Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Chō A Period Women Life PDF
Chō A Period Women Life PDF
The Cōḻas had well organized social structure. The picture of the society
depicted in inscriptions and ulā literature present copious picture of the society and
status of women. The society that the ulās portray was of cosmopolitan nature and
was an amalgamation of various groups. The ulās mention Pēraracar (the
Emperor) Peṇ-cakravarti (the Empress). The Emperor was the head of the society.
He lived in a vast and spacious palace called Kōyil (palace or temple). The chief
queen was designated as Peṇ-cakravarti and she lived in the harem, Antappuram1
(harem). The king and the queen, along with the matimantrappalakar, the
mantalikar, the maṟaiyōr (Brāhmaṇa, experts in Vedas), the Mangalap-patagar,
the Magatar, the putar and the Nūlōr (Brāhmaṇas) seemed to have formed the
upper strata of the society. The womenfolk commanded a due place in the society
and treated in a dignified way. The caste and sub-caste systems never affected their
status, albeit few ups and downs.
1
Vikramacōḻanulā (V-ula), K. 37.
2
Tolkāppiyam, Puṟattiṇaiyiyal, Sūtra 30, commentary.
39
There were different kinds of activities in their life style in tandem with their
ages. It goes from playing toy, making and ball playing and at the last stage
committing Satī. Moreover there was one special category in the womensfold and it
was called as ‘Royal women’. This category is purely of the ruling class. This
prompted many commen-tators to identify the eḻu paruva makaḷir with harlots.
Inscriptions reveal the Cōḻa rulers enslaved women including queens and princess
as prisoners of war from far away countries and settled them in separate quarters in
cities like Tañcāvūr, Kaṅkaikoṇṭacōḻapuram and Pukār. These settlements were
known by the name Velams.3 In Irācaracacōḻaṉ ulā, the poet says that beautiful
women of diverse birth, who were descendants of the women, brought to the Cōḻa
country as war booty from various regions by victorious Cōḻa monarchs of the past,
assembled along with their relatives, in their respective areas assigned to them by
Royal order.4 Probably the eḻu paruva makaḷir of the ulā could be identified with
the descendants of the women settled in the Velams.
Royal Women
Women were not placed under any restraint in their social life and activities.
Women in the upper strata of the society enjoyed equal privileges with men. The
queen sat on the throne along with the king and had the right to issue royal orders.
She was recognized as Pen cakravarti and Antappurap perumāḷ, the empress. The
Queen went with the king during Nakar valams (city rounds) and hunting.5 The
place where the king and Queen lived was called as koyil, the muṟṟam (courtyard)
3
ARE, 1910, No.19.
4
Irācarācacōḻanulā: R.ula, 70-79.
5
Tamilnattu varalatru kulu, Taminattu varalaru Chola peruventhar kalam (Tamil) vol IV, Part II
(A.D.900-1300), Madras, 2000, pp. 96-97.
40
There existed the custom to have crowning the chief queen, the first wife of
the king if he had many wives. She sat along with the king and was empowered to
issue decrees. The queens had the liberal right to construct temples and institute
endowments. Cempiyaṉ Mahādevī (or Mātēvi) a queen of Gaṇḍrādiya constructed
new temples, renovated old temples and gave gold, bronze images and lamps.6 It is
known from inscriptions the two wives of the king Rājarāja I donated lands to the
temples. They are Vāṉavaṉ Mātēviyār, Lokamātevi alias Saktiviṭaṅki (for more
details see Chapter IV).
6
K.T. Thirunavukarasu, Rajaraja-I (Tamil), Chennai,1977, p. 209.
7
ehk; vLgpj;j jpUfw;wsp rPwp uhruhNrR tuKilaahUf;F ehk; FLj;jdTk; mf;fd;
FLj;jdTk;…..jpUtha; nkhope;jUs ntl;bd.
41
42
17
R. Alavandham, Kalvetil Ur Peyarkal (Tamil), p.24 .
18
Ibid.
19
K.ula, k. 300.
43
Injustice to Women
During the Caṅkam period a young girl was punished with death by the
chieftain called Naṉṉaṉ of Āṉamalai for the petty offence of plucking a mango
from the royal garden as it amounted to ‘theft of royal property’.22
Fine and imprisonment were the common punishments given for ordinary
offences. Heinous crimes were punished with decapitation or by being trampled to
death by an elephant23. Women were not excempted from such harsh punishments.
In some cases, women were treated cruelly and severe punishments were given to
them. During the reign Vikrama Cōḻa, Cōḻan Periyan, a shepherd pushed his wife
during domestic qurarrel, as a result of which she fell and died. The 1500 men of
the four quarters declared him guilty in their assembly and compelled him to
provide a lamp24 for ‘Tirutondriyalvārtirukkōyil’. In some places women were
punished for sexual misconduct.25
20
K.A.Nilakantasastri, op.cit, p.481.
21
Idem; ARE, 1907, no. 342; Ibid. 1928, no. 62.
22
Senthamizh selvi ponviḻā malar, Madras, 1977, p.32, Kuṟuntokai, 292.
23
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, History of South India, Madras, 1966, p.205.
24
A.R.E. 91 of 1906, V. Rangacharya, Vol I. p. 594.
25
K.K.Pillay, Studies in the History of India with special reference to Tamilnadu, Madras, 1979, p.360.
44
Marriage
There are stray references about the institutions of marriage in the ulās.
Vatuvai or Maṇam meant marriage. Maṇavāḷaṉ was the bridegroom. The
bridegroom who sought the hand of the wife had to pay a price (paricam as it is
45
Dowry System
The society by and large followed the policy of one man and one wife. The
inscriptions mention that polygamy was practiced by the king and king’s family.
Royal Marriages were political affairs and to establish good relations between the
neighbours marriage alliances were concluded. Rājarāja I had a number of wives.
The inscription mentioned women had the right to property. At the marriage time
father was paying for his daughter in the form of land and jewels. This dowry was
not sold by husband or wife and but had right to sell jointly.29 For example King
Gaṇḍarāditya (950-957) had two wives namely ‘Vīra Nāraṇi’ and the noble women
‘Cempiyaṉ Mahādevī’.30 Arunjaya Cōḻa was the prince during 956-957 and he had
four wives namely ‘Viman Kuntavai’ (the daughter of the Eastern Chalukya king),
‘Ādittan Kotai Pirāṭṭi’ (the daughter of Cēra), 31 ‘Kalyani’ (the daughter of
Vaidumba Rāya) as mentioned Anpil Copper Plates,32 ‘Pūti Āttia Piṭāri’ (the
daughter of the king Kurunilamannar, minor chief) Pūti Vikkirava Keśari alias
Teṉṉavaṉ Iḷaṅkōvēl). The inscription mentions Akaralarayar33; a custom that if the
husband sold his wife’s dowry, he gave his land to his wife to equalize the dowry
he sold. The wife also had the right to her husband’s property. 34
Polygamy
28
V.ula, K-14, K.ula, K-20, R.ula, K-18, S.ula, K-14.
29
A.Swamynathan, Some Epigraphical gleaning on dowry system during the Chola period, Visveshvara
Nanda Indoogical Journal, Punjab Univeristy, 1981, Swamynathan, Cholar kala varalaru, p. 21.
