Wright 1

Chelsea Wright

Dr. Mattson

WRTG 4320

2 October 2018

Colonization and Culture in Chamorro Spirituality

The Chamorro people are the indigenous culture and ethnic group of the Southern

Mariana Islands. According to an article titled “Guam’s Seven Historical Eras” (hereafter

GSHE), they are believed to be descended from some of the world’s original seafarers that first

settled the area now known as Micronesia over 4,000 years ago . They have a characteristic,

animistic religion that is a symbol of the resiliency of the Chamorro culture. Their beliefs were

based largely in ancestor worship, war magic, and interesting death rituals. The spiritual

traditions have survived and evolved through multiple invasions and attempts at colonization,

assimilation, and evangelization which is a testament to the deep-seeded strength therein. Many

scholars would argue that complete erasure of Chamorro culture has long since been achieved;

however, the religious traditions have adapted and survived the integration and appropriation

attempts of three different cultures over the past five centuries as well as the process of mass

immigration of other groups to their home island of Guam. Maintaining a sense of cultural

identity should be considered a particularly great achievement as the Chamorro are one of the

oldest and most often occupied cultures of the Mariana archipelago.

Pre-European-contact Guam was inhabited almost entirely by Chamorros. It is unknown

whether the Marianas were settled in waves of migration or in one large surge; however, they
 Wright 2

have been continuously populated by the cultural and ethnic group that would eventually become

known as Chamorro (GSHE). The belief system emphasized heavily on war magic and ancestral

worship. Worship of the taotaomo’na (ancestral spirits) was integral to any victory one wished to

achieve. The use of magic and enchantments for ancient Chamorros were both performative and

embodied in magical items. Skulls of the taotaomo’na were often carried into battle as charms

for victory and chants and dances were performed to cast lasting enchantments and to formally

declare war (Farrer, Sellman 128). On the subject of death rituals, de Frutos and de la Rosa

explain in their article, that funerary practices were afforded with much pomp and had more

bearing on the afterlife the individual’s actions in life. In general, however, those who died a

violent death would end up in eternal suffering in a place in the sky called Sarrasaguan while

those who died naturally descended to a paradise beneath the earth (De Frutos, de la Rosa 463-

464). The culture was also of a largely matrilineal and matrifocal nature that has also survived

and made its way into spiritual practices as Spanish and Japanese occupations began to force

patrilineal ideals onto the island. All of these beliefs have evolved and adapted with colonization

and attempts at assimilation but each has left a lasting mark on the culture in modern times due

to the weight of the spiritual practices as a rhetorical symbol for Chamorros.

Even though Guam was officially claimed by Spain in the middle of the 16th century,

actual Colonization of the Mariana Islands did not begin until the arrival of Father San Vitores of

Spain in 1668. Guam became the site of the first Roman Catholic Church in the Pacific Islands

and the integration of Catholicism and the animistic beliefs of the Chamorro began (GSHE).

After the Spanish-American War ended in the late 19th century Guam was ceded to the United

States and attempts at Americanization began. At this point, many Catholic ideas were deeply

ingrained in the religion making it appear easier to assimilate into Western culture. This,
 Wright 3

however, proved untrue and while many aspects of Chamorro religion adapted under the rule of

different colonizers it still remained a large part of life and culture in the islands. In 1941, during

World War II, Guam was occupied once more, this time by the imperialist Japanese. This

occupation lasted only three years but involved strictly regimented attempts at Japanization for

which the country was known in that time. This forced patrilineal beliefs even further onto the

Chamorro and many retreated even further into the throes of Catholicism to flee Japanization.

This occupation led to increased efforts of Americanization when the US won back the territory

in 1944 and subsequently granted US citizenship to the Guamanian people in 1950 (GSHE).

Each occupation and attempt at assimilation left its mark on Chamorro culture, but the traditions

have remained largely the same and are an important part of Guam’s culture and that of the

Chamorro ethnic group. Throughout each dominion, and even now under continued American

rule, the Chamorro people used their deeply ingrained spiritual and religious beliefs to rally

together so as not to lose their sense of collective identity in the face of colonialism.

