Social Scientist

Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations in Tamil Nadu

Author(s): J Devakumar
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 35, No. 11/12 (Nov. - Dec., 2007), pp. 39-54
Published by: Social Scientist
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27644251 .
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 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights
Violations inTamil Nadu

CD
<
C
3
Untouchability lives within boundaries. The boundaries are made
?^
texts known as
of Hindu sacred 'Dharmasastras'. Untouchability
ceases to exist as and when these boundaries are dismantled.

This
is what Ambedkar emphasized in his proposed inaugural
speech at the iJot-Pat Todak Mandai of Lahore in 1936. However, he
was never allowed to deliver his speech precisely because of its anti
Dharmasastric contents. Much water has flowed since then,

particularly after the Independence But the curses of untouchabiliy

-
and caste related have not been exorcised.
problems totally

Although the blatant of purity pollution principle has

observance
become much less visible after the adoption of the Indian
Constitution, in political space it has assumed altogether a new shape.
Caste has never been so assertive in Indian politics, as it is today. This
in turn, has led to caste violence in various parts of the country. Tamil

Nadu is no exception. It has recently witnessed serious caste conflicts

in rural as well as in the urban places. This study is amodest attempt

to understand the of caste clashes and Dalit
phenomenon rights
violations in Tamil Nadu.
The word 'Dalit' is derived from Sanskrit root 'Dal' which means,
'to break'or 'broken and downtrodden'. The clusters of epithets
include, Out-Castes,1 Exterior-Castes,2 Depressed Classes,3

Untouchables,4 Ex-Untouchables,5 Harijans6 and Dalits.7 The end point

of the verbal and conceptual development is the official euphemism,
the scheduled caste.'8

The world has entered a new century. The Dalits in India had
welcomed the twenty first century as the Era of Dalit initiatives. As of
"
now the term "Dalit hardly needs any introduction. It has got its
familiar favourable connotation, accepted by the people all over the
world. Dalit represents a form of consciousness; it is the name of self
assertion. Dalits represent a grand tradition and high heritage. The
nation formed by the subdued native Indians is called Dalit. This is a
self conscious, independent declaration of self-nomenclature of the
sons of the soil of India, who have been subdued, oppressed,
depressed, exploited, expropriated and spurned by the governing
castes. _ _
 Social Scientist

Dalit Profile
?;
3 In Tamil Nadu violence against Dalits is not a new phenomenon. The
o) historical origin of untouchability in other parts of India is not the same as
cz that in Tamil Nadu; here it is linked to the establishment of the Vedic
8 Brahmin religion. Unlike other parts of India, since Buddhism and Jainism
Q thrived for a longer time in Tamil Nadu - up to the fifteenth century CE9 the
o) Vedic Brahmin religion and the practice of untouchability that accompanied
_Q
E it could only make a belated entry.
CL)
> Untouchability existed even in the Sangam period but itwas not based on
O
birth.10 Another group argues that such was based on
untouchability
fj profession.11 Both the schools of base their conclusions on classical
thought

^
literature such as the Ettuttokai
(Eight Anthologies) and the Pattuppaattu
in (The Ten Idylls) believed to have been written between the second century CE
Z and the third century CE. Many point to a poem in Purananuru which has a
reference to parayan, a term that denotes a caste that is today classified as a
f?j
0 scheduled caste.
>
Tudiyaan, panan, parayan, katamban endru in- naangu allaadu kudiyum
illai (Other than the Tudiyan, Drummers and the Paanan, singers and the
parayans and the Katambans, there are no clans).12 The non-Dalit
commentators understand this to mean that the discrimination and

oppression is not of recent origin and they derive solace in

of the Dalits
believing that untouchability is as old as the sangam period.
As per the Government of India's notifications there are about 76 scheduld
castes in Tamil Nadu. Among these 61 are recognized throughout Tamil Nadu.
there are about 76 scheduled castes, Adi-Dravidas, Pallars,
Though only Parayars
and Chakkiliars are important prominent scheduled caste group in Tamil Nadu.
They are collectively called Harijansor Scheduled Castes.13
Tamil Nadu is one of the states that has recorded high incidences of
atrocities against Dalits. Caste clashes continue to the state. Individual
plague
clashes lead to group clashes and they finally lead tomurder, property damage
and other forms of violence. Dalits are socially backward as well as weak in
number. The SC population comes to 13.82 crores and the ST population to
6.77 crores
representing 16.33 and 8 percent of the total population
respectively. In Tamil Nadu the percentage of SC population is 19.18
percent.14 On the All India map Tamil Nadu has the sixth biggest population
of Scheduled Castes. The regional distribution is as follows: The Nilgiris
(30.22 percent), Villupuram and Cuddalore districts (27.1 percent)
Chengalpattu (inclusive of Tiruvallavar and Kancheepuram districts (25.97
percent) Thanjavur, Tiruvarurand, Nagapattinam (24.17 percent),
Thiruvannamalai (21.46 percent), Vellore dt (20.70 percent) and Dindigul
40 (19.41 percent).15
 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations inTamil Nadu