30
Tamilnadu Varalatru Kulu, op.cit, 1988, p.101, A.R.E., 1938, No.448.
31
K.A.Nilakanda Sastri, op.cit., pt I, p.183-84.
32
E. I., XV, No.5.
33
Mz;gps;is ,y;yhj ,y;yq;fspy; mf;FLk;gj;jpdu; Mw;w Ntz;ba flikfis
nra;Ak; cupik mf;FLk;gg; ngz;fSf;F cz;L vd nghyp Cl;Lk; ngz; topAk; tUk; vd;W epr;repj;jikapy;
rigNahu; jPu;g;G toq;fpa nra;jpfSk; fy;ntl;Lfspy; ,lk;ngw;Ws;sd. muRf;Fr; nrYj;j Ntz;ba tupfis
nrYj;jhky; ,we;Jtpl;l xUtDila nrhj;Jf;fs; mtd; kidtpaplkpUe;J gwpf;fg;gl;L tupfSf;F <lhf tpw;fg;gl;ld
vd;gd Nghd;w nra;jpfs; fy;ntl;Lfspy; ,lk; ngw;Ws;sd.
34
ARE., of 1927, No.323; Ibid. of 1914,No’s.121,194; Ibid. of 1920, No.553.
46
35
SII., vol V. no.723, “nghd; khspif JQ;rpd Njtu; Njtpahu; Nrukhdhu; khdhu; guhe;jfd;
fz; Njtpak;kdhu;”.
36
M.S. Govindasamy, Cholar Varalaru, 1997, p. 38.
37
T.V.Sadasiva Pandarathar, Pirkala Cholar Varalaru, Part I, 1949, p.57.
38
Ibid. p.126.
39
SII., vol.II, No’s.42 and 46. M.Govindasamy, Pirkala cholar varalaru, 1997,p.46.
40
Ibid. No.48, R. Venketraman, Tamil Epigraphy, p.110.
41
Ibid. No’s. 51 and 53.
42
Ibid. No.44.
43
Ibid. No.467 and 472.
44
Ibid. No’s 80 and 82.
45
ARE., of 1908, No.301.
46
SII, vol. V.No.975.
47
Ibid. No.981.
48
Ibid. No.982.
49
ARE., of 1921, No.73 .
50
Ins., 632 of 1909.
51
SII.,Vol, V.No.639.
52
ARE., of 1915, No.260.
53
ARE., of 1913, No.464 .
47
Satī
There is considerable evidence to the prevalence of satī in ancient
Tamilnadu. The Tolkāppiyam mentions a tinai called kāñci, the theme of which, is
the impermanance of life. It has a subdivision under the caption Pālai nilai (State
of deprivation) which deals with the glories of satī. Commentator Iḷampūraṇar cites
a verse of Puṟaṉānūṟu in support of Pālai nilai. In it Kōperuntēvi, wife of
Pūtappaṇḍiyaṉ who conquered Ollaiyūr, addresses the men who tried to stop her
from performing satī. In her address, she expresses great contempt for the women
who refuse to perform satī and chose to live in widowed state.57 It could be learnt
from this poem that the practice of satī was encouraged and the women who
performed satī were held in high esteem.
54
M.Rasamanickanar, CholarVaralaru, p.236.
55
ARE., of 1918, No.446.
56
Travancore Archaelogical Series, Vol., pp.162-163.
57
Purananuru, 240.
58
T.V.Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar, Part II, p. 35.
48
59
R.K.Saxena, Social Reforms – Infanticide and Sati, p. 57.
60
A.S, Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 121.
61
ARE., of 1902, No.236.
62
K.K.Pillai, Thenindiya varalaru (first part) p.200.
63
ARE, of 1898, No.141, EC. N, Hg, 18; EI, VI, pp.213-9.
49
Widowhood
A stray note in Vikkiramacōḻaṉ-ulā states that the wives of the enemy kings
who were killed in the battles removed their ear-rings. Perhaps in addition to
bangles and other ornaments, the widows had to remove their ear-rings also. The
widow had to lead a life of misery or accept death, either by a suicide or by
austerity. Widowhood imposed not merely emotional hardships, but signs
64
ARE, of 1903, No.376.
65
Ibid. of 1917, No.287, Ibid. of 1918, No.47.
66
S.Krishnamoorthy, Nadukargal, p.303, 2004.
67
Ibid. p.428.
68
`NsGuk; jUkGup khtl;lk; nghd;dhfuk; tl;lj;jpy; cs;sJ. ,q;F cOk;NghJ capu;tpl;l tPuDf;F vLf;fg;gl;l
eLfy; cs;sJ. ,jpy; tPuDld; tPudpd; kidtpAk;> ehAk; ,we;j khjpupahd cUtk; nghwpf;fg;gl;Ls;sJ.
69
];t];jp= ,uh[ Nfrup cilahuhd = ,uh[hjp ,uh[
Njtw;F ahz;L ,Ugj; NjohtJ epfupy; Nrho kz;lyj;J
jf^u; ehl;L jq;fehl;L gid Fdj;Jg; gs;spiar; rhu;e;tp];t
fhKz;ld; kfd;> Gypa fhKz;ld; cz;h Nehd;G Nehw;W gl;l ehl;l fy;.
50
A woman was treated as a widow on the third day after the death of her
husband and was expected to lead a simple and austere life72 and the tāli was
removed from her neck by the near female relative. Among the brāhmaṇas and few
other high castes, it was customary for widows to tonsure and had to wear white
garments and also bring the end of their saris over their tonsured heads and not to
marry a second time.73 The condition of widows became more deplorable. A widow
was regarded with contempt and reproach to the family. To a women life was
worthwhile only when the husband was alive. The widows lived a life of kaimai,
the condition of being reduced to solitude, and a woman so bereaved was a
kaimpeṇ.74
Slavery
Slavery existed in the Cōḻa kingdom. Inscriptions and literature prove the
existence of slavery. There is no consensus of opinion among historians how the
system worked. The Hindu smritis speak of 15 classes of slaves.75 Men and women
were taken slaves for various reasons. There were several grades among slaves.
Most of the slaves recorded in the inscriptions are sale of human beings to
70
R. Rajalakshmi, Tamil Polity, Madurai, 1983, p. 182.
71
K.K. Pillay, op.cit., p. 394.
72
Jaya Selva Doss, Social Divisions in padai vidu Rajyam in Medieval Tamilnadu in A.Chandrasekaran
and P.Govinda Reddy (Edi), Some aspects in the History of Tamilnadu, A study on Socio-political
cultural spheres, series II, Chennai, 1999, p.126.
73
Simon Caiso Chetty, The Customs, Manners and literature of the Tamils, p.122.
74
K.N.Singh, Religion and Society, Lucknow, p.180.
75
A.B.Pandey, Society and Government in Medieval India, Central Book Dept, Allahabad, p.201.
