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Impacts of social values on the voting behaviour of people in rural

areas.(A case study of rural areas of Paharpur)

Submitted By
Mr; MUHAMMAD ASAD
Class No: BS-1519
Supervisor
Prof: FAKHER DIN GILANI SAHIB

GOVERNMENT DEGREE COLLEGE NO: 1 Dera Ismail Khan

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Impacts of social values on the voting behaviour of people in
rural areas.(A case study of rural areas of Paharpur)

Submitted By
Mr; MUHAMMAD ASAD
Class No: BS-1519
Supervisor
Prof: SAYED FAKHER DIN GILANI SAHIB
A RESEARCH REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF
POLITICAL SCIENCE, GOVERNMENT DEGREE COLLEGE NO: 1
D I K, IN THE FULLFILMENT
OF

BACHELOR OF STUDIES IN POLITICAL SIENCE


DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
GOVERNMENT DEGREE COLLEGE NO: 1 DERA ISMAIL KHAN
(2015-2019).

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In the name of Allah, the most compassionate ever
merciful.

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APPROVAL SHEET

Supervisor & Internal Examiner ------------------------------------------


Prof: FAKHAR DIN GILANI
SAHIB

External Examiner: -------------------------------------------

Head of Department: -------------------------------------------


FAKHAR DIN GILANI SAHIB

Principal .......................................................

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Declaration
It is firmly stated that this dissertation is a presentation of my original research
work. Every effort is made to mention it clearly wherever the contributions of others are
involved with due references to the literature and acknowledgement of collaborative
research and discussions. The work was done under the supervision and guidance of Sir
Fakhar Din Gilani Sahib at the Department of Political Science,

Govt College No. 1 Dera Ismail Khan.

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Research Completion Certificate
It is certified that MUHAMMAD ASAD Roll Number 1519, Session
2015-19 has done and completed his thesis under my supervision.

Supervisor: ----------------------------
FAKHAR DIN GILANI SAHIB

Chairman ---------------------------
Fakhar Din Gilani Sahib
Department of Political Science.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

All praise and glory be to Allah, Who gave me the courage and strength to carry out this
work and made everything possible for me to complete my BS POLITICAL SCIENCE
Degree. Peace and blessing be upon the Holy Prophet Hazrat Muhammad (Swallah-o-
Alaihe-Wa-Alyhe-wasallam), whose way of life has been a continuous guidance for mankind
and a source of knowledge for humanity as a whole.

I would like to thank Prof: Fakhar Shah Sahib. I am grate full for advice, mentorship and
support that he has provided for my graduation. He encouraged me to participate in election
and hired me as full time research assistant. I am grate full to make me able to assign every
paper critically. We have collaborated together for my task and provided a detail as a
feedback or my research.

I offer thank to my Prof: Sir Zafar Abbas Sahib. He also encouraged me to face the
challenges which also are in future. Sir Zafar Abbas Sahib continued to work with me and
provided broader area for the completion of my research. I am grate full for providing many
resources for research and downloaded hundreds of data as a catalyst for my research.

Sir Shafiullah Sahib is our lecturer. He has a vital role to boost up me by thinking on
scientific tools in political questions. He encouraged me to think about bigger Questions
which are concerned with my research. I am grate full for providing many resources for
research.

Finally, I must express my very deepest and profound gratitude to my parents and to my
family members for providing me with endless support and constant encouragement
throughout my years of study and through the process of researching and writing this thesis.
This accomplishment would not have been possible without them. Thank you.

MUHAMMAD ASAD

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Table of contents:
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background ………………………………………………………10
1.2 Statement of the problem ………………………………...............11
1.3 Objectives of the study ………………………………………......12
1.4 Research Questions ……………………………………...............12
1.5 Research Hypothesis ………………………………………….....12
1.6 Significance of the study …………………………………….......12
Chapter 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Voting behaviour..………..………………………………….........14
2.2 Biradari and voting.….…………………..……………..................14
2.3Performance and voting....................................................................16
2.4 Religion and voting ……………………………………….............17
2.5 Theoretical framework……………………………………………..18
Chapter 3 RESEARCH METHADOLOGY
3.1 Research approach ……………………………………………........21
3.2 Data collection ……………………………………………………..21
3.3 Data analysis………………………………………………………..21
3.4 Limitation of study …….…………………………………………...21
Chapter 4 METERIAL AND METHODS
4.1 Descriptive results…………………………………………………..22
Chapter 5 DISCUSSION
5.1 Discussion………………………………………………………….. 34
Chapter 6 CONCLUSION
6.1Conclusion and suggestion………………………………………….
Chapter 7 BIBLOGRAPHY
7.1 References ………………………………………………………..

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Abstract: Man is a rational creature in the philosophical sense of term; he is not rational in
the realms of his economic or political behavior. The behavior of man is influenced by
several irrational factors and pressure groups in invoking religious and communal factors.
This research explores some of the criteria set for elections and the conditions in which the
respondents participate. Moreover, the voters’mindset was investigated by drawing the
illustrations from newspapers, television, religious, social and particular political condition in
the midst of elections as well as its impact on their voting behavior. The study consisted of
groups of registered voters, who belonged to urban and rural (sub-urban) areas of Dera ismail
khan. The study proved the variables to be highly significant in light of the demographics.
The findings revealed casting of votes was not mostly by the free will of respondents, rather
it was imposed by the structure of the society by providing a strict guidelines for voting
criteria. The voting behavior contains special directions and instructions in both rural and
urban areas in terms of authoritarian personalities (feudal system), shaping public opinion,
manipulated mass communication, religious manifesto, Eastern Politics, illiterate masses and
so on. The paper further analyzes and reveals that the decision and behavior of the voters, to
some extent can be resultant of the external factors contributing to the overall political
system. The main purpose of the present study is to focus attention on voting behavior in
rural areas of Dera ismail khan and determine the social factor that impacts over voting
behavior.
Key Words: Voting Behavior, social factors, caste system, religious affiliation and
performance of the candidate.