The atrocities against Dalits have increased steadily over the past years.
O
The following data on the atrocities brings this out sharply. There were 8,500
<
crimes recorded against Dalits which include 261 murder and 302 rapes.16
C
"The number of incidents of crime against Dalits by others is in the range
3
of 16000 to 18000 in the recent years, up from less than 10,000 per year before a?
1976. But in the 1990's the rate has been witnessing a sudden spurt and
increased manifold, i.e. 55000 to 65000 crimes against Dalits per year. They
include about 1600 of rapes per year. Crimes against Dailts and Adivasis
increased by as much as 89 percent between 1992 to2004. However of the
total of 1.67 lakhs cases of crimes against the SCs and STs framed between
1955 and 2000, only 4,322 (or a patry 2.6 percent) resulted in conviction."17

Recorded Crimes Against Dalits

Year 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

Cases 110 14 114 5 16 412 35 7 18 54 141 115

Year 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992

Cases 119 153 299 689 852 758 650 700 482 219 219 677

Year 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

Cases 682 698 738 733 702 678 589 654 645 742 NA NA

Source: National Crime Record Bureau

Since 1995 250 people have been killed in caste clashes in the whole of
Tamil Nadu, out of which 86 men and women were killed in the caste clashes
in south Tamil Nadu. By all counts this is a grim picture indeed. The
causes of these castes clashes can be into
precipitating grouped mainly
economic, social, Police actions constitute a separate factor itself.
political. by
But it should be noted that all these broad causes are intermixed with the
caste angle, i.e., the caste question is a common thread in all these various

incidents.

Cases registered under Protection of Civil Rights Act in Tamil Nadu

Year Reported Convicted Acquitted Referred Pending Under

Trial Investigation

2000 38 09 28 01

Cases registered under Prevention of Atrocities against SC/ ST Act 1989 in Tamil Nadu

Year Reported Convicted Acquitted Referred Pending Under

Trial Investigation

2000 996 03 128 279 471 T?5

41
 Social Scientist

r?
o Number of Atrocity/Dorment Atrocity Prone Villages in Tamil Nadu
o
Year Atrocity Dorment Atrocity Highly Sensitive Total
L_ Prone Villages Prone Villages
<D Among The Atrocityl
Prone Villages
?
cu
u 2000 194 233 138 565
CD
Q Source: Aditional Director General of Police CID. Chennai Statistical Handbook of Tamil
?
CD Nadu 2001.
_o
E
CD
> From 1990 onwards, Tamil Nadu has become the arena for recurring
O
caste conflicts involving the Dalits/Adi Dravidars on the one side and
oppressor castes like the Thevars and the Vanniyars and, Nadars on the other.

The conflicts started in the northern part of the state in 1986, and in the next
decade engulfed the southern part too.

LO Usurped Land and Dalit Rights Violations

CO
Karanai is a small village located about six km west of Mahabalipuram
> Thirukazhukundram road in Chengalpet district. On October 5, 1994 the
dalits of Karanai and adjacent villages installed a life-size statue of
B.R.Ambedkar on a piece of land owned by Veerabadran, a dalit of Karanai
The land and its about 650 acres, were
village. surroundings, measuring

originally assigned to the dalits of Karanai and seven adjacent villages in 1933,
as per the order of the Collector of Chengalpattu district.18 This land was
defined as panchama land or depressed class land. As per this order, any sale
or purchase of the panchama land by anyone other than a Dalit is considered
illegal. In course of time, these 650 acres of panchama lands at Karanai were

usurped from poor and ignorant dalits and transferred to members of other
communities with active connivance of corrupt revenue officials and rich

caste-Hindus.19 Prominent among the latter are Goutham Chand, of

Thirukazhukundram, Perumal Swamy, IG (crime) of Tamil Nadu police, and

Sakuntala of Vadapalani.

installed an Ambedkar's statue to reassert their legitimate right

The Dalits
over the panchama land. But the Chengalpet police officials in collusion with
the upper caste usurpers, forcibly pulled down and disfigured Ambedkar's
statue on the very evening of October 5, 1992.20The news of the discretion of
Ambedkar's statue spread like wild fire throughout the district. Thousands of
agitated Dalits gathered on October 10 in front of the office of the
Subcollector, Romesh Chand Meena, demanding action against the erring
police officials and reinstallation of the statue at its previous site.
The Dalits were refused to enter the Sub-collector's room;
permission
instead they were thrown out, the sub-collector himself catching one of the
Dalit leaders by the collar. Incensed at the treatment meted out to them, the
42
 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations inTamil Nadu

Dalits left the premise, raising slogans, and squatted on the GST Road, the ._
national highway. Instead of giving a patient hearing, the Sub-Collector lost cj
his temper and ordered police to open fire on the Dalits, half of whom were %
women. He did not even follow the elementary procedure of voicing a ?
warning through loudspeakers, followed by lathi charge, exploding of tear gas ^
shells or buck shots in the air to scare away the crowd.

