A BIBLICAL, CULTURAL AND MISSIOLOGICAL CRITIQUE OF

TRADITIONAL CIRCUMCISION AMONG XHOSA-SPEAKING

ADVENTISTS.

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 THE MEANING AND PURPOSE OF THE RITUAL OF CIRCUMCISION.

It should be noted from the onset that the issue of traditional circumcision has not

received any meaningful attention from the church leaders and scholars in the Adventist

church. This is understandable as this challenge is more provincial than national and has

consequently escaped the attention of the Adventist church in South Africa and the World.

However the problem is even more critical in that even in areas where traditional

circumcision is practiced there has been no formal attention given to it, either by the local

church or denominational leadership.

There are currently no written guidelines, each family decides in principle decides on

own as to how to observe the rite and what meaning it has to attach to it. This has led to

a form of a cut and paste in the adaptation of the custom, which lacks theological

credibility. A continued silence from the Xhosa-speaking Adventist church leadership,

scholars and church pastors, might be construed as legitimization of the current status

with its inherent theological discrepancies.

There are two reasons why this study is crucial and timely even though it may be viewed

as long overdue. The first reason has to do with the fact that the Xhosa speaking

Adventists, as part of the Xhosa speaking people represent the only group in the

Adventist church in South Africa that still practice traditional circumcision (Interview sa-

sda: 2004). Some Nguni tribes, for example the Zulu-speaking people, have long

stopped the ritual for various reasons (Sirayi: 2000: 142,143); but in those tribes where

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the rite is still observed, Adventists for theological reasons do not engage in the ritual of

circumcision.

This is the case with the Ndebele, the Sotho and Northern Sotho - speaking people. The

exception may be the Sotho-speaking Adventists who dwell among Xhosa-speaking

Adventist. This group is known for its strict adherence to the tradition of circumcision.

I am sure this would be the same in other cultures with slight variations. This leaves then

only the Xhosa-speaking Adventists who not only practice the custom but encourages

others to do so and frowns at those who do not.

The second reason is that in general and as part of their fundamental beliefs, Adventists

espouse a doctrine of the non-immortality of the soul (Ministerial Association of SDA:

1988:350-355). Adventists therefore do not get involved or participate in any rite that

seeks to give honor and respect to departed loved ones. Any rites that can be linked to

ancestral worship or veneration are frowned at and members are discouraged from

participating in such. Adventists in general are known for their opposition to ancestral

rituals of any kind.

The main objective of this research is to evaluate critically, in light of the Bible and the

church’s mission, the meaning and purpose attached by the Xhosa speaking Adventists on

traditional circumcision. The aim is to recommend a Biblically based, missiologically

relevant and culturally sensitive approach to the practice of circumcision.

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The objective is not only to provide guidelines or ways of dealing with the custom but

also to unearth Biblical principles that can help the Adventist church as a whole in South

Africa, in dealing with the challenge of inculturation. Other ethnic groups may not be

faced with circumcision but by other traditional customs, it is hoped that the research will

provided some guidelines in dealing with such.

Basic aspects of traditional circumcision

The event is usually conducted for those who are between the ages of 15 to 25 years old

(Meintjies March 1998:7). Circumcision for those younger than this age is not

encouraged by Xhosa-speaking communities.

La Fontaine (1985:25) observes a tripartite form in all rituals of transitions, these being,

separation, liminal phase and integration. Circumcision as a form of a rite of transition

or passage clearly follows these three distinct stages. These are surgical operation,

seclusion and coming out ceremony or reincorporation into the community (Ngxamngxa,

1971:186). It is in this light that the following statement is made: “Among the Xhosa-

speaking tribes if a man is to consider himself as a man he must have gone through these

stages.” (Ngxamngxa:1971). It is the combination of these three stages that completes

the rite of circumcision. One might add here that circumcision is not just the three

phases mentioned above but the how those phases are observed. There may still be

variations in so far as how these stages are observed (Gitywa, 1976:178,179).

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First Stage: Surgical Operation

The actual operation is usually preceded by ritual preparations (Ngxamngxa, 1971:186).

Already by this time the building or the Lodge of the initiates (ithonto) together with the

appointment of ikhakhanta (traditional attendant) during the seclusion, has been fixed

(Soga 1931: 249). Part of ritual preparations, in some Xhosa-speaking groups, includes

the killing of a sacrificial beast (Umngcamo). Initiates are expected to eat a certain part

of the beast, usually a strip of meat cut from the right leg (Ngxamngxa, 1971:187). The

next ritual act is usually the shaving of the hair from the boy’s head (Ngxamngxa 1971).

The core and the hallmark of circumcision, is the actual surgical operation and is an

irreversible symbol of the social maturity of the individual (Gitywa, 1976:180). It is this

act that remains as a permanent sign that one was circumcised.

The operation, which is the severing of the foreskin, is done by the ingcibi (traditional

surgeon). This is done outside of the lodge and the initiates are immediately led to the

lodge after the operation (Gitywa, 1976: 181). The initiates have to repeat after the

surgeon as he says, “You are the man” (Unpublished Document). After severing the skin

is handed over to the owner and is usually buried later in an ant heap where it will be

devoured by the ants. (Gitywa, 1976). The wound is then covered with herbs and then

the initiates move into the lodge (Ngxamngxa, 1971:188). It should be understood that

some of the details may not apply to other areas or families.

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Seclusion

The period of seclusion begins immediately after the operation. Soga (1931:257)

observes that there is no regular time limit for the period of seclusion. This period can

last from one month to twelve months. However, today this period usually coincide with

the long school breaks either in winter or summer, to allow for the initiates to return back

to school in time.

The first eight days are regarded as the most critical and most painful for the initiates.

The first eight days of seclusion the initiates are debarred from fresh food, green food,

meat and water (Soga, 1931:254).

This eight-day period culminates in an illustrious event called “ukojiswa” whose main

object is to release the initiates from certain food and other taboos that were prescribed to

him and expected in the last eight days (Ngxamngxa 1971:189). An animal is killed on

this day and the initiates are allowed to eat this meat.

The initiates are still expected to observe certain taboos even after this ceremony. They

wear a peculiar dress during this time (Ngxamngxa 1971:189). The initiates while their

time by engaging in some traditional games, hunting, dancing, etc (Ngxamngxa, 189).

Coming out Ceremony

The end of the seclusion is marked by ceremonies releasing the boy from the marginal

status of previous months (van der Vliet, 1974:231). The termination of the seclusion

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and preparation for reincorporation back to the community is usually begun by a race to

the river, or a ritual washing where there is no river (Ngxamngxa, 190). Butter or red

ochre is applied after the washing by an appointed person. After this, the initiates are led

to the kraal of the usosuthu (usually at the father’s house of one of the fathers of the

initiates). This happens after the hut or the lodge has been burnt and under strict

instruction, the initiates are not to look back at the burning lodge (Gitywa, 1976:189).

It is while they are in the kraal where the ceremony of “ukuyala” begins. Here they are

harangued and admonished by the older men about their new status (Gitywa, 1976:189).

“The theme of the speech is the same, mention being made of the new status attained by

the novices and the responsible and dignified conduct expected of them” (Gitywa, 190).

This ceremony is also characterized by “ukusoka” which consists of giving of various

gifts to the “amakrwala” (newly initiated) (Ngxamngxa, 1971:191).

Function and Meaning of Circumcision.

Circumcision is prominently and distinctly expected to “transform the irresponsible and

intractable boy into a matured with dignity and self-respect” (Mayer P quoted in Gitywa

1976:203). President Nelson Mandela himself a Xhosa wrote the following, in his

autobiography, “I count my days as a man from the date of my circumcision.” (Quoted in

Robert Block Sunday Times (London), p. 18, 29 December 1996).

In spite of the current spate of deaths reported in these initiation schools, many young

Xhosa-speaking boys still flock to these schools at the risk of dying or being maimed

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during the process. Circumcision therefore continues to occupy a central point in the

socio-cultural life of the Xhosa-speaking people.

While circumcision can be regarded as a rite of transition, from boyhood to manhood as

observed above, it can also be regarded as one of the agents of transition. This

observation is succinctly argued by Driver (1991:93) when he says, “Rites of passage are

performed not simply to mark transitions but to effect them.” In cases where the

expected outcome is not realized after the ritual, the blame is put on the (initiate) for his

lack of mental capacity or in some cases for the way the ritual was performed with some

aspects of it not properly observed (Young 1965:74). In general those who undergo the

ritual do show distinct signs of change in behaviour and lifestyle.

The following outlines some basic arguments used in support of circumcision; this gives

us a window on the significance of this custom for the Xhosa-speaking people. :

Sociological Significance

Gitywa (1976:203) observes that one of the most important things in the life of a newly

initiated (ikrwala) is a change of behavior. A clear distinction can be seen between a boy

who is not circumcised and the man. The anti-social behavior is characteristic of boys

and not men (Gitywa 1976). A boy is regarded as a thing and not a person (Document:

1987 January).

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The horizontal relationships that are altered include the one between the newly initiate

and his mother and women in general. It also includes his new status with other men as

well. The right to procreate and establish a family of his own is also part of this new

change.

But the most important is the vertical relationship that involves ancestors (Gitywa

1976:204). The newly initiated is taught to honor and respect the ancestors by adhering

to the customs and carrying out the rituals that he witnessed, to his progeny (Gitywa

1976:207).

Psychological Significance

There is a pronounced and expected change of personality of the newly initiated. At the

coming-out ceremony, the initiate are anointed by a chosen person who is known to be of

good repute with the hope that his charisma and good qualities will rub off to the youth

(Gitywa 1976:208). This is further emphasized during the service of ukuyala

(admonition) where the initiates are reminded of their newly acquired status, the wearing

of new clothes signify a change of character (Ngxamngxa 1971:201).

Ngxamngxa (1971:201), Gitywa (1976:208,209) and Mbiti (1969:121), all do agree that

circumcision does symbolize death and rebirth. Mbiti argues that the “ritual seclusion is

a symbolic experience of the process of dying” (quoted in Gitwya1976:209), while

Ngxamngxa (1971:201), notes that the white paint of the youth represents the venix

caseosa with which an infant is born.

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Bettelheim( 1954:53), says, “by circumcision the glanspenis is freed; it emerges like an

infant from the mother’s womb… the initiated the circumcised boy is born without a

foreskin and is thus a man”. Van der Vliet (1974:230) observes that in some cultures

when a boy dies during the circumcision period, he is buried secretly and the parents are

only informed at the end of the ritual. She goes on to say that the “dead initiate is often

not publicly mourned, suggesting that the boy they had known was “dead” anyway and

the man had not yet been born”. The Xhosa-speaking usually refer to a boy as a “dog”.

This of course has to do with the behavior to be expected from him. His death in other

cultures may not mean that much since he was not yet a “human being”. The age of the

initiate is usually reckoned from the year of circumcision (Gitywa 1976:208).

Educational Significance

The beating and the physical ordeal and pain that accompany the ritual of circumcision is

designed to effect discipline and to prepare the youth for the hardships of manhood (Van

der Vliet 1974:230). La Fontaine (1985:25) observes that pain and physical ordeal is

common in rituals of maturity.