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Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION:

1.1 Background:

Voting behavior is the main form of political participation in liberal democratic societies and
the study of voting behavior is highly specialized sub field in political science, The analysis
of voting patterns invariably focuses on the determinant on why people vote as they do and
how they arrive at the decision they make, political scientists and sociologists tend to look to
socio-economic determinants of support for political parties, observing the co-relations
between class , occupation, ethnicity, sex, age and vote; Political scientists have concentrated
on the influence of political factors such as issues, political programs, electoral campaigns
and popularity of party leaders on voting behavior, however, both disciplines share much the
same terrain , and increasingly have tended to overlap in their analytical approaches (Harrop
and Miller, 1987).

All political system function within the context of political culture , which consists of
traditions, values and common knowledge , political behavior is a central part of politics of
any political system , politics is an activity related to political system , a central part of
politics of any political system , politics is an activity related to political system , it is only a
part of political life but social life too, political behavior is the activity by which differing
interests with a given unit of rule are conciliated by giving them a share in power , proportion
to their importance to the welfare and the survival of the whole community (Easton,1965).

In Pakistan many factors affect the election process especially in rural areas. The
most alarming factor is Biradri system, performance and religious party affiliation. The term
biradri is generally defined as part lineage and is known to play an important role in shaping
the values and norms of a society. It can be said that from ancient times, that the concept of
biradri has been existed in all societies and continues to play a fundamental role, especially at

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a time of strife, hardship and conflict where everyone relies around together in order to bring
peace, stability and harmony. In Pakistan, especially in rural area biradri system is well
established concepts which also have socio-political position and an ethnic attachment. Also
this system is very much active and playing its participatory role in all kinds of socio-political
and community matters and issues ranging from very minor issues to big social disputes as
explained by Chaudhry, et al. (2014).
Another factor which influence the voting behavior of the people is the performance
of the candidates. People who know the importance of their vote, they judge the past
performance of the candidate and then vote for the person whose previous performance is
satisfactory (Popa et al., 2011). If candidates have made a policy decision which has helped a
voter in one way or another they are more likely to choose to vote for them, in the same way
as if a party has made a decision which has had a negative effect on a voter, they may choose
not to cast a vote for them. Also, it is possible through good campaigning and leadership, to
influence people’s perception of the past and so use this to a party’s advantage (Riggio &
Riggio, 2010).
Religion is a strong indicator of an individual’s voting behavior and play a game
changer role in the election of candidates. Some religious parties use religion as a tool to get
votes for participating in government. Furthermore, religion influences the behavior of the
voters as well as the legislation process. Fastnow et al. (1999) came to the conclusion that
religion not only plays a role in the voting behavior of representatives, but also in the
decision-making process of the legislature. Fastnow et al. (1999) determined that “Religion
stands up to the competition of a variety of other theoretically powerful predictors of voting
behavior, including party, constituency preferences, and important demographic
indicators.” Religion also reflects the party affiliations, voting behavior, and attitudes of
groups throughout the country, thus affecting the legislation brought forth from parliament.(
Fastnow et al., 1999).

1.2 Statement of the problem:


Man is a social being, the whole social structure is based upon the decision and action
of man. In democratic societies voting is a significant instrument providing opportunities to
the respondents to become a vibrant citizen instead of inactive subject, The aim of study to
analysis by taking into consideration how biradari system, performance of the candidate/party
and religious party affiliation influence the voting behavior. This study therefore seeks to fill

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the research gap by analyzing the impacts of these social factors on the voting behavior in
rural areas of district Dera Ismail Khan. Union council PaharPur is an important rural area of
district Dera Ismail Khan.

1.3 Objectives of the study:

 To analyze the social factors that affects the voting behavior of residents of union
council Paharpur.
 To investigate the level of influence of those social factors on voting behavior of
residents of union council PaharPur.
 To determine the future implications of current voting behavior of the case study.
 To suggest recommendations in the light of research findings.

1.4 Research Questions:

 What are the determinants of voting behavior in union council Paharpur?


 Which determinant is comparatively more influencing the voting behavior of the
voters of union council Paharpur?
 . What will be the future implications of current voting behavior of the people?
 What are the effects of demographic factors on the voting behavior of the residents of
union council Paharpur?

1.5 Research Hypothesis:

. There lies an association between biradri system (caste) and voting behavior in ruler area of
PaharPur, The factor of religious affiliation is significantly contributing towards the outcome
variable (voting behavior) in ruler area of PaharPur, Performance of the candidate or political
party which influence the voting behavior of the people.

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1.6 Significance of the study:
The significance of this research study will be evident from the following points:

 It will create awareness among the masses, people rationally build their opinion and
elect proper representatives.
 This research will be a good addition in the literature.
 In addition to that the policy makers will carve out policies in light of this research.
 This research made very clear way for future researchers to calculate the modes of
people regards to their voting trend.

