discussion on present-day directions in teaching pronunciation, and the
conclusion in part 9, see Celce-Murcia (2001).

Special remarks must be made to the charts and diagrams representing the English and Spanish
phonological systems, which have been taken from different sources, such as Gimson (1980);
Alcaraz (1982); and Celce-Murcia (2001).

2. THE HISTORY AND SCOPE OF PRONUNCIATION TEACHING.

In this chapter, following Cerce-Murcia (2001), we provide a historical overview of how

pronunciation has been treated in language teaching over the past centuries, which includes the
types of teaching approaches and techniques that have been used as well as the main methods

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focusing on the acquisition of the sound system of a second language, especially on the vowel
system. This chapter prepare us for the specific descriptive information presented in parts 4, 5, 6,
and 7 as well as for the pedagogical implications of present-day directions on pronunciation in part
8.

2.1. Pronunciation instruction in perspective.

It is a fact that in the history of language teaching, speech and language have been the object of
serious study for many centuries. Following Gimson (1980), extensive accounts of the
pronunciation of Greek and Latin were written two thousand years ago and, in India, at about the
same time, there appeared detailed phonological analyses of Sanskrit, which reveal remarkable
affinities with modern ways of thought. However, pronunciation only began to be studied
systematically shortly before the beginning of the twentie th century since Western philologists and
linguists considered grammar and vocabulary to be much more relevant than pronunciation.

Mainly two general approaches to pronunciation have been developed from the field of modern
language teaching. First of all, an intuitive-imitative approach and secondly, an analytic-linguistic
approach. The intuitive-imitative approach was used before the late nineteenth century, and
occasionally supplemented by the teachers observations about sounds based on orthography. It
depends on the learners ability to listen to and imitate the rhythms and sounds of the target
language, and also presupposes the availability of good models to listen to, first by means of
phonograph records, later by means of tape recorders and language labs in the mid-twentieth
century, and more recently audio- and videocassettes and compact discs.

The analytic-linguistic approach is based on information and tools such as a phonetic alphabet,
articulatory descriptions, charts of the vocal apparatus, contrastive information, and other aids to
supplement listening, imitation, and production. This approach focuses attention on the sounds and
rhythms of the target language, and was developed to complement rather than to replace the
intuitive-imitative approach.

We must acknowledge that there are methods that have had some currency throughout the twentieth
century and in which the teaching of pronunciation is largely irrelevant, since oral communication
in the target language is not a primary instructional objective. We talk, for instance, about Grammar
Translation and reading-based approaches. In the following overview we focus on those methods
and approaches for which the teaching and learning of pronunciation has been a genuine concern
from earlier times to the present day.

2.2. A history of pronunciation teaching.

2.2.1. Earlier times.

Following Crystal (1985), we may observe an emphasis on pronunciation from an oral tradition
even around the fifth century B.C. in ancient India, when the Hindu priests needed to reproduce
accurately the original pronunciation of the hymns used for their religious ceremonies. Moreover,
according to Gimson (1980), these Indian grammarians produced already printed works containing
information of a phonetic kind with descriptive accounts considered to be rigorous and satisfactory,
which are still adhered to to-day. The earliest written evidence on phonetic principles traces back to
the fourth century B.C. when Panini produced a work called sutras which consisted of a set of rules
about the languages structure, some of them still used in modern linguistics.

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Later on, in the sixteenth century some of the first writers were already concerned with the relation
between the sounds of English and those of another language. Thus, the French grammarian, John
Palsgrave wrote about the pronunciation of French in his work Lesclarcissement de la Langue
Francoyse (1530). He explained the values of the French sounds, comparing them with the English,
in a kind of phonetic transcription. It was difficult, however, to communicate sound values in print,
especially those of vowels, until in the twentieth century, a system of objective evaluation was
devised by Daniel Jones, that of the Cardinal Vowels.

2.2.2. XVIth and early XVIIth century: the spelling reform.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a more important type of phonetic inquiry stemmed from
the concern at the inconsistency of the relationship of Latin letters and the sounds which they
represented, especially in English, as there had been great changes of pronunciation, particularly as
far as the vowel sounds were concerned, so that letters no longer had their original Latin values
(Gimson 1980). There was, then, a need for a spelling reform in order to bring some order into
English spelling, as far as sound symbolization is concerned.

The early spelling reformers proposed a more logical relationship of sound and spelling so as to
investigate the sounds of English. They used phonetic methods of analysis and transcription. Thus,
John Hart, in his work, Orthographie (1569), describes the organs of speech, and also defines
vowels distinguishing between front and back vowels.

2.2.3. XVIIth century: the precursors of modern phoneticians.

In the seventeenth century, there is a considerable body of published work, which is already entirely
phonetic in character and which contains observations and theories still current today. These works
emerged from a group of writers who were interested in speech and language for their own sake.
They were mainly concerned with detailed analysis of speech activity, the comparative study of the
sounds of various languages, the classification of sound types, and the establishment of systematic
relationships between the English sounds. Yet, those considered to be the true precursors of modern
scientific phoneticians (Gimson 1980), are John Wallis, Bishop Wilkins, founders of the Royal
Society, and Christopher Cooper.

To start with, the linguistic fame of John Wallis, primarily a mathematician, lasted into the
eighteenth century, and his works being copied long after his death. His principal linguistic work,
Grammatica Linguae Anglicanae (1653), examines the sounds of English as they constitute a
system in their own right. In the introductory part of the work (Tractatus de Loquela), he describes
in detail the organs of speech and attempts to establish a general system of sound classification for
vowels, stating the degree of aperture for vowels.

On the other hand, Bishop John Wilkins attempted, in his work Essay Towards a Real Character
and a Philosophical Language (1668), to describe the functions of speech organs and gives a
general classification of the sounds articulated by them.

Finally, Christopher Cooper attempted to describe and give rules for the pronunciation of English
rather than to devise a logical system into which the sounds of English might be fitted. In his work
The Discovery of the Art of Teaching and Learning the English Tongue (1687), he states The
Principles of Speech where he describes the organs of speech and names the different sections of
the speech tract responsible for vowels. Moreover, he goes further by defining diphthongs.

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2.2.4. XVIIIth century: the standardization of pronunciation.

By the eighteenth century, the spirit of general scientific enquiry into speech lost much of its
original enthusiasm. The neglect is due to the fact that it is extremely difficult to study speech
without some mechanical aids to make the speech permanent, and therefore more precisely
analysable (Crystal 1985). However, prescriptive grammars containing rules for pronunciation
continued to be produced in large numbers and dictionaries provided us with information
concerning the contemporary forms of pronunciation. Yet the main achievement of the century lies
in its successful attempt to fix the spelling and pronunciation of the language. The works that had
the main influence on language and led to a standardization of pronunciation were to be the
Dictionaries of Samuel Johnson (1755), Thomas Sheridan (1780), and John Walker (1791).

2.2.5. XIXth century: the creation of an International Phonetic Alphabet.

Following Cerce-Murcia (2001), an interest on speaking skills was developed by the Direct Method
in the late 1800s and early 1900s, where pronunciation is taught through intuition and imitation.
This movement was influenced greatly by phoneticians such as Henry Sweet, Wilhelm Vitor, and
Paul Passy, who formed the International Phonetic Association in 1886 and developed the
International Phonetic Alp habet (IPA). This alphabet made it possible to accurately represent the
sounds of any language because, for the first time, there was a consistent one-to-one relationship
between a written symbol and the sound it represented.

Successors to this approach are the naturalistic methods, which include comprehension methods
that devote a period of learning solely to listening before any speaking is allowed. Examples include
Ashers (1977) Total Physical Response and Krashen and Terrells (1983) Natural Approach .

2.2.6. XXth century: modern methods and approaches.

During the 1940s and 1950s, the Reform Movement played an important role in the development of
Audiolingualism in the United States and the Oral Approach in Britain for which pronunciation
was very important and was taught explicitly from the very start. As their main features, we may
highlight imitating and repeating sound models making use of information from phonetics, such as
a visual transcription system or charts which demonstrate the articulation of sounds. Yet, the
minimal pair drill technique, drawn from structural linguistics, helps students distinguish between
similar and problematic sounds in the target language through listening discrimination and spoken
practice, as for the distinction between sheep and ship.

In the 1960s a new approach is drawn from tranformational-generative grammar and cognitive
psychology, their main figures being Chomsky (1965) and Neisser (1967) respectively. The
Cognitive Approach viewed language as rule -governed behavior rather than habit formation, where
pronunciation is deemphasized in favor of grammar and vocabulary which are considered to be
more learnable items.

During the 1970s the Silent Way and Community Language Learning still showed interesting
differences in the way they dealt with pronunciation. Thus, the Silent Way (Gattegno 1976) is
characterized first by the attention paid to accuracy of production of both the sounds and structures
of the target language by sharpening the students inner criteria for correctness, not having to learn
a phonetic alphabet or a body of explicit linguistic information. On the other hand, Community
Language Learning, a method developed by Charles A. Curran (1976), is primarily student initiated
and designed since students decide what they want to practice and use the teacher as a resource, a
technique known as human computer.

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2.2.7. XXIst century: pronunciation teaching today.

Celce-Murcia (2001) states that the Communicative Approach, established in the 1980s and
currently dominant in language teaching, holds that the primary purpose of language is
communication. This focus brings renewed urgency on pronunciation since intelligible
pronunciation is one of the necessary components of oral communication. In fact, the ultimate goal
is for learners to work with language at the discourse or suprasentential level.