Formal teaching is also reported where the initiates are told and taught how to behave as

men (Ngxamngxa 1971:195). New vocabulary is acquired that seeks to create a bond of

solidarity between the initiates and an attitude of respect within the community of

circumcised men.

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Religious and Magical Significance

Soga (1931:248) argues that, “while there is no religious ceremony connected with the

rite of circumcision, that it has a religious significance is not doubted”. When the initiate

has completed the rite of circumcision he is expected to enter into a new relationship with

the ancestors (Soga 1931). The killing of animals during initiation is said to involve

dedicating the victims to the ancestors (Ngxamngxa 1971:192).

The meat eaten during ukosiswa is believed to give courage and protection against evil

influence (Soga: 1931:254). The man who is appointed to anoint the initiates is chosen

so as to pass his good virtues and charisma to them (Ngxamngxa 1971:?).

As it can be seen, the ritual of circumcision is fraught with meaning for the traditional

Xhosa-speaking people. Some have also argued that it is the strict observation of such

rituals that the Xhosa as a people have been sustained and kept from extinction. Those

who do not undergo this process remain immature and abnormal and an embarrassment to

the community.

The new status affords the circumcised privileges he never had before. He now has the

right to get married, the right to communicate with the ancestors, of late, the right to

smoke, to drink to have relationship(s) with the opposite without strict supervision.

Indirectly or directly, those who have returned from the “bush” are expected to engage in

sexual conduct as part of the finalization of the process. The seriousness of this

expectation varies from culture to culture or from family to family.

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 II. CIRCUMCISION AS PRACTICED BY ADVENTISTS

The importance attached to circumcision by the traditional Xhosa speaking people is not

very different from the one of the Xhosa speaking Adventists. Indeed it can be said that

there are three major points of transitions even for a Xhosa speaking Adventists boy, it is

circumcision, marriage and death. Even for those who reside in non-Xhosa speaking

areas, the significance of this event and in particular circumcision, is not lost. Some are

known to travel as far as the Eastern Cape from Gauteng and other provinces, just to

make sure that the practice is observed. Actually one family that is resident in the USA

had to fly all the way to make sure that the boys undergo traditional circumcision. It

would be less than honest to argue that there is no meaning attached to this rite.

It would not be an exaggeration to indicate that this is a pride and something that every

Xhosa – speaking Adventist boy and family looks forward to. Usually the event is

announced in the church as a way of inviting the members to be part of the occasion on a

given date. Due to the number of people who attend these rituals, especially on the last

day of the “coming out”, parents often get involved in huge expenses to cater for the

crowds, thereby making the event a public and important one.

Adventists obviously did not invent circumcision but have tried to adapt the practice to

suit the Adventist beliefs and theology. The church has therefore followed the

traditional structure in their practice of circumcision, while Christianizing certain aspects

of it.

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The surgical Operation

The average age of those who go for circumcision is usually around seventeen, usually

the penultimate or the final year at high school. The preferred time which is mainly for

practical reasons is summer break in December. This allows for the boys to undergo the

ritual in time to be ready for the beginning of school term the following year. The

newly initiates who were interviewed were all circumcised during the winter break, that

is June and July. Not many people opt for this period due to its relative shortness

compared to the summer break.

All the groups interviewed and selected individuals interviewed testified to the absence of

any ritual sacrifice during this stage. Usually this part is limited to the family and close

relatives. Some initiates indicated that prayer was offered just before they were taken to

the bush. When asked whether they were told about the importance of the event or at

least given some explanation about the procedure, none of those interviewed answered in

the affirmative.

With the exceptions of the Motherwell group, most boys were surgically operated by the

Non- Adventist traditional doctor (Ingcibi). The Motherwell group has surprisingly been

able to organize their own “traditional” doctor who is an Adventist. The very “doctor” is

also recognized and used by the rest of the community. The main advantage in using an

Adventist it appears, inter alia, is the fact that as part of his payment, a bottle of

Brandy/liquor is not included. It comes as no surprise that other Adventist have had to

compromise their stance on liquor and its usage as form of payment in the absence of a

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qualified Adventist “doctor”. In general the traditional doctor operates at the same level

as the “inyangas”, or “amaxhwele.

There is no particular day in the week on which circumcision can be done, but the

majority seems to prefer the last two days of the week, Thursday or Friday. There seems

to be no observable difference or uniqueness that Adventists can boast of when it comes

to the cutting and the disposal of the prepuce (Interview, Motherwell Congregation).

Initiates are expected to affirm that they are now men as opposed to boys, after the

cutting of the prepuce.

The period of seclusion

The newly initiates that were interviewed had all spent about three weeks away from

home. This seems to be the average period unless there are some medical complications.

The first week carries the same restrictions as in the traditional context. The only

difference is what happens on the last day of the first week. Food restrictions are lifted

from this day onward, but the ritual surrounding the event is done differently by

Adventists. For Adventists there is no prescription as to what kind of animal must be

slaughtered for this event. Usually a sheep as opposed to goat is slaughtered.

There was no structured instructional programme even for the Adventist that was reported

to have taken place during this period of seclusion. The newly initiates reported that their

day consisted of prayer or devotions in the morning and nothing else. A male person

known as ikhankatha (traditional guardian) is tasked with the responsibility of monitoring

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the progress of the initiates. It is his job not only to look at the medical progress of the

initiates but to guide them into manhood by sharing relevant information to them.

Unfortunately, most of these guardians are necessarily people with good reputation or

character. These are more like nurses who look after the patient after the surgical

operation.

Coming Home (Umphumo)/Reintegration

There is not much difference between what Adventists do on the day of the “Coming

home” and the traditional Xhosa speakers. The day starts early in the morning and

focuses on two main events, the admonition (ukuyala) and the presentation of gifts. For

the ritual of washing and anointing, some Adventist families request the ordained

minister to be the one applying the ointment, which is olive oil as opposed to the ordinary

butter.

This event marks the climax of the whole ritual of circumcision. The celebration and the

jubilation is beyond description. The involvement of the church is usually more visible at

this stage than in any stage of the ritual. In some cases announcements are made in

church or word is passed around informing the church about this occasion. The role of

the church includes participation in giving admonitions and counsel to the new initiates

and presentation of gifts.

Unlike in the traditional setting, where bottles of liquor are presented as gifts and with the

same being imbibed as part of the festivities, such is not seen in the Adventist

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celebrations. While this may be the norm, there are some Adventists who have

succumbed to the social pressure to provide liquor, but these could be regarded as

exceptions.

The singing of Christian hymns, prayer and use of the Bible distinguishes this part in the

ritual from the traditional one. Those who stand to give admonition to a large degree use

the Bible as the reference point for the words of advice and counsel that are given. The

following texts as confirmed by the Motherwell groups and the new initiates seem to be

the common ones: (Genesis 17:10-14, 23-27; Genesis 34:15,17,22,24; Deut. 10:16; 30:6;

Acts 16:3;Romans 2:29; Philippians 3:3; Colossians 2:11).

It is made clear to “amakrwala” (newly initiated) as they are now called, that the rite is

from God and that it was not invented by the Xhosa-speaking people. New Testament is

also used to show that Paul also had to circumcise Timothy, so that he can be accepted by

the Jews. Biblical texts that also show the importance of behavioral change, which is

regarded as the true circumcision of the heart, are elaborated upon.

The objective of the admonition is to highlight the importance of behavioral change that

goes with being a man as opposed to being a boy. It is emphasized repeatedly that the

previous life has come to an end and a new life of manhood has started. It is here that

the meaning and purpose of circumcision is clearly seen, which does not differ much

from the traditional one.

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After these celebrations, the new initiates will put on new clothes, and they are not

allowed to put any of their old clothes, these obviously signifying a new status, that of

manhood.

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 HOW XHOSA SPEAKING ADVENTIST HAVE USED CULTURE AND

SCRIPTURE TO DERIVE MEANING AND SIGNIFICANCE FOR

CIRCUMCISION.

As part of the Xhosa speaking community, Adventists do also attach a deep meaning and

significance to circumcision. Obviously, the reasons used to justify the practice will be

different to those used by other Xhosa-speaking people. The chapter is divided into two

main parts, the first is an attempt by Xhosa-speaking laity to accommodate circumcision

into Adventism. The second is how the same laity, probably with support from pastors

have used the Bible to find meaning and justification for the ritual.

Attempts at Accommodation of circumcision by Laity

One of the major themes that surfaced from the respondents is the lack of information on

how to deal with cultural issues that impact on our understanding of Adventism. It

became clear from the interviews that the members did not have a clue as to what the

church’s position with regards to circumcision. The fact of the matter is, there is no

position and no official guidelines specific to the issue of circumcision as practiced by

Xhosa-speaking Adventists. The ritual of circumcision has never been debated or seen as

something that deserves close scrutiny and investigation by the church except in cases

where statements are made with regards to culture.

The information from the respondents was based on what they thought was in line with

the Bible. The response can be divided into at least three arguments; argument from

silence, argument of “non-contradiction” and argument of “conditional injunction.”

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Argument from Silence

One prevailing argument used by Adventists is that the “Bible does not prohibit them

from doing so.” Some members argue that if the Bible is silent, then it is up to that

community to go ahead or not. To put simply the argument asserts that if the Bible is

silent on any given cultural practice, we cannot make cultural conformity a test of

fellowship.

Argument of “non-contradiction”

The point being argued here is that unless it can be shown that the rite of circumcision

contradicts the Bible, it remains a neutral issue. There may not be an explicit command

to observe the rite but on the same vein there does not seem to be an explicit instruction

prohibiting the observance. The contradiction as explained by the group includes more

than just Biblical texts. It also includes the theology and the mission of the church. If

the practice is seen to contradict either our mission or theology then it must not be

observed. Coincidentally, circumcision was practiced in the Bible with God’s approval,

then why would it be sinful to observe the rite today?

Argument of “conditional injunction”

Here it is adduced that the Bible actually encourages the observance of any cultural

practice if by so doing we create a climate of receptivity for the gospel

The argument is that the rite of circumcision does help in the propagation of the gospel.

The Biblical example that is often given for this is that of Paul who had to circumcise

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Timothy and that act helped in the propagation of the gospel; anything contrary would

have hindered the advancements of the mission of the church.

In spite of the lack of ecclesiastical direction and theological guidance from the church

leadership and church theologians, most Adventist congregations have had to

accommodate this ritual into their faith and practice. This attempt needs to be

recognized and commended.

The provision of their own surgeon “ingcibi”, and involvement of Adventist men to look

after and to attend to the needs of the initiates coupled with the non-provision of

alcoholic beverages is a bold step. This is increasingly making the church and the way it

conducts the circumcision an envy of other Xhosa speaking people. This creative

adaptation effected by the laity is becoming more popular in Adventist circles if not a

norm.