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Chapter 2 Literature review:

2.1.1 VOTING BEHAVIOR

Politics is an activity by which differing interests with a given unit of rule are
conciliated by giving them a share in power, proportion to their importance to the welfare and
the survival of the whole community. Fair elections and free casting of votes are crucial for
strengthening democratic process. It gives each citizen who is eligible to vote the opportunity
to co-decide political decisions. Voting behavior holds a central place in the study of
politics. It focuses on the determinants of why people vote and how they arrive at the
electoral decisions while casting votes in elections. Many social and political factors such as
class, occupation, ethnicity, sex, sect, age, issue-voting, political programs, electoral
campaigns and popularity of party leaders affect the electoral choices/decisions of the voters.
All these factors affect the voting behaviour of the voters and help them in which way
and to whom they should vote. This decision-making process on the part of the voters is
termed as voting behavior.( Howard,1976). In Pakistan, the political preferences and voting
behavior of individuals change more rapidly, unlike the other democratic states of the world.
Non-political factors like economics, religion, culture, ethnicity, factionalism are more
dominant than the other political factors” Political scientists explained that voting behavior
is influence by social class plus one or more other factors, such as regions, ethnic group,
religion and urban ruler differences. People in country side think in terms of biradaries (tribes
and clans); those in urban areas stick to sectarian and ethnic identities. There are also people
who view the world divided on religious lines (Adam & Schoresch, 2007).

2.1.2 BIRADARI AND VOTING BEHAVIOR

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In Pakistan people are known according to their caste and creed. More than fifty
percent (55%) respondents vote to the candidate because of the candidate and nominee
belong to their own biradri or caste. Biradriism is the most powerful element in Pakistani
electioms and it is the main basis of the voting behavior in Pakistani society (Shahwar and
Asim, 2012). Ahmad (2004) who found that major part of voters has no political fidelity.
People cast their votes to survive as a group or biradri. In case of candidates belonging to the
same biradari, voters use their preferences. There is no party identification that is the
psychological connection of a voter to a particular biradri. Wilder (1999) also pointed out
this phenomenon. He depicts that in Pakistan, particularly in Punjab the leading aspect of the
social system is biradarism. It has impact on the political system at national as well as at local
levels. Biradari is a stronger determinant of voting behaviour. In Pakistani culture family is
considered the strong element and most of the people live in joint family system that’s why
family members have strong influence about any decision or matter.
Gazdar (2000) suggests that special interests, whether they be landowners or family or
clan lines (zaats), appear to be no more cohesive at the local than national levels. In some
rural areas, a single family or landowner is dominant. Mughees Ahmad and Fozia Naeem
(2011) in their article “Social System Influences Political System: A Comparative Study of
Subcontinent” have made a study of the Biradari system and its impacts on politics of
Pakistan with special reference to the province of Punjab. They believe that local culture is
significant for social system which ultimately impacts the political system. In the study of
comparative politics, political behavior is based on attitude, believes and values which are
related directly to the caste-system. Thus the caste system becomes a significant factor
influencing political behavior, particularly in an electoral process. Going further, the author
discusses “Zats and Biradaries” as a specific socio-cultural kinship which ensures identity in
politics of Punjab. Therefore, Biradari system has appeared a dominant force in the Punjabi
social and political system. It effectively determines the voting behavior and also being taken
as an important factor in election campaigns.
According to Mughees Ahmad and Fozia Naeem(2011) biradari plays a pivotal role in
the social organization of the rural Punjab. It is a group which broadly refers to the position
of a given class in rural hierarchy, based on occupational caste. Economic resources and
social status of dominant biradaris allow them to deal with the state and achieve common
objectives. Biradari is a strong unit of identity in a village. It is the basic unit of association,
social backing and collective action. It adapts to the individual behaviour and choices into
collective ones. In rural Punjab, the social institution of biradari has a corporate structure

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along with political and economic functions. The effectiveness and power of biradari is based
upon the economic power and social status. It determines unity and cohesion among the
members of biradari. The landlords always suppress the collective action of the landless rural
poor, not against the peasant proprietor.
Biradarism has a strong hold on the social network and is embedded overpoweringly
in both rural and urban setup. The obligation to associate to caste/biradari/kin is imperative to
access social resources. Conflicts among such factional groups are common to attain social
security and political power. Factional conflicts condition the voting behaviors, preferences
of political parties, domestic and social relations. It was affirmed that factions and conflicts
simultaneously act as pressure groups altering the course of behaviors of the members of the
group. In Punjab province of Pakistan, Biradarism is a key attribute of social organization
and daily life. Biradari system affects the socio-political setup at national and community
levels. Biradarism is a more authoritative factor of voting behavior than party attachment,
apart from when the two candidates belong to same Biradari (Andrew, 1999).

2.1.3: PERFORMANCE AND VOTING BEHAVIOR


Performance of the party government and the candidates determine the voting
behavior of the voters. Politics can be analyzed through a performance lens, which allows us
to make judgments about the authenticity and legitimacy of political claim-makers. By
analyzing parliamentary or other political institutions through the lens of performance we are
able to see the dynamic, the unexpected as well as the structural frames, allowing us a more
nuanced analytical framework to study politics. We are also then able to review, assess and
critique the claims that representatives make – taking note of who they are and how they
represent themselves, their position, the spaces they occupy and are able or not able to
command, and their relationship with their citizens in anticipating, framing or responding to
their demands .( Shirin M. Rai,2014).
Furthermore, in developing countries people are only coarsely informed about
policies. This is among them due to illiteracy, limited mobility and restricted media access.
Without information people are not able to assess politicians adequately on their political
performance but rather use proxies to do so. These proxies are mainly easy observable
policies or already existing party loyalties. Khemani (2004) describes that policy actions are
easy observable increase the closer a country moves to elections. The influence of party
loyalties is further described in Bardhan and Mukherjee (2002), they assume that a higher