Until now we can see that the emphasis in pronunciation instruction has been largely on a
segmental level, that is, getting the sounds right at the word level, dealing with words in isolation or
with words in very controlled and contrived sentence-level environment. In the mid- to late 1970s
other approaches directed most of their energy to teaching suprasegmental features of language
(i.e., rhythm, stress, and intonation) in a discourse context as the optimal way to organize a short-
term pronunciation course for nonnative speakers.

As a result, todays pronunciation curriculum seeks to identify the most important aspects of both
the segmental and suprasegmental levels and integrate them depending on the needs of any group of
learners. In addition to segmental and suprasegmental features of English, there is also the issue of
voice quality setting, that is, each language has certain stereotypical features such as pitch level,
vowel space, neutral tongue position, and degree of muscular activity that contribute to the overall
sound quality or accent associated with the language.

As we stated at the beginning of this part, the aim of this historical background is simple: to provide
the reader with a rich knowledge base on pedagogical techniques and methods in history in order to
understand the following theoretical part which surveys the English phonological system.

3. A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK TO THE ENGLISH PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM.

3. 1. The nature of communication: main features.

Following Gimson (1980), one of the chief characteristics of the human being is his ability to
communicate to his fellows complicated messages concerning every aspect of his activity. For our
purposes, and within a theory of language, we shall define communication in terms of types and
main features. In the first place, we distinguish two main types within the communication process,
that is, verbal and non-verbal codes. First, regarding the phonological system, verbal codes are
related to speech in that the code is oral language, and secondly, non-verbal codes refer to
paralinguistic devices which are closely related to vowel stress patterns.

In the second place, the main features that establish a distinction between human and animal
systems of communication provide us with two important concepts to be reviewed within this unit.
Thus, the arbitrariness of signs as it is seen within a definition of language as a system and
secondly, the auditory-vocal channel from a physical perspective within language as speech.

3. 1. 1. Language as system: a duality of patterning.

A language will be defined as a system of conventional vocal signs by means of which human
beings communicate (Algeo and Pyles 1982). Language as a system is not only a collection of

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words but also rules or patterns that relate the words to one another. The arbitrariness of language
lets people build an immensely large number of meaningful units out of only a handful of
meaningless units.

This duality of patterning is perhaps the main characteristic that distinguishes true human language
from the simpler communication systems of all nonhuman animals, as the meaningless components
of a language make up its sound system, or phonology (phonemes), and the meaningful units are
part of its grammatical system (word categories). As we may see, this duality of patterning deals
directly with the nature of the phonological system, and in turn, with the vowel system.

3.1.2. Language as speech: the sounds of English.

According to Algeo and Pyles (1982), language is a system that can be expressed in many ways,
thus by writing, by hand signals or gestures. However, the signs of language, its words and
morphemes, are basically oral-aural, sounds produced by the mouth and received by the ear.
Because sounds follow one another sequentially in time, language has a one -dimensional quality. In
fact, speech is undoubtedly superior, as its evolutionary survival demonstrates.In this study, our
primary concern will be the use we make of speech, at an auditory level, and therefore, we shall
concentrate on the production, transmission, and reception of the sounds of English, in other words,
the phonetics of English.

Next sections we shall examine , firstly, the notion of phoneme and its features, and then, the
production of speech as a physiological aspect where the human vocal tract plays a prominent role .
Secondly, the sounds of speech, from an acoustic and auditory aspects where the main features of
sounds are depicted in detail. These two perspectives on the speech chain will provide the reader
with the relevant framework for a description and classification of speech sounds in terms of
linguistic analysis.

3.2. Phonetics vs phonology: sounds vs phonemes.

This study is primarily concerned with the sound system of English and it is well known that
phonetic analysis should occupy an important place in the study of any language (Gimson 1980).
When a language is being subjected to scientific analysis, some statement of the sound system is
necessary so a notation is devised for the recording of the language in a written form.

In treating sounds in this way (Algeo and Pyles 1982), phonologists seek to identify the smallest
features which are adequate to describe any human language by means of phonetic transcription.
Phonology tries to keep underlying forms and all of phonological description as close as possible to
actual pronunciation. We may find slight variations of styles of transcription. It is usual to write
phonemes within slanting lines, or virgules (also called slashes), thus /t/. In this study we shall
ordinarily use a broad phonetic transcription enclosed in slashes.

Linguistically speaking, we may establish a distinction between the terms phonetics and phonology.
On the one hand, phonetics deals with the characteristics of sounds themselves without any
reference to their function. Since the phonetic unit is the sound, it formulates methods of description
and classification of the sound types which occur in speech (articulatory, auditory, and acoustic; or
stages of production).

On the contrary, phonology deals with phonemes. According to Algeo and Pyles (1982), a phoneme
is the smallest distinctive unit of speech which may differ according to the phonetic environment in

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which it occurs. Then, we talk about allophones, that is, similar sounds that are not distinctive in
complementary distribution (or also called a specific environment).

Thus, phonology involves the study of the concrete phonetic characteristics within the context of a
specific language, thus English or Spanish phonemes. These sounds, such as vowels and
consonants, used in a language in particular are studied in relation to their functional behavior for
distinctive purposes; the combinatory possibilities of the phonemes; or the nature and use of
prosodic features as pitch, stress and length. Moreover, a study of the phonic substance of the
language may be accompanied by an analysis of lexis, grammar, semantic or paralanguage devices.

Within next sections, a phonetic approach will provide an overview of the production of sounds
from a physiological aspect, that is, the speech chain in its three main stages, and the mechanism of
speech, with respect to the organs of speech involved ni the process. Further on, a phonological
analysis will examine the English vowel system in detail.

3.3. The production of speech: a physiological aspect.

For the speaker to produce many differentiated sounds, only humans have been endowed with a
highly sophisticated speech organ which consists of consonants and vowels which are part of our
vocal apparatus as a limited set of speech sounds.

However, speech enables us to use our language in a very economic way for a virtually infinite
production of linguistic units. As we have mentioned before, linguistically speaking, the distinctive
speech sounds are called phonemes which are meaningless by themselves, and may be reassembled
into larger linguistic units, commonly called words. The way speakers may use language so as to
convey the meaning of their message is examined under physiological aspects, such as the
physiological stages to make communication possible, and the speech organs involved in this
process.

3.3.1. The speech chain: three main stages.

According to Gimson (1980), any communicative act by means of speech involves a highly
complicated series of events on the part of the speaker. This manifestation of language has been
described as a physiological process where we may distinguish three main stages, thus
psychological, physiological, and physical.

The first stage is called psychological since the formulation of the concept takes place at a mental
level in the brain. Then, the message is transmitted by the nervous system to the organs of speech,
which in turn, on taking a provision of air, produce a particular pattern of sound in a conventional
manner, as it is learned by experience. This stage is also called initiation stage.

The second stage, known as the articulatory or physiological stage, takes place when our organs of
speech move and then create disturbances in the air, or whatever the medium may be through which
we are talking. This stage is also called phonation stage as the phonatory organs move in terms of
quality of voice to make the appropriate sound.

These varying air pressures or disturbances which regulate the shape of the sounds constitute the
third stage in our chain, called physical or acoustic, and also known as articulation stage. This is the
end of the production chain where the listener appreciates significant features within the speech
chain since we deal with the reception of the sound waves by the hearing apparatus.

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These three stages requires a listener and a speaker for the message to be sent and received, but for
our purposes, we shall focus on the speaker, and more especially, on the concrete speech level
which involves the production of sounds rather than the transmission of the information along the
nervous system to the brain, and the linguistic interpretation of the message. Therefore, we shall
examine in next section the articulatory stage and its speech mechanisms so as to analyse the role
of the different organs on producing the sounds of speech.

3.3.2. The speech mechanism: the speech organs.

Following Gims on (1980), man possesses the ability to produce sounds and organise them into a
highly efficient system of communication whereas animals use the sounds for stimuli to signal fear,
hunger, sexual excitement, and the like. Nevertheless, both animals and human beings share the
common use of organs whose primary physiological function is unconnected with vocal
communication, namely, for man when speaking, those situated in the respiratory tract. Following
OConnor (1988), among those organs, common to vowels and consonants, we may mention (1)
lungs, (2) larynx (vocal cords and glottis), (3) pharynx (soft palate), (4) mouth, (5) teeth, (6) tongue,
and (7) lips. Consonants and vowels are usually drawn in a diagram showing a side view of the
parts of the throat and mouth and nose which are important to recognise for English (Figure 1).

(1) First, in all languages we speak with air from the lungs, as all the essential sounds need lung air
for their production when we breathe out. Then the air interferes with its passage in various ways
and at various places, and as a result, our utterances are shaped by the capacity of our lungs and by
the muscles which control their action. We are forced to pause in articulation so as to refill our
lungs with air , and a number of energetic peaks of exhalation will to some extent condition the
length of any breath group.

(2) Secondly, the air-stream released by the lungs undergoes important modifications in the upper
stages of the respiratory tract before it acquires the quality of a speech sound. The air comes up
through the trachea or wind-pipe, and then it passes through the larynx which is formed of cartilage
and muscle, and is situated in the upper part of the trachea. Since it looks like a casing, it is
commonly called the Adams apple.

Housed within this structure from back to front are the vocal folds (or vocal cords), which are two
small folds of ligament and elastic tissue, which can be thought of as two flat strips of rubber, lying
opposite each other across the air passage. They may be brought together or parted by the rotation
of the arytenoid cartilages through muscular action. The opening between the folds is known as the
glottis, through which the air can pass freely when we breathe quietly in and out. When the vocal
cords are brought together tightly, no air can pass.