However, there are certain practices and expectations in the observance of the this

practice that are clearly traditional and have no biblical basis. By traditional it is meant

that these could be seen as contradicting the Bible and its message as understood by the

Adventists. It was shown that in the traditional setting those who have gone through the

ritual of circumcision are afforded the privilege to intermingle and associate with men.

Boys traditionally are not allowed to address men and even to be seen in their company.

This has been carried to the church in some form or another.

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An interview with one respondent confirmed that the involvement of uncircumcised

men/boys in the services of the church especially preaching during the main service is a

rare event. Although the respondent added that this used to be a norm in the past, a

practice that was accepted as a policy. Today this has become a silent policy; it is not

made a public, or an official statement. However there is a general reluctance in having

male member who have not been circumcised to preach in the church.

Circumcision carries a significant weight even with Adventists as it does with traditional

Xhosa-speaking people. Xhosa speaking Adventists who reside in areas like Gauteng

and as far as Europe and America are known to have traveled to the Eastern Cape or

back to their homes to have their children circumcised. Even though in such areas,

circumcision is regarded as a non-issue, these Adventist take time to make sure that they

comply with the practice.

There are no clearly presented arguments for such practices. One respondent conceded

that these are done because that is what is expected and is unthinkable to be a man

without going through the traditional route.

An interview with a student studying to be a minister and who was doing his practicum in

one of the Xhosa-speaking churches reveals also how this custom is regarded by some

Xhosa speaking Adventists . This student reveals the embarrassing situation where he

and his friends were asked to sit with boys, since they had not been ritually circumcised.

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These student pastors in training were of Zulu background where the practice is not

followed either by the Adventist or the community at large. This was clearly a clash of

church and custom, pastors are in principle welcomed to all events and occasions

organized by church members. It became clear to these student pastors that their

presence was creating discomfort and disturbance for other attendees in this gathering.

The extent to which Xhosa speaking Adventists have gone to adapt this practice reflects

the seriousness in which they view circumcision. It is only as we examine the Biblical

evidence upon which the whole system is based that we can be able to understand why

the Xhosa – speaking Adventists have gone to these lengths in adapting and

accommodating this custom.

The use of the Bible to find meaning and significance

The first observation focused on how Adventists have accommodate this practice as a

way of inculturation. The second observation is how the Xhosa speaking Adventist have

used the Bible, either to explain or justify the continuation of this custom. Adventists

pride themselves in being a church that still believes not only in the sola scriptura, but

tota scriptura (Davidson 2000:61). It therefore does not come as surprise that the Bible

is used to explain and justify the continued practice of circumcision in the church.

The Biblical texts that are used as seen from above can be grouped into three sets. The

first set deals with the origin of circumcision. The main point being that the custom is

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not just a Xhosa tradition; it has its origin in the Bible, and to be specific Old Testament.

This origin as seen again is a Jewish origin as reflected in the Old Testament.

The second group of Biblical texts reflects the continuity of this practice in the New

Testament. The argument advanced here is that circumcision continues to be important

not only because of the argument of the argument of origin, but also on missiological

grounds. Circumcision is seen as the best and effective way of reaching the traditional

Xhosa speaking people who still believe in the significance of the practice.

For the adult respondents the issue of evangelism was paramount as the reason for the

continuance of the rite. To them the whole meaning of circumcision is to be derived

from this objective. The intention as argued is to make it possible for their male

children to relate to other men and to be able to preach to the community.

It was noted earlier that one of the benefits of undergoing circumcision is the new

community status that is conferred on the participants. Part of this involves being able

and permitted to mingle with men (those already circumcised). The interesting

phenomena is that this evangelistic rationale is not fully supported by the initiates. For

those new initiates this part did not feature very much, it was the change that comes with

circumcision that stood out for them.

The last batch of Biblical texts shows the real importance and expectations that even

Xhosa speaking Adventist have when it comes to circumcision. This involves the

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expected behavioral change. The whole ritual becomes useless and meaningless without

this observable change of life style.

The initiates interviews were all unanimous that an observable change of lifestyle is

expected and desired and anticipated, failing which they would have disgraced their

manhood. Even though three of them were baptized members of the church, they felt

that the real change came about as the result of circumcision. When asked what the

meaning of baptism is, again here there was unanimity that it had to do with the right to

participate in church activities. “One has the right and the permission to preach once he

is baptized”.

The changes and adaptations that Xhosa-speaking Adventists have effected on the ritual

of circumcision can at best be regarded as cosmetic if not non-essential. It appears that

the Adventist church has to a great extent baptized the ritual into the church without any

meaningful transformation. The intended purpose of circumcision even for Xhosa-

speaking Adventists is seen in their scrupulous attention to details when it comes to the

core aspects of circumcision. These include the surgical operation; Adventists in general

make use of the very person that is used by the traditional Xhosa-speaking people. The

ingcibi (traditional surgeon) as he is called, plays a very significant role in this ritual, the

survival of the initiates to a great degree depends on how skilled and experienced he is in

the procedure.

24
An interview with one of the ingcibi who is a Christian Adventist revealed that these

persons are authorized and equipped by their ancestors to perform the surgical operation.

While Henderson Tiyo(1931:252), writing in the early twentieth century remarks that

such people did not belong to an recognized group such as diviners, witch-doctors or

herbalists. They were experts who through trial and error and consistent practice had

gain the skill as surgeons. He however, concedes that in some cultural groups or tribes

these traditional surgeons are indeed regarded as religious functionaries. Also in this

vein Ngxamngxa (1971:187 ) notes that the ingcibi undergoes a form of ritual cleansing

which includes fasting, abstaining from women, not drinking beer or smoking. The use

of these persons by Xhosa-speaking Adventists implies a recognition of their powers and

guarantees the safety of their children who are about to be circumcised.

The Motherwell congregation’s case is an exception, where the ingcibi happens to be an

Adventist. In most areas this is not the case, the traditional person is used, for it is

believed that this would augur well for the initiate. Attempts are underway to make sure

that there are other Adventists who are trained to perform the surgical operation in the

area of Motherwell.

It was shown that both for the traditional and the Adventists that there is little or no

systematic instruction given during the period of seclusion. It would seem that the belief

is that the ritual itself will confer or effect a change in the initiates. The ritual act of

anointing done on the last day before they initiates are taken back to their homes shows

the validity of this assertion. The chosen person for the ritual who is known for his

25
charisma and good manners is expected to pass the same in a magical way to the new

initiates.

In some areas, as reflected in an interview with and Adventist pastor, the Adventists are

resorting and requesting the minister to be the one doing the anointing. The expectation

and belief is still the same, that his virtues would be transferred to the young initiates.

The burning of the lodge as seen above symbolizes the burial of the past life of

irresponsibility and carelessness. The initiates are urged not to look back signifying

their intention to forget the previous life.

Lastly, the admonitions and words of advice given on the day seem to point in one

direction and that is a change of behavior and new lifestyle. The new clothes that they

are expected to put on from that day onwards, would remain a constant reminder that they

are new persons and that their lives have changed.

When asked which occasion brought much joy and celebration in their families and in

their personal experience, again the respondents were in agreement that it was the

coming out ceremonies (umphumo). Some of them could not remember what was done

when they were baptized, all they could attest to was that circumcision meant a lot to

them as individuals, the family and the church at large. It should be noted that Adventists

practice a believers’ baptism (Kiesler 2000:586,587). In some cases those going for

circumcision would have already been baptized. It must be admitted that the ritual of

26
circumcision eclipses that of baptism and seems to carry more weight than Christian

baptism.

A critique of the above meaning which Xhosa speaking Adventists have attached on

circumcision will follow. The cultural critique seek to examine whether there has been a

clearly defined inculturation or a mere non-critical absorption of tradition into the church.

The Biblical and missiological critique on the other hand seeks to analyze the Biblical

texts used to justify the continuance of the ritual. The following chapter will focus on the

latter.

27
 III. BIBLICAL JUSTIFICATION FOR THE RITUAL OF
CIRCUMCISION

(Biblical and missiological critique)

We noticed from the previous chapter that the response from the Motherwell

Congregation last two fundamental evidences used to justify the continuance of the ritual

of circumcision by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists. The first line of evidence is more

implicit and shows an attempt by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists at enculturating this

ritual. The second deals with the explicit texts from the Bible that are used to support the

ritual of circumcision as practised by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists.

In this chapter we will focus exclusively on the explicit Biblical texts used as justification

for the observance of the ritual of circumcision. The next chapter will be a critique on

the approach and method used by the church to accommodate the ritual of circumcision

into its practise.

The Biblical texts used during ukuyala reflect the theological understanding of

significance of the ritual among the Xhosa-speaking Adventists. As observed earlier, the

Bible is used to justify the ritual in at least three ways: The first is the argument of origin

(Genesis 17:10-14; 23-27). The second argument is that of missiological significance

(Acts 16:3), and the last being the moral argument (Deuteronomy 10:16; Philippians 3:3).

The purpose of this chapter is to examine the tripartite arguments to see if these

arguments can be sustained.

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Argument of Origin

The basic argument here is that the ritual of circumcision dates as far back as the Old

Testament. While this may be true but to argue that this is one of the reasons why

Xhosa-speaking Adventists observe the ritual seems untenable. To assert that the

instruction first given to Abraham in Genesis 17 applies to Xhosa-speaking Adventists is

to imply that all men regardless of their culture should be circumcised. If this can be

proved to be true, then it will have to be conceded that this teaching and understanding is

only held by Xhosa-speaking Adventists and no other group of Adventists, both in South

Africa and anywhere in the world.

The events leading to the Jerusalem Council as recorded in Acts 15 leave us in no doubt

that the role of circumcision had begun to take on a strictly cultural significance. The

conversion of Cornelius recorded in Acts 10 proved beyond reasonable doubt that God

had accepted the Gentiles without the ritual of circumcision. James Dunn(1996:146)

commenting on why the Holy Spirit preceded baptism in the case of Cornelius, says

“God had to give so clear an indication of his will otherwise even Peter might have

hesitated to take such a bold step in the case of Gentiles without first requiring them to be

circumcised”. This shows that up to that point even in the minds of the early Church

leaders, circumcision was binding even for the Gentiles.

According to Scott Spencer (1997:116),” the outpouring of the Holy Spirit creates

remarkable social unity”. The two groups, one circumcised and the other uncircumcised

are now bound together in the community of God’s people. This happens without any

29
requirement for the Gentiles to be circumcised for the Holy Spirit “has broken through

such barriers in forceful, undeniable fashion…” (Spencer, 117).

Even though we have here this unusual order, of Spirit preceding baptism, Peter still

recognizes baptism as something that cannot be dispensed with. God had ratified his

acceptance of Cornelius by the gift of the Holy Spirit; the church had to do the same by

the symbol of baptism (Dunn 1996:146). Luke Johnson (1992:195) draws the following

practical conclusion from this event:

If God has given these Gentiles the same experience as they had at the beginning,
doesn’t this mean they belong as fully to the messianic community? And doesn’t
it follow that since they had been baptized by the Spirit by the free gift of God,
the Church should ritually ratify the initiative by baptizing these Gentiles (10:47-
48)?