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level of voter loyalty increases government capture by interest groups and reduces electoral
competition. Reduced electoral competition in turn leads to lower political accountability. As
a consequence Mani and Mukand (2002) show that politicians maximizing their political
support have strong incentives to focus on targeted and visible policies at the cost of broad
social services. Basically, this follows because of three reasons. First, only few voters have
enough specific and substantial information to evaluate whether policies have contributed to
better quality services or not. Second, measurable benefits may not emerge until several years
after a policy has been implemented, which increases voters difficulties to reward (or punish)
politicians within a particular policy cycle. Third, providing service jobs or building roads
and buildings can easily be targeted to the own constituencies and hence is even for low-
informed voters highly visible.
Retrospective evaluations of government performance are an important determinant
of voting behavior, and this effect should be distinguished from the influence of policy issues.
Policy issues involve differences over what the government should do; they are prospective
in nature. Performance evaluations involve differences over how well the government or
government officials have done; they are retrospective in nature (Humphreys & Weinstein,
2012).
The measures of leadership capacity include social dominance, communication cues
(such as expressions of emotion), political ideology, self-perceived political efficacy and
competence. In political leadership, past performance refers to the achievements of leaders in
their roles and responsibilities (Simpson, French & Harvey, 2002). These include their
contribution in development projects. The measures of past performance will include
reduction in unemployment, infrastructural projects (roads), provision of water, improvement
in healthcare services (building of healthcare facilities), security campaigns and poverty
reduction. (Simpson, French & Harvey, 2002).

2.1.4: RELIGIOUS PARTY AFFILIATION AND VOTING BEHAVIOR


A considerable amount of research shows that religion is one of the eminent factors in
shaping voting behavior of the public. Religious preferences are kept in view by the masses
particular in rural areas and in those areas where religion is dominated in socioeconomic
activities. Besides, in rural and religiously dominated areas, leader also tends to present
religion as a source of attraction. In developing world, it is common that religious leaders are
linked with politics and such an involvement is specifically for the purpose to merge religious

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and political structure (Gallop, 2008). Brooks and Manza (1997) study the relationship that
religion has with political behavior. They emphasize the fact that religion has a larger effect
on voting than any other factor such as class.

Religious behavior of the political leadership also needs to be taken into account. It is
theorized that human rights and human development thrive in areas where democracy
flourishes. But under autocratic regimes, human development does not take place because
their “policies fail to recognize cultural identities and discourage diversity….” In Pakistan,
autocratic regimes (military dictatorships) have been getting legitimacy and enjoying support
of religious parties. Leadership of the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) mobilized people in
the name of Islam against the elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and contributed
significantly to Bhutto’s outer from power and the ensuing 11 years of military dictatorship
of General Zia ul Haq, dealing a severe blow to the fledgling democracy in the country.

2.2 THEORATICAL FRAMEWORK


Generally, three main theoretical perspectives have been used to explain voting
behavior in this literature: These theories had been established in the west and in the United
States of America in the name of Columbia school, Michigan school, and the Rationalist
school led by Anthony Downs to judge the electoral behavior of voters (Muhammad
Waseem, 1994).
2.2.1: Sociological Theory
Sociological theory or the Columbia School (Converse, 1944; Lazarsfield et al.,
1944; Lipset, 1959, 1960);According to this model, the political predisposition of a voter
determines his/her choice in elections and the predisposition is based on the socio-
economic status, religion and area of residence. Therefore, according to Lazarsfeld and
others, the social and cultural environment is the leading factor in the voting behavior and
the relationship between social group and electoral behavior is pretty strong. They also
say that voters even do not take pains to analyze the outcome of election results and also
do not bother about the proposal of the candidate during the election campaign but prefer
to vote for their community. The authors of Sociological Model explain the effectiveness
of electoral campaign as an instrument that ‘activates the indifferent voters, it strengthens
the link with political party and converts the undecided voters.’ But they write, for
instance, that electoral campaign is not a very effective tool in setting up voting trends;
very few people change their decision because of electoral campaign. But it does beef up
the relationship of voters with parties or candidates. Later Lazarsfeld and some other
think that the voting is not even an individual act, but the social group to which the
subject belongs also counts. This model also discusses the importance of domestic,

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political, economic and international issues in determining the voting trends in American
president elections. It also gives a very interesting explanation about the uniform
attachment of the voters with party or candidate: “Voters, while seeking to maintain a
consistency between their positions and the candidate they supported, did not solve the
inconsistencies by changing their voting option, but changing their perception of the
candidate.” (Antunes 2010)
2.2.2: Psychosocial Theory
Psychosocial or the Michigan School (Campbell et al., 1960); The Michigan School or the
psychosocial model is an updated version or complementary to the Columbian model, as it helps to
explain how electoral change occurs. It provides a framework that combines sociological and
psychological factors (so-called psychosocial approach) to explain the vote choice. The psychological
model relates to the need of individuals to belong to or be identified with a group or the collective, in
this case the political party. The central concept of the Michigan School of thought is political
affiliation or partisanship, where party identification is loosely understood as a socio-psychological
product of family and social group ties (Dalton, 2013). Party identification is therefore expected to
shape the evaluation of candidates, issues, and the expected capacity of parties to solve problems
(Erdmann, 2007)
2.2.3: Rational Theory
The Rational Choice perspective (Downs, 1957; Fiorina, 1981, 2002; Key and
Cummings, 1966).The rational theory of voting focuses on the fact that human beings behave
the same way in both political and economic settings. In sum, the model predicts that voters
derive the most utility from the candidate or party closest to them on some ideological or
policy continuum. On one hand, it establishes a direct analogy between consumers and
voters, and on the other, between enterprises and political parties. It can be inferred that
voters will seek to maximize the utility of their vote as the parties act to maximize electoral
gains obtained from their electoral campaigns.
From the preceding discussion, it can be said that the sociological model centres on
the influence of social actors, while the psychosocial assumes party identification as the key
factor in determining voting behaviour, and the rational theory concentrates on rationality and
choice. Nature of Pakistani voters’ behaviour can best possibly be evaluated through the analysis of
results of elections by taking into the theoretical approaches—Columbia, Michigan and Rational
Schools— for the better evaluation of the political behaviour of the Pakistani voter. It can also help to
assess the sustaining spirit of the system by taking into account the interplay of political determinants
like leaders, candidate, issue, voter and the political party. Many empirical studies have been used to
support the various theoretical perspectives, which support the view that voting behaviour is complex