In using the vocal folds for speech, the most important function of those consists in their role as a
vibrator set in motion by lung air, that is, the production of voice, or phonation. For our purposes in
the analysis of English, we shall focus on the production of voiced and voiceless sounds. Voiced
sounds are achieved when the vocal cords are vibrating close together whereas voiceless sounds are
made when the vocal cords are wide open, the air passes freely between them, and there is no
vibration.

(3) Thirdly, the air-stream, having passed through the larynx, is now subject to further modification
according to the shape within the upper cavities of the pharynx, mouth, and also, the nasal cavity.

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These cavities function as the main resonators, and correspond respectively to the sections of
laryngopharynx (pharynx), oropharynx (mouth), and nasopharynx (nose).

We shall concentrate on the pharyngeal cavity which extends from the top of the larynx, past the
epiglottis and the root of the tongue, to the region in the rear of the soft palate . Accordingly, we
may find three different positions of the soft palate. First, if the soft palate is lowered, the air
escapes through the nose and the mouth, and we obtain nasalized vowels. However, if the soft
palate is held in its raised position, there is an oral escape through the mouth, as all normal English
sounds have.

(4) Fourth, the mouth plays an essential part in the production of speech sounds. Indeed, it is the
most readily accessible and easily observed section of the vocal tract and also, the shape of the
mouth determines finally the quality of the majority of our speech sounds. This oral chamber is
limited by a number of boundaries, such as the teeth , at the front; the hard palate , in the upper part;
and the pharyngeal wall (soft palate), in the rear. The remaining organs are movable: the lips, the
various parts of the tongue, and the soft palate with its pendent uvula . For a description of the
articulation of sounds, we would include the lower jaw and the space between the upper and lower
teeth.

The whole palate forms the roof of the mouth , and separates the mouth cavity from the nasal
cavity. Most of it is hard and fixed in position, but when your tongue-tip is as far back as it will go,
away from your teeth, you will notice the palate becomes soft. It is relevant, then, for our purposes
to divide the hard, fixed part of the palate on the roof of the mouth into three parts. Thus, the
alveolar ridge, the hard palate and the soft palate .

First, moving backwards from the upper teeth is the alveolar ridge or teeth ridge which can be
clearly felt behind the upper front teeth; secondly, the hard palate is the highest part of the palate
shaped as a bony arch between the alveolar ridge and the beginning of the soft palate; and finally,
the soft palate or velum, which is capable, as we have previously seen, of being raised or lowered,
and whose extremity is called uvula.

(5) The lower front teeth are used in English to some extent as passive articulators in sounds such
as /t/ and the sound in thin or this.

(6) The tongue is the most important of the organs of speech because it has the greatest variety of
movement and flexibility so as to assume a great variety of positions in the articulation of vowels.
Although the tongue has no obvious natural divisions like the palate, it is useful to think of it as
divided into four arbitrary parts, thus back, front, blade, and tip.

Imagine a diagram showing a side view of the mouth where we can see the parts of the tongue. The
back of the tongue lies under the soft palate, and when the tongue is at rest, its tip lies behind the
lower teeth; the front lies under the hard palate. The region where the front and back meet is known
as the centre or dorsum. The tapering section facing the teeth ridge is called the blade and its
extremity the tip. Both lie under the alveolar ridge, and are particularly mobile as they can touch the
whole of the lips, the teeth, the alveolar ridge and the hard palate. The tip and blade region is
sometimes known as the apex, and the edges of the tongue are known as the rims.

(7) The lips are particularly significant in the formation of vowel quality , and take up different
positions as they are movable parts. The shape which they assume will, therefore, affect the shape
of the total cavity. Thus they can be brought firmly together so that they completely block the
mouth, either momentarily or directed through the nose by the lowering of the soft palate. They can

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also be pushed forward to a greater or lesser extent, and if they lips are kept apart either flat or with
different amounts of rounding, they can be summarized under six headings (Gimson 1980).

Thus first, held sufficiently close together over all their length, friction occurs between them. Then
we obtain fricative sounds, with or without voice (i.e., when pronouncing word). Secondly, the
spread lip position when held sufficiently far apart for no friction to be heard, usually in vowels
(i.e., see), and remaining fairly close together and energetically spread. Thirdly, a neutral position
with a medium lowering of the lower jaw (i.e., get). Fourth, held relatively apart, in an open
position without any marked rounding (i.e., card). Fifth, a close rounded position, where the
aperture is small and rounded, and tightly pursed (i.e., do). And finally, the open rounded position,
where the aperture is held wide apart (i.e., got).

3.4. Sound change: the Great Vowel Shift.

According to Gimson (1980), the language spoken in England has undergone very striking changes
during the last thousand years. With respect to English vowels, the fifteenth century marked a
turning point in the history of English, for during this period the language underwent greater, more
important phonological changes than in any other century before or since, particularly the change in
the pronunciation of the tense vowels that helps to demark Middle from Modern English.

This change, the most prominent of all phonological developments in the history of English, is
called the Great Vowel Shift. It refers to a number of radical qualitative and quantitative changes
that initially affected the evolution of southern Middle English tense long vowels into Early Modern
English during the 16th and 17th centuries. However, short vowels have remained relatively much
more stable than long vowels. According to Fernndez (1982), from an articulatory perspective, this
salient change is related to a general tendency to communicate with the minimum effort, which
involves the reduction of long vowels and a tendency to centralization. As a result, those vowels
became diphthongs.

We must note this development was gradual, adopting a number of intermediate stages until in
1700 the modern English pronunciation of long vowels is almost attained. Sociolinguistic studies
have evidenced that this phonological change was related to the social stratification of the Tudor
era and the desire to mark social identity through language. The goal was to intensify self-
consciousness about class and status between the upper classes of Tudor London and immigrants
from the nearby Home Counties of the southeast.

3.5. A standard of pronunciation: Received Pronunciation (RP).

It is a fact that English language is sensitive to variations in pronunciation, and that, socially
speaking, there is an attitude towards a certain set of sound values which is considered to be more
acceptable than another. Moreover, a standard pronunciation exists, although it has never been
explicitly im posed by any official body. This unofficial standard emerges from disparities between
the speech sounds of younger and older generations, different parts of the country, and also social
classes. For reasons of politics, commerce, and the presence of the Court, it was the pronunciation
of the south-east of England, and more particularly, to that of the London region, that this prestige
was attached. This standard is called Received Pronunciation (RP).

The speech of the Court, phonetically largely that of the London area, incresingly acquired a
prestige value and, in time, lost some of the local characteristics of London speech. It may be said
to have been finally fixed, as the speech of the ruling class, through the conformist influence of the
public schools of the nineteenth century. With the spread of education, the situation arose in which

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an educated man might not belong to the upper classes and still retain his regional characteristics.
Then, those eager for social advancement felt obliged to modify the ir accent in the direction of the
social standard. Pronunciation was, therefore, a marker of position in society .

Great prestige is still attached to this implicitly accepted social standard of pronunciation since it
has become widely known and accepted through the advent of the radio. The BBC formerly
recommended this form of pronunciation for its announcers mainly because it was the type which
was most widely understood and which excited least prejudice of a regional kind. Thus, RP often
became identifie d in the public mind with BBC English. This special position, basically educated
Southern British English, has become the form of pronunciation most commonly described in books
on the phonetics of British English and traditionally taught to foreigners. Furthermore, English
functions as a lingua franca worlwide.

In the following section we shall examine the English Vowel System on the basis of Received
Pronunciation. Thus, we shall carry out, first, a descriptive account of the English vowels and then,
diphthongs and triphthongs as pa rt of the sound system.

4. ENGLISH VOWELS: PHONETIC SYMBOLS.

4.1. On defining English vowels.

Celce-Murcia (2001) claims that defining vowel sounds and describing their phonetic properties is
not as simple a matter as naming the five orthographic vowels (a, e, i, o, and u). In fact, when we
begin to examine the vowel sounds of English more scientifically, we find that there are at least
twelve distinct vowels sounds rather than five.

Before focusing our attention to the comparison of English and Spanish vowels, we first need to
examine their characteristics and define how vowel sounds differ from their consonant counterparts.
To the question of what a vowel is, a scientific answer would be that vowels are the core or peak
of the syllable. In fact, a syllable can consist minimally of one vowel (V) only, as in the word cat;
alternatively, the vowel can also be surrounded on either or both sides by consonants (C), as in the
words prey (CCV), ants (VCCC), and pranks (CCVCCC).

Another way of describing vowels is to define them as sounds in which there is continual vibration
of the vocal cords and the airstream is allowed to escape from the mouth in an unobstructed
manner, without any interruption. One difficulty in describing vowels is that in the production of
vowel sounds there is no contact of the articulators as there is in the production of consonant
sounds. Therefore, the classification of vowels is not as clear-cut as that of consonants.

4.2. A classification of English vowels.

Vowels involve a relatively unobstructed airflow and take on their peculiar characteristics largely
through changes in the shape and size of the oral cavity where the position of the tongue and lips is
essential in a classification of vowels. Acc ording to Celce-Murcia, we may establish first a vowel
description in terms of simple vowels (vowels without an accompanying glide movement as in bed
or put) or vowels with an adjacent glide (vowels accompanied by /y/ or /w/ as in pain or stone)
which are to be called diphthongs. OConnor goes further by establishing vowel sequences which
are, in fact, triphthongs. Both diphthongs and trip hthongs will be examined in subsequent sections.

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There are differences between vowel sounds when concerning phonetic transcription for Australian,
American or Scottish speakers although the actual sound is the same. Then, it is worth noting that
we will apply in this study Gimsons system of phonetic transcription as it is the most widely
phonemic analysis used in the field of teaching English pronunciation, together with an articulatory
definition of each vowel in case we describe orally each vowel. Besides, all the figures representing
vowel and consonant charts and diagrams have been taken from Celce-Murcia (20 01), Gimson
(1980), and Alcaraz (1982).