The second event leading to the Jerusalem Council is found in Acts 11. The same event

that took place in chapter 10 is rehearsed with its radical implication to the other apostles,

hoping for the same response that Peter made. It is interesting to note that the bone of

contention as reflected in 11:3 is not so much about Peter baptizing the Gentile Cornelius,

but it is about him eating with a Gentile. The conclusion reached in 11:18 mentions

nothing about eating but rather focuses on the salvation of the Gentiles, “Then hath God

also the Gentiles granted repentance unto life”.

Barret (2002:166) notes two fundamental questions that are raised by the Cornelius story:

“May a Jew, even if a Christian and going about Christian duties, have domestic and

table-fellowship with a Gentile”, the second question is: “May those who are not Jews

become Christians, and if they wish to do so, is it necessary that that they should first be

30
circumcised as Jews before being baptized as Christians?” The conclusion in 11:18

seems to settle this agitation from the Jerusalem, and as F. F Bruce puts it (as quoted in

Stott:1992:196), “their criticism ceased; their worship began”.

Unfortunately this matter was not settled in Jerusalem, but later came up with specific

focus on salvation of Gentiles and the need of circumcision for the same and not just

social relations between Jew and Gentile as recorded in Acts 15. This appears to have

been one of the main issues that led to the first Council which met in Jerusalem.

The resolution recorded in 15:19 emphasizes the importance of “turning to God”. On

this Dunn (1996: 204) argues and says, “The critical factor in the acceptability of Gentiles

to the believing Jews should be the fact of their conversion to God and thus acceptance to

God”. The interesting point highlighted by Scott Spencer (1997:156-157) is that here the

James uses the same verb (parenochlein) which was used by the Jews in the Maccabean

revolt signifying the Jews resolution to observe their laws. Here the point is that the

Gentiles also should not be (parenochlein) by pressurizing them into keeping the Jewish

laws.

It should be remembered at this point, that the initial question that was raised in Antioch

implied that Gentiles had to be circumcised if they wanted to be saved (Acts 15:1). The

stipulation reflected in 15:20 should not be seen as modified list of things that Gentiles

should do in order to be saved. But according to Justo Gonzalez (2001:176), the

question was not, how much of the Law must be obeyed in order to be a Christian? It

was rather, how much of the Law must one obey in order to live in the midst of Israel?

31
It would be unbiblical to ignore this resolution and to seek to derive meaning by

appealing to Old Testament as an attempt to justify the continued observance of

circumcision. This resolution limits and restricts the ritual of circumcision to the Jews

only.

Missiological Significance of Circumcision

Immediately after the Jerusalem Council, Paul is reported to have circumcised Timothy

(Acts 16;3). The concern is whether this can be used to justify a continued observance

of circumcision by non-Jewish Christians or not. Was Timothy circumcised in order to

advance the mission of the church? How can this act be reconciled with the Jerusalem

Council?

The Motherwell Congregation did not doubt that this is undeniable evidence that the

Bible does not prohibit circumcision, and in such instances it actually encourages it, as

seen in Acts 16:3. To be sure Xhosa-speaking Adventists do not attach any serious

meaning to circumcision except for the one that seems to be mission motivated.

An interview with a Xhosa-speaking Adventist residing (permanently) in Gauteng shows

the above to be true. This member had to drive all the way to Eastern Cape to have his

two boys circumcised. His reason for this is the one seen above, “to make sure that the

32
two boys are accepted in that community and are able to preach and be listened to.” This

clearly is circumcision on missiological grounds. Those interviewed both in the group

from Motherwell and isolated individuals all do concur that there is no significant value

in circumcision besides the need for cultural and social acceptance.

The basic argument is that circumcision is morally neutral and as such can easily be used

to an evangelistic strategy to win more Xhosa-speaking to Adventism. Is the above

argument justifiable and sustainable? Since circumcision is generally a ritual observed

by most of the other Nguni tribes; should the Adventists in those groups be expected to

practise the ritual? Could there be more substance to circumcision than the Xhosa-

speaking Adventists are willing to admit?

Paul’s teaching on circumcision is clearly reflected in several texts in the New Testament.

In Romans 2:25-29, he seems to be pointing out that it is obedience to the law of God

that counts and not mere circumcision. He also advocates a spiritual circumcision, that

of the heart.

Again we see the same trend in I Corinthians 7:17-24. His instruction to all churches

(7:17) is that men should remain what they were when they became Christians. He

argues that “circumcision and uncircumcision are both nothing (7:19). The same line of

reasoning and argument can be seen in Galatians 6:15. For Paul what counted more was

a new creation and neither circumcision nor uncircumcision counted for anything.

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The resolution taken in Jerusalem does concur with Paul’s teaching or rather Paul does

not contradict the Jerusalem resolution. According to this resolution, Gentiles could not

be expected to undergo circumcision, this was left only for the Jews (Acts 15:19-21).

Circumcision of Timothy

In Acts 16:3, Luke records that Paul circumcised Timothy because of the Jews. This text

interestingly has not been taken at surface value by many scholars. The fundamental

issue being argued is whether Paul indeed circumcised Timothy, as Luke reports in this

text. John Polhill (1992:342) observes that some scholars have argued that Paul would

have never asked Timothy to be circumcised. This is premised, as these scholars argue,

on the fact that Paul is strenuously opposed to circumcision. The point is that this

practise would be inconsistent with his teaching.

Indeed for Paul to circumcise Timothy, especially after the events recorded in Acts 14, 15

would be “startling”, argues Johnson (1992: 284). John Stott (1990:257) quotes Baur

when he says, “the Paul of Acts is manifestly quite different person from the Paul of the

Epistles”. This goes to show the difficulty that exists in reconciling Acts 16:3 with the

rest of Paul’s writings and particularly his teaching on circumcision.

Attempts have understandably been made to reconcile Acts with the Epistles. Some

scholars have argued, for a redactor and also accusing Luke of “perpetuating gross

confusion.” (Expositors Bible Commentary 1981:455). The key to unlocking this

34
apparent discrepancy is by resolving the national identity of Timothy. Was Timothy

regarded as a Jew or Gentile? If a Gentile, then according to Paul’s teaching and the

resolution taken in Acts 15, he was under no obligation to undergo circumcision. If a Jew

then it would be expedient for him to be circumcised.

Luke seems to be at pains to give his readers the reason why Paul circumcised Timothy.

This is obviously in view of the apparent inconsistency and contradiction this would

cause, especially in the footsteps of the decision taken in Acts 15. The rationale for the

circumcision of Timothy is given as “because of the Jews” (Acts 16:3), which were in the

areas Timothy would be visiting with Paul. It is also significant to note that Timothy had

mixed blood, that his mother was a Jew while his father was a Greek. This would explain

why he was not circumcised at an early age as required by the Jewish law (Genesis 17).

The question confronting us is whether Paul circumcised Timothy for prudential and

missiological reasons or whether this was proper and expedient. Gerd Ludemann

(1987:173) points out that Paul had to make Timothy (who was a Gentile) a Jew so that

he can accompany him. If this was the case, would this not contradict both the spirit and

the letter of Acts 15 since Gentiles were not expected to become Jews after conversion?

It would be difficult to explain why Titus was not circumcised while he occupied the

same position as Timothy and with added pressure from some Jews that he be

circumcised.

35
In response to the above French Arrington (1988:161) notes that; “no one was insisting

that Timothy be circumcised,” Paul then did the ritual in compliance with the principle of

I Corinthians 9:19 “To the Jews I became a Jew, in order to win Jews.” He also argues

that Paul refused to circumcise Titus simply because the Judaizers demanded it as

necessary for salvation (French 1988:161). If Timothy was a Gentile, clearly his

circumcision would not be a condition for his salvation, for he was already saved, and if

he was a Jew, the rite would not be for discipleship as he was already one as shown in

Acts 16:1 (Johnson 1992:284).

While the above argument seems to add weight on the observation that Paul circumcised

Timothy in keeping with the principle in I Corinthians 9:19; it remains to be seen why he

did not apply the same principle in the case of Titus in Galatians 2:3.

Did Paul set aside the resolutions taken in Acts 15 in favour of the principle of I

Corinthians 9:20? In other words did the decision taken in Acts 15 make room for

prudentiality in the matter of circumcision? If Timothy was perceived as a Gentile then

the above argument would hold, but if he was not, then the reason for his circumcision

would be more than just for prudential reasons.

While conceding that Timothy’s circumcision was a matter of missionary strategy at the

very least, Polhill (1992:343) succinctly argues for a matrilineal principle. That Timothy

due to her mother being a Jew would then qualify as a Jew in the eyes of the Jews. As a

36
Jew his circumcision would then required in keeping with the Jerusalem resolution and

consistent with Paul’s teaching on circumcision in the epistles.

Luke does not only give as a reason the fact that Timothy would work among the Jews,

but he alludes also to his lineage. What would be the relevance of informing his

audience about the mother of Timothy whom he says was Jew, if this was not material to

the whole issue? That his father is a Gentile was known, and it also explains why

Timothy was not circumcised, but because his mother was a Jew, “he was a Jew in the

eyes of the Jewish world” (Expositor’s Bible Commentary 1981: 455).

Paul’s circumcision of Timothy was consistent with the early church’s resolution (Acts

15:21) and with his own teachings. The accusation in Acts 21:21 that Paul was teaching

Jews to forsake the Law of Moses; would then be seen to be false. Paul was even willing

to undergo ritual purification (Acts 21:26) to dispel the accusation against him for not

abiding by the Law of Moses. The exemption as far as circumcision is concerned, is

again reinforced in (Acts 21:25).

Refusal to Circumcise Titus

Does the circumcision of Timothy really provide a legitimate basis for the Xhosa-

speaking Adventists to practise circumcision? If so, the apparent refusal by Paul to

circumcise Titus (Galatians 2:3) would clearly challenge this argument. To simply assert

that Paul’s circumcision of Timothy justifies the practise of circumcision by the Xhosa-

speaking Adventists might be an oversimplification of Paul’s view on circumcision.

37
Raymond Brown (1997:306) makes a striking observation when he asserts that there are

two accounts on the Jerusalem Council; one is found in Acts 15 and the other in Galatians

2. The account as given by Luke in Acts 15 gives a purely objective and simplified

report of what took place in this Council. But as regards Paul, he offers a personal

account written in self-defence which also reveals the acrimonious nature of the debates

during the Council (Brown 1997:306).

Circumcision is first mentioned in the book of Galatians in chapter 2:3 with reference to

Paul’s refusal to circumcise Titus. The entire book seems to reflect a tacit assumption

that circumcision was the main point of controversy between Paul and his opponents

(Ridderbos: 1979:82).

To have brought a Gentile convert in the name of Titus in the predominantly Jewish

Council, argues Brown (1997:307), was “a shrewd manoeuvre” by Paul. It offered the

audience a first hand, face to face opportunity to meet a Christian Gentile who was not

circumcised.