John Thomas, a Dalit and a and

non-governmental project-holder,
Elumalai, another young Dalit,were singled out and shot by the local police.21
were made say eye witnesses. Both had
They deliberately targets, organised

many agitations and protection of Dalits in Chengalpattu.

for the welfare In
all 14 persons, including women, suffered gun shot injuries. To justify the
unprovoked firing, the police incited their hirelings to set aflame a bus. The
police arrested 130 Dalits, including 20 women,and beat them till the lathies
were broken. Women were and mercilessly beaten.
partially stripped
Some clear cases of human violation the revenue and
rights by police
officials of Chengalpet district in the Karanai incident are:
The Dalits of Karanai and seven neighbouring villages were deprived of
650 acres of the panchama land to them. These lands were
assigned panchama

usurped and transferred fraudulently to caste Hindus and other communities

with the active connivance of revenue officials.
department
The Dalits were denied the right to install Ambedkar's statue on a private
land due to the unlawful and unjustified intervention of the police at the
of upper caste usurpers of the panchama lands.
instigation
Indiscriminate and on the masses is a clear case
unprovoked police firing
of human rights abuse No warning was given to the public which included
number of women. two rounds were fired. Two persons
large village Fifty
were killed and 14 persons, including 14women , received bullet inuries.22
Right to information is an important right of a citizen. The local press
reporters covering the meeting of Dalit representatives with the Sub-collector
were threatened by the police. The police fired at them despite the fact that
the local police knew them well. Three reporters from Police Seithi, a Tamil
weekly, Murasoli DMK's official organ and the Indian Express, narrowly
escaped death. Womenfolk should not be kept in the police station after 6
pm. But 22 women were detained inside the Chengalpattu town police
station, a whole night in the presence of the DSP.
Torture of an accused person in police custody is a case of human rights
abuse. Father Yesumarian, a Jesuit and a was
priest practicing lawyer stripped
to the waist and given a severe beating on December 11. Anjalaiammal, aged
55, of Kurumbirai village and Susila, aged 27, of Madurantakam were forced
to lift their sarees and beaten on their buttocks by lathi wielding women
police.23 43
 Social Scientist

oEven when a hardcore criminal dies due consideration is given to the

rs and close relatives of the dead. However, in the case of John Thomas's
family
cd funeral, which took place in his native village Pappainallur near
E none his were allowed to attend the funeral.
Vedanthangal, except parents
on October 15 in
y The death of Elumalai who succumbed to bullet injuries
? the Chengalpattu was concealed from his
general hospital parents and the
cd for 24 hours. his none was allowed to participate in his
public Except parents,
E half-an-hour funeral.24
CD
>
O
Z Dalit Assertion and Caste Violence

^ Caste clashes state of Tamil Nadu have predominantly

in the southern

^- involved two communities the Thevars (a backward caste) and the Pallars( or
on Dalits). As has been the case in other states, the Dalits in Tamil Nadu have
Z long suffered from exploitative economic relationships and have frequently
been the victims of violence.25 However, changes since the early 1990's have
??
Q altered the economic relationship between the Thevars and the Pallars and
> have the contours of the conflict. benefited from the state's
changed Having

policy of reservations in education and from the income provided by relatives

working abroad, the Pallars have become much less dependent on Thevar
employment and have to assert themselves in the political arena.26 The
begun
Thevars have responded to this threat to their hegemony with violence. Dalits
too have begun to fight back.
Several districts of south Tamil Nadu faced a civil war type of situation
due to the Thevar- Dalit clashes. Villages and towns like Rajapalayam,
Madurai, Sivakasi, Mangaapuram, Thuraiyur, Mamasapuram, and Edayan
kulam in
'Prosperous' districts like Virudhunagar, Thoothukudi and
Tirunelveli Ramanadu, witnessed intense clashes during 1995,1997 and 1998.
The situation is still grim, even a small spark is capable of provoking big
outbursts.27

The first major atrocity, leaving a lasting impression on the psyche of

Dalits all over Tamil Nadu, was the killing of Immanuel at Mudukulathur
village in 1957.28 Immanuel was a staunch and dedicated fighter for Dalit
rights, equality and non-discrimination. The Dalits lost a valiant fighter and
even now his name evokes tremendous of reverence in their minds.
feelings

Through a potent symbol of caste oppression and the

his death he became
fight against it and the desecration of Immanuel's statue or portrait
automatically results inmilitant reactions from them. As late as 1997 a group
of upper caste people forcefully destroyed the statue of Immanuel in
and this was considered an extreme
Amichiyarpatti village provocation.29
Dalit protests resulted in an oppressor caste response of the whole
ransacking
a a and serious on many Dalits.
village inflicting injuries
 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations inTamil Nadu

Keelvenmani Massacre
The Keelvenmani massacre on 25 December 1968 was of a different kind, n>
caste was an factor. In this case it was a &
though again important precipitating

question of the Dalit agricultural workers getting organised into a fighting

?^
trade union just compensation for their labour.30 The cu
demanding agricultural
workers threatened to bring the agricultural operations to a stop. The big
landowners of Thanjavur, who had witnessed spectacular increases in

irrigation and productivity and who had come to depend more and more on
hired wage labour, decided to strike before the workers. In a well planned
attack they killed 44 Dalit workers in cold blood.31 After the massacre in
Keelvenmani, atrocities on Dalits were unleashed in at least different
twenty

parts of the state. All of them were triggered by the resistance of the Dalits
against inequality and the demand of just compensation for their hard labour.