4.2.1. The vowel quadrant.

We concentrate first on the oral cavity (Figure 2) as a resonance chamber where the size and shape
of it can be modified by the movement of the tongue and the opening or closing of the jaw. These
two dimensions were to be analysed in the twentieth century by the English phonetician Daniel
Jones. He designed a vowel quadrant (Figure 3) whose four angles represented the cardinal vowels,
as he named them.

The quadrant (Figure 4) corresponds to a sagittal section of the mouth where different positions of
the tongue are described in relation to the palate. At this point, it is worth mentioning again that the
palate forms the roof of the mouth which becomes soft as far back as it goes away from your teeth.
It is divided into three sections, thus the alveolar ridge (immediately behind the upper front teeth),
the hard palate (the highest part of the palate), and the soft palate (curving down towards the
tongue, and ending in a point called uvula, which can also move and make contact with the back
wall of the pharynx).

Therefore, the quadrant is designed on three dimensions out of which the twelve English vowels are
taken out. First, a vertical exe indicates the degree of raising of the tongue. Thus, from the highest
point to the lowest, it corresponds to close (high), semi-close (mid), semi-open (mid), and open
(back) vowels. Secondly, a horizontal exe represents from left to right, front, centre, and back
vowels, depending on the part of the tongue raised. Finally, a third exe refers to quantity or length
of the vowels, by which vowels are defined as long or short.

4.2.2. An articulatory description: main features.

In describing vowel sounds, we are concerned with a glottal tone modified by the upper resonators
of the pharyngeal, mouth and nasal cavities. As air from the lungs moves past the vibrating vocal
cords and out through the oral cavity, the position of various articulators acts to modify the vowel
sound produced (figure 3). Accordingly, vowel sounds can be distinguished from each other by
several features related to the position of the main organs responsible for the resonators, such as the
soft palate, tongue, and lips.

Therefore, as was stated, a common classification of vowel sounds must describe the position of the
articulatory organs according to (1) vowel quality; (2) the position of the soft palate; (3) the position
of the tongue; and (4) the position of the lips. Other relevant characteristics in the description of
vowels deal with (5) tense versus lax vowels; and (6) weak and strong forms, examined in next
section.

(1) First, according to vowel quality or vowel length, we distinguish long and short vowels. Thus,
there are five long vowels as in the words farm, birth, cream, brought, and boom, and seven short
vowels as in rat, but, pet, bit, knot, put, and about (schwa sound). It is worth noting that vowels are

14/ 32
longer before a final voiced consonant than before a final voiceless consonant. The tendency for
vowels to lengthen in certain environments is most perceptible when words are spoken in isolation.

(2) Secondly, according to the position of the soft palate , we deal with both the nasal and oral
cavity. Vowels are then classified as oral vowels if the soft palate is raised, so that the air is forced
to go out only through the mouth, and nasal vowels if the soft palate is lowered, so that the air can
pass through the nose as well as through the mouth. The vowels pronounced this way are always in
the environment of a nasal consonant as in the word sing.

(3) Thirdly, according to the position of the tongue, vowel sounds can be distinguished from each
other by the degree of raising of the tongue, and by which part of the tongue is raised. Accordingly,
in relation to the raising of the tongue, we distinguish four degrees. Thus, from the highest to the
lowest point we find, close vowels (the tongue is held as high as possible without touching the roof
of the mouth), semi-close vowels (the tongue is about one-third of the distance from close to open),
semi-open vowels (the tongue is about two thirds of the distance from close to open), and open
vowels (the tongue is as low as possible). Another parallel description defines the raising of the
tongue as high, mid, and low degrees.

With respect to the part of the tongue raised, we distinguish three types. Thus, front vowels (the
front of the tongue moves towards the hard palate), central vowels (the central part of the tongue is
raised), and back vowels (the back of the tongue is raised to the soft palate).

(4) According to Gimson (1980), another visible factor that characterizes the production of vowel
sounds is lip position, which can be described as rounded, spread and neutral. Rounded vowels are
drawn together with a round opening, as in pot, taught, put, and moon. Spread vowels (also
unrounded) are characterized by lips together, as in the words cat, barn, cup, red, bird, sit, seat.
Yet, Celce-Murcia (2001) includes another degree, being this neutral (neither rounded nor spread)
as in the word another, with the schwa.

4.2.3. Other main articulatory features.

As we have previously mentioned, we find other relevant characteristics in the description of

vowels which deal with (1) tense versus lax vowels; and (2) weak and strong forms.

(1) Another feature is drawn from the distinction tense versus lax vowels. Tense vowels are
articulated with more muscle tension than the lax vowels, as in scene, prey, pot, short, throw, and
you. This muscle tension serves to stretch the articulation of tense vowel sounds to more extreme
peripheral positions in the mouth, making them less centered. Often, tense vowels in English are
also accompanied by a glide, which is defined by Celce-Murcia as a slight diphthongization.

On the contrary, to produce lax vowels the tongue is supposed to be held loosely, as in the words
hat, bet, pin, fun , and look. The muscles relax somewhat when moving from long to short vowels,
the jaw also drops slightly, and the lips are not so tightly spread apart. Moreover, the tongue moves
toward a more central position in the mouth. Finally, there is no glide quality and, therefore, it is not
related to diphthongs.

(6) The final distinction we will make for vowels is weak and strong forms which is closely related
to the discussion on reduced vowels. Regarding weak and strong forms, we must note that English
is a stress-accent language where content and function words may be stressed or unstressed, that is,
be weak or strong, both at word and sentence level. Besides, we deal with reductions of unaccented
vowels to schwa.

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Since content words (i.e., nouns, verbs, adjectives) generally retain some measure of qualitative
prominence even when no pitch prominence is associated with them, we will concentrate on the
weak and strong forms regarding function words (i.e., prepositions, articles) since they are usually
pronounced in English with their weak form. Besides, function words have two or more qualitative
patterns according to whether they are stressed (special situations or isolated) or unstressed (the
usual case).

Thus, (1) weak forms of function words are related to three main features in English. The first
feature is the reduction of sound length, as in the preposition to, where we find the phonetic
transcription of short and long /u/ and the schwa. These three realizations depend on the function
they have in the sentence. Thus, According to... as a connector (weak) and to write as an infinitive
(strong). The second feature deals with the obscuration of vowels mainly towards schwa, but also
towards short /u/ and /i/. Again, we find different realizations depending on the role they play in the
sentence, as for instance, should , she, or has. Finally, the third feature deals with the elision of
vowels and consonants in connected speech, thus in the sentence I must go, the vowel in must may
be assimilated in the speech chain.

(2) Regarding strong forms of function words, we shall mention that there are certain cases where
function words should be pronounced with their strong form. These cases are (1) when a function
word occurs at the end of a sentence (the preposition from in I am from Spain (weak) and
Where are you from? (strong); (2) when a function word is in opposition to another word so as to
establish a clarification of meaning, as in I laugh with him, not at him; (3) when a function word is
given special stress for emphasis purposes, as in You must do it; and (4) when a function word is
being cited or quoted,

One of the more striking characteristics of English is the frequency with which reduced vowels
occur in the stream of speech. Also striking is the restricted number of vowels that tend to occur in
unstressed position, such as the short vowels /i/, /o/ and /u/. At the word level, the mid-central
reduced vowel schwa is by far the most common of the reduced vowel sounds, especially if one
includes with schwa reduced vowels with a postvocalic /r/ as in father. The choice of schwa over all
other reduced vowels is often dialectal or idiosyncratic.

5. COMPARISON OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEMS.

When comparing English and Spanish phonological systems, we find important differences and few
similarities. Thus, regarding vowel quantity , the English vowel system, with twelve vowels, is much
richer than the Spanish one, which has only five. Regarding vowel quality , English has long and
short vowels whereas in Spanish this distinction is not present. Accordingly, their articulatory
representation in the oral cavity is to be different since English vowels are to be shown ni an
elaborated vowel quadrant designed by Daniel Jones, and Spanish vowels in a simple inverted
triangle designed by Helwag (Figure 3).

It is worth noting that many of the English vowel phonemes are allophones of the Spanish vowels.
For instance, those vowels represented in a relatively similar area (Figure 5) in both the quadrant
and the triangle, may be confused by English students as the same sound in Spanish, a typical case
being the pronunciation of words such as cart, cat and cup, perceived as the sound /a/ in Spanish.
We shall examine this overlapping in the corresponding section of each vowel sound.

16/ 32
A main difference between the two vowel systems is the presence of schwa in English and its
absence in Spanish. Yet, this difference emerges from the distinction between stressed and
unstressed vowels in the speech chain. Besides, we shall also examine the role of consonants in the
environment of vowels sounds, or what is called, vowel coloring, which may lengthen or shorten the
affected vowel.

Therefore, we shall examine the most striking differences and similarities of both systems by
comparing Spanish vowels with their counterparts in English in terms of (1) articulatory definition;
(2) articulatory description; (3) similar realizations; and (4) other features related to allophones,
spelling or minimal pairs (Figure 6).

5.1. Spanish /a/.

We concentrate now on the lower part of Helwag triangle. This area correspond to the Spanish /a/, a
simple, central, low, tense, unrounded vowel, as in the words casa or para. This vowel sound is
quite confusing for the Spanish learner of English as it has three realizations in English which have
no direct counterpart in Spanish. Thus, in Jones vowel quadrant, they correspond to the sounds in
cat, cart, and cut. Among these three vowels, only the one in cut might ressemble Spanish
pronunciation in the environment of velar consonants, as in the words cup or gut.