In a social climate where many Chamorros and non-Chamorros alike would argue that

Chamorro culture has fallen by the wayside, these animistic and traditional island beliefs are a

symbol of the tenacity of the Micronesian culture. Ethos, rhetorically, is taken to mean the

credibility of a source; however, it can also mean character and is used to characterize the beliefs

and ideals of a culture. De Frutos and de la Rosa state, “For people to form a collective identity

distinct from others around them, they must seek the natural and cultural attributes that can

distinguish them” (461). In this instance, spirituality is one of the few remaining attributees

modern Chamorros have to their ancient roots and collective cultural identity. This collective

ethos and identity held by most, if not all, Chamorros is the source of the culture and proves, in

and of itself, that it has not yet reached the point of extinction. In a pool of 25 people who self-
 Wright 4

identify as Chamorro and have spent at least 4 years living in Guam more than half disagreed or

strongly disagreed that efforts to promote ancient Chamorro ways are a waste of time. 32%

disagreed and 52% strongly disagreed with this sentiment. A measly 16% agreed that there is no

need to keep up with the ancient traditions and ways of life (Perez 578). These numbers speak

for themselves, but the group rhetoric displayed here is yet another testament to traditional

Chamorro spiritual practices being a symbol of strength and unity that perform rhetorically for

the culture. The power Chamorro people find in collectivism is supported through their ancient

traditions that have survived to this day. The group rhetoric involved in this collective identity is

supported by the superstitions and spiritual beliefs still held by many, if not the majority of,

Chamorros,

There are many scholars who would argue that the rhetoric involved the conclusion that

Chamorro culture is facing extinction is purely reactionary. As it is viewed as reactionary it may

be also seen as perverse or futile in its essence (Sanyal 658). Culture as rhetoric, Chamorro and

otherwise, is not reactionary nor is it perverse or futile as some would frame it. Culture exists in

its own plain and not as a reaction to any rhetorical device. In this particular instance, Chamorros

are the archipelago’s oldest traceable culture and as such had little to react to when in its initial

formation. The reactionary nature of rhetoric in culture comes with interference which, in this

case, came from Spain. When the first formal European colony of the Pacific Islands and

installation of a Roman Catholic mission arrived, the Chamorros had to adapt to survive.

Suddenly their rich culture was under attack and heralded as heresy by European settlers who

had only just arrived on their islands (GSHE). This prompted violent reactions by many of the

Chamorro people. Catholic insistence on baptism even resulted in the martyrdom of San Vitores

as he was killed by the Chamorro Chief, Mata˚ ‘pang, for insisting his infant son be christened
 Wright 5

(de Frutos, de la Rosa 465). Eventually, the military backing of Spain overwhelmed the

Chamorro warriors and led to the deep integration of spiritualities that we see in the Marianas

today.

At this point in history, though animistic beliefs are still prevalently held and honored,

being Catholic is an enormous part of what many feel it is to be Chamorro. It is hard to be

viewed as a good Chamorro if one is not in good standing with the Roman Catholic Church. That

being said the form of Catholicism practiced within most Chamorro families is different by far

than what one would witness in a traditional Western family. The taboos, ancestor worship, and

animistic beliefs have persisted and blended with the prevalent Catholic beliefs. There are

people who believe that the close tie-ins Chamorro praxis has with Catholicism are due to pre-

colonial contact with the Spanish, however, there is overwhelming evidence that supports that

these beliefs pre-date even Magellan's arrival in the Marianas.

These similarities are a large contributor to the assimilation and combined appropriation

of Spanish Catholicism on Chamorros in Guam. The list is so great that whole articles could be

(and have been) written on this subject alone, but the most prevalent item that aided the success

of Chamorro/Catholic integration is matrifocality and its ability to mesh with the worship of The

Virgin Mary. In a culture that was previous matrilineal many Chamorro women had trouble

finding their place under patriarchal Spanish rule. Catholicism allowed many of these women to

take back a certain level of their own power in ways such as worship of Our Lady of Light. The

pre-contact reverence placed on women and their role in motherhood and also in burial

converged almost seamlessly with Catholic Marian devotion. Many rituals that were once

performed in worship of the taotaomo’na took on the imagery of the Virgin Mary. De Frutos and

de la Rosa put it best when they wrote,

 Wright 6

“When Diego Luis de San Vitores dedicated the first church in Guam to the Virgin

Mary in 1669 – Dulce Nombre de Marı´a (Sweet Name of Mary) – he effectively

mediated between Chamorro and the Blessed Mother and marked the early

stages of a syncretic process through which an identity in danger of extinction

has survived.” (470).