Wilson (1973:33) is correct when he says, “The presence of Titus constituted a test case,

and the fact that he was not compelled to be circumcised, though this was strongly

pressed by the Judaizers, really amounted to a declaration of principle”. The same

sentiments are echoed by F.F. Bruce (1982:111) when he asserts, “in retrospect Titus

could be cited as a test case…”

38
Titus served as a living proof of an uncircumcised Christian and as a witness to the

gospel without the law (Ebeling 1985:87). Titus was the only non-Jew in a conference

that was to decide the fate of non-Jews. The fact that he was not compelled to be

circumcised presents a powerful argument against the teaching that Gentiles had to be

circumcised.

The refusal to circumcise Titus cannot therefore be viewed as a missionary strategy, it

might actually be easier to argue for the contrary. The incident not only illustrates clearly

Paul’s view on circumcision but it shows the unity in the Jerusalem Council in so far as

circumcision for Gentiles was concerned.

Titus, a Gentile Christian, was not only Paul’s convert but his chosen and trusted “partner

and fellow –worker” (2 Corinthians 8:23). This implies that at one time or the other he

would mingle with Jews as is on this occasion in Jerusalem. Even this consideration was

not enough to have Titus circumcised. This then was a deliberate act on the part of Paul,

which as observed earlier would prove to be a living proof on the resolution taken in the

Jerusalem Council.

If the Jerusalem Council had succumbed to the Jewish pressure (Judaizers) and

circumcised Titus, then Paul’s theology and teaching on justification by faith as seen in

(Galatians 3:1-6), would have been made in valid. According to Gerhard Ebeling

(1985:87), Paul here was not just creating a test case, but had “made up his mind with

respect to the basic question”. Hence the resolution as recorded in Acts 15:21 affirmed

39
Paul’s position and teaching. The unyielding stance taken in Jerusalem in not succumbing

to the influence of the Judaizers was a matter of principle and not just a missiological

strategy.

The incident recorded in Galatians 2:3, in light of the foregoing arguments, fits in well

with Paul’s teaching and the early church’s expectation. Rather than conflict with Paul’s

circumcision of Timothy it shows clearly his consistent application of his teaching

throughout

Moral Argument

It is true that the Bible does make a clear distinction between circumcision of the heart

and that of the flesh. Xhosa-speaking Adventists have used this to show that the ritual of

circumcision has as its goal a change of lifestyle. It would seem that even Adventists

tend to believe that without the circumcision of flesh a moral change is not possible. One

of the respondents among the group of initiates that were interviewed conceded that,

“Without circumcision one would continue to behave like a boy even though he may be

baptized” (Ngamlana). To these newly initiated (amkrwala), the ritual of circumcision

effects a change in one’s lifestyle and this is how the concept of the circumcision of the

heart is applied by Xhosa-speaking Adventists.

Physical and Ethical dimension of Circumcision

It is clear from the Bible that for the Jews, circumcision was both physical and ethical

(Deut. 30:6, Genesis 17:10-14). According to Genesis (17:11) physical circumcision was

a sign of the covenant between Israel and God. “By circumcision,” writes Palmer

Roberts (1993:54), “a testimony was given to the world, and a person was sealed in his

40
membership with the organized community of the covenant”. It should be noted that

circumcision in the Biblical sense was not a sign of entrance into manhood as it is with

Xhosa-speaking people; instead it was a formal sign of membership in the covenant

community (Robertson, 55).

This covenant community according to Thomas McComiskey (1985:37) constituted “a

people who by virtue of God’s faithfulness to is promise owe to God the debt of

obedience to this commands”. Those who become members of this covenant and do so

by physical circumcision are “to maintain the purity of heart and deep sensitivity to the

will of God as reflected in the concept of ethical circumcision” (McComiskey, 37).

James Dunn (1998:422) state convincingly that the Jews had always emphasized the

necessity of a circumcised heart but the only difference being that they entertained the

hope that this will be realized in future. He (Dunn 1998) argues that for Paul the above

claim and hope was realized among the early Gentile and Jewish believers; meaning that

“their conversion could be described as an act of circumcising the heart by the Spirit”.

This hope as he (Dunn 1998) concludes “was fulfilled in the gift of the Spirit”.

However, George Ladd(1994:540,541) does not see this fulfilment as a future reality. He

argues for a twofold view of the people of Israel. In the first place he sees Israel as

constituting a theocracy, a nation; and secondly, as being a spiritual people also.

Circumcision was an external requirement for membership in the nation, but this alone

did not make them right with God. In Jeremiah (4:4) and Deuteronomy 10:6, a need for

41
the circumcision of the heart is adumbrated. He (Ladd, 541), sums up his view as

follows: “Thus there is found even in the Old Testament the distinction between the

nation and the “church” between physical Israel and the true, spiritual Israel…”

One does not want to lose the import of Dunn’s argument, that this realization was seen

clearly in the gift of the Holy Spirit to the believers. It may have been intended in the

Old Testament, but may not have been fully and clearly realized until the New Testament.

The above seems also to be the basic argument advanced by Paul (Romans 2:25-29).

Here the ethical dimension takes precedent over the physical. Paul seems to be asserting

that one can have ethical circumcision without the physical. For to him a true Jew is the

one who fulfils the ethical responsibility which is shown in obedience to God’s law and

not just the circumcised one.

It can be readily seen that for Xhosa Adventists to insist that boys should be circumcised

in order to effect a change in lifestyle; undermines the power of conversion and that of

the Holy Spirit. The believers then are those who have experienced what circumcision

of the flesh was meant to symbolize, and that is circumcision of the heart (Dunn

1998:424).

In the New Testament circumcision as the sign of inclusion into the covenant community

loses its strength and becomes of relative importance, if not just a cultural ritual. John

42
Walton (1994:118) sees “baptism as an initiation sign just as circumcision was for the

Abrahamic phase”. While we observe an exemption for the Gentiles to observe

circumcision, baptism seem to be requisite for both the Jews and the Gentiles (Acts 2:38).

Covenant of grace has as its sign baptism, which also incorporates women (Robertson

1993:57; Kline 1967:94).

However, as noted by James Dunn(1998:454,455), “It is the gift of the Spirit, not

baptism, which provides the new covenant answer to the old covenant circumcision”.

What Dunn seeks to show here is that it was the presence of the Spirit in the life of the

Gentiles that made the ritual of circumcision redundant and unnecessary. He (Dunn

1998:455) also sees the sociological significance of baptism as functioning the same way

as circumcision.

It has been shown that the whole weight of the ritual of circumcision rests on the belief

and expectation that those who undergo the ritual will be more responsible and will show

a change of behaviour. Xhosa-speaking Adventists do subscribe to this belief in more

than one ways. The attempt by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists to link physical

circumcision to ethical circumcision in this dispensation is unwarranted and unbiblical.

This becomes even more so when the same expectation is given to both the baptized and

unbaptized “boys”, thereby giving the impression that conversion counts for nothing and

circumcision becomes everything.

43
We have looked briefly at the three-fold Biblical arguments given by Xhosa-speaking

Adventists in an attempt to justify the continued observance of circumcision. We have

argued that Timothy was circumcised because he was seen as a Jew in the eyes of the

Jews. His circumcision was more expedient than prudent. We also argued that both in

the Old and New Testament, spiritual conversion was not dependent on physical

circumcision. Baptism substituted circumcision and was required of both the Jews and

Gentiles unlike circumcision.

There is therefore no Biblical justification and support for the arguments raised by the

Xhosa-speaking Adventists for their continued observance of the ritual of circumcision.

INCULTURATION IN THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH

(Cultural Critique)

44
The previous chapter was a Biblical analysis of the textual evidence used to support the

ritual of circumcision by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists. Here in this chapter the focus

is on the attempt by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists in adopting and accommodating the

ritual of circumcision into their faith and theology.

We have observed that besides the use of explicit Biblical texts to justify the ritual of

circumcision, Xhosa-speaking Adventists use three other reasons to justify the ritual. The

first argument is that of silence, where the Bible is said to be neutral on the subject and

does not explicitly forbid those who observe the ritual. The second argument is that of

non-contradiction, that the practise does not contradict the teachings of the Bible, as held

by Adventists. The last one was a conditional injunction, which allows and encourages

the observance of the custom in areas where it is socially acceptable so as to aid in the

spreading of the gospel.

In spite of the theological and Biblical justification that Adventist may advance for

circumcision, the fact of the matter is that the roots of circumcision among Xhosa-

speaking people are traditional and not Biblical. This was confirmed by the one

respondent when he confessed that the main reason why the church is involved in

circumcision is simply because of tradition and culture more than anything.

It has already been noted that the Xhosa – speaking Adventist are the only group among

Adventists that has to deal with the challenge of circumcision. It is also true that Xhosa-

45
speaking Adventists do not as yet regard this as a challenge, it is not something they are

struggling with, for this is not an imposition but something they enjoy and look forward

to, as Xhosa speaking people. This is a clear display of cultural pride.

The fact that only the Xhosa-speaking Adventists are observing the ritual of circumcision

raises serious concerns from other Adventists. Those who observe this custom are

regarded as having compromised the Adventist and indeed the Christian faith by other

Adventists. This observation was also confirmed by a respondent who indicated that in

his culture any Adventist who observes circumcision is regarded as one who has denied

his Adventist faith, this is the case also in Sotho-speaking people especially in Lesotho.

These concerns emanate from Adventists who are surrounded by this custom in the areas

where they live, but who have refused to be part of it, for Biblical reasons.

On the surface, the observance of this custom does seem to conflict with the Adventist

faith. It has already been noted that Adventist believe in the mortality of the soul, and as

such do not subscribe to the general African traditional belief of ancestors. The ritual of

circumcision as already shown has in one way or the other links with some form of

ancestral veneration or African traditional religion. The interviews conducted do not

directly and explicitly support the assertion that these Adventists may be compromising

their faith, but the onus rests with these Adventists to show why they among all the

Adventists still practice this custom.

It is appropriate at this point to register the fact that any practice that regulates how one

can serve in the church, which forces or expects members to travel long distances to

46
observe it, that limits the function and the role of the pastors, that raises concerns from

some members of the community of believers, cannot be treated lightly. It is even worse

when the same practice appears to contradict the community’s own basic beliefs. The

Xhosa-speaking Adventists owe it to themselves, their children and the other Adventists

both in South Africa and the World at large, to explain and show why this custom is still

relevant to them.

Xhosa-speaking Adventists and Adventists in general have not seriously engaged or

acculturated Western Christianity. The church has no Biblical position as to how its

members should relate to the issue of the ritual of circumcision as well as many other

cultural .

It is in this vein that Pauw (1975:66) observes that Western Christianity has persisted

“relatively unchanged and unrelated to Xhosa tradition” among the Xhosa speaking

believers. This shows that more of Western Christianity still abounds in many African

Christians but for some reason it is not related to the African traditional life. The cut and

paste method employed by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists as observed in Motherwell

church has not yielded good results.

Pauw(1975:66) continues to argue that many Christians tend to act in terms of certain

Xhosa traditions in the homestead. This on the surface creates a “double life” for the

Christians, a life in the church which is regulated by Western Christianity and one in the

homestead which fits in with the African tradition. As a result of this “schizophrenic”

47
condition, Xhosa-speaking Adventists can practice the ritual of baptism in the church and

that of circumcision at home with ease and with no sense of contradiction.