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such that no one model can fully explain completely the determinants of voting behaviour (Converse,
1944; Roth, 1998).
2.3: Models
When researchers are concerned with a larger picture than the relationship between
two variables in a quantitative study, and he/she begins to look at interrelationships among a
set of variables, he/she is involved in the construction of models. Thus, in an effort to
synthesize separate pieces of a larger picture, researcher constructs a representation of how
each variable influences and/or is influenced by other variables. Usually this results in the
construction of a model with arrows indicating direction of influence. Your task in a
quantitative dissertation (or thesis) is to provide evidence of relationships, direction, and size.
Most such dissertation models are quite simple; confirming complex relationships requires
large-scale studies unlikely to be undertaken by scholars of M. Phil and doctoral degrees
(Krathwohl& Smith, 2005).

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Chapter 3 Research Methodology:

3.1 Research Approach:


The researcher will follow the Positivist research philosophy, which is also known as
Quantitative research.

3.2 Data collection


The researcher himself will administer the questionnaire upon the sampled population by
post. The required information will be obtained from voter’s lists.

3.3Data analysis:
Data will be analyzed through SPSS version above 20. In addition to descriptive
analysis of the data, inferential analysis such as Multiple Regression and Correlation test,
Independence Sample t-Test and One Way ANOVA will be applied.

3.4 Instrument Development


The researcher will use structured questionnaire to obtain the required information. The
researcher will develop a questionnaire with the help of her advisor. The researcher will make
sure that the developed questionnaire is reliable through triangulation process and its
validation will be done using pilot study

3.5 limitation of study:


Countless variables outside the researcher’s control could influence the respondent,
distress to express accurate information or evidence. These variables may contain:

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Illiteracy among the respondents.
As this is a quantitative research study so only quantitative research method will be
used.
The findings of the research cannot be generalized to the other areas.

Chapter 4 MATERIAL AND METHOD

FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

4.1 Descriptive Results

Table 4.1 Age-wise Distribution of the Sample

Age
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent
Valid Below 35 61 46.9 46.9 46.9
Above 35 69 53.1 53.1 100.0
Total 130 100.0 100.0

The Table 4.1 showing that out of 110 respondents, 53.6% were females while 46.4% were
males.

Table 4.2 Educational -wise Distribution of the Sample

Education
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent
Valid Literate 76 58.5 58.5 58.5
Illiterate 54 41.5 41.5 100.0
Total 130 100.0 100.0

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The above table shows that there were three education based groups. Out of 110 respondent
14 were belonging to BA\Bsc program with percentage of 12.7,47 were from FA\FSc with
percentage of 42.7 and 49 were from Bs with percentage of 44.5 respectively.

Table 4.2 Gender-wise Distribution of the Sample

Gender
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent
Valid Male 85 65.4 65.4 65.4
Female 45 34.6 34.6 100.0
Total 130 100.0 100.0

The above table shows that there were three education based groups. Out of 110 respondent
14 were belonging to BA\Bsc program with percentage of 12.7,47 were from FA\FSc with
percentage of 42.7 and 49 were from Bs with percentage of 44.5 respectively.

Table 4.4 Mother Tongue-wise Distribution of the Sample

Mother Tongue
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent
Valid Pashto 59 45.4 45.4 45.4
Saraiki 71 54.6 54.6 100.0
Total 130 100.0 100.0

There were two residence-wise distributions of demographic groups. Out of 110 respondents
84 were belonging from urban areas with percentage of 76.4 and 26 were belonging from
rural areas with percentage of 23.6.

Descriptive

Descriptive Statistics
Std.
N Minimum Maximum Mean Deviation

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Caste System 130 2.00 5.00 3.9769 .59122
Performance Of
130 1.80 4.80 4.0662 .59319
Candidates
Religious Party
129 1.20 5.00 3.8915 .71152
Affiliation
Voting Behaviour 130 1.83 8.83 3.9295 .75906
Valid N (listwise) 129

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4.2 Testing of Hypotheses

4.2.1 Correlation (Association) Analysis

Hypothesis # 1: Independent variables are associated with Women Political Participation.

Table 4.6 Table of Correlations [n=130]

Correlations
Caste Religious Party
System Performance of Candidates Affiliation
Performance of r- value .403** 1
Candidates p- value .000
Religious Party r- value .290** .432** 1
Affiliation p- value .001 .000
Voting Behaviour r- value .401** .498** .654**
p- value .000 .000 .000
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

Analysis

The above table (Table # 4.6) showing the statistical outcomes of association.

1. The association between Independent variable (Social Values) and Dependent


variable (Women Political Participation): r = 0.634 with p value = 0.000
2. The association between Customs and dependent variable (Women Political
Participation) is: r = 0.751 with p value = 0.000
3. The association between Male Domination (Independent Variable) and dependent
variable (Women Political Participation) is: r = 0.783 with p value = 0.000

On the basis of above analysis, it is concluded that there is strong correlation between all the
Independent Variables and dependent variable (Women Political Participation). So H1 is
accepted as true.