5.1.1. English ash / /.

We shall define this vowel as a short, semi-open, front, unrounded, lax vowel. This means that,
when this vowel is pronounced, the front of the tongue is raised to a position between half-open and
open, slightly touching the lower teeth with the tip of the tongue, and with the lips slightly spread.
We observe that the Spanish /a/ is more central than the English ash and more tense.

In Spanish, there is no similar vowel sound to the one in cat or pat. However, in Valencia we may
find it in the environment of palatal consonant sounds as a special coloring feature, as in the words
ancha or muralla, where it is raised to the Spanish phoneme /e/.

The most common spelling for the English ash / / is the letter a- (i.e., bad, man). Minimal pairs
distinguish between ash/ / and /e/, as in flash,flesh; bad, bed ; or sat, set; and ash / / and the
short half-open central /? /, as in cat, cut; or bat, but.

5.1.2. English long /a:/.

We shall define this vowel as a long, open, back, unrounded, lax vowel. On articulatory terms, this
means that the back part of the tongue is raised without touching the upper part, the jaw is lowered
and the lips are open but in neutral position. We observe again that the Spanish /a/ is more central
than the English long /a:/ and more tense.

In Spanish, there is no similar vowel sound to the one in cart or part. However, sometimes Spanish
pronounce the consonant /g/ as a gutural sound instead of a velar one, making this vowel similar to
the English long /a:/, as in paga , or lago. Another special case is the one in Murcia Autonomous
Community when the Spanish vowel /a/ becomes a back long vowel when it is placed at the end of
a word or a sentence, and there is a syllable loss, as in Esto no sirve pa na.

This English vowel is typical of the RP pronunciation when followed by /r/, as in car or market, or
followed by fricative and dental sounds, as in path, after, ask , or laugh . The most common spelling

17/ 32
for the English long /a:/ are the letters a- (i.e., ask, grass); -er-, -ear- (i.e., clerk and heart); -al-
(i.e., half , calm); and au- (i.e., aunt, laugh).

Minimal pairs distinguish between long /a:/ and ash / /, as in March, match or barn, ban; and
from long /a:/ and short half-open central / ? /, as in calm, come or dark,duck.

5.1.3. English short half-open central / ? /.

This vowel is defined as a short, semi-open, central, unrounded, lax vowel. When this vowel is
pronounced, the part of the tongue between the front and the centre is raised to a position between
half-open and open, and the lips are open in neutral position.

In fact, this English vowel is shorter and more central than the Spanish one , and as a result, this
vowel is associated to the Spanish /o/, as in the word brother. Besides, when it is in the environment
of velar consonants, is also similar to the Spanish /a/, as in the words cut and gush. Another
different pronunciation of this vowel is found in the North of England, where it is pronounced as
/u/.

Concerning minimal pairs we note the distinction between this English vowel and the ash / / as in
run, ran or uncle, ankle, and /e/, as in money, many, or won,when. Finally, regarding spelling, this
sound is asociated to o- (i.e., come, one, gone); -oo- (i.e., blood, flood ); -u- (i.e., sun, run, fun); and
ou- (i.e., country, souther, young).
Spanish /a/.

5.2. Spanish /e/.

This vowel is to be found in the middle left part of Helwag triangle. This area corresponds to the
Spanish /e/, a simple, front, mid, tense, unrounded vowel, as in the words cera or mesa. This vowel
sound is quite similar to the English one as it moves within the semi-open and semi-close positions
in both Helwags triangle and Jones quadrant, although the Spanish /e/ is relatively more close and
more tense than the English one.

In comparing both phonological systems, we find important quantity and quality differences. Thus,
in English it has two realizations, long /3:/ and short /e/ whereas in Spanish it has only one, the
short vowel /e/. The main difficulty for Spanish learners of English is to find an equivalent for the
English long /3:/ in Spanish.

5.2.1. English short /e/.

In articulatory terms this vowel is defined as a short, semi-open, front, unrounded, tense vowel. This
means that, when this vowel is pronounced, the front of the tongue is raised to a position between
semi-close and semi-open, with the lips slig htly spread in neutral position.

We observe that the English short /e/ is relatively less tense and less close than the Spanish one, but
quite similar to Spanish /e/, except in final position where it is reduced to schwa. Another feature is
that it may be longer in syllables closed by voiced consonants, and in the environment of /r/.

Concerning minimal pairs, we find the distinction between short /e/ and /i/, as in tell,till or pen, pin ;
and /e/ and long /i:/, as in bed, bead or met, meat. Finally, concerning spelling, this phoneme is

18/ 32
represented by the graphemes e- (i.e., bed, ten, pen); -ea- (i.e., head, dead ); -a- (i.e., many, any);
and -u- (i.e., bury), and other contexts (i.e., said, friend, again).

5.2.2. English long /3:/.

We shall define this vowel as a long, mid, central, unrounded, tense vowel. When this vowel is
pronounced, the centre of the tongue is raised to a position between semi-open and semi-close, and
the lips are slightly spread in neutral position.

This long vowel is not very clos e in quality to any of the other vowels and it is difficult for the
foreign learner to get the right quality when pronouncing it. In Spanish, in fact, there is no phoneme
that corresponds to the English one. However, according to OConnor (1988), two things will help:
keep your teeth quite close together and do not round your lips at all.

This vowel is considered to be the hesitation vowel since it is the sound that English people make
when they pause in connected speech. It is not usually heard as it is usually found in the
environment of /r/ which serves to lengthen the phoneme. However, the only time when it may be
heard is when it is isolated or the following word has an initial vowel, acting then as a linker in
connected speech.

Concerning minimal pairs we note the distinction between this English vowel and three other
phonemes. Thus, with /e/ as in bird, bed or turn, ten; with / / as in hurt, hat, or bird, bad; and with
long /o:/ as in firm, form, or worm, warm. Finally, regarding spelling, this sound is asociated to -er,
ear- (i.e., her, person, learn, earth); ir- (i.e., birth, firm, third); -or- (i.e., word, world ); -ur- (i.e.,
nurse, church); our- (i.e., journey); and others (i.e., were).

5.3. Spanish /i/.

This vowel is to be found in the upper left part of Helwag triangle, and it is defined as a simple,
front, high, tense, unrounded vowel, as in the words mirar or si. This vowel sound is quite similar to
the English one when it is in unstressed position, as in the word ltimo.

When comparing both phonological systems, we find quantity and quality differences in Jones
quadrant. Thus, in English there are two realizations of the Spanish phoneme /i/, being short /i/ and
long /i:/. The main difficulty for Spanish learners of English is to distinguish English long and short
/i/ as in Spanish this quality distinction makes no difference in meaning.

Another main distinction between the two phonological systems are, firstly, that Spanish /i/ has the
same duration before voiced or voiceless consonants, this not being the case of English, in which
the phoneme /i/ is lengthened before voiced consonants. And secondly, that the Spanish /i/ is more
close and more tense than the English one, which is more relaxed and slightly more central.

5.3.1. English short /i/.

In articulatory terms we define this vowel as a short, high, front, unrounded, lax vowel. When it is
is pronounced, the front of the tongue is in an almost semi-close position, and slightly retracted. The
lips position is loosely spread.

When pronouncing the short /i/ we observe that the speech organs, lips and tongue are more relaxed
than with the production of long /i:/. This vowel, together with the schwa, is the one which appears
in unstressed position in connected speech, and in the pronunciation of plural forms, saxon genitive

19/ 32
and past forms. In these cases, pronunciation is much more open and sometimes is similar to the
Spanish /e/.

Concerning minimal pairs, we find the distinction between short /i/ and long /i:/, as in sit, seat or fit,
feet; and /i/ and /e/, as in rid, red or will, well. Finally, concerning spelling, this phoneme is
represented by the graphemes i- (i.e., miss, pit); -y- (i.e., city, physics); -e- (i.e., pretty, wanted);
-ie- (i.e., ladies, fancies); any vowel grapheme in unstressed position (i.e., build, minute, women),
and suffixes ate, -age, and ace (i.e., private,language, palace).

5.3.2. English long /i:/.

We concentrate now on the upper left part of Jones quadrant. This area corresponds to the English
long /i:/, which is defined as a long, high, front, unrounded, tense vowel. In articulatory terms, the
front of the tongue is raised almost to the height of the palate, with the tongue tense, and the lips
spread. This is one of the most common vowels in Englis h in terms of frequency.

Spanish has no equivalent phoneme either in quality or quantity for this vowel sound, and it
presents important problems for the Spanish learner of English as it establishes in English a relevant
distinction of meaning (i.e., bitch and beach). Therefore, the learner is advised to double the
duration of the phoneme to get the right quality. Besides, the environment of voiced consonants
lengthen even more this phoneme (i.e., seat and seed).

Minimal pairs are given by the distinctio n between long /i:/ and short /i/. Thus, read, rid; seen, sin
or sheep, ship. Regarding spelling, the most common graphemes for this phoneme are e- (i.e., be,
these); -ee- (i.e., see, bee, feed);-ea- (i.e., read, sea, bead); -ei/ey- (i.e., deceive, key); -i- (i.e., police,
machine); -ie- (i.e.,shield, field ); and y- (i.e., funny, Monday).

5.4. Spanish /o/.

This Spanish vowel /o/ is to be found in the lower right part of Helwag triangle. This area
corresponds to a short, mid, back, tense, rounded vowel, as in the word lobo. This vowel is similar
to the English long /a:/ but with rounded lips.

Again we face with a difference at both quality and quantity levels. The main difficulty for Spanish
learners of English is to find an equivalent for both English long and short /o/ as this difference does
not exist in Spanish. This vowel sound is quite similar to the English one when it is followed by /r/
as in portal.