This superficial treatment of the culture is the reason for the lack of understanding for

both the Biblical position and traditional cultural significance of the ritual of

circumcision by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists. Below is an attempt to explore the

principles that should guide the Xhosa-speaking Adventists in its inculturation process

and in dealing with circumcision.

Challenge of Inculturation

Bosch (1991:447) succinctly argues that, “The Christian faith never existed except as

translated into culture.” However it is the dynamics of this process that has always

created a problem for the church. This process appears to be a two edged sword, on one

hand it might lead to a transformation of culture and the other to a distortion of

Christianity. This is acutely observed by Bosch (1991:291)as he quotes Eugene Smith,

when he remarks that the relationship between culture and Christianity has been one of

the major compromises of the Christian mission.

The position the Xhosa-speaking Adventists finds themselves in could be the result of

enculturation gone wrong, leading to a distortion of Christianity and Adventism in

particular. It could also be the positive fruition of inculturation leading to a

transformation of culture and a better understanding of Christianity.

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The process of inculturation is strikingly viewed by Bosch (1991:454) as a “double

movement”. This avoids a one sided approach of enculturation of Christianity without a

Christianization of culture. It is also in keeping with this basic understanding that

Bavinck (quoted in Hesselgrave 1991:132), says the following about enculturation:

“It is the process of disengaging the supracultural elements of the gospel from one
culture and contextualizing them within the cultural from and social institution of
another, with at least a degree of transformation of these forms.”

Correctly understood and applied, this process requires of those who engage in it, a

proper understanding of the gospel and thorough knowledge of the culture. It will be

easier for the gospel to be absorbed by any given culture instead of transforming it, if

there is no thorough understanding of either the gospel or culture.

It has already been shown that the Xhosa-speaking Adventists tend to exhibit a shallow

understanding of the gospel as relating to the imperative of circumcision; and a lack of

insight into the cultural significance of this ritual and its religious implication. It is at this

point that we must look and evaluate the process of inculturation and the challenge the

Christian church in general has faced in dealing in the area of culture.

Inculturation in the Bible

It is true that the Bible actually commands us to go out and mingle with other cultures for

the purpose of spreading the gospel (Matthew 28:19). Commenting on the word

49
poreunthentes, Verkuly (1981:A62), observes that this connotes “to depart”, “to leave”

and “to cross boundaries”, mandating the missionaries to be willing to cross boundaries

in their attempt to spread the gospel.

Christ is heralded as the pioneer in a radical way in this process. Teressa Okure

(1990:62) forthrightly asserts that the “incarnation of Christ constitutes an integral part, a

necessary aspect of enculturation.” This process for Christ consisted in “self-emptying”

(Ephesians 2:6-11). This self-emptying was not only a display of Christ’s love but far

more importantly, a willingness and intention to bridge the barrier between humanity and

divinity (John 1:1-3; 12). Discipleship for Christ was the culmination of an intense and

deliberate engagement and interaction with those who needed His help (White 1891:363).

According to Okure (1990:57,58), “incarnation presupposes a union of two realities,

where each reality is enriched and mysteriously transformed by the other.” It is clear that

in this process, Christ took his divinity seriously without denigrating the human element

which assumed after incarnation. It is in this sense that the author of (Hebrews 2:14)

emphasizes the benefit accrued to Christ in the incarnation process.

The process is once more reflected in the decision made by the Jerusalem Council (Acts

15:19-21). Here the early church displays competency in separating the gospel from the

cultural matrix of the Jews. A thorough knowledge of the Gentile way of life and the

demands of the gospel led to the mutual enrichment of the two realities. It was also a

50
humble admission on the church’s part that, “In truth God shows no partiality” (Acts

10:34).

History of Mission in Africa

Much of the eighteenth century missionary activities suffered from a serious lack of

appreciation of the difference between culture and the content of the gospel. The grounds

gained by the early church as seen in (Acts 15), of making the Gentiles, Christians and

not Jews, was lost sight of in subsequent years. The failure by the early missionaries in

Africa to effect a proper and Biblical enculturation led to a distortion of Christianity and

an unnecessary elimination of most African cultures. The following are some of the

factors that led to the above observation.

Clash of two cultures

In the wake of Enlightenment, Bosch (1991:291) argues that the West was put at an

“unparalleled advantage”. This advantage which was purely based on scientific and

technological advances made the Westerners to feel superior that the rest of Africans.

This feeling us superiority was unfortunately transferred to the Christian religion (Bosch

1991:291). This led to a tenuous situation where civilization and the gospel competed

for primacy. Civilization became the means to conversion and the result of the same.

James Kiernan (1990:12) elaborates on the consequences of this cultural clash. He

observes that the material gap between the two cultures created a desire and a longing

among the Africans to have access to this material advantage while staying away from the

51
Western religion. On the other hand the missionaries only thought and saw Africans as

“backward, miserable, superstitious and inhabiting a moral wasteland” (Kiernan

19909:15). It is in this regard that Bosch (1991:290) makes a striking observation when

he says, “The pagan’s pitiable state became the dominant motive for mission, not the

conviction that they were (objects) of God’s love.”

It is not surprising to note that most of the Nguni people viewed conversion as “cultural

treason and political defection” (Kiernan 1990:18). For this and other reason, it is

reported that conversion was hard to come by in many missionary fields. Different

cultural groups devised methods to neutralize the influence of Christianity. Among the

Xhosa-speaking peoples, the converts were separated from their kinship (Kiernan

1990:18). Among the Zulus a policy of “resistance and containment” led the missionaries

to renounce their efforts and allowed the British troops to invade the Zulu Kingdom

(Kiernan 1990:19). They not only devised ways of resisting the intrusion of the gospel

into their lives but also made sure that those who accepted it were excluded from their

communities.

It is of paramount importance to note that the distortion of the gospel was not only on the

side of the Africans, Willliam Smalley (1981: C157) sees it as not just paternalism

toward other peoples but also as paternalism toward God. They did not only reflect a

distorted view of the Africans; but their view and theology and understanding of God

were distorted as well. Not only did they fail to understand and appreciate the African

52
cultures but they misunderstood and misrepresent the very gospel they sought to bring to

Africa.

Methods of Inculturation

It was not only the content that was contentious but also the method that was employed

by the missionaries that let to disastrous results as far as mission was concerned. Wallace

Mills (1995:153) observes that the missionaries did not only oppose a number of Xhosa

customs, but used force, discipline and expulsion from the church as a way of

enculturation. This was met with resistance by many African groups as it was seen as a

way of destroying their belief in ancestors (Mills1995:158).

The Africans on the other hand developed three most creative and ingenious ways of

dealing with this onslaught on their culture. The first as observed earlier was a policy of

resistance and containment. The second response was that of creative adaptation,

namely syncretism. Pauw (quoted in Kiernan 1990:21,22) argues that the belief in

ancestors among “Christians has survived with great pertinacity.” This phenomenon

developed in spite of the growing popularity and acceptance of Christianity by Africans.

The last radical response from the Africans was the policy of schism, which has led and

unleashed the most powerful Christian movement, initiated and grown in Africa. The

African Initiated Churches continue to grow in galloping strides. Allan Anderson quoted

53
in (Pretorius and Jafta 1997:211), observes that there are more people in South Africa

who belong to these churches than to churches originating from in Europe or America.

Judging Culture by Scripture

It has been observed that the Motherwell groups sees circumcision either as a practice

that is not contradictory to the Bible, or the one where the Bible shows neutrality or even

sanctions under certain circumstances. Using Scripture to judge culture is an involved

process. This is summed up in the Lausanne Covenant (quoted by

Hesselgrave(1991:118):

Culture must always be tested and judged by Scripture (Mark 7:8, 9, 13).
Because man is God’s creature, some of his culture is rich in beauty and
goodness (Matt. 7:11, Gen. 4:21, 22). Because he is fallen, all of it is tainted with
sin and some of it is demonic. The gospel does not presuppose the superiority of
any culture to another, but evaluates all cultures according to its own criteria of
truth and righteousness, and insists on moral absolutes in every culture.

It is the gospel and not another culture that should be used to judge cultures. What we

have witnessed in Africa was the tendency for the Western culture to critique other

cultures. A similar observation to the Lausanne Covenant is made by Van der Walt

(2003:26) when he asserts that the “conflict between Western individualism and African

communalism is a conflict between two idolatries…” The following is an elaborated

view of the same author when he notes:

…the Gospel provides a correcting, liberating invitation to both individualism and

collectivism. The Gospel calls people in a communalistic society to an experience
of the fullness of being human that communalism has denied them: the experience
of individuality and a diversity of societal relationships. For those of us living in
an individualistic society, the same Gospel call us to an experience of the fullness
of being human that individualism has denied: the experience of community
(2003:157).

54
This shows once more the inherent weakness of judging another culture on the basis of

one’s culturally determined predispositions (Hesselgrave 1991:123). It is the gospel and

not another culture that should evaluate the proximity to or distance from moral absolute

in any culture.

Hesselgrave (1991:101) divides culture into three categories: the technological,

sociological and ideological. It is the ideological aspect of culture that is judged by

Scripture and not the other two. It is on this vein that Van der Walt (2003:96) observes

that “the soul of a culture is its religion and worldview.” A change in the worldview

might take the form of discarding certain practices while transforming others as observed

in the Lausanne Covenant.

Here then the focus on any given culture should not just be on what is being done or

practised, but rather on the religious presuppositions underlying the practise. Adventists

might be guilty of viewing culture from a purely technological aspect. The religious

assumptions which have been shown to contradict the Bible teaching as understood by

Adventists remain unchallenged.

Loius Luzbetak (1989:265) observes that religion is often reflected in the myths and the

ritual of a given culture. He also sees both the myth and ritual as “twin terms, the one

adding its strength to that of the other” (Luzbetak, 268). While the same author

continues to affirm that Christians do respect and should respect mythologies of other

55
religions, he is quick to add that this does not mean that Christians should accept non-

Christian mythological contents such as existence of gods (Luzbetak, 267).

“Initiation rituals”, argues O’Donovan (1992:233), “present serious spiritual problems”,

for committed Christians. He (O’Donovan, 233), further argues that there are traditional

religious meanings associated with these rituals. Any recommendation should somehow

help the church in dealing with these religious assumptions.

Creation of an Indigenous Church

It can be readily conceded that the ideal purpose of inculturation should be the creation of

an indigenous church. The goal of mission, argues Bosch (1991:450) has always been

the establishment of an indigenous church. This goal has not always been met with true

and Biblical success. A brilliant formula was devised to evaluate the authenticity of an

indigenous church. This was formulated as the three “selfs” (Bosch 1991:450), given as

self-government, self-support, and self-propagation. However as observed again by

Bosch (1991:450), these churches could only exist as they learn to please their founders

and by segregating themselves from the surrounding cultures. This produced replicas of

Western churches in Africa.