51
Land slaves
Men and women sold themselves to nobles, temples and maṭhas (monastic
ouses) and served them toiling and moiling. Acute famines and droughts (pañcam)
compelled them to become slaves. Moreover, the traditional family slave system
prevailed without any break. The Periyapurāṇam details the traditional slave
system in the Cuntaramūrtti Nāyaṉār Purāṇam. When a person happened to sell
his land he sold it along with his servants. These servants became the slaves of new
landlords.79
During the period of Cholas there were two types of slaves. One is those
who had sold themselves due to utter poverty. The second is the family lineage
without any time of break.80 The stone inscription in Achutamaṅkam by Rājarāja III
(early 13 th century) records that a stonesmith, his wife and his four children were
bought by the Maṭha in that place. Another stone inscription of the same king notes
women brought by the Maṭha in Tiruvēkampam as slaves. A stone inscription in
Tiruvoṟṟiyūr says one Vayalūr Kizhavan Tiruvēkampam Uṭaiyān
76
K.A.Nilakanda Sastri op.cit p.555.
77
S.Manickam, Slavery in the Tamil country, A Historical overview, Madras, 1982, p.35.
78
A.R.E., 94 of 1926.
79
E. Ramakritinan, Tamilaga varalarum Tamilar panpadum, p. 197.
Mioik Xiy vOj topj;Njhd;wy;fisf; $lg;gpwu;f;F tpw;Fk; tof;fk; ,Ue;jik gw;wpg; ngupa Guhzk;
Fwpg;gpLfpwJ. ahNjDk; fhuzk; Fwpg;gpl;l xUtuJ epyq;fs; gwpKjy; nra;ag;gLk; nghOJ mtuJ
gzpahl;fSk; gwpKjy; nra;ag;gl;ljhf fy;ntl;Lfspy; nra;jpfs; cs;sd.
80
ARE., of 1911, No.86.
52
Temple slaves
Few of the sale deeds recorded in the inscriptions are sale of human beings
to temples. Sometimes they were voluntary; two ladies sold themselves with their
dependants and their relatives to a temple in the Thanjavur district;82 in these
instances, the religious motive must have been more dominant than the economic.
When a group of six persons were sold to the some temple for thirteen kāsus by
another person, it was neither voluntary nor the religious.83 There is another sale of
eight persons recorded in the same place some years before, the price not being
stated.84 All these inscriptions are dated in the regnal years of an unknown Cōḻa
king. About A.D. 948 a madhyastha of the village of Nandivarman-maṅkalam
presented to the temple of Vayalūr (TIruccirapplli disrict) three women to sing
Tirupatiyam and serve as Kavarippina (chauri-bearers) to God Parameśvara.85
Another record of the reign of Rājarāja I from Tiruvadanai (Chingleput), dated in
A.D.1002, states twelve families of fishermen (paṭṭinavar) were dedicated to the
temple of Śrī Varāhadeva at the instance of two officials serving in the locality as
nadu-kankatci and nadu-vakai. The families of the twelve persons had each to pay
out of their income from weaving and fishing, ¾ kalañcu of gold, and to assist in
the celebration of two annual festivals in the temple; one of them being of seven
days’ duration and ending with the day of Sadaiyam in the month of Āvaṇi, the day
81
Ibid. of 1917, No.223.
82
ARE., of 1925, No.218(seven persons for thirty kasus); ARE., of 1925, No.219 fifteen persons for the
same amount, ARE., of 1925,No.18.
83
ARE., of 1925, No.217.
84
ARE., of 1925, No.216.
85
ARE., of 1936-7,No.149.
53
The terms of this dedication are, on the whole liberal and do not constitute
slavery; they even granted some privileges to the dedicated families such as the
receipt of prasādam (food offering) on the festival days. But the element of
compulsion, the hereditary nature of the dedication, the part played by two officials
of the state and the undertaking of the sabhā and ūr to enforce the terms, prove that
the dozen families of pattinavar would not have readily accepted the arrangements
of their own choice.
Maṭha slaves
An inscription87 of somewhat uncertain date from Tiruvālaṅkāṭu mentions
some facts which bring out the general prevalence of slavery and the treatment
meted out to slaves. A certain Vayiratarayar had a number of slaves, some
belonging to him and others forming the part of the dowries of his wives. With the
consent of his wives, he sold some of these slaves to the local temple which
purchased them for employment as slaves of a maṭha (maṭha-aṭimaikaḷ).
Branding of slaves
In accordance with a sale deed, and a royal order (rāja-sāsana), the
Maheśvaras and the authorities of the temple recorded the transaction in a stone
inscription, marked the slaves with the trident-mark, and resolved to assign specific
duties to them and punish them suitably when they failed in their duty. The
inscription then states that after some time some of the slaves defied the orders of
the sthānattar of the temple and took to mischievous and roguish ways, and the
matter was laid before a general assembly of the authorities of the temple and of the
maṭhas. Their decision is not easy to make out owing to gaps in the record. In fact
86
ARE, 1910, No.274.
87
ARE, 1926, No.94.
54
Courtesans (Devaraḍiyār)
The class of courtesans has always held a considerable place in Indian
Society. From pre-historic times the nautch-girl has been a great social attraction.
Her public appearances were usually associated with religious festivals and she was
generally an expert in music and the dance. She mingled freely with men and was
under no obligation to observe the restraints imposed in their social intercourse.
She was permitted company to select friends, and her choice was guided at least as
much by sentimental and aesthetic as by mercenary motives. The testimony of
Muhammadan writers is unanimous in that the earnings of the courtesans attached
to temples were surrendered into the hands of the priests or other authorities of the
temple for defraying the expenses of worship.89
88
ARE, 1925, No.18.
89
Abu Zayd in Ferrand, Voyage, p. 124.
90
ARE, of 1912, No.147.
55
Devadāsī System
Dancing girls were called devaraḍiyār and taḷiccerippeṇḍukaḷ. The
devaradiyar were not permitted to marry.94 Many of them were proficient in the
field of fine arts especially music and dance. They enjoyed the patronage of the
Kings and the Great Rajaraja I, besides setting apart separate streets for them, had
built houses for them near Peruvuṭaya temple in his capital95. Thus the king granted
lands96 and houses to them.97 More inscriptions mention the Taḷicceri peṇḍir. They
had well versed persons in music, dance and kuthu. They were called in various
names such as Taliyilār, Patiyilār, Vaḻiyilār, Tevaradiyar, Koyirpirakkar and
91
K.K.Pillai, Thenindiya varalaru, p.200.
92
B.Venkatraman, Rajarajesvaram (The Pinnacle of Chola Art), p.246.
93
Ibid.
94
S. Manickam, Slavery in Tamil Country, p. 44.
95
S.I.I. vol III, No.66.
96
A.R.E. 59 of 1923.
97
ARE, 2898 of 1910.
56
Some people having no dwelling place were shifting place to place for
livelihood and eking out their life praising the kings, singing, dancing, and enacting
drama. Panars, Cenniyars, Porulas, Peruniruthars, Kodiyars and their women-folk
viraliyars and panniyars. Archilathiyars, guarding madhars, nurses for rich houses,
child pankiyars, the slaves to rich thenors and those begging for their lives lived in
the low stratum of the society.101
98
ARE, of 1923, No.183.
99
ARE, of 1912, No.128; Ibid. of 1929, No.361.
100
K.A.Nilakandasastri, op.cit., p.134.
101
Ibid. p. 135.
102
Tamilnattu varalatrukulu, op.cit., p.198. A.Ramakrishnan, ‘Cholar kala Samuthaya nilai’, p. 197.
103
K.K.Pillay, A Social History of the Tamils, Part I, p.396.