5.4.1. English short /o/.

We shall define this vowel as a short, mid, back, rounded, lax vowel. When it is is pronounced, this
vowel is between open and semi-open position, with the back part of the tongue raised, and lips
rounded. It is quite similar to the Spanish /o/ but it is slightly more open and the lips are not so
rounded as in Spanish.

Sometimes, this vowel is similar to the English long /a:/ because there is a centralization of this
sound. This is one of its most common allophones and in this case, there are problems to distinguish
between minimal pairs, such as English short /o/ and short half-open central /? /, as in the words
cop, cup; lock, luck; or long, lung. Another minimal pair comes from the distinction between /o/ and
/a:/, as in pot, part; or cod, card.

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Finally, concerning spelling, this phoneme is represented by the graphemes o- (i.e., not, box, dog);
-a- (i.e., want, what, watch); -au- (i.e., Australia, because); and -ou- (i.e., cough).

5.4.2. English long /o:/.

According to Jones quadrant, we shall define this vowel as a long, mid, back, rounded, tense
vowel. When it is pronounced, the back of the tongue is raised to a position between semi-open and
semi-close, and the lips are rounded and close together. There is no contact between the tongue and
the oral cavity.

Spanish has no equivalent phoneme either in quality or quantity for this vowel sound, and it
presents important problems for the Spanish learner of English as it establishes in English an
important distinction of meaning (i.e., pot, port). We must note that this vowel sound is quite
similar to the English one when it is followed by /r/ as in portal. This vowel is lengthen in the
environment of /r/ and is only pronounced in final position before an initial vowel in connected
speech.

Minimal pairs are establish between this English vowel and three other phonemes. Thus, with short
/o/ as in caught, cot or short, shot; with /a:/ as in lord, lard, or born, barn; and with short half-open
central / ? /, as in short, shut, or nought, nut. Finally, regarding spelling, this sound is asociated to
-or- (i.e., born, short); -oor- (i.e.,floor, poor); -our- (i.e., course, four); -ore- (i.e., more); ou(ght)-
(i.e., thought, bought); -oar- (i.e., board); a(l)- (i.e., call, false); -au- (i.e., cause, because ); -aw-
(i.e., saw, raw); and others (i.e., water, broad, sure).

5.5. Spanish /u/.

This Spanish vow el /u/ is to be found in the upper right part of Helwag triangle , and corresponds to
a short, high, back, tense, rounded vowel, as in the word cpula. This vowel sound has two
realizations in English, the short and long /u/, which are relatively similar to the Spanish one.

Similarly to short and long English /i/, special attention must be paid to the quantity aspect since the
Spanish /u/ is longer than English short /u/ and much shorter than long /u/. Spanish learners must
distinguish between short and long /u/, and double the duration of the phoneme to get the right
quality.

5.5.1. English short /u/.

We shall define this vowel as a short, semi-close, back, rounded, lax vowel. When pronouncing this
vowel, the part of the tongue between the back and the centre is raised to a position that is between
closed and semi-closed. Besides, the lips must not be tense, and must be less rounded than for long
/o:/, and not so close as for long /u:/.

As the Spanish /u/ is more at the back and more tense than its English counterpart, the most
approximate realization to the English short /u/ is when the vowel is in the environment of /l/ and
/r/. We must bear in mind that short /u/ is shorter than Spanish /u/.

Minimal pairs are established between short /u/ and long /3:/ as in wood, word; took, Turk . Also,
between short /u/ and /ou/ as in bull, bowl; and cook, coke. Finally, regarding spelling, this phoneme
is represented by the graphemes u- (i.e., full, put); -o- (i.e., wolf, woman); -oo- (i.e., foot, look );
and -ou- (i.e., could, should ).

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5.5.2. English long /u:/.

According to Jones quadrant, we shall define this vowel as a long, close, back, rounded, tense
vowel. In articulatory terms, this means that when it is pronounced, there is a minimum opening
between the jaws, the lips are rounded and close together, and the back of the tongue is raised to an
almost close position. There is no contact between the tongue and the oral cavity.

This English vowel is more close and more tense than the Spanish /u/. Besides, we must note that
the English vowel is much longer, and the lip position is not so rounded. However, the most
approximate realization to the Spanish /u/ is when when it is in the environment of voiceless
consonants as it is shorten and, then, its quality is similar to the Spanish one.

This phoneme is compared in minimal pairs with short /u/ as in fool, full; and shoed, should . Also,
with long /o:/ as in shoot, shot; and boot, bought. Finally, regarding spelling, this sound is asociated
to -u- (i.e., June, flu); -o- (i.e., do, who); oe- (i.e., shoe); -oo- (i.e., spoon, food ); -ou- (i.e., soup,
route); ue, ui- (i.e., blue, suit); and finally, -ew- (i.e., flew, new).

5.6. English schwa / ? /.

In articulatory terms this vowel is defined as a short, mid, central, lax vowel. This means that, when
this vowel is pronounced, the centre of the tongue is raised to a position between half-open and
half-closed. It may be considered as an allophone of long /3:/, although it is less tense and the lips
are in a neutral position.

As was stated before, a main difference between the two vowel systems is the presence of schwa in
English and its absence in Spanish where there is no equivalent phoneme either in quality or
quantity for the English schwa. This difference emerges from the distinction between stressed and
unstressed vowels in the speech chain.

Spanish learners associate this sound to a lax /e/ when it is in no initial position, and with an ope n
/a/ when it is in final position, which is usually related to the consonant /r/ as in the words mother or
rather. In middle position, when it is in the environment of /r/, and the next word starts with a
vowel, it acquires a more close pronunciation as the /r/ makes a link between them. This is called
the linking /r/ in connected speech.

This vowel sound, together with short /i/, has a very high frequency of ocurrence in unaccented
syllables. In fact, when the speaker hesitates at the beginning of the speech the schwa is used in
initial position as a starting point for oral production whereas in Spanish we use the sound vowel
/e/.

With respect to minimal pairs, this phoneme is never found in stressed position, and therefore, it is
not contrastive and there are no minimal pairs established for it. However, it is considered to be a
chief vowel due to its relevance for stress, rhythm, and intonation purposes. It should be noted that
schwa is normal in common unaccented weak forms in connected speech, such as auxiliary,
defective verbs, and prepositions.

Finally, regarding spelling, this sound may be represented by any vowel or group of vowels (also
diphthongs) which are in unaccented position, except for those with secondary stress. Also, it may
derive in the short vowel /i/.

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6. ENGLISH DIPHTHONGS. PHONETIC SYMBOLS.

6.1. On defining English diphthongs.

Following OConnor (1988), a diphthong is a glide from one vowel to another, and the whole glide
acts like one of the long, simple vowels. We may distinguish, then, two elements within the structure
of a diphthong. Thus, the first element, at the starting point, carries all the vocalic strength when the
diphthong is pronounced. The second element is the point in the direction of which the glide is
made, and therefore, it is not pronounced so loud as the first part.

According to Gimson (1980), both the first and the second element may be treated as separate
entities, thus as the central and the termina l part of the diphthong respectively. Thus, according to
Jones vowel quadrant, the first element in all diphthongs concentrates on the area of short vowels
such as /a, e, i, ? (schwa), and u/; yet, the second element concentrates on the area of /? (schwa), i,
and u/ (Figure 7).

Some main features of English diphthongs in general are that (1) as we stated before, most of the
length and stress associated with the glide is concentrated on the first element whereas the second
element is lightly sounded; (2) they are equivalent in length to the long vowels and are, therefore,
subject to the same variations of quantity when they are in the environment of voiced or voiceless
consonants or are in final position; (3) all the English diphthongs are falling, which means that the
first element is louder than the second; (4) no diphthongs occur before nasal consonants, except
where word final /n/ is assimilated to a velar consonant in connected speech; and (5) with the
exception of the sequence /oi/, the RP diphthongs often derive from earlier pure vowels.

6.2. A classification of English diphthongs.

Phoneticians distinguish eight English diphthongs according to RP conventions, although a ninth

diphthong, /o ? / formed by short /o/ and schwa, has been recently claimed with little success
among English speakers. Another main classification feature is that all English diphthongs are
defined as falling when their first element is louder than the second, for the exceptional cases of
both /i/ and /u/ towards schwa.

Among the eight diphthongs, following Gimson (1980), we find two main types. First, closing
diphthongs when the terminal point is /i/ and /u/. In articulatory terms, they occur when the tongue
moves from a more open (a, e, o and schwa) to a more closed position (i, u). Thus, /ai, ei, oi, au,
? u/. Secondly, centring diphthongs as the terminal point is the central vowel schwa. Thus, the
vowels /e, i, and u/ plus ? (schwa). For instance, /e? , i? , u? /. In articulatory terms, this means
that the centre of the tongue is raised towards the centre of its height.

6.2.1. Closing diphthongs gliding to /i/.

(1) English diphthong /ai/.

Here the glide of RP /ai/ begins at a point slightly behind the front open position from short half-
open central /? /, and moves in the direction of short /i/. In articulatory terms, it means that the front
of the tongue moves from an open to a nearly close position, with a slight closing movement of the
lower jaw, and the lips change from a neutral to a loosely spread position.

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Foreign learners must be advised to avoid over-retraction of the quality of the first element, so as to
remain within the limits of the RP vowel. Therefore, a front open starting point is to be
recommended, and not to glide to a position too close to the /i/ area.