Wave of violence over VSTC

The cycle of violence began in the late April 1997 when the government
announced the creation of a new in Virudhunagar
transport corporation
district in the name of a Pallar
community member (the Veeran
Sundaralingam Transport Corporation, VSTC).32 The Thevars opposed the
and some were heard to remark, "How do you expect us to travel in
proposal
a bus named after a Dalit? It is a personal affront to our manhood." On May 1,

1997, VSTC was inaugurated; Thevars threw stones at the buses and refused
to ride on them.33

On 2, Dalit leader Dr. was arrested and accused of

May Krishnaswamy

sparking violence with his "inflammatory speeches". Spontaneous protests

as news of his arrest the Protesters
erupted spread through region. staged
several road blockades for the three days that Dr. Krishnaswamy
and
remained in jail, "Police resorted to firing, lathi charges and bursting tear gas
shells to control agitating Dalits."34 Two Dalits were killed by the police at
Sivakasi in Virudhunagar district.
Thevars in Mansapuram attempted to introduce coconut shells at
village
tea stalls for Dalits to keep them from sharing tea tumblers used by caste
Hindus.35 When Dalits
resisted, Thevars, looted Dalit houses in Amachiyar
patti village. In Rengappanaikkanpatti Thevars vowed tomake Dalits "dig pits
for the burial of bodies of dominant castes." The entire Dalit population of
the village was later forcibly driven out, as Thevars set fire to their homes and
fields.36
In the months the remaining of the transport corporation and
following
Dr. Krishnaswamy's arrest, the districts of Theni, Madurai, Virudhunagar,
Tirunelveli, and Tuticurin witnessed periodic eruptions of violence and the

forced displacement of thousands of Dalits from their homes. Police and

 Social Scientist

o districts officials treated the situation as a law and order problem, and under
csi the guise of seeking out Dalit militants activists, conducted search and raid
cd on Dalit arrested and assaulted
operations exclusively villages.37 They
E hundreds of men and women and they looted their homes and destroyed
vmaterial were
possessions. Dalits the worst affected in terms of property loss
? and physical injuries sustained like hand and leg fractures due "to violent
cd attack(s)on them". The police filed many false cases against Dalits, which only
E "increased political consciousness amongst the Dalits."38
>
o
Z Reservation and aftermath

f2! From 1996 to 2002

the reserved Panchayat Presidencies of Pappapati in
-|- Chellampatti Union, Keeripatti and Nattarmangalam in the Usilampatti
oo Union in theMadurai district and Kottakatchiyenal in the Narikudi Union in
Z the Virudhnagar district had ten announcements of elections, but nine times
??j out of the ten no Dalit could even file his/her nomination papers.39 The
Q dominant oppressor caste in all these are the Piramalai Kallars, a
Panchayats
> subsect of the Thevars. They created a sense of fear among the Dalits, by
issuing a decree that any Dalit who dares to file his/ her nomination paper
shall be killed.
The Pappapatti Panchayat, with 1992 voters, has a Dalit population of 40
percent. This village is the birth place of Mookiah Thevar, a leader of a Thevar
party called Forward Block. It has become an issue of pride for the Thevars,
who question, 'How can a Dalit sit in the chair which Mookiah Thevar
occupied?'40 They are unable to digest this challenge to the status quo. Furher,
there is a temple here that belongs to Piramalai Kallars and it has been a
tradition that the first honours of the temple are bestowed on the Panchayat
President. To these caste- ridden oppressors, it becomes a issue, for, if a Dalit
becomes the Panchayat President they would have to honour him / her in a
temple into which he / she has no right of entry.
The Keeripatti village in the Usilampatti Union has three wards, and a
total of 1393 voters. About 25 percent of the inhabitants are Dalits, and itwas
declared a reserved constituency because of the eighteen Panchayats in the
Usilampatti Union, the highest number of Dalits live here. Keeripatti is the
processing and export centre for ganja produced in the hilly regions of Varusa
Nadu, Mayiladum Paarai and Kadamalai Gundu. Every year, several crores'
worth of ganja is processed and exported; this 'business' is the major source of
employment for the 'upper castes.' It is especially this group which deals in
ganja that prohibits the Dalits from contesting the elections in this reserved
constituency.41
The third reserved constituency in Madurai district which has gone
a? without a Dalit elected representative in Nattarmangalam in the Usilampatti
 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations inTamil Nadu