57
Food
Food was called pocanam perhaps a term borrowed from Sanskrit. The
staple food for the people was rice. Chenchali and cennel were the varieties of
paddy which is mentioned by ulas. The cooked rice was called as valsi or choru.
The ulas mention a special variety of the rice called chenchali or red rice.109 Girls
were taught on the culinary art from the pētai stage. Cooked rice was served in the
marriage feast. The use of the millet Enal Tinai (Sataria italicum) is also
mentioned.110 The millets such as thinai, varugu too were used in the mountain
area, honey and roots. The people prepared milk rice, Tamarind rice, Akkāra aṭisil,
curd rice and mutton rice. They used milk, curd, ghee and boiled ghee for their
food. The Adukkalai offers the clue that greater attention was paid to the art of
cooking. They also had a cook coll ‘madainul’ which reveals the culinary art of the
peoples.111
The poor people ate kañci made up of noy (broken rice). The millets were
used as food. The mountainside people used roots and honey as their food. The
104
A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in the Hindu Civilization, p. 250.
105
R.Nagasamy, Studies in Anciens Tamil Law and Society.
106
Stridharma vol XVII; No.12, October, 1934, p.553.
107
S.Venkatraman, A Trealise of Hindu Law, Orient Longman, Madras, 1972, p.350.
108
Paras Diwar, Dowry and Protection to married women, New Delhi, 1987, p.108.
109
S.ula, K.376.
110
S.ula, K.111.
111
K.K.Pillay, Tamilaga Varalarau Makkalum panpadum, Tamilnadu Text Book society, 1972, p.330.
58
112
V.ula, K.K.197,263.
113
SII., vol. XIX, No.116.
114
SII., vol. XVII, No.51.
115
Ragu Nathesri, Bojana Kuthukalam (Tamil),1988, p.117.
116
SII., vol XIII, No.35.
117
SII., vol III, No. 151A.
118
Op.cit p.3.
119
SII, vol XIX, No.22.
120
SII, vol VIII, No.627.
59
Vellai Arisi and Pūri arisi were given for coolies. Along with rice (Arisi),
dhal took important role in food. There two varieties in dhal namely Payattam
paruppu (or) patccai parupu (green dhal). An inscription belonging to Kulōttuṅga
period mentions that the people used sprouted grams to husk out dhal.127 Sugar was
indicated by Akkaram and Kanda Sakkarai.128 For two nazhis salt four nazhis
paddy was swapped. The word in Sevaga Sindhamani indicates this taste as Karam:
“fhaj;jpd; Fok;G jPw;wp”.129
There are notes on the use of pepper and jeera, the food articles prepared in
oil and ghee hard to digest. During the Cōḻas period people used pepper for
121
SII., vol VIII, No.529.
122
SII, vol III, No. 151A.
123
Ibid. vol XXIV, No.7.
124
Ibid. vol VIII, No.291.
125
Ibid.
126
Ibid. vol VIII, No.291.
127
A.Avanam Vol-6, 1995, p.78.
128
SII., vol VII, No.485.
129
Sivakacinthamani, 788.
60
Both men and women drank hot drinks from coconut sheaths called ‘kaḷ’
(toddy). It is to be noted that women of which age also indulged in drinking toddy.
The ulas describe in length about the drinking scene in which the women of the
Perilampen stage (mature women of the 32 to 40 years age group) indulged in
excessive drinking.140 Vikkirama Cholan ula states that maids of the Perilampen
took the kadunceral, which overflowed from the pots lied to the palai (petiole) of
the coconut tree and which was collected in large pots, in a madal (tumbler - made
of palm-leaf), and after removing the froth and the insects floating on the surface of
130
Ibid. vol XXIV, No.9.
131
Ibid. vol VII, No.529.
132
Ibid. vol XIII, No.35.
133
Ibid. vol XIII, No.44.
134
Ibid. vol VIII, No.560.
135
Ibid.
136
Ibid. vol XIX, No.250.
137
Ibid. vol VIII, No.624.
138
SII., vol XIII, No.91.
139
Ibid. Tamilnattu varalatrukulu, op.cit, p.151.
140
Ibid. p.140.
61
The extracted toddy would be brought by the servant maids to the house
wives. Due to intoxication speech would tumble, walk disorderly, eyes become red,
sweating gush, dress got disordered, then they begun to sleep slanting on the
shoulders of their friends (toḻies). This has been depicted in the literature.142
Through Periya Purāṇam we know that the women drank hot drink madhu (wine)
under the Marutu trees.
The Kulottungacōḻan-ula states that the Perilampen who took the madhu
from the hands of her maid, drank it. She lost her sense; her speech became
inconerent and steps unsteady. The Rājarāja cōḻanula states that the Perilampen
depped a Kuvalai flower in the Naravu (toddy) which was collected from the
coconut tree and kept in big pots protected from insect’s ants sipped it. The ula
speaks of the reddish glow in the eyes of the perilempen who had partaken of the
toddy, and of her unsteady steps and stammering words. She was sweating
profusely and her dress was in a shabby condition.143
Dress
References to different kinds of dresses are found in the ulas. Mention is
made of the variety of clothes such as Tusi, Adai, and Kalai. Tugil and Udai were
made of cotton. Silk fabrics were known such as Pattut tugil. Kosigam and Pattu
are also mentioned. Clothes embroidered with gold threads (jarri) were called
Porrugil and Nivi.
141
V.ula, K.K.197,263.
142
Ibid. , op.cit, p.151.
143
R.ula, K.K.355,361; K.ula, K.K.345-345.
62
The ulās mention a wide variety of clothes worn by the women. Young girls
of the Petai stage wore a dress called cirriṭai. The adolescent girls wore a variety of
half-saree called Uttariyam to cover the upper part of the body, and breasts. The
matured women wore sarees called kakkum tugil. The upper part of their body was
covered with Van tusu. Their breasts were kept in their position with Kaccu, whose
equivalent might be the brassiere. These kaccus were provided with a belt. These
kaccus when embroidered with pearls were called Muttin kaccu, and when
embroidered with gems, the Manik kaccu.145
Paṭṭigai was the loin cloth worn by the women. The hip dresses were
embroidered with pearls, gems or gold coins. They were named respectively as
Polan kalai, Muttin kalai, Nittilak kovai and Paintugir kasu. The women had a
fancy for Porrugil and silk cloth embroidered with the gold jarri. Decorative motifs
representing flowers figured either on the body or on the borders of the cloth. Such
clothes were called Pūntugil. There is a reference about Pōrvai, the shawl. The
weavers were called Vinaivar. Dyeing of cloth was skillfully done. The ulās
mention Ventugil, the white cloth. Semportugil, the red cloth, Ponniratta pattu, the
golden yellow coloured silk fabric and Nila vuru vudai, the blue clothes were the
matter of dress of the womenfolk in that period.
Ornaments
144
K.ula, K.65; S.ula K.53.
145
G. Thirumavalavan, Political Social and Cultural History of the Cholas, Madras, 1991, pp.141,42
63
146
Indian Antiquary, vol XXVI, p.128
147
A.Raghavan, Tamil Nattu Ani Kalangal, Palayamkottai, 1970, p.16.
148
Nogasamy (Edi) Tanjai peruudaiyar koil kalvettugal, part - I State Department of Archacology Madras,
1969, pp.1-47.