A different and yet provoking light is thrown on this by William Smalley (1981:C150),

when he asserts that the three “selfs” are concepts based on “Western ideas of

individualism and power.” This at best, argues Smalley, produces a Western idea of an

indigenous church. Bosch (1991:451) forthrightly and correctly indicates that it is only

the introduction of the fourth “self” that will make a difference.

56
By fourth “self” he means “self-theologizing”. This is the only way there could be a

development of an “autochthonous African theology” (1991:452). Inculturation in this

sense for Bosch (1991:454) becomes as a flowering of a seed implanted into the soil of a

particular culture. This understanding is reflected poignantly by Smalley (1981:C154)

when he notes “that an indigenous church cannot be founded,” but is rather planted. The

crucial question is whether the Adventist church qualifies to be called an indigenous

church or not.

A cautionary advice is and a powerful and profound appeal is made by Mbiti (1977:91)

when he says:

As long as African theology keeps close to the Scriptures, it will remain relevant
to the life of the church universal. African theologians must give even more
attention to the Bible than is sometimes the case. As long as we keep the Bible
close to our hearts and minds, our theology will be viable, relevant, and lasting
service to the church and glory to the Lord.”

It is only a faithful adherence to the Scriptures that any form of provincialism can be

thwarted in the church. This can also help the Adventist church to have a unified

approach to common cultural rituals like circumcision.

The Adventist Church and the four “selfs.”

57
The African converts have had a very tenuous and awkward relationship with the

Adventist Church over the years. The Adventist mission began in South Africa at a time

when other Africans were looking for a church they could call their own. This was

manifested in the agitation by Africans for both political and cultural freedom (Sundkler

1948:36).

The establishment of African Initiated Churches undoubtedly helped in realizing the ideal

of mission, which is an indigenous church. These churches came into existence as a

reaction to White dominated mission churches (Sundkler 1948:36,37).

Barret (quoted in Daneel 1987:75), identifies three fold failure of mission churches, viz,

“Philadelphia, africanism and Biblicism.” These he explained as “failure to exercise

brotherly love to Africans, lack of understanding of traditional religious worldview and

the failure to see any parallelism between traditional religion and biblical faith.” It is

insightful to recognize the fact that the driving force for the establishment of these

churches was firstly, political freedom; and the secondly, cultural protest; a drive seeking

relevance to African traditional religions (Daneel 1987:38).

It is however the last part that has created truly indigenous African churches which has

become a great attraction to many Africans. It is estimated that in Africa alone since

1960, these churches have grown over 400% (Siaki 2002:41). It has been conceded by

some that the ability to engage in the fourth “self”, which is self –theologizing has made

these churches to stand out and be counted Froise (1989:71).

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It is a fact that cultural protest is not possible where there is no political freedom. It has

been seen from the foregoing observation that political freedom alone did not produce an

indigenous church. It is through cultural restlessness that is couched in the fourth “self”

– self theologizing that guarantees any possibility of effective inculturation.

Makapela (1995:270), quoting from the Seventh day Adventist Encyclopaedia observes

that, the African Adventists were allotted Bantu Missions but even those ware

administered by Whites. The Whites not only built better facilities and schools for

themselves but occupied administrative positions even in the Black educational

institutions (Makapela, 298).

With no control of their educational institutions, with little say in the propagating of

mission, with no financial backbone, Black Adventist could never have the motivation

and the courage to engage in a meaningful, effective and sustained cultural protest. It is

clear that self governing, self funding and self propagating was not possible for the Black

Adventist and as such no cultural protest would mount to anything. Mission in the

Adventist church has always until recently been in the hands of the White members.

The Black Adventists have continued to show a serious dearth of well educated church

leadership and ministerial workers. Based on the latest Statistical report (SAU Quarterly

Report, January-September 2004), there at least 65% who have the first university

degree, out of that only 2.7% have doctoral degrees. As of January 2000, there was one

one if not two Blacks pastors with a Doctoral Degree. While great strides have been

made on other aspects including, self-funding, self-propagating and self-governing, a lot

still needs to be done in this aspect of self-theologizing.

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Pauw (1975:336) commenting on the stages of acculturation says, “Zionists have

syncretized the two traditions, while orthodox Christians tend to retain certain features of

Xhosa tradition”. He further asserts that these two traditions are applied in different

social contexts. Black Adventists and Xhosa-speaking Adventists would fall under

orthodox Christians. The sad part with them is that even the retention of certain aspects

of Xhosa-tradition have not been initiated or led by the church leadership. The ritual of

circumcision has never been addressed formally; it has been left to families and members

to deal with.

Xhosa-speaking Adventists have tried to distance themselves on any cultural aspect that

seems to be linked to ancestral worship. This is seen in how they have discarded or

adapted those areas where there is a direct link to ancestors. It can be said that the only

aspect as far as circumcision is concerned that has been done away with and continues to

make a significant difference, is the drinking of beer. None of those interviewed

confirmed the use of such in the ritual, while it can be said that there could be some

Adventist who do cave in due to social and family pressure, but this is more of an

exception than a rule.

Areas of Concern

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The following are distinct areas in the ritual of circumcision that are glaringly

inconsistent with the Adventist theology and the church’s understanding of the Bible.

These areas will be grouped under two headings; syncretism and Biblical conversion.

While it can be argued that these two are not necessarily separate units, for the sake of

clarity we will consider them separately.

1.` Syncretism

While commendation is apropos for some areas that have been discarded in the way the

ritual of circumcision is conducted by Adventist, however the very process seems to

justify those areas that have not been discarded. Earlier it was mentioned that, for many

Adventist except in some few areas, the person used for surgical operation is the

traditional surgeon. The acceptance of this person’s credentials may actually imply

approval of the institution that has qualified him. Adventists in general do not subscribe

to the traditional belief in the power of the inyangas (traditional healers). But for some

reason, they are willing to leave their children in the hands of traditional surgeon, simply

because this is how it is done in the traditional context.

Graeme Meintjies (March 1998:5), who writes as a medical doctor and researcher, has

observed that in “each circumcision season a significant number of initiates are admitted

to hospital and there are a number of deaths”. “This morbidity and mortality,” he

continues is “associated with septic and gangrenous complications of the circumcision

wound as well as the practice of fluid restriction”. The irony is that Xhosa-speaking

61
Adventists continue to subject and expose their children to such practices under the guise

of Biblical mandate and cultural relevance coupled with missiological significance.

It is hard to reconcile the beating and the physical ordeal and pain and death that

accompany the ritual of circumcision with the Bible. It would be difficult to explain to a

person going through this ordeal the significance and the benefit of this experience within

the Biblical context. It has been argued as reflected above that this is designed to effect

discipline and to prepare the youth for the hardships of manhood (Van der Vliet

1974:230). Failure to speak against such “torture”, in spite of its alleged pedagogical

intentions, implicates the church in the deaths and medical complications that have

resulted from this practice.

The Xhosa-speaking Adventists have to grapple with the sentiments and critical reflection

made in the Lausanne Covenant (Hesselgrave1991:118), when it was asserted; “Culture

must always be tested and judged by Scripture (Mark 7:8, 9, 13). Because man is God’s

creature, some of his culture is rich in beauty and goodness (Matt. 7:11, Gen. 4:21, 22).

Because he is fallen, all of it is tainted with sin and some of it is demonic…” While one

may not actually label the above areas as demonic, they are nevertheless tainted seriously

with sin and lack beauty and goodness. Unfortunately, the substitution of the traditional

surgeon by an Adventist surgeon, while commendable, does not significantly reduce the

pain and the physical and emotional ordeal that they boys are subjected to, all in the name

of culture.

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2. Biblical Conversion

One of the disheartening observations in the whole ritual of circumcision as practised by

Xhosa-speaking Adventist is the anticipation and expectation of a type of conversion

experience for the boys. The only rationale why these kids must go through physical

and emotional ordeal and at the risk of penile mutilations and death, is for them to

become responsible man. It is indeed as Graeme Meintjies says in the title of his book;

“Manhood at a price.”

The Adventists show this in their particular attention to the details of the ritual. Some

significant cultural practises are done on the day when the initiates are to be

reincorporated to their communities. A special person as indicated above is appointed to

anointing the initiates with butter. It is believed that this person can somehow transfuse

his good virtues and charisma to the one he is applying the butter to.

People with good morals and who lead a virtuous life and are seen to be successful and

respected, do have a positive influence and can serve as a role model to the initiates.

But this idea of influence is taken to extreme lengths when it is loaded with religious and

magical significance and some form of impartation of good qualities. The use of

ministers in the ritual of anointing reveals the seriousness in which this is held by the

Xhosa-speaking Adventists.

The ritual of washing and anointing is usually followed by the burning of the lodge and

its symbolic significance of the beginning of new life and destruction of old ways of

63
living. What is strange is that this is expected even of those who had experienced

conversion. By this act it is implied that conversion does not offer as much as

circumcision does for the change of life-style and character. The question can once

again be asked; when is one a new person, is it at conversion or circumcision? Does this

mean that conversion can be part of the old life style of the newly initiated that must also

be forgotten?

The admonitions that follow only reinforce the belief in religious significance of the

ritual. The presence and the often participation of the church in such occasions further

rubber stamps the traditional meaning and the value placed on this ritual. The use of the

Biblical imperatives on a ritual fraught with traditional indicatives is a misuse of the

Bible. The statement of advice from Mbiti (1977:91), is worth repeating and it demands

a closer look and application by the Xhosa-speaking Adventist if they want to remain true

to the Bible.

As long as African theology keeps close to the Scriptures, it will remain relevant
to the life of the church universal. African theologians must give even more
attention to the Bible than is sometimes the case. As long as we keep the Bible
close to our hearts and minds, our theology will be viable, relevant, and lasting
service to the church and glory to the Lord.”

It can be concluded that the Xhosa-speaking Adventists have yet to produce a legitimate

and cohesive acculturation of the ritual of circumcision. Members and families need

guidance from the leadership of the church for this to happen. These adaptations must be

seen to be in harmony with Adventist faith here in the country and elsewhere.

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RECOMMENDATIONS AND GUIDELINES IN DEALING WITH THE ISSUE OF
TRADITIONAL CIRCUMCISION

Should we leave things as they are, continue with this practise as we have done for many

years? As they say “if it ain’t broken we must not fix it” but the question is, is it not

broken? Few years ago, I had to comfort a family especially the mother whose son had

died during the circumcision rite. The woman had two sons and one daughter. It was the

eldest son who had just completed matric and had been taken to the initiation school that

had died. According to this particular culture (Sotho), an initiate who dies during

initiation is not supposed to be mourned and the involvement of the mother is highly

restricted.

How do we comfort the family as a church, what do we say. Is it enough to remind the

woman that this is our culture, we just do it, it has no significance? How does the family

explain this tragic event to the younger son who still must go through the same rite of

circumcision in two or so years from now? How do we justify the rite to others who may

not even understand our culture? Why should something that seemingly has no value, no

profound meaning be allowed to bring so much pain?