Union. It has a total voter list of 1930 people, of which about 500 are Dalit _
voters. The State Government and various authorities maintained their false <t>

propoganda that 'there was no threat from any force, and that only the Dalits ^.
didn't want to contest'.42
|
The Dalits took up this issue with the President, the Prime Minister and ^
the Leader of the Opposition. Consequently, Subban in Pappapatti and
Poonkodiyan in Keeripatti filed their nomination papers on 27 March 2002,
the last day allotted for the filing of nomination papers for the elections to be
held on 8 April 2002. This caused the Kallars to break the prohibition they
had imposed. To prevent the candidates from winning the elections, they put
up two dummy candidates in each of these constituencies. They threatened
Poonkodiyan's brother and did not even allow the election posters to be put
up in these villages. During the election campaign in Keeripatti Panchayat
were thrown on the candidates, and the Government
constituency, slippers
and Police officials who accompanied them. The Dalits of these two villages
fled, wishing not to cast their votes. Of course, the dummy candidates of the
Thevars went on to win the elections. Within an hour of both
swearing-in,
the dummy candidates in Papapatti and Karutha Kannan
Thanikodi in
Keeripatti resigned their posts.43 Now, Subban and Poonkodiyan face death
threats, and they cannot go back to their villages.

The Melvalavu Murder

In September 1996, the village of Melavalavu, inMadurai disrict was declared
a reserved constituency. The Melavalavu panchayat (village council) covers

eight villages with approximately 1000 Dalit families.44 In June 1997, a group
murder of the elected Dalits by neighbouring Thevars signalled that
constitutionally mandated shifts in electoral power to scheduled castes would
not be tolerated by caste Hindus, displaced from their once secure elected
positions.45
The murders of the Dalit leaders of Melavalavu Panchayat were clearly
because "untouchability" was still ingrained in the social system. The
economic conditions in the were but the power was
village abysmal,
concentrated in the hands of a privileged few.46 These people had hitherto
enjoyed a hold over common properties such as fish ponds, temple lands and
forest produce and did not want to relinquish these privileges to a Panchayat
system run by the downtrodden. The violence was basically a result of shift in
the power equations from the haves to the have-nots.

The elections 1996, were subsequently cancelled as

scheduled for October
all three Dalit nominees withdrew their candidacy for fear of sanctions against
the entire scheduled caste electorate. When polling finally did take place in
February 1997, the election was suspended after several incidents of booth ?7
 Social Scientist

o capturing. Murugesan 35 years old, won the presidency in the third round of
rs polling, which took place under heavy police protection and was boycotted by
cd the dominant castes.47With police protection the election has been held, but
E upper caste people still entered the booths and threatened and stabbed both
men and women and took away ballot boxes, throwing them into a well.
??
? Elections were declared after one week.48 In this Murugesan was elected. There
cd was heavy police protection. Still the Amblakars(Thevars) boycotted the
E elections. The Murugesan was not able to go to office. Only during the
CD
>
swearing in ceremony did he go to the office because he had a police escort.49
Z On the day of the attack, June 30, 1997, Murugesan was returning from a
^ visit to the collector's office to inquire about compensation for houses burned
~
in an earlier incident. Kumar an
eyewitness who barely survived the attack

himself, boarded the bus and sat next toMurugesan.50The assault was led by a
g
Z Thevar named Ramar. Ramar and the former
Alagarsamy, panchayat
co presidentgave explicit instructions to their Thevar followers to "Kill all the
"5 Pariahs (Dalits) ".Five Thevars joined together put Murugesan on the ground
outside the bus and chopped off his head then threw it in a well half a
kilometer away.51 Some grabbed his hands others grabbed his head and one
cut his head with a bill hook. They deliberately took the head and poured the
blood on other dead bodies.

Upward moblity results in vandalism

In recent years the economic relationship between Thevars and Pallars

(Dalits) has shifted notably. Like most Dalits in rural India, the Pallars
tradionally were employed as agricultural laborers (on Thevar lands) and
were usually paid less than the prescribed minimum wage. In early 1990s,
Pallars began to enjoy minimal upward economic mobility, which reduced
their on the Thevars. Pallars were now able to own and farm their
dependence
own lands or look elsewhere for employment.52

Undoubtedly, a part in bringing about this upward mobility has been

played by the policy of reservations in posts, which has been more effectively
in this state, more than other states. Reservation in education
implemented
frees Dalits from land-based occupation. A second factor is that many Dalits
have been recruited by Gulf countries. They send their earnings home, and
their families are able to acquire land thereby. So feudal dependency has been
reduced.53

All this has, however, caused new problems for the Dalits.
Since 1980 the Dalits of Kudiyankulum village, in Tuticurin district have
benefited from the flow of funds from family members employed in Dubai,
Kuwait and the United States. On August 31, 1995, a 600-member police
AQ force attacked the Dalit village in the presence of the superintendent of police
 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations inTamil Nadu

and the district collector and destroyed worth hundreds of _

property
thousands of In what to be a attack, o>
rupees.54 appeared premediatated police
consumer durables such as TVs, fans, tape recorders,
destroyed sewing ^.
machines, tractors and lorries and also
?
bicycles, agricultural implements,
&
demolished places for storage of food grains. They made a bonfire of clothes
and burnt the passports and testimonials of educated Dalit youth. The village
post office was targeted and police allegedly poisoned the only village well.55 A
village elder claimed that all through the operation the policemen showered
abuse on the villagers and made references to their caste.
derogatory
The stated purpose of the raid was to capture Dalits allegedly involved in
the murder of three Thevars in a nearby two earlier. suspect
village days Many
that itwas the relative affluence of the Dalits that attracted the attention of the
uniformed men. The idea it appears was to their economic base,
destroy
because the police felt the Kodiyankulam Dalits provided moral and material
support to miscreants in the areas.56
alleged surrounding