149
A.R.E., 680 of 1919.
150
A.R.E., 670 of 1919.
151
A.R.E., 669 of 1919.
152
K.ula,K.65; S.ula, K.53, Taminattu varalatrukulu op.cit, pp.139-140.
64
Ear Ornaments
The ear lobes were scooped out and adorned by skillfully shaped ear
ornaments. Kulai or Sudar (glittering) kulai was a popular ear ornament. Makarak
kulai was shaped like a makara or fish.156 Todu is another ear ornament mentioned
in the ulas.157 Kodun kulai and Nedunkulai are the other ear ornaments mentioned.
The ulas mention yet another ear ornament set with diamonds called Kadigaik
Kudumbai.
153
Dr.K.Algesan, op.cit., p.208. SII., vol II, No. 87.
154
,uhf;Fb ,t;tzp> fiyapd; rilg;gFjpapy; mzpag;gLk; mzpfydhFk;. QhapW tbthfr; nra;ag;gl;L> ‘gpiw’
vd;Dk; mzpfyNdhL fhzg;gLk; ‘,uhf;FbAk;’> ‘gpiwAk;’> ‘QhapWk; jpq;fSk;’ Nghyj; jpfonkd
mwpaKbfpwJ. gl;lk;> nghw;G+ vd;w mzpfyd;fs; nghd;dhy; nra;ag; ngw;wditahFk;. ,t;tzpfyd;fisj;
jiyazp vd;Wk; Wjyzp vd;Wk; ,UNtW tifapdthf mwpaKbfpd;wJ.
155
G.Thirumavalan, op.cit., p.143.
156
V.ula., K.190; K.U;a, k.70; R.ula, K.322; SII., vol .II, No.53.
157
K.ula, K.338; SII, vol, No.34.
65
Shoulder Ornaments
An ornament which adorns the shoulders is mentioned specifically as Tol
valai.158 Pappuchuchrul, Panivalaiyam was shoulder ornaments which were in the
shape of coiled snakes. The ulas mention several other shoulder ornaments like Tot
sutikai. Navaratnat tolvalai, Irutodit tol, and Nittilattin amporrodit tol (set with
pearls).
Breastlets
Women covered their breasts with gold breastlets inlaid with gems and
pearls. Moreover, Ulas mention several varieties of breastlets like Muttin kachchu,
Nagai muttin Kachchu (studded) with pearls. Polan kachchu (made of gold) and
Manik kachchu (set with gems).
158
V.ula, K.205; K.K.Pillay, A Social History of the Tamils II, p.309.
159
D.V.Jagadisa Ayyar, South Indian Customs, Asian Educational service, New Delhi, 1992, pp.76-
77.
66
Waist Ornaments
Pattigai of Araipattigai was a gold girdle set with gems.160 It was made of
several intricate patterns. It can be comparable to the present day Ottiyanam.
Mekalai or Kalabaram consisted of seven or eight strings of pearls. It was intended
to keep the loin cloth in place. Kanchi consisted of eight strings of golden beads.
Kalabaram was a chain like ornament with sixteen strings. Virisikai was another
chain-like ornament with 32 strings. Tamam was a golden girdle with 7 golden
strings.161 Kalai was another girdle mentioned in the ulas. Porkalai was made of
gold, Muttin kalai was made of pearls and kasu sul kalai was a gold band fitted
with kasu or gold coins hanging from strings. Kovai was made up of gold, with
gems in the shape of garlands hanging from it. The ulas mention several designs of
Kovai such as Tongal tulaik kovai, Manikkovai and Nittilak kovai. Kachchi or
Kachcholai was a girdle made in the shape of a snake. Pandanam or Udaraban-
danam was a band like ornament worn on the stomach.
Leg Ornaments
Kimpuri was an ornament worn around the thigh. It was made of gold with
an ornamental clasp set with gems. The ulas mention a variety of leg ornaments
worn by the women. Silambu, Paripuram and Nuburam were different types of
anklets. These gold anklets were hollow inside which was filled with pearls, rubies
and other gems. Sachchai was sadangai which had beads of gold or silver attached
to a cord or plate. In addition to these bewildering arrays of ornaments, the ulas
mention several other ornaments which we are not able to identify. The ulas
160
R.ula., K.182; S.V., vol.II, No.93.
161
SII, Vol. II, No.46.
67
Household Utensils
The ulas mention golden pots called Poṟkuṭam, Mallal tasumbu and tasum
basumbu, which were found in palaces. The king used to have his bath with the
waters of Kaveri brought in golden pots. Kaḍaram were big pots made of gold,
copper or mud. The wealthy people had big kaḍarams as bath-tubs.163 Vallam was a
vessel used for keeping toddy which was collected in mud pots tied to the palai
(petiole) of the coconut palm. Maḍal was a type of spoon used for drinking toddy.
The rich people had Vayiramadal or spoon studded with diamonds.
Earthernware Utensils
They were used by the poorer section of the society Tali was an earthen pot
used by the cowherds for churning milk. Chadi and Kadam were other types of
earthenware utensils mentioned by the ulas.164
Mirrors
The use of cosmetics naturally led to the use of mirror or looking glass. The
ulas mention Padimakkalam or Adi, which definitely referred to the mirror.165 In a
verse in the ulas a woman is described as looking at her reflected image on a
polished marble wall known as Palinguvar suvar which served the purpose of a
looking glass.166
Furnitures
162
Dr.G.Thirumavalavan, op.cit., p. 445.
163
K.ula, K.150, R.ula, K.398.
164
Dr.G.Thirumavalavan, op.cit., p.139.
165
V.ula, K.171; R.ula, K.146; SII; Vol. IV, No.224.
166
V.ula, K.269.
68
Hair Coiffure
The women paid remarkable attention to the dressing of their hair. The
black, shinning, flowering tresses of the nubile girls were called kulal, maikkuḻal
167
G.Thirumavalavan, op.cit., p.139.
168
Ibid.
169
Ibid. p.39.
170
R.ula., K.290.
69
Cosmetics
Cosmetics were profusely used by men and women for beautifying their
bodies. Women adorned their forehead with Tilakam, an ornamental mark with
Kunkumam. It was very common for women to apply Anchnam, a dark collyrium,
to their eye-lashes and eye-brows.173 It was also known by the name Mai, which
means black. The practice of daubing fragrant pastes on the body seems to have
prevalent among men and women. The ulas mention a bewildering variety of such
pastes used by kings and common people. The ulas mention Tennar
malaiyarachcheru, Kalabam, Chandhu, Sachchi, and Virai, all indicating the
Sandalwood paste, Manmadam or manmadach chandhu was identified as Kasturi,
or musk. Navi was punugu or civet. Senchandu was kungumum, manmadach
chenchandu which was also known as Chempanchuk kulambu, was a paste of
sandal, kungumam, camphor, musk and Pannir (rose water). Another cosmetics
mentioned in the ulas is Sunnam, Narum sunnam or Narum tugal. It was a paste
made of the nine gems ground with navi (punugu) and pannir.174
171
V.ula., K.174.
172
K.ula., K.229.
173
V.ula, K.204; K.ula., K.75.
174
Nachinarkkiniyar Commentary on Maduraikkāñci, p.300.