Adventist families are beginning to ask questions about circumcision, they need clarity

and guidance from the church. Can the church afford to be silent and pretend all is well

when it is not? The cry is not coming only from the Adventists, the communities where

this rite is observed are beginning to ask if it is worth all the pain and the stress it

65
generates. If the church is the light, how much of light is it giving to the world suffering

in darkness?

It would be appropriate at this juncture to reflect in a nutshell on the predicament that

confronts the Xhosa-speaking Adventists. Since circumcision cannot be regarded as sin,

by the way this is not the argument of this paper, we cannot just prohibit it.

Circumcision is a complex system that demands a comprehensive approach if progress is

to be made. In the final analysis the decision to be circumcised or not lies with the one

to be circumcised. At the moment this is not happening, the question is not whether one

will be circumcised but when he will be circumcised. Any recommendation or guideline

which should be worked out by the community of believers should address the following

critical issues:

1. Xhosa speaking Adventists are part of the world wide church.

The issue of circumcision cannot be provincialized, it does not only affect the Xhosa-

speaking Adventists, it has become a concern for all Adventists not only in South Africa

but throughout the world. We are part of the family, we owe it to the family to explain

why we do what we do and also to listen to them and hear what they think about what we

are doing. To say “hands off” this is our culture is an irresponsible attitude we are all

together in this.

It was observed that the Xhosa-speaking Adventists represent the only group in the

Adventist church in South Africa that observes the ritual of circumcision. While the

66
writer is not aware of any study that has been made to determine the reasons for the non-

observance of this ritual in other groups; the limited interview conducted reveals that it

has to do with how these groups interpret Adventist faith.

For these group, observing the ritual of circumcision is tantamount to a tacit denial of

their faith. A study might need to be done to determine how the Seventh-day Adventist

church is viewed in those cultures. The situation is such that the Xhosa-speaking

Adventists might have to learn something from these communities or these communities

of Adventists may have to learn from Xhosa-speaking members. This lack of unity in

the church might create missiological hiccups and make it difficult for the church to

present a united voice in such issues and many others.

2. Superficial Inculturation

The absence of the fourth “self” as argued above, will continue to render the church

powerless and incompetent in dealing with cultural issues confronting the church. The

cosmetic cultural treatment coupled with the cut and paste approach adopted by the

church indirectly, make the church a laughing stock. While the church purports to be

against any form of ancestral worship, it actually finds itself by default engaged in

cultural aspects that owe their legitimacy to the belief in ancestors.

The only aspect in which Xhosa-speaking Adventists differ with the traditional Xhosa-

speaking is one of the non-supply and non-use of traditional beer and alcoholic beverages

in its ceremonies. Any transformation that the Xhosa-speaking Adventists have made in

67
the ritual is either superficial or non-existent. It does appear that both the traditional and

Adventists attach the same meaning and significance to the ritual of circumcision. The

Biblical support given seems to be nothing but a camouflage for a deep seated religio-

cultural need.

We need to make a distinction between syncretism and inculturation. What we have done

at best leans toward syncretism where we have baptized a cultural practise into

Christianity. Inculturation seeks to find in the resident culture modes, expressions,

examples that would make the gospel understandable. Snycretism seeks to find

accommodation for a cultural practise while inculturation seeks to express a Christian

practise in cultural terms.

3. Significance of the Ritual of Circumcision

“Rituals”, writes Jurgens Hendriks (2004:137), “are rites of intensification. In an explicit

way they define who we are and what we believe”. For the Xhosa-speaking people,

their identity as a people and their beliefs are reflected in the ritual of circumcision. The

question for Adventists is what core beliefs do they reflect as they participate in the ritual

of circumcision? The ritual of circumcision has been shown not only to be in conflict

with the rite of baptism but that it has somehow overshadowed it.

The whole meaning of the ritual of circumcision seems to pivot around an expected

change of lifestyle and behaviour. While this can be accepted and is indeed expected

among the traditional Xhosa-speaking, such is inconceivable for a community of faith

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such as Adventists. The linking of character transformation and behavioural change to

the ritual of circumcision, by the Xhosa-speaking Adventists, is a gross

misrepresentation and clear misapprehension of Biblical teaching on salvation. While

this change is not spoken of in salvific terms, it is somehow maintained that without the

ritual of circumcision this change is not possible.

When the Xhosa-speaking Adventists put more emphasis and value on the ritual of

circumcision the message being communicated is that it is this ritual rather than

conversion that effects change to the individual’s life.

4. Complex Nature of the ritual of Circumcision

The church may prohibit the practise, but in practise how does this work out? If it is a

prohibition what disciplinary measure would the church take, and against whom, the

child or the parents? Circumcision is firstly a family affair. It is the family that

organizes; monitors and validates the whole process of circumcision. It would be

difficult for the child on his own to decide not to go for circumcision. Without a visible

support from the family, the child might be put in an awkward position and may be

isolated by the family. In some instances boys have been forcibly circumcised without

their consent.

There could also be an instance where the parents are convinced that their child should

not go for circumcision, the child in question might not be convinced or may cave in due

to peer pressure and fear of being socially maligned by the community. This, as it

69
happens sometimes, may compel the child to go for circumcision without the parents’

involvement. Some parents may decide to circumcise the child in its infancy to avoid all

these complications, these are the decision that each family must wrestle with. The

church as a family must be seen to be supporting its members and giving advice and

suggesting options, regardless of the complexity of the problem.

There are situations also where only the mother and probably the children are Adventists

but the father is not. This is even more complicated in that almost everything done in a

traditional African way will be apply here. A lot will depend on the child and how much

support he will get from the church..

The Involvement of the Church

The church as much as possible must not be involved in the ritual. Announcements

relating to circumcision must not be made in the church. It should remain a family

ceremony. Currently next to the wedding and funeral, circumcision is the biggest event

even for the church members. This forces the church to advance theological and

Biblical justification for the ritual. The church is not usually involved in birthday

celebrations, families organize and friends and relatives are invited. This could be done

in a similar fashion. This should be accompanied with systematic teaching and

explanation on the meaning and purpose of circumcision. People who choose not to be

circumcised must be fully accepted and supported by the church. The church cannot be

perceived as persecutor of those who refuse to be circumcised

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The greatest challenge facing Xhosa-speaking Adventists is on how to de-emphasize the

importance of the ritual of circumcision while practising it. Currently, the Xhosa-

speaking Adventists not only observe the ritual but attach the same meaning and

significance to it as does the traditional Xhosa-speaking people. This has led to a

situation where Adventist youth tend to regard the ritual of circumcision as being far

more significant than baptism.

Inculturating of Baptism

Instead of bringing traditional circumcision into the church or Christianity we need to

bring Christianity to our culture. We need to express the significance and meaning of

baptism in such a way that those who believe in circumcision will understand.

At the moment, baptism is relegated to one of the events in the church calendar which is

void of meaning and significance. The church needs to take a decided position and get

involved in highlighting the importance of baptism for its members. The enthusiasm

and excitement usually associated with circumcision should slowly be directed to the

event of baptism. We need to make baptism a big family event and make it clear that it

is the most important in the life of our children. The church cannot afford to have its

members confused as to the importance and value of baptism in the life of its members.

Baptism seems to carry the same meaning for Christians as circumcision does for Xhosa-

speaking people in general.

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Conclusion

It would be appropriate at this stage and development of this paper to reflect on the

warning given by Ellen G White. E White is accepted as a Prophetess by the Adventist

church whose role is to lead the church to the Bible. The following is a her commentary

and understanding of the events that took place in Acts 21:19-30.

Paul had just finished recounting to the leaders in Jerusalem the good things God had

wrought among the Gentiles (21:19,20). When they heard this, they glorified God.

While the praise was still in their mouths, they brought the allegation to Paul that he is

said to be undermining the Law of Moses by teaching that Jews were not to be

circumcised. On the surface it appears that the leaders did not believe this and gave Paul

and advice as to how to dispel all these rumours. It is this advice that led to Paul’s

imprisonment and later premature death.

Ellen G Whie (18: 403,404) comments that the counsel that was given to Paul indicated

that the leaders still cherished a feeling that Paul “should be held largely responsible for

the existing prejudice”. Instead of standing with Paul and defending him, they sought a

compromise which in their opinion would remove all cause for misapprehension. This

according to E White was a “fruit of cowardice”. This was done to gain favour and

acceptance from their fellow Jews, and was not a principled decision.

Paul on the other hand realized that this could be the only way of dispelling prejudice

from the leading members in Jerusalem. The advice looked attractive as it would remove

72
obstacles to the success of the gospel. “Paul was not authorized of God to concede as

much as they asked” writes E White. Instead of accomplishing the desire object, these

actions only “precipitated the crisis, hastened the predicted sufferings…. Depriving the

church of one of its strongest pillars, and bringing sorrow to Christian hearts in every

land”.

It can be argued that the church has displayed signs of capitulation and serious

compromise under the guise of evangelism and intentions to remove obstacles to

Christian witness. The observation made here is that most Xhosa-speaking Adventists

still believe in the efficacy and the life changing virtue of this ritual. The jury is still out

on the impact that this compromise has for the Xhosa-speaking Adventist church. At a

time when even the traditional Xhosa-speaking people are looking for a solution to the

problems currently being experienced around this ritual, the church is by default

preaching and defending the value and importance of this ritual.

There is a general fear that those who do not undergo circumcision will exhibit sign of

abnormality later on in life. The only to prove that this is not true is illustrate it by

having our children on display. Those we want to win to our faith may never fully

understand our message if we loose the opportunity to exhibit the power of the gospel.

Douglas Webster in his thought provoking article entitled, “Evangelizing the Church”

points out that the problem with the church today is that it has been secularized by the

culture it seeks to reach with the gospel. He later suggests that “if we want to evangelize

our culture we must begin by evangelizing our churches” (Webster 1995: 195,201).

73
Webster again quoting Steven Hauerwas and William Willimon in his direct warning to

the Christian church says, (Webster, 208):

The inevitable loss of cultural respectability on the one hand and popularity on the
other should not concern us. Both losses are necessary, and really gains, if we are
to experience the power of the gospel. What is true for individuals is also true for
churches. We could gain the world but lose our souls”

The creeping syncretistic tendencies observed above coupled with the tendency to

undermine and devalue Biblical conversion, are clear signs that the Xhosa-speaking

Adventists are losing their souls with the hope of gaining the world. Indeed the loss of

cultural respectability should not concern a church that ought to be more worried about

losing its soul than about gaining the whole world.

The Xhosa- speaking community is waiting to see what will happen to a boy who is not

circumcised. The Adventist church has the answer, are we courageous enough to give it

to the waiting community?

74
 PEOPLE AND GROUPS INTERVIEWED

Cancele Newly Initiated group, August, 2004.

Cancele Parents, August 2004

Kulla Charles, May, 2004

Motherwell Seventh-day Adventist Congregation, April 2004

Mpendu S, February 2004

Mdaka S, January 2004

Mafani Hlanga, August 2004

Karabo, February 2004

Maxengana M, April 2004

Sa-sda (Web-based discussion forum for Adventists), March 2004

Zeeman, November 2004

75
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