Preying on dalits
Numerous are the ways in which Dalits are tormented. are murdered
They
and maimed; women are their children are abused and of
raped, deprived

schooling, they are dispossessed of their property; their houses are looted and
torched. They are denied their legitimate rights and their sources of livelihood
are destroyed. Adding to the long list of atrocities committed against Dalits
were two incidents reported in Tamil Nadu, inwhich three Dalits were forced
to consume human excreta.57

5 September 2002 at Kaundampatti

On in Dindigul district. Sankan a
Dalit agricultural worker was forced to drink urine for having lodged a
complaint of trespass with the police against a caste Hindu, following a
dispute between them over a piece of land. Sankan had suffered many
atrocities during his five years of struggle against his caste Hindu landlord to
get possession of the land. In his complaint, Sankan stated that the landlord
had collected nearly Rs. 1 lakh over a period of fifteen years through
deductions from his wages as the price of the land.58
An equally horrifying incident occurred at Thinniyam village in Tiruchi
district on 22 May 2002. Two Dalits, Murugesan and Ramasami were forced
to eat each other's human excreta.58 Thinniyam is a tiny village
near
Lalgudi.
About a hundred Dalit families live here, the Kallars, comprising 200 families
are the predominant caste. Seven years ago, Kuruppiah (38) reportedly paid
Rs. 2000 to S. Rajalakshmi the president of the local panchayat, a Kallar by
caste. With no house having been allotted and Rajalakshmi's term drawing to
a close, demanded that the money be returned. Subramanian,
Karuppiah
husband, who was then in service as a teacher, first asked for
Rajalakshmi's ?q
 Social Scientist

o time; later he denied that he had taken any money. A frustrated Karuppiah
o
rS tom-tommed his complaint on 20 May. Enraged, Subramanian along with his
i_
CD son abused him and assaulted him with shoes, Karuppiah later alleged in a
JD
E to the police.59 The next Subramanian and his relatives
compliant morning
CD
U assaulted and Ramasami with foot wear and hot iron
CD allegedly Murugesan
? rods for helping Karuppiah to public notice. Itwas at that
bring his grievance
?
CD time that the two were
reportedly forced to feed each other's human excreta.
-O
Tabulation of Dalits Rights Violation in Tamil Nadu in recent years

No. Date Place/District Causes Victims

14.3.1992 Kurinjakulam/ Entry into temple 4 Dalits murdered

Tirunelveli

2.6.1992 Chidambaram, Dalitcouple suspected Husband died in police

Annamalai Police To be terrorist custody With 21 injuries,
stationn Padmini stripped and
gangraped by police, later
certified as low character
by Police
4.10.1992 Karanai/ Ambedkar's Statue Ambedkar Statue
Chengalpattu installed removed, false case filed
Against Dalits

10.10.1992 Chengalpattu Claim of Panchami Land 2 Dalit claimants shot

Collector Office

26.7.1993 Athiyur/ Theft case Vijaya was raped

Puducherry
11.11.1994 Ammanabakkam/ Temple entry False case filed, Dalits hurt
Chengalpattu
31.8.1995 Kodiankulam/ Police raid in search Destruction of household
Tutucorin of arms articles worth, 130 Dalits
killed
5.4.1996 Tkallupatti/ Reaction to speech by 2 Dalits murderd
Rajapalayam Dr.Krishnaswamy
party President (DKVF)
30.5.1997 Virrudhunagar, Chain of clashes over Buses damaged,
Tirunelveli naming Bus Transport continuous caste clashes
Chidambaram after Dalit leader Veeran in and around southern
Sundaralingam districts of Tamil Nadu

10 13.6.1997 Meenambal Desecration of Dalits injured

puram/Madurai Dr. Ambedkar's Statue

11 13.6.1997 Valliyur/ Desecration of Dalits arrested, tortured

Tirunelveli Dr. Ambedkar's Statue

12 13.6.1997 Melvalavu/ Dalit elected as President and his

Madurai Panchayat President fellowmen hacked to
death

13 26.7.1998 Vilakkanam Sticking of handbill Dalits severely beaten,

poodi/ congratulating K.R. not allowed to stick
Tiruvalluvar Narayanan, first Dalit the bills
President of India
 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations inTamil Nadu

14 19.11.1998 Tiruvallur/ Separate tea tumblers No entry to tea stalls

Pudukottai for Dalits

15 8.9.1998 Thali/ Arrest of Kalpana and Kalpana raped infront

Dharmapuri her husband of her husband in
the Police station

16 28.1.1998 Tittakudi Bus burning 6 dalits arrested 18 year

girl molested by a group
17 28.9.1998 Cuddalore Forceful evacuation of Land usurped
Dalit from their Own
land