70
Flowers
Flowers formed an integral part of the society of the period. The king wore
flower garlands called tar. The Chola rulers had ār flowers, also known by the
names Atti and Tataki, as their Royal flowers. The ulas mention a large number of
flowers which adorned the hair and shoulders of the women. The list includes
Mādavi, Kurukkatti (Hiptage madablota) Kalunir, (Numphaea odorata) Aravindam
(Nelumbium spociosum) Valampuri (Halicteres ixora), Kuravam (Chomelia
asistica), Kandal or Talai (Pandamus grandiflorum) Karuvili (Ciltoria ternatea)
Kumilam, Nilorpalam, kandal and other flowers. In the ulas we come across that a
nubile girl dressed in pleasing blue clothes. She had blue flowers like Nilorpalam
and Karuvili adorning her hair, from head to foot were studded with blue diamonds
and sapphire.176 She could be taken as an example for the sense of beautification
prevailed among the women of that age.
175
R.ula, K.290.
176
K.ula., K.K.193,194.
71
Customs
In social habits, the self-inspired expositions also became followable. This
turned habits and customs in due course. The habits shaping pinch by pinch and
followed by others became the customs. There existed the unwritten law and it kept
the society with inbuilt strength. The customs and traditions were the characters
life. The customs shaped with the acceptance of society and were streamlined by
traditions.
In the Cōḻa Empire, many kinds of tradition were followed. For a just born
baby, people put soil vermillion, took path and gave medicine. The foretellers
(astrologer) predicated the life of the baby on noting the time and stars. On the 12th
day of its birth, people suited the name for the child. During the 5th year of age the
child was sent to Thinnaipalli and it was celebrated as festival. It was custom to
72
Marriage Festivals
Marriage is a religious sacrament among the Hindus, it has great social
importance178, but from the beginning of human history non-marital reproduction
has been a fact of life. Reproduction is included in the mastrimony but it is not the
other way about.179 The marriage of a girl was conducted after finishing the age of
12. There was the custom of fixing auspicious time for marriage. The rising of the
homa fire, throwing flakes of fried rice on the fire slepping on the grindstore and
professing to see Arunthathi were all well established by 11 th century A.D.180 the
brides were washed with milk.181 The Parppanars (Brahmins) conducted the
marriage ceremonies and they would direct the bride and bride grooms to circle
around the fire goddess with religious rituals. It was the tradition that the groom
wore the ‘Tāli’ around the neck of the bride. In the Cilapatikāram wearing tali by
women was known as mangalani.182 The practice of tying the tali to the bride might
have appeared about the time of Rajaraja I because we find the inscriptional
evidence tali being tied to images of goddess in temples.183 Besides in Kandapu-
ranam which is assignable to 11 th century A.D. that a direct reference to the
association of Tali with the wedding is found.184
177
Tamilnattu varalatrukulu, op.cit, pp.148-149.
178
T.V.Mahalingam, Administration and Social life under Vijayanagar, Part II, Madras, 1975, p.31.
179
R.P.Sharma, Women in Hindu Literature, Gyan publishing House, New Delhi, 1990, p. 88.
180
Ramayanam, V.V.1322,1325,1326 and 1327.
181
K.K.Pillay, Tamil society in the Early and Medeival periods, p.299.
182
K.K.Pillay, op. cit p. 370.
183
S.I.I. vol XXIII No’s 278 and 46.
184
K.K.Pillay, op.cit, p.369.
73
It was called as Vathulai Mulaivilai the parents of the bride gave gold, things
and slaves. The right for spending these riches was given to the groom. But in due
course, during the Cōḻa Emperors period dowry system developed and tortures
were engulfing. To save this kind of torture, conditions were laid by various
sections of society. These are found mentioned in Cōḻa inscriptions. Though the
marriage relation, giving and taking actions were in bride & groom between the
close relationships, there also prevailed inter caste marriages too. This we come to
know by Anulomam and Prathilomam sections. The Cōḻa kings married several
wives. This custom had intruded among the common people too. There are no
reference about child marriage and widow marriage. The widows were not
respected in the society. But there are evidences for the widow’s immolations
falling into the pyres of their husbands.187
Funeral Rituals
The dead persons were either burnt or burried. There were separate grave
yards and paths for taking the dead bodies for separate communities. The women
also joined along with men in the burial grounds. The women, who lost their
husbands broke off their bangles and removed their ear ornaments and other
ornaments and made themselves widows.188 The Veṭṭiyan who burnt the body,
would spread cooked rice without salt.
185
N.Sethuraman, Early Cholas, Mathematics Reconstructs the Chronology, Kumbakonam, 1980, p.116 .
186
M.Rajamanicknar, Tamilaka Atchi (Tamil), Chennai, 1972, p.70.
187
Tamilnattu varalartukulu (op.cit), pp.149-150.
188
Ibid.
74
Respect for omens and belief in superstition were quite common. They
believed in the concept of evil eye193 which the ulas mention as Kannechchi, and
took protective measures to save their children from the effect of evil eye.
Reference is found in the ulas to the belief that pey or ghosts haunted the
battlefields and ate the corpses of dead warriors. The people believed in the
significance of dreams. The dreams were generally believed to foretell the future.194
People believed in supernatural bodies who were supposed to reside on the hills.
Two such demi-goddesses which were believed in and feared were the Kollippavai
and the Trikutattuppavai.195 The people believed in Vanadeivam, the Goddess of
the forest.
189
S.ula.K.200.
190
V.ula, K.323.
191
R.ula, K.159; V.ula, K.325.
192
V.ula, K.325; R.ula, K.162.
193
R.ula, K.299.
194
S.ula, K.201.
195
Kollippavai, R.ula, K.130, K.ula, C.145 .
75
Agriculture
Agriculture was the main occupation of the womenfolk of Cōḻa country. The
Cōḻa country was proverbial for the abundance of rice. Agriculture was the
principal occupation of the people. References to the fertility of the soil of the
Kāviri delta occur in the ulas.196 It is the refined fact that an adequate supply of
water is of supreme importance for successful cultivation. The Cōḻa rulers devoted
remarkable attention to this. The ulas mention the construction of embankments on
both sides of river Kāviri by Karikāla. Rajaraja II is stated to have took an
expedition to the Kudaku mountains to release the free flow of river Kaveri to the
Cōḻa land which was stopped by a dam constructed across the waters by a hostile
king.
Paddy was the staple crop. The ulas mention a special variety of paddy
called Chenchali, the red paddy. Rice was called Valsi and the cooked rice, Chōṟu.
In the dry land millets like Enal or Tinai were cultivated. The field was called
ēnalkalam.197 The other crop mentioned in the ulas was the sugarcane. Horticulture
was also given importance. The ulas mention about the groves containing mango
trees, coconut and areca nut palms, and plantain and many flower gardens. The
Agri- and Horticultural produce were used by the people in the manufacture of
jaggery and toddy. The women folk of the Agricultural family especially the wife,
daughter and sister joined and assisted them.
234
S.ula, K.377.
197
Ibid. K.111.
76
198
Burton Stein ed., All the Kings (papers on Medeival South Indian History), New Era publications
Madras, 1984, p.184.
199
N. Alagappan, Economic conditions in the Medieval Tamil country, Chidambaram, 1998, p.33.
200
Karanthai copper plates, part II, p.1.