Minimal pairs are established in comparison to /ei/ as in light, late ; and /oi/ as in pint, point. With
respect to spelling, instances associated to this diphthong are i, y- (i.e., fine, mine, and cry, dry); -
ie, ye- (i.e., die, lie, and dye); ai, ei- (i.e., aisle, and either, eider); -igh, eigh- (i.e., high and
height); and finally, others such as uy- (i.e., buy). Some of the mentioned spellings come from
borrowings from Scandinavia as in hide, mice, kind or sky; from French: fine, arrive, licence, or
price; and also from English sources as in ice, like, time, or life.

(2) English diphthong /ei/.

The glide /ei/ begins from slightly below the half -close front position, and moves in the direction of
short /i/. In articulatory terms, it means that the front of the tongue moves from a half-close position
to a nearly close position with a slight closing movement of the lower jaw, and the lips in a spread
position.

The most common mistake for foreign learners is to use a long vowel, so learners must be advised
to use a simple short vowel within the first element, so as to keep its quality.

There is only a minimal pair established. Thus, /ai/ as in male, mile; and pain, pine. Concerning
spelling, instances associated to this diphthong are a- (i.e., take, fame ); -ai, ay- (i.e., rain, flame;
and day, play); ei, ey- (i.e., eight, weight; and they, prey); -ea- (i.e., great, break, and steak
these are the three exceptions of the grapheme ea-, usually related to /e/ as in dead, head; o /i:/ as
in sea, bean ); other spellings come from historical borrowings (i.e., from French: fianc, ballet,
beige, bouquet, and caf). Some of the mentioned spellings have their sources in Scandinavia as in
they, or swain; and from Old English: way, day, again, grey.

(3) English diphthong /oi/.

In this case the glide of RP /oi/ begins at a point between the back half-open and open positions,
and moves in the direction of short /i/. In articulatory terms, it means that the tongue movement
extends from back to centralized front, the jaw closes slightly, and the lips are open rounded for the
first element but neutral for the second one.

This diphthong does not present very great difficulties to foreign learners, provided that, in addition
to the appropriate variations of quantity, the quality of the first element lies half way around the
area of /o/, and that the glide does not extend beyond the half-close front level.

There is only a minimal pair established for this diphthong. Thus, /ai/ as in toys, ties; and toil, tile.
Concerning spelling, graphemes associated to this diphthong are oi, oy- (i.e., voice, point; and boy,
toy).

6.2.2. Closing diphthongs gliding to /u/.

(4) English diphthong /au/.

The glide of RP /au/ begins at a point between the back and front open positions, but slightly more
fronted, and moves upwards in the direction of short /u/. In articulatory terms, it means that the

24/ 32
tongue is moved from an open to a nearly close position, not higher than half-close. This time the
lips change from a neutrally open to a weakly rounded position.

For many speakers, the first element of the latter diphthong /ai/ and this one /au/ may in fact look
like identical, but foreign learners must be careful to use a correct first element, as the fronting or
retraction of the starting point rather than its raising is considered to be dialectal. Therefore, the first
element should be the most prominent and the second element only lightly touched on.

Mininal pairs are given by the short half-open central / ? / as in down, done; and shout, shut. And
also, /ou/ as in loud, load; and howl, hole. Concerning spelling, instances associated to this
diphthong are ou- (i.e., house, scout); and -ow- (i.e., cow, brown ).

(5) English diphthong / ? u/ -- (schwa + u.).

This diphthong begins at a central position from the area of the front rounded vowel /3:/ , between
half-close and half-open, and moves upwards in the direction of short /u/. In articulatory terms, it
means that the tongue is at a central position for the first element, and then it glides away to /u/
with the lips getting slightly rounded and the sound becoming less loud as the glide progresses.

Since the first element of this diphthong is clearly of a central type, foreign learners should avoid
starting the glide with a truly back vowel as short or long /o/. It is advisable to use the front rounded
vowel /3:/ by adding lip-rounding to the end of the vowel. Moreover, proper prominence must be
given to the first element and reduction of the total length of the glide in the environment of voiced
and voiceless consonants., as they become shorter before strong consonants and longer before weak
ones, just like the other vowels.

Mininal pairs are given in contrast to the long /o/ as in so, saw; and cold, called. And also, the long
/u:/ as in soap, soup; and show, shoe. Concerning spelling, graphemes associated to this diphthong
are o- (i.e., no, so, go); -oa- (i.e., boat, coat, road); oe- (i.e., toe, hoe, foe); -ou- (i.e., dough,
though); and ow- (i.e., show, know).

6.2.3. Centring diphthongs gliding to schwa / ? /.

(6) English diphthong / e ? / -- (e + schwa).

The glide of RP / e ? / begins in the half-open front position in the area of short / / between the
short /e/ and the short half -open central / ? /, and moves in the direction of schwa, a more open
vowel, especially when the diphthong is final. In articulatory terms, it means that, for the first
element, the tongue is at a point slightly lower than half-close, and then moves smoothly to the
central area, without moving the lips.

Foreign learners must be told about the post-vocalic /r/ in final position as it must not be
pronounced, except as a linking form when a following word begins with a vowel (i.e., pair of
shoes), or when a vowel occurs in the following syllable of the same word (i.e., care vs caring). We
must remind our students that the beginning of the diphthong is pronounced / / rather than /e/.

Minimal pairs distinctions are made between this diphthong and / / as in glared, glad; and aired,
add; and also long /3:/ as in fair, fur; and where, were. With respect to spelling, instances
associated to this diphthong are are- (i.e., share, fare,and stare); -air- (i.e., despair, hair, and fair);
ear- (i.e., bear, wear); -ere- (i.e., there, were); and others (i.e., their, heir, scarce, or parents).

25/ 32
(7) English diphthong / i? / -- (short i + schwa).

The glide of RP /i ? / begins in a centralized front half-close position in the area of short /i/, and
moves in the direction of schwa, a more open vowel, especially when the diphthong is final. In
articulatory terms, it means that, for the first element, the tongue is at half-close position, and then,
for the second element, it moves smoothly to the central area, with a slight movement from spread
to open.

It is worth noting that, according to Daniel Jones, this sequence may not always constitute a falling
diphthong with prominence on the first element as in unaccented syllables, the first element may be
the weaker of the two, being equivalent to the semivowel /j/.

Foreign learners must be told that this diphthong glides from short /i/, not long /i:/, to schwa. If they
usee long /i:/ at the beginning of the glide, it will sound a bit strange but they will not be
understood.

Minimal pairs distinctions are made between this diphthong and / e ? / as in here, hair; and fear,
fair; and also with long /3:/ as in fear, fur; and hear, her. With respect to spelling, instances
assoc iated to this diphthong are ea- (i.e., idea, diarrhea);ear- (i.e., dear, year,and near); -eir- (i.e.,
weird ); eer- (i.e., deer, beer); -ere- (i.e., here, mere); ier- (i.e., pierce, fierce); and finally others
such as -ir- (i.e., fakir); and -e- (i.e., hero, serious).

(8) English diphthong / u ? / -- (u + schwa).

The glide of RP / u ? / begins in a back half-close position in the area of short /u/, and moves in
the direction of schwa, a more open vowel, especially when the diphthong is final. In articulatory
terms, it means that, for the first element, the tongue is at half-close position and then, for the
second element, it moves to the central area of schwa. The lips are weakly rounded at the beginning
of the glide, becoming neutrally spread as the glide progresses.

It is worth noting that, as the preceeding diphthong, Daniel Jones claims that this sequence may not
always constitute a falling diphthong with prominence on the first element as it may weaken to /w/
in unaccented syllables. Then, the second element have the prominence as in the words influence,
valuable, or jaguar.

Moreover, foreign learners must be told that several words containing this diphthong, which have a
pronunciation / u ? / are given in popular London speech a glide from /o/ to schwa, as in poor or
sure, which in turn is being gradually substituted by long /o:/. Moreover, where /j/ precedes / u ? /,
as in cure, curious, or secure, upper-class RP not only reduces to long /o:/ but also to the half-open
central vowel /? /. Finally, in those kinds of English in which post-vocalic /r/ is pronounced, the RP
dipthong / u ? / is realized as long /u:/ as in poor /pu:r/.

However, this lowering or monophthongization of the diphthong / u ? / is rarer in the case of less
commonly used monosyllabic words such as moor, tour, and dour. Yet, Shaw, sure, shore, youre,
and your, still pronounced by some with the three realizations (long /o:/, o? , and u? ), are gradually
levelled by many others to only long /o:/.except in words like tour, or curious.

Foreign learners must pay special attention to the fact that this dipthong glides from short /u/, not
long /u:/, to schwa. If they usee long /u:/ at the beginning of the glide, it will sound a bit strange but
they will not be understood.

26/ 32
A minimal pairs distinction is made between this diphthong and long /u:/ as in tour, too; and moor,
moo. With respect to spelling, graphemes associated to this diphthong are oor- (i.e., poor, boor);
our- (i.e., tour, tourist, and your); -ur- (i.e., curious, security); ure- (i.e., sure, cure, and pure).

6.3. A comparison of English and Spanish diphthongs.

As was stated, we may observe three relevant features within a comparison between both English
and Spanish systems regarding diphthongs . First of all, we must note a distinction in terms of
quantity; secondly, in terms of quality ; and thirdly, in terms of their distribution within a word.

Thus, regarding quantity, the most striking distinction for the foreign learner is the lack of
correspondence in both systems as, from the eight diphthongs in English, none of the vowel sounds
correspond at all with the Spanish ones, especially for those containing schwa.

Regarding quality, we deal with vowel length . It is worth noting that all English diphthongs have
the same length as long vowels, and that may be affected by nearby consonants producing a
shortening or lengthening of vowel length. As we know, this distinction is not present in the
Spanish vowel system, nor has any consequences in connected speech.