25
4.2.2 Regression (Cause-n-Effect) Analysis

Hypothesis # 2: All the Independent variables determine the Variation in Women Political
Participation.

Table 4.7 Model Summary of Regression Analysis

Model Summary
Adjusted R
Model R R Square Square Std. Error of the Estimate
1 .654a .428 .423 .47098
2 .695b .483 .475 .44914
3 .710c .505 .493 .44155
a. Predictors: (Constant), Religious Party Affiliation
b. Predictors: (Constant), Religious Party Affiliation, Performance of Candidates
c. Predictors: (Constant), Religious Party Affiliation, Performance of Candidates,
Caste System

Table 4.8 Coefficients of Regression

Coefficientsa
Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
Model B Std. Error Beta t Sig.
1 (Constant) 1.668 .231 7.206 .000
Religious Party Affiliation .570 .059 .654 9.739 .000
2 (Constant) .941 .296 3.182 .002
Religious Party Affiliation .471 .062 .540 7.613 .000
Performance Of Candidates .273 .074 .262 3.695 .000
3 (Constant) .580 .330 1.758 .081
Religious Party Affiliation .451 .061 .517 7.338 .000
Performance Of Candidates .217 .077 .208 2.823 .006
Caste System .169 .073 .161 2.317 .022

26
Coefficientsa
Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
Model B Std. Error Beta t Sig.
1 (Constant) 1.668 .231 7.206 .000
Religious Party Affiliation .570 .059 .654 9.739 .000
2 (Constant) .941 .296 3.182 .002
Religious Party Affiliation .471 .062 .540 7.613 .000
Performance Of Candidates .273 .074 .262 3.695 .000
3 (Constant) .580 .330 1.758 .081
Religious Party Affiliation .451 .061 .517 7.338 .000
Performance Of Candidates .217 .077 .208 2.823 .006
Caste System .169 .073 .161 2.317 .022
a. Dependent Variable: Voting Behaviour

Table 4.9 Excluded Variables

Excluded Variablesc
Collinearity
Partial Statistics
Model Beta In T Sig. Correlation Tolerance
a
1 Caste System .223 3.305 .001 .282 .916
Performance Of
.262a 3.695 .000 .313 .813
Candidates
2 Caste System .161b 2.317 .022 .203 .823
a. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Religious Party
Affiliation
b. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Religious Party Affiliation, Performance Of Candidates
c. Dependent Variable: Voting Behaviour

Analysis

The hypothesis # 2 is about the regression analysis (cause & effect relationship) between
dependent and independent variables.

27
1. Table # 4.7 gives R2 of 0.613 in model # 1 meaning that 61% of variation in Women
Political Participation (dependent variable) is due to Male Domination (Independent
variable).
2. R2 0.683 in model # 2 meaning that 68% of variation in Women Political Participation
(dependent variable) is due to Male Domination and Customs (Independent
variables).
3. Table 4.9 (Excluded Variables) showing that Social Values have insignificant role in
bringing variation in dependent variable (Women Political Participation).

By considering the above results, Hypothesis # 2 is accepted as true as 68% of variation in


dependent variable (Women Political Participation) is due to the combine role of Independent
variables, but the results are not significant for Social Values.

4.2.3 Testing the Demographic Impacts

a. Role of Age in the Change of Opinion (t-Tests)

Hypothesis # 3: Impacts of Age

Table 4.10 Table of Mean Differences

Group Statistics
Std. Std. Error
Age N Mean Deviation Mean
Caste System Below 35 61 3.9770 .65838 .08430
Above 35 69 3.9768 .52975 .06377
Performance of Below 35 61 4.0000 .64291 .08232
Candidates Above 35 69 4.1246 .54352 .06543

28
Religious Party Below 35 61 3.8787 .78933 .10106
Affiliation Above 35 68 3.9029 .63949 .07755
Voting Behaviour Below 35 61 3.8579 .64394 .08245
Above 35 69 3.9227 .60740 .07312

From the analysis of above table (Table 4.10) that females are scoring higher than males on
all variables of research, therefore the hypothesis will emerge as:

Hypothesis # 3: The female respondents are scoring higher than males.

Table 4.11 t-Test Statistics

Independent Samples Test


Levene's Test for
Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means
Sig. (2-
F Sig. t df tailed)
Caste System Equal variances assumed .844 .360 .002 128 .998
Equal variances not assumed .002 115.075 .998
Performance Of Equal variances assumed .873 .352 -1.198 128 .233
Candidates Equal variances not assumed -1.185 118.154 .238
Religious Party Equal variances assumed 2.214 .139 -.193 127 .848
Affiliation Equal variances not assumed -.190 115.575 .849
Voting Behaviour Equal variances assumed .096 .757 -.590 128 .556
Equal variances not assumed -.588 123.882 .558

Analysis

To test the mean differences between Gender i.e. Male and Female samples, T-test procedure
was used on four test variables (Social Values, Customs, Male Domination and Women
Political Participation). As per mean differences (Table 4.10) the female respondents are
giving higher scores than the male respondents.

The results of five T-tests (Table 4.11) are giving insignificant results for all research
variables except for Customs (P-value 0.046). Hypothesis # 3 is therefore partially accepted
as true.