18 1.12.1998 Ogalur/ In search of arms 69 dalits arrested

Perambalur

19 26.2.1998 Gundupatti/ Boycotted Lok Sabha 32 dalits arrested,

Palani election/Demand of 3 women molested,
Health centre property worth
26 lakhs damaged

20 26.2.1998 Dindugal Desecration of Dr. 124 Dalits injured

Ambedkar's statue

21 23.7.1999 Tirunelveli Panchayat election 11 Dalits killed

22 23.7.1999 Tirunelveli Panchayat election 426 injured

23 5.9.1999 Thathakuppam/ Panchayat Election 10 huts set ablaze
Cuddalore

24 23.7.1999 Tirunelveli Monjolai tea estate 17 killed, 536 arrested

strike

25 26.5.2000 Puliangudi/ Love affairs Both burnt to death

cuddalore dt [Vanniar boy and
Dalit girl]

26 10.5.2001 Vandavasi/ Local Election Dalit property ransacked

Tiruvanna
malai dist.

27 14.4.2001 Errampatti/ Desecration of Some Dalits injured

Madurai dist. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's
statue

Conclusion
It is a matter of shame that even after fifty seven years of independence the
practice of untouchability, banned by the Constitution, is still in vogue in
many towns and villages of Tamil Nadu. The state has witnessed some of the
worst incidents of caste-related and violence. the
oppression Invariably,

people at the bottom most

level of the society, Dalits, have been at the
receiving end. More than loss of life and property, what pains these victims of
prejudice is the humiliation and the inhuman treatment they are often
subjected to and their loss of dignity and self-respect.
Tamil Nadu witnessed not only a spurt in the incidents of caste-related
violence since early 1990s but also the manifestation of the centuries old 51
 Social Scientist

o prejudice against Dalits in cruel and vulgar forms. However a striking

o
CNl difference one could not fail to notice during this period was the qualitative
cu shift in the Dalit response to casteist oppression. Partly inspired by the
E nation-wide celebration of birth centenary of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the Dalits
<D
u
CL> became more organized and were no longer ready to take things lying down
? like they did before.
?
CL> The conflict as presently being played out is not directly between
-O
E Brahmins and Dalits, it is between the other Backward Communities (OBC)
cu
> and Daltis. The of a section of people whose status was
o emergence improving
Z as a result of opportunities provided for them 'could not be accepted by some
CN
people in the higher castes and this is one of the major causes of the clashes'.
Dalits are required to fight each and every inch for gaining their own liberty
and freedom.
O
Z
LO
m

"5
>
JDevakumar teaches at Loyola College, Chennai, Tamil Nadu.

Notes

1. Marc Glanter, Equalities:Law and the Background Classes in India,

Competing
Oxford University Press, Delhi, p. 14.

2. Walter Fernandes, The Emerging Dalit Identity. The Re assertion of the Subalterns,
Indian Social Institute, New Delhi, 1996, p.122.

3. Mohindra Singh, The Depressed Classes, Hindus: Their Economic And Social
Condition, Kitabs,Bombay,1997,p 123.

4. David The New Penguin Encyclopedia, Penguin Books India, New

Crystal,
Delhi,2002, p.1099.

5. Herald Issac, Indias Ex Untouchables, The John Day Co., New York, 1964, p. 186.

6. Pradep Kumar, 'Dalits and the B S Pin the Uttar Pradesh: Issues and Challenges',
Economic and Political Weekly, April 3, 1999, p.822.

7. Eleaner Zelliot; FromUntouchable to Dalit; Essay on the Ambedkar Movement

Movement Monahar, Delhi, 1992 p.267.

8. Barbara R Joshi, Democracy in search of Equality. Untouchables Politics and Social

Change Hindustan Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 1982, p. 10.

9. Venkatasamy, Bavuthamum Thamzihum, Tiruneveli: The South India Saiva

Siddantha Works Publishing Society, 1940, p. 142.

10. Subramanian, Sangam Polity, Madras: Asia Publishing House, 1966, p.23.

11. Hanumanthan ; Untouchability. A Historical upto 1500 A.D., Madurai :

Study
52 Koodal Publishers, 1979,p. 25.
 Caste Clashes and Dalits Rights Violations inTamil Nadu

12. Mangudi Kizhaar; Purananuru, Madras :New Century Book House, 1981
D
13. Tamil Nadu Public Service Commission, Annexure I, Para 6, P. 8.
CO
<
14. Cyril Kanmony, Rights of Dalits ,Sage Pubishers, Delhi- 11, p.74. CZ
15. And The Dalit Situation in South Nesa 3
lacob Bandhu; India, Publishers, CD
Bangalore- 32, 2002, p.40.

16. Rattan Singh and Mamta Mehme, Socio-Legal Status of Dalits,lSBN, 1999, P 78.

17. Ibid., p. 102.

18. RIDIS, GO. No. 5560, Dated 19. 11. 1933

19. Karuppan IAS (Retd), Memorandum Submitted to the Honourable Chief Minister
of Tamil Nadu, dated 21st November, 1994, p.2.