Moreover, in terms of gliding, English diphthongs are classified according to three types. Thus,
gliding to /i/, /u/ and schwa, whereas in Spanish, there are only two glidings to /i/ and /u/.
Therefore, all English diphthongs are classified as falling as the most length and stress is
associated to first element and less prominence to the second element. On the contrary, Spanish has
two main types of diphthongs falling and rising. Thus, falling diphthongs consist of a vowel
plus a semi-vowel where the first element carries the stress, whereas rising diphthongs follow the
opposite structure, a semi-vowel plus a vowel, in which the weak vowel precedes the strong one.

Finally, regarding their distribution within a word, we must note that in English diphthongs do not
always occur in all positions. Some of them appear at the beginning of a word, others in medial
position, and others in final position. On the contrary, in Spanish almost all diphthongs may occur
in all positions.

7. ENGLISH TRIPHTHONGS. PHONETIC SYMBOLS.

7.1. On defining English triphthongs.

OConnor (1988) defines triphthongs as vowel sequences, claiming that, the most common
sequences are formed by adding schwa to a diphthong. He says that, in general, when one vowel (or
diphthong) follows another you should pronounce each one quite normally but with a smooth glide
between them.

Foreign learners should be aware of a tendency to reduction of vowel sequences in connected

speech in situations of real communication exchanges. They will observe that such reduced forms
are normal among many educated speakers, but they must be advised to avoid the extreme forms of
reduction. Yet, like most changes of pronunciation, these reductions are often condemned as
vulgarisms.

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7.2. A classification of English triphthongs.

All the diphthongal glides to /i/ and /u/ may be followed by schwa within the word, either as an
inseparable part of the word (i.e., fire, choir, hire , or our) or as a suffix (morpheme) appended to the
root (i.e., player, mower, higher , or employer) or, sometimes as a separable element internal in a
composite form (i.e., nowadays).

There are five triphthongs in English which are formed by the closing diphthongs /ai, ei, oi, au, ? u /
plus schwa. Thus, /ai? , ei? , oi? , au? , ? u? /.

(1) English triphthong /ai? /.

In general RP it may be considered as an inseparable part of the word as in fire, tyre, choir, or shire,
and also as a separable suffix (i.e., higher, buyer, or liar).

Regarding minimal pairs, it is compared with long /a:/ as in fire, far, and tired, tarred; and also with
the vowel sequence /au? / as in higher, how are, and tyre, tower.

(2) English triphthong /ei? /.

In general RP, it is considered as a suffix appended to the root as in player, layer, or conveyor. In
these cases, there is a reduction to the diphthong /e ? / as in there or rare, by which homophones
such as prayer, pray-er; or lair, layer are produced.

Regarding minimal pairs, this vowel sequence is frequently reduced to a more central diphthongal
glide /e ? / where several new homophones are produced as in layer, lair, and payer, pair.

(3) English triphthong / oi? /.

In general RP, it is considered to be suffix appended to the root as in employer,enjoyable, or joyous.

In these cases, the tongue position is not higher than half-open, and the first element is distinct to its
original value as short /o/.

Some speakers distinguish between sequences of diphthongs within this triphthong sequence,
usually in the case of terminations spelt el, or al as in towel or royal. However, it may be also
reduced to a centring diphthong. This reducing process takes place not only within words but also
between a word final diphthong fllowed by word initial schwa.

(4) English triphthong / au? /.

In general RP, it is considered to be an inseparable part of the word (i.e., our, flower or shower) and
sometimes as a separable element internal in a composite form (i.e., nowadays).

This vowel sequence is frequently reduced to a diphthongal glide whose first element is a central
open vowel. Then, several new homophones are produced in this way, as in the words tyre, tower;
shire, shower; or sire, sour.

(5) English triphthong / ? u? /.

In general RP, it is considered to be both an inseparable part of the word (i.e., myrrh or slur), and a
suffix appended to the root (i.e., mower or slower).

28/ 32
This vowel sequence is frequently reduced to a diphthongal glide, thus long /3:/ and then, several
new homophones are produced as in the words tyre, tower; shire, shower; or sire, sour.

7.3. A comparison of English and Spanish diphthongs.

The main striking difference when comparing both systems is that in Spanish there are no
triphthongs. Therefore, the five English vowel sequences may cause considerable difficulty for
Spanish learners of English to pronounce them as those vowel sequences are formed by closing
diphthongs where the final element is given by neutral vowel sound schwa, not present in the
Spanish vowel system.

8. PRESENT-DAY DIRECTIONS IN PRONUNCIATION.

This section aims to provide the reader with an overview of newer techniques and resources
available in teaching second language pronunciation in a classroom setting. Celce-Murcia (2001)
provides three guiding principles in moving beyond traditiona l teaching practices. Thus, methods
other than mechanical drills or rules, an emphasis on musical aspects of pronunciation more than
sounds, and teaching real speech patterns and giving students practice in efficient oral
communication.

Pronunciation instruction has traditionally been defined as the accurate production of the sounds,
rhythms, and intonation patterns of a language. Pronunciation has stood apart from the
communicative language teaching movement because it has often ignored the interaction of the
sound system with function and meaning. However, new techniques have been recently proposed
within the fields of fluency and accuracy, multisensory mode of learning, the adaptation of
authentic materias, and the use of instructional technology, such as computers.

Firstly, regarding fluency as a multisensory mode of learning, it aims at boosting students

confidence level while promoting fluency. Some students have a tongue-tied speech, by which
sentence stress and intonation patterns tend to be distorted by frequent pauses that affect the overall
intelligibility of the utterance.

Secondly, much of the literature today suggests that employing multisensory modes, such as visual
and auditory reinforcement, or kinesthetic reinforcement, in the pronunciation cla ss can help to
break down the ego boundaries of learners, hence making them more receptive to undergoing
change in their fossilized pronunciation systems. It is a fact that learners with strong egos retain a
marked foreign flavor in their speech because they are likely to acquire a target accent.

Thirdly, regardingthe use of authentic materials in teaching pronunciation, it is said that,

commercially, they provide excellent sources for the presentation and practice of segmental and
suprasegmental features. However, we must not overlook the rich resources available through the
use of authentic materials, such as anecdotes, jokes, advertising copy, comic strips, passages from
literature, and the like.

Finally, regarding the use of new technology, it is worth remembering that after the Audiolingual
Method, the use of language lab and instructional technology in general fell into disfavor as they
were considered to be tedious or unstimulating.

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Today the language lab is still around, often as a multimedia environment with video viewing or
computer work stations, laser disc players, satellite receivers, and a host of other high-tech
hardware items. These electronic aids are quite useful when displaying speech patterns as they
receive not only audio feedback but visual aids. Thus, the viewing of a native-speaker lip positions
in the production of vowel sounds, comparing pitch contour, or testing phoneme discrimination.I

Yet, in a sense, the rebirth of the language lab represents a triumph of technology over method
thanks to European programmes offered by the Council of Europe, such as Plumier or
Socrates.Clearly, the sophisticated level of practice and the gamelike atmosphere os such advanced
technologies offer advantages that the simpler technologies, including the language laboratory, do
not.

9. CONCLUSION.

In this study, we have aimed at providing the reader with a historical overview of pronunciation
instruction, having an overview of the main methods applied to the acquisition of pronunciation. As
Crystal (1985) states, a good approach to studying languages is the historical one, mainly because it
is often helpful and sometimes essential to know how languages got to be that way, and know their
origins and development in order to understand how things are nowadays. Moreover, we have
offered a theoretical framework of the phonological system in order to understand the description of
the English vowel system. At this point the reader should have a sense of how the English sound
system intersects in important ways with other areas of language. In the final part, present-day
directions on pronunciation provides us with a current overview on pronunciation in the language
curriculum within the European framework and current innovative techniques for students to be
effective at communicating with others.

Following Cerce-Murcia (2001), the challenge of teaching vowels lies both in how to initiallly
describe the individual phonems to students and how to find rich, authentic contexts for practice. As
we have noted, vowels can be difficult both for the teacher to describe and for the student to master.
This is partially because the articulatory characteristics of vowels cannot be pinned down as
precisely as those of consonants. A second reason vowels can be so difficult for students is due to
the relative complexity of the English vowel system especially as it compares to the vowel systems
of many of our students first language.

Vowels are also problematic in that they tend to display much more dialectal variation among
native speakers than consonants do. Teachers should feel free to modify textbook exercises and
activities so that when teaching pronunciation they are not forced to produce or spend time teaching
distinctions they cannot or simply do not make in their own speech. However, teachers also have
the responsability to expose learners via guest speakers and tape recordings to other widespread
dialects with different vowel sounds.

10. BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Alcaraz, E., and B. Moody. Fontica inglesa para espaoles. Teora y prctica (2nd ed.). Grficas
Daz. Alicante.

Algeo, J. and T. Pyles. 1982. The origins and development of the English language. Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, Inc.

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Celce-Murcia, M., Brinton, D., and M. Goodwin. 2001. Teaching Pronunciation, A Reference for
Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages. Cambridge University Press.

Crystal, D. 1985. Linguistics. Harmondsworth, England. Penguin Books.

Fernndez, F. 1982. Historia de la lengua inglesa. Madrid: Gredos.

Gimson, A. C. 1980. An introduction to the pronunciation of English. Edward Arnold.

OConnor, J.D. 1988. Better English Pronunciation. Cambridge University Press.

11. FIGURES.

Figure 1. The speech organs. Figure 2. The oral cavity.

Figure 3. Helwags and Daniel Jones vowel quadrant.

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Figure 4. Saggital section of the mouth. Figure 5. Common areas of vowels.
Celce-Murcia (2001).

Figure 6. Classification of vowels.

Figure 7. English diphthongs.

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