29
b. Impacts of Educational Program on opinion of different Qualification-Groups

Table 4.12 Showing Samples across education

Group Statistics
Std. Std. Error
Education N Mean Deviation Mean
Caste System Literate 76 4.0026 .53913 .06184
Illiterate 54 3.9407 .66119 .08998
Performance Of Literate 76 4.0658 .62344 .07151
Candidates Illiterate 54 4.0667 .55355 .07533
Religious Party Literate 75 3.8640 .70914 .08188
Affiliation Illiterate 54 3.9296 .71970 .09794
Voting Behaviour Literate 76 3.8684 .65338 .07495
Illiterate 54 3.9259 .58247 .07926

From the analysis of the above table (Table 4.12), that the respondents of FA/ FSc are scoring
higher as compare to other two groups of Educational Programs on all research variables,
therefore the emerging hypothesis will be:

Hypothesis # 3: The female respondents are scoring higher than males.

Table 4.11 t-Test Statistics

Independent Samples Test


Levene's Test for
Equality of
Variances t-test for Equality of Means
Sig. (2-
F Sig. t df tailed)
Caste System Equal variances assumed .509 .477 .587 128 .558
Equal variances not assumed .567 99.250 .572
Performance Of Candidates Equal variances assumed .566 .453 -.008 128 .993
Equal variances not assumed -.008 121.718 .993
Religious Party Affiliation Equal variances assumed .061 .805 -.515 127 .607
Equal variances not assumed -.514 113.331 .608

30
Voting Behaviour Equal variances assumed .265 .608 -.517 128 .606
Equal variances not assumed -.527 121.502 .599

Analysis

To test the mean differences between Gender i.e. Male and Female samples, T-test procedure
was used on four test variables (Social Values, Customs, Male Domination and Women
Political Participation). As per mean differences (Table 4.10) the female respondents are
giving higher scores than the male respondents.

The results of five T-tests (Table 4.11) are giving insignificant results for all research
variables except for Customs (P-value 0.046). Hypothesis # 3 is therefore partially accepted
as true.

b. Impacts of Educational Program on opinion of different Qualification-Groups

Table 4.12 Showing Samples across Gender

Group Statistics
Std. Std. Error
Gender N Mean Deviation Mean
Caste System Male 85 3.9765 .57022 .06185
Female 45 3.9778 .63564 .09476
Performance Of Male 85 4.0894 .55249 .05993
Candidates Female 45 4.0222 .66773 .09954
Religious Party Male 84 3.8929 .70211 .07661
Affiliation Female 45 3.8889 .73677 .10983
Voting Behaviour Male 85 3.8529 .61797 .06703
Female 45 3.9667 .63325 .09440

From the analysis of the above table (Table 4.12), that the respondents of FA/ FSc are scoring
higher as compare to other two groups of Educational Programs on all research variables,
therefore the emerging hypothesis will be:

31
Hypothesis # 3: The female respondents are scoring higher than males.

Table 4.11 t-Test Statistics

Independent Samples Test


Levene's Test for
Equality of
Variances t-test for Equality of Means
Sig. (2-
F Sig. t df tailed)
Caste System Equal variances assumed .106 .746 -.012 128 .990
Equal variances not assumed -.012 81.710 .991
Performance Of Equal variances assumed 1.141 .287 .613 128 .541
Candidates Equal variances not assumed .578 76.417 .565
Religious Party Equal variances assumed .230 .632 .030 127 .976
Affiliation Equal variances not assumed .030 86.387 .976
Voting Equal variances assumed .690 .408 -.990 128 .324
Behaviour Equal variances not assumed -.982 87.853 .329

Analysis

To test the mean differences between Gender i.e. Male and Female samples, T-test procedure
was used on four test variables (Social Values, Customs, Male Domination and Women
Political Participation). As per mean differences (Table 4.10) the female respondents are
giving higher scores than the male respondents.

The results of five T-tests (Table 4.11) are giving insignificant results for all research
variables except for Customs (P-value 0.046). Hypothesis # 3 is therefore partially accepted
as true.

b. Impacts of Educational Program on opinion of different Qualification-Groups

Table 4.12 Showing Samples across Mother Tongue

32
Group Statistics
Mother Std. Std. Error
Tongue N Mean Deviation Mean
Caste System Pashto 59 3.9898 .56863 .07403
Saraiki 71 3.9662 .61318 .07277
Performance Of Pashto 59 4.1424 .51468 .06701
Candidates Saraiki 71 4.0028 .64807 .07691
Religious Party Pashto 59 4.0780 .58252 .07584
Affiliation Saraiki 70 3.7343 .77401 .09251
Voting Behaviour Pashto 59 4.0198 .51518 .06707
Saraiki 71 3.7864 .68613 .08143

From the analysis of the above table (Table 4.12), that the respondents of FA/ FSc are scoring
higher as compare to other two groups of Educational Programs on all research variables,
therefore the emerging hypothesis will be:

Hypothesis # 3: The female respondents are scoring higher than males.

Table 4.11 t-Test Statistics

Independent Samples Test


Levene's Test for
Equality of
Variances t-test for Equality of Means
Sig. (2-
F Sig. t df tailed)
Caste System Equal variances assumed .646 .423 .226 128 .822
Equal variances not assumed .228 126.431 .820
Performance Of Equal variances assumed .909 .342 1.340 128 .183
Candidates Equal variances not assumed 1.368 127.759 .174
Religious Party Equal variances assumed 2.685 .104 2.805 127 .006
Affiliation Equal variances not assumed 2.873 125.483 .005
Voting Behaviour Equal variances assumed 6.636 .011 2.156 128 .033
Equal variances not assumed 2.212 126.776 .029

33
Analysis

To test the mean differences between Gender i.e. Male and Female samples, T-test procedure
was used on four test variables (Social Values, Customs, Male Domination and Women
Political Participation). As per mean differences (Table 4.10) the female respondents are
giving higher scores than the male respondents.

The results of five T-tests (Table 4.11) are giving insignificant results for all research
variables except for Customs (P-value 0.046). Hypothesis # 3 is therefore partially accepted
as true.