The Chamorro identity would have been entirely wiped out had it not been for the similarities

that women located in their spirituality and the Catholicism brought by the Spanish colonizers.

Their ability to recognize these shared rhetorical symbols between the beliefs was the salvation

of the entire culture. The movement of the matriarchs of the culture to this religious belief shifted

the entire belief system of the culture over a relatively short period of time. This is what, likely,

led to so many accounts of complete assimilation having been achieved in the Marianas. Had San

Vitores known that this simple action would have aided the survival of a culture and spirituality

that he viewed as heretical and was attempting to evangelize might have chosen another saint.

Fortunately for the Chamorros, the strong group rhetoric and symbolism of their spirituality was

able to preserve much of their culture.

The Chamorro women are not the only ones who found similar rhetorical symbols within

the beliefs of colonizers and were able to reconcile them with their own spirituality. The men of

the Marianas found their place in US military rule where they, initially, could not in religion.

Guam was and is a strategic military and economic position between Asia and the North

American continent (GSHE). In the years following WWII it became the home of several U.S.

military bases. During this time Chamorros and other Guamanians fought for self-rule but were
 Wright 7

ultimately put to the side until the 1970s when they obtained their first elected official (GSHE).

It would have been all too easy for Chamorro men to succumb to the Americanization of the

territory; however, they found ways to integrate their own cultural and spiritual symbols into the

militarized rule of the U.S. government. The indigenous warriorhood to which they were

accustomed meshed ambivalently with the militarism of the militarism of rule. (de Frutos, de la

Rosa 460). For example chants, or lålai, is a highly respected form of expression in Chamorro

culture that has been preserved (Farrer, Sellman 130). Its survival to modern times can be

attributed to its relevance as a cultural symbol and its ability to be integrated with modern

militarism. Many Chamorro soldiers still perform lålai before entering any sort of battle. Another

spiritual symbol that survived militarization is worship of the taotaomo’na. Though the skeletal

heads of ancestors are no longer brought into battle they are still revered and worshipped and

often asked for counsel in wartime (142). This ability to integrate was another saving grace of a

culture nigh unto extinction for the second time in as many centuries. Without war and U.S.

militarization, the culture of the Chamorros may have been lost for good.

Once security protocol and militarization died down in the Mariana Islands it became a

destination for many tourists. The influx of tourism and immigrants from the mainland as well as

the Philippines and Carolina Islands has put the culture under further strain. Fortunately, the

collectivism of the indigenous Chamorro people have and will continue to preserve their culture

through its rhetorical symbols as adaptations and appropriation occurs. A Chamorro lålai

mentioned by Farrer and Sellman best describes the nature of the culture. It translates to,

“This latte, the house post,

This latte, the house post,

 Wright 8

Hard is the stone of our men’s house

The stone of the land, the stone of the sea,

Basalt stone are our people,

Basalt stone are our people,

The people, our people,

Become like that, become like that,

Encourage your brothers.” (140).

This sentiment truly embodies Chamorro culture as it likens them to the rocks that make up the

base of their island home and the sea surrounding them. They believe themselves to be a

permanent fixture of the island. Their culture and their spirituality is as much part of Guam as the

very foundation of the island. If this is the belief of the members of the culture that survived by

rallying so strongly to their symbols, who are we to argue otherwise?

 Wright 9

Works Cited

de Frutos, David Atienza, and Alexandre Coello de la Rosa. “Death Rituals and Identity in

Contemporary Guam (Mariana Islands).” Journal of Pacific History, vol. 47, no. 4, Dec.

2012, pp. 459–473. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1080/00223344.2012.743431.

Farrer, D. S., and James D. Sellmann. “Chants of Re-Enchantment: Chamorro Spiritual

Resistance to Colonial Domination.” Social Analysis, vol. 58, no. 1, Spring 2014, pp.

127–148. EBSCOhost, doi:10.3167/sa.2014.580107

“Guam's Seven Historical Eras.” Guampedia, www.guampedia.com/ guams-seven-historical-

eras/.

Perez, Michael P. “Colonialism, Americanization, and Indigenous Identity: A Research Note on

Chamorro Identity in Guam.” Sociological Spectrum, vol. 25, no. 5, Sept. 2005, pp. 571–

591. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1080/02732170500176138.