201
A.R.E, 200 of 1934-35.
202
A.R.E, 339 of 1921.
203
A.R.E, 493 of 1902, S.I.I. vol VIII, No.83.
77
Agriculture the glorious profession which pre dominated all the other
activities was liked with different aspects of life in Chola period. Women also
played a considerable role in the promotion of irrigation and agriculture.
About A.D.1010, the sabhā of Nemali (S.Arcot) which was then called
Calukki-kula-kala-caturvedimangalam set apart certain incomes as eri-ayam for the
maintenance of a local tank; one of these was a small charge of ¼ pon levied on
men and women of the Brahmin community at death.206 It is known that gandar
Atitha Pereri (south Arcot district), Sembiyan Madevi Pereri were dug out by
Kandar Athithga and his wife Sembiyan Madevi respectively.
204
A.R.E, 552 of 1902; S.I.I. vol VIII, No.143.
205
ARE, of 1925, No.110.
206
ARE, of 1942-3, No.156.
78
207
ARE, of 1922, No.18.
208
ARE, of 1918, No.450.
209
SII, vol III, No.202.
210
Ibid. vol II, No. 65.
211
Ibid. vol II, No.65.
212
Ibid. vol II, No.69.
79
The picture of economic conditions under the Cōḻas will not be complete
without some idea of the relation of paddy to other commodities and to money.
Ghee was converted into gold at 9 kurunis per kalanju and fifteen kalams of ghee
are equated to twenty kalanjus of gold. If this rate of conversion followed the prices
prevailing at Kalahasti in A.D.1012, the date of the record,216 the price of ghee in
those days must have been about a sixth or seventh of what it is to-day. A nali a
213
ARE, of 1912, No.263, K.A.Nilakandasastri, op.cit., p. 558.
214
SII, vol VIII, No. 547.
215
SII, vol II. No,66.
216
ARE., 1904, No.299, Ibid. 1912, No.146.
80
Daily Labour
From casual references in the inscriptions, we can dimly perceive the
existence of a class of hired day-labourers who assisted in agricultural operations
on the estates of other people and received a daily wage, usually in grain.222 There
was no clear line of division between the absolutely landless agrarian labourer and
the small peasant hiring himself out in his spare time. Garden-labour was hired for
service in flower-gardens attached to temples at the standard rate of one marakkal
and two nalis of paddy per diem, a rate223 mentioned in two inscriptions of the
years A.D.1019 and 1053; and eight such labourers were regularly employed all the
year round in a garden of the extent of seven padagams in one case, and two for six
217
Ibid.
218
ARE., of 1912, No.263, But 8 nuts and 32 leaves could be had for one nāli in 1104 at Narasingapuram
(Same district)- Ibid. of 1910, No.249.
219
Ibid.
220
This rate of barter almost looks like a standard rate; it occurs in ARE., of 1920, No.506 (Alangudi
A.D.1094); Ibid. of 1920, No’s.518,515,512.
221
ARE, of 1915, No.175.
222
ARE, of 1928, No.114,op.cit., p.569.
223
ARE, of 1915, No.172; Ibid. of 1925, No.45.
81
Service tenure
Service-tenures were of various types. The assignments in favour of public
servants as remuneration for their official work under government have already
been noticed; these assignments were, however, only of certain rights to taxes and
dues from land, and as such must be distinguished from direct assignments of land
in lieu of particular services rendered. The endowment of a nrtyabhoga
(sakkaikani) for the performance of driyak-kutu at the annual festivals in
Tiruvaduturai from the ninth year of Rajaraja I (A.D.994),224 and that of a
tattarakkani, goldsmith’s holding, by queen Dantisakthi Vitanki attached to the
temple of Tiruvarur from the fourth year Rajendra-I,225 furnish instances of one of
the common methods by which service-tenure on temple lands was created from
time to time.
Exclusiveness
A deliberate attempt seems to have been made in the reigns of Rajaraja and
Rajendra I to maintain the homogeneity of the bramadeya villages by excluding all
other classes from owning land in them. Possibly difficulties of the character above
mentioned were not foreseen at first, and no restrictions were imposed on worship
of land in brahmadeya villages; as in actual practice this policy gave rise in some
place or other to the sort of inconvenience that was quite natural in the
224
ARE, of 1925, No.120.
225
ARE, of 1894, No.216.
82
The Brahmins were apparently expected to buy up the land and pay down
cash, and a special officer was deputed to the order and make early payment. Some
of the land sold on the occasion was bought by the king’s sister Kundavai226 who
gave it to the local temple. A similar order of Rajendra I is recorded in an
inscription of the sixth year of his reign from Velicceri, a bramadeya in
Puliyurkottam.
Cattle
Closely allied to agricultural was rearing cattle and dairy-farming, an
industry pursued generally by the manradis or shepherds. Here again, one has too
much on the temple records for the information. The manradis seem to have been
organised in a professional caste group (kalanai), and generally taken charge of the
cattle donated to the temples for the maintenance of lamps under certain conditions.
Though the pasu (cow) and adu (sheep) are sometimes used only as units of
reckoning, still in the majority of instances there is no doubt that live animals are
meant, and often enough, breeding bulls and rams form part of the gifts. The
importance of cattle-farming may also be inferred from the names of several
imposts the exact nature of which is not fully known, such as nalla, nallerudu,
alagerudukasu227 and so on. The Chola women and Devadasis were donated cows
and ewes to the temples.
Cattle Breeding
226
Ibid.; K.A.Nilakanda Sastri, op.cit., p.578-79.
227
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, op.cit., p.588.
83
Weaving
The people of the age seemed to have attained great watermark in the field
of weaving. A remarkable measure of skill was developed in the art of weaving
cotton and silk fabrics. The ulas mention a variety of clothes made of cotton such
as Tugil, Tusu, Kalai and Āḍai. Kosigam, pattu and silk clothes were there. Nivi and
Polankalai were silk clothes embroidered with gold jarri. Dyeing of clothes was a
widespread ancillary industry. Blue and red colours seemed to be the favourite
colours with the consumers. The weavers were called Vinaivar.229 The womenfolk
especially, the wife, daughter, sisters joined with them and assisted them in all the
works of weaving and its allied works.
Masonry
The construction of buildings which rose to a considerable height is found
mentioned in the ulas. Buildings with several storey’s, balconies and porticos are
mentioned in the ulas. Big mansions known by the name Māḷikai and houses
known as ulai are mentioned in the ulas. The Cōḻa kings made many structural
additions to the Temple of Lord Nataraja at Tillai.230 These constructions included
rising of seven tiers towers and buildings in the shape of chariots. All these indicate
that masonry art was in a very advanced stage and the womenfolk also assisted in
Masonry.
228
Ibid., G.Thirumavalavan., op.cit., p.155.
229
Ibid.
230
Ibid.
84
231
TAS., 1, pp.162-4, ARE., of 1925, No’s.247-8,239, Ibid. of 1919, No’s.23, 24.
232
C.M.Ganapathi, Pandai Tamilagathil Sattamum Nitheeyum in Aayvu valta Katturaigal
(V.K.Krishnamoorthy ed.), Madras, 1995, p.148.
233
N.Subramanian and R. Venkatraman, Tamil Epigraphy–A Survey, p. 102.
85
234
S.I.I. vol VIII, No.207.