34
Chapter 5
Discussion

It is generally believed that democratic system emerges out of popular vote. Voting behavior
is imperative since it helps in knowing the will of the respondents. The total turnout (rural
and urban) and wining candidate provides a great opportunity to understand and analyze the
democratic system and voting behavior. The socio-political settings also shape and reshape
the voting behavior and at the end “democratic” power comes into existence.
The voting behavior is shaped and reshaped at two levels. At first level it emphasizes on the
socio-cultural settings particularly which affects on the voting behavior such as religion,
social group (caste and ethnicity), feudal structure, seat adjustment and power and authority.
At the second level it emphasizes upon the other techniques such as deception, spreading
rumors, believing conspiracy theories and hyper projection of candidate at print and
electronic media. As a result, respondentsdo not even have choice to cast vote appropriately.
Another reason which matters a lot is that of information regarding the potential candidates.
In majority of the cases, respondents knew very little about the number of candidates, who
participate in election If we observe the participation of respondents in elections and their
voting in terms of educational level, we find out more educated respondents showed less
interest in previous elections but less educated respondents were more interested in casting of
votes. Now in present situation after 5 years of completion of PPP government, many
educated respondents showed interest in voting.
This depicts that youngest groups and old strata of the population voted more, married voted
less than single people, and very importantly it fails when associations in terms of economic,
ethnicity and social classes are attached with politics.

The participation in voting is meaningless particularly in a traditional society if the


head of the family is religious person; the head of the economic institute, government or
political office is prominent, then the output of elections will be totally biased. So, one cannot
connect and correlate social participation of a voter in different areas or spheres of
participation (financial status, family, peer group, political, cultural or religious) those will
cause to change in social behavior during election.

This depicts that the women vote less in comparison to men, youngest groups and
oldstrata of the population vote more, married vote less than single people, and the very

35
importantly it fails when economic and ethnicity and social classes are attached with the
politics. The turnout figures out with age, sex, urban-rural, occupation and the voting system.
Lower turnout is the result of less women participation rate, service workers, non
participation of the same ethnic group, no confidence on political and democratic system,
religious, cultural factors, media reports previous policies etc. whereas, increase in turnout
includes authoritarian, ethnicity, religious media information and economic factors, middle
class. While factors affecting voting turnout are media information, government policies,
access to information, group pressures. So, people don’t vote rationally, rather their decision
are influenced by the economic, authoritarian, religious and something else, other than
rationality.

Mostly respondents decided to vote on the basis of developmental activities done by


the candidates respondents see their interests in development and decided to vote.Here some
other factors are also involved in voting behavior of respondents, such as sympathy and
personality, language, race, area, any type of resemblance with the candidate etc.Here the
comparison of both sexes showed another diverse approach as males have more exposure to
real world or outside house world. But females have exposure is just through media. So, their
voting behavior has colors of manipulation & conspiracy advertisement done by some
political rivals through media. The major factors for their voting a particular person are the
personality of that candidate. A good looking & attractive candidate has more chances to
attain maximum woman vote. In the same way more attractive female candidates/ political
leaders are more likely to attract males and attain more votes from them.

It is unfortunate to know how voter decide to cast vote when he/she has to
differentiate between personality and parties. In case of party based voting, respondent cast
vote according to his/her perception, ideology about party interest or position of his/her
party's candidate. He/she has to decide how to cast vote, what choice one should make
particularly when candidates are offering different programs and projects and highlighting
probems of day to day matters. So, parties can be explained as higher level of ideological
polarization of Pakistani society.

36
Chapter 6
Conclusion & suggestions
6.1Conclusion:
Biradari seems to be stronger than political fidelity as far as motivations for voting
behavior are concerned. Two elements are required for the victory of a candidate; one is the
ticket of a major political party and the other is the favor of a major biradari. Biradari
determines voting behavior in the rural areas of Dera ismail khan. Individualism in voting
behavior does not exist in the voting system in the politics of rural areas comparatively more
than in the urban areas. The tendency of voter is limited to major political parties or to major
biradaries. Political scientists believe that political parties and pressure groups are necessary
for democracy. Generally in Pakistan biradaries are playing the role of pressure groups and
providing a contesting atmosphere which is necessary for democracy. It also fills the
leadership gap because of the weakness of the ideological connections of the political parties.
Non- political powers use this trend in their favor to expand and prolong their sphere of
authority and this trend became a challenge to the concept of genuine democracy in the
country. The strong and national level political parties are expected to wipe out the influence
of biradarism. The better level of education and political awareness will reduce the power of
discouraging elements of biradarism. Bradarism as a racial or group prejudice should be
discouraged. The negative impact of biradarism as is prevalent in the rural areas can be
dangerous for national unity. By holding party-less local body elections, non-political powers
and politics based on ethnicity and biradarism has been given a chance to get strong. As a
result we are still living in a non- politicalised society. Political parties assure an individual
citizen that his general interests will be safeguarded with minimum of personal involvement
and if the need arises, the citizens would participate actively. However in Punjab the same is
22
ensured by groups and biradaries. As a result voting behavior gives the impression of static
conditions; and it will remain so as long as political parties are under the sheer influence of
non-political powers. Speaking in a South Asian context, no doubt, societies are multi-lingual
and multi-cultural and pluralism has been a hallmark of India throughout the ages. However,
pluralism must be neutral in essence: it should not be allowed to work as leverage for
resource allocation. Biradarism is more acute in rural and less in urban areas. It has worked
as a source of alignment and realignment in the electoral process and resource allocation on
such considerations.

37
6.2Suggestions:

38
Chapter 7

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