20. Memorandum Submitted by Sociol Action Movement to Chief Minister of

Tamil Nadu, p.3.

21. Mark, Panchami Nilappor (Tamil Booklet), Mugil Publication, Madurai, p. 45.

22. Bellie, lustice (Rtd), Commission on on the Police the

Inquiry firing infront of
Subcollector's office at Hengalpattu, Go. NO. SS. 11/472-4/95, Public (SC)
Department, Dated 6th January 1996.

23. Yesumarian, Dalit and Land Struggle Dalit Christian Liberation Movement,
Bangalore, 1995, p.5.

24. People's Union Civil Liberties (PUCL), Report, Dated 8.12.1994, p.4.

25. Sandhya Rao, 'Caste Clashes in the South*, Frontline, 9,December 1995, p.41.

26. State Human Commission: on

Rights Report prevention of Atrocities against
Scheduled castes (Tamil Nadu) 2004, p.9.

27. Vishwanathan S., 'Caste based mobilization and violence', Frontline, November
6, 1998, p.46

28. Diankaran, Mudukulathur Kalavarm, Dinakaran Publishers, Madurai 1957

29. Thyagi- Emmanuel murder report, Mudukulathur, 1957, p.8

30. Deerag, 'Gentlemen Killers of Keelvenmani', Economic and Political Weekly, 26

May 1973
31. Vimalanathan, J. et Al., Status Report of Dalits in Tamil Nadu, an Overview,

Bangalore: ICRA (undated), p. 13.

32. Samuel Jesupatham, Dalits under Structural Violence, National Council of

Churches Review, 2001. Journal vol. No. 121, Iss No. 03, Pgs 239
-
33. Minor Studies Series, Status of Dalits and their Rights in Tamil Nadu Nothing
to lose or a lot to literate. Report l.Chennai (undated).

34. Sathianathan Clarke: Dalits Overcoming Violation and Violence. A Contest

between Overpowering and Empowering Identities, Ecumenical Review, 2002.
Vol. No. 54: Issue No.3, p.278.
53
 Social Scientist

35. Commission: 1995-1996,

o Komathinayagam Enquiry September p.8.
o
CN 36. Mark, Kodiankulam, IDEAS Publishers, Madurai, p. 13.
<D
-O 37. M. Mahalingam, Kodiankulam, Immanuel Publications, p. 17, 1996.
E
cu 38. Adi Tribal
u Christodas Gandhi, Honourable Secretary, Dravida/ Welfare
CD
Department and then nodal officer under the Atrocities Act, Tamil Nadu, Madras,
?
l_I February 13, 1998.
CL)
-O 39. of Dalit Panthers of Extreme emotions
Thirumavalavan,Thol, Supremo India;
E
CU of Dalit Liberation, p.29.
>
o
40. Dalit Murasu March
; 2002,p 2.

4L The Hindu, 22 April, 1997, p.7.

42. Dalit Murasu, April 8, 2002 p 12

43. Dinamani, April 9, 2002 p 6

LO 44. N. Ram, Editor "Melavalavu violence due to shift in power The

CO equations,"
Hindu, August 16, 1997, p.4.
> 1997 P 42
45. Paneerselvan A.S, "On the violence Threshold," Outlook, May 21,

46. PUCL- Tamil Nadu Team:

(People's union for civilLiberties), Final Report of the
PUCL Tamil Nadu that Inquired into Caste Disturbances in Southern Districts of
Tamil Nadu, (Madras: PUCL, 1997), p.4.

47. Ibid., p.6.

48. George Mathew, 'The meaning of Melvalavu ', The Hindu, Sept., 30, 1997, p.6.

49. 'Human rights panel visits Melavalu,' Indian Express, August 6, 1997, p.7.

50. Saravanan, Velayutham, 'Dalits and failure of governmence in Tamil Nadu',

Frontier, vol.32 1997, p. 18.

51. Pandian M., 'Elusive 'peace' in Tamil Nadu', The Hindu, May 30, 1997, p.3.

52. Pandian M.S. 'Dalit Assertion in Tamil Nadu: An Exploratory Note', Journal of
Indian School of Political Economy, Vol.2, No.3-4, 2000, p.517.

53. All India Devendr? kulla Vellalar Sangam Report, 1997, p.5.

54. Vishwanathan S: "An act of humiliation," Frontline, January 29, 1999, p.37.

55. Gopalan, T.N: 'Revenge of the oppressed'. The Pioneer, 13 July 1997, p. 19.

56. Pfaffenberger, Byran: Caste in Tamil Nadu, VPH, 1982, p.197.

57. Reddy, Muralidharan B.: 'Dalit Dyanamics at work', The Hindu, 22 August
1999, p.6.

58. Jayaraj Sivan;, "Thevar-Dalit caste wars haunt Southern Tamil Nadu," Indian

Express, October 7, 2002, p.3.

59. The Hindu, June 21, 2002, p.2.

54