235
Nattanakasinathan, Tolliyal (Tamil), Sekar Pathippagam, Madras, 1977, p.60.
236
S.ula K.234.
237
Ibid. K.167.
238
Ibid.
86
Apparently each important member of the royal family had his own
entourage of such personal attendance this is seen from such expressions in the
inscriptions. In the particular service (tanic-cevagam) of Udaiyar Kodandarama the
Satrubhayankurat Terinda Velam of Pachavan Madeviyar,239 Abinmana Pusha Teri-
nada Velam, Arunmozhi Thevar Therintha Velam Thiru Pari-gkarathar Velam,
Rajaraja Terintha Velam, Pandi Thiruman-chanthu Velam, Uttama Cholier Velam,
Uyyak-kondar Terintha Thiru manchanathu Velam outer city of in Thanjavur
(puram padi) Killai Velam, Thribuvana Madeviyar Velam, Balaiya Velam, Malai
Velam, periya Velam, Elankesvara Kulakala Terinda Thrumanchanathur Velam,
Sivapadha Sekara therinthe Velam also in Tanjore and Gangaikonda Chola
puram.240 Menial servants lived in Thrumanchandhu Velam. The captured men and
women lived in perithum Velam’s servants.
239
ARE., of 1928,No.95; Ibid. of 1918, No.463; Ibid. of 1928, No.19; Ibid. of 1904, No.213.
240
SII, vol II, No.66.
241
SII, vol VII, No.863.
87
242
ARE., of 1922, No.141.
243
ARE., of 1922, No.397.
244
Idem.
245
ARE., of 1914, No.383.
246
R.Nagasamy, Yavarum kelir, p.109.
247
T.V.Sadasiva Pandarathar, Pirkala Cholar Varalaru, p.48.
248
Tirukoil, 1981, p.42.
249
SII., vol, XII, p.45.
250
K.Algesan, Kalvetu kattum kalaisorgal, 2004, p.48.
88
251
S.I.T.I. Vo.III, pt.Q.p.1392.
252
S.I.I. vol.V.No.30.
253
S.T.T. vol.IV.No.30.
254
ARE., of 1918,No.47.
255
S.I.I. vol.III, No.48.
256
S.I.I, vol.III, No.48.
257
ARE., of 1913,No.458.
258
Ibid. of 1929, No.242.
259
Ibid. of 1911, No.296.
260
T.V.Sadasiva pandarathar, op,cit, pp.567-568.
261
ARE., of 1914,No.11.
262
S.I.I. vol.XIX, No.131.
89
263
SII., vol VII, No. 333.
264
K.K.Pillai, Tamilaga Varalaru Makalum Panpadum, 1972, p.337.
265
ARE., of 1902, No.528, SII, vol VII, No.112.
266
Ibid. of 1926,No.563, Ibid. vol V, No.520.
267
ARE., of 1912,No.211.
268
Ibid. of 1921,No.230.
269
Ibid. of 1914, No.11.
90
Temple Servants
‘Koil Koththu’275,‘Madappallipendir’276,‘Sandhi Kottuvar’277, ‘Thai
iduvar’278and Pathiyilal279 were the temple servants and were controlled and
directed by senior grade (Perunthara Adhik-aris) officers.
270
Ibid. of 1918, No.47.
271
SII. vol. III, No.48.
272
Ibid.
273
ARE., of 1913, No.458.
274
ARE., of 1929, No.242.
275
S.I.T.I, vol.III, pt.2, p.1423.
276
S.I.I.vol.III, No.101.
277
ARE., of 1928, No.162.
278
A. Velupillai, Sasanamum Tamilum, p.319.
279
ARE., of 1894, No.221.
280
A.R.E., 496 of 1925; S.I.I., vol XIX, No.405.
281
A.R.E., 14 of 1893; A.R.E., 301,303 and 1901.
91
Based on the profession, they could be classified in to two classes viz, (a)
skilled including temple administrator, pujaris and dancing girls comprising
dancers, singers and musicians and (b) unskilled servants including manual
labourers such as sweepers, cleaners and pounders of paddy. Besides we find
women officers to be appointed as the administrators in the Tiruvaiyaru temple
built by the Cōḻa queen. They had equal powers with male officers appointed
there.283 An inscription from Tiruvaiyaru records that a woman was then appointed
in the days of Rajaraja – I to be a member of the village and its temple.284
282
D.Dayalan, Early Temple of Tamilnadu, Harman publishes House, New Delhi, 1992, p.163.
283
M.Arunachalam, Cultural Heritage of Hinduism, Kalakshetra publications, Madras, p.229.
284
A.R.E., 222 of 1894; S.I.I., vol V, No.521, cld; $l;lj;J mjpfhuk; nra;fpw NfhtY}u; cilahd; fhld;
E}w;nwd; kiuAk; mjpfhupr;rp VLjw;FQ; ruky;ypiaAk;.
285
A.R.E., 221 of 1894; S.I.I., vol V, No.520.
286
Dinamalar, Madurai dated 12th November 2004,p.11.
287
M.E.R., 372 of 1906; M.E.R., 125 of 1908.
288
Ibid.
289
A.R.E., 282 and 283 if 1906; A.R.E., 490 of 1912; A.R.E., 279 of 1926-27.
290
A.R.E., 1914 part II, para 19.
92
The Social History of Human lives never fail to reveal the ups and downs of
the lives of the people then and there likewise, the above brought out facts and
points do the same aspect with no slips of realism at any cost. The women in the
Cholas reign living in the various strata of life comprised in the then society had
their lives mostly akin to that of the present day. The facts aforetold are perfectly
irrepudiable as well as invulnerable. The seven stages of women (Ezhuparuva
Magalir) have been brought forth very serenely. From ‘Cheri’ to ‘Cinena’ how the
women lead their lives has been analysed seriously and strenuously.
291
A.R.E., 125 of 1908 and 1909, Part III, pp.82-83.
292
Ibid. p. 633.
93
293
ARE., of 1903, No.376.
294
SII., vol VII,No.863; SII,vol III,No.205.
295
ARE., of 1915, No.260, ARE., of 1915,No.16.
296
ARE., 1898, No.141; Ibid. of 1911, No.174; Ibid. of 1911, No.188; Ibid. of 1911, No.499; Ibid. of 1933,
No.162.
297
ARE., of 1906,No.156.
298
G.Thirumavalavan, Political Science and cultural History of the Cholas as gleanced from
Literature,1991, p.131.
94
In those days ‘Āthula Salai’ was defined as the place where not only the
patients were treated and got operated also. Then, this type of operation was called
Sallikriyai.302 From the Rajendra Chola’s inscription at Thirumukkudal it is evident
that this Athula Salai functioned in an area, a part of Thirumalkoil. The Ayurvedic
system of Medicines and treatment were followed. An inscriptions belonging to
Alwar Sri Paratakan Kundavai Prattiar mentions the above medicine must be
299
R.ula, 139, K.Parani Kadai Thirappu, 40.
300
ARE., of 1925, No.248.
301
ARE., of 1923, No.249.
302
Sita Narasiomhan, Śaivism under the Imperial Cōḻas…, Chap. I.
95
303
ARE, 1915, No.182, EI, XXI, pp. 220.
304
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, op. cit., p. 63.
96
97