1.

The Indus Valley Civilization

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What came to be called Hinduism was an amalgamation of beliefs and practices from several sources. This
chapter focuses on the first of the two major contributors: the Indus Valley Civilization. In subsequent
chapters we will focus on the second: the Indo-Aryans. The discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization in
the nineteenth century revealed a sophisticated and long-forgotten ancient culture that appears to have
contributed to the development of the Hindu traditions. In this chapter, we examine the architectural ruins
and artifacts left by this civilization and contemplate their import for its inhabitants and for subsequent
Hindu history. This examination reveals that Indus Valley religion focused on maintaining ritual purity and
appropriating divine powers to assist in reproduction and the maintenance of life. Finally, we introduce the
Indo-Aryans with a brief discussion of their relationship to the dwellers of the Indus Valley.

Two major cultural streams contributed to
the development of what later came to be
called Hinduism. The first was an intriguing
and sophisticated ancient culture known today
as the Indus Valley Civilization. The second
source was a nomadic people called the Indo-
Aryans, whom most scholars believe migrated
into India from Central Asia and bequeathed
to Hindus their most sacred texts and rituals.
In this and the next two chapters, we will study
each of these cultures and explore their respec-
tive influences on the evolution of the Hindu
Traditions (box 1.1).
The Indus Valley Civilization
In the nineteenth century, British engineers
searching for ballast for a railway line in what
was then northwestern India and is now Paki-
stan stumbled upon the remains of an ancient
city known only to locals. The engineers were
only interested in the well-fired bricks from the
ruins, and they proceeded to quarry the city for
that resource. It was not until the early twenti-
eth century, as other similar sites were uncov-
ered, that archaeologists appreciated the full
significance of this unwitting discovery. They
determined that the ancient city, now reduced
to railroad ballast, was part of a vast network of
villages and towns constituting an entire civili-
zation long forgotten by the rest of humanity.
The discovery of this ancient culture, one of the
most remarkable archaeological finds of modern
times, compelled scholars to revise their under-
standing of the earliest history of India and has
in recent years sparked a heated debate about the
original inhabitants of the Indian Subcontinent.

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The Indus Valley Civilization, so named as impressive as ancient Egypt and Sumeria.
because many of its settlements were situated While many Hindus today do not regard the
T h e H i n d u T r a d i t i o n s Part I—India’s Early Cultures

along the Indus River, turned out to be one of Indus Valley Civilization as part of their sacred
the great cultures of the ancient world.1 What history, the evidence suggests that this culture
has come to light since the first excavations contributed significantly to the grand complex
suggests that the Indus Valley Civilization was known to many as Hinduism.

Box 1.1  T wo Views of Time

A Hindu View of Time

Traditional Hindus regard the passage of time as cyclical rather than linear. According to an ancient Hindu
cosmology developed after the Vedic era, the universe undergoes a series of four successive ages, or yugas,
of varying lengths before it is destroyed and re-created. The world’s destruction at the end of the final yuga
marks a new beginning, initiating a whole new cycle of yugas. This pattern has had no beginning and will
have no end.
The first period, known as the Satya Yuga, is a golden age in which the gods maintain close
relationships with human beings, who are naturally pious and live an average of a hundred thousand
years. The later yugas—the Treta, Dvapara, and Kali (the current period)—are characterized by the decline
of human piety and morality and evinced by cruelty, discord, materialism, lust, and shorter life spans.
According to a common method of reckoning, the four yugas make one Mahayuga, lasting for a period of
4,320,000 human years. One Mahayuga is a single day in the life of Brahma, the creator god according to
many traditions. A period of 360 Brahma-days equals one Brahma-year, and a Brahma lives one hundred
such years. Thus, a Brahma lives 155,520,000,000,000 human years!

The Periods of Hindu History

Although most Hindus would not think of their history in a linear fashion, the following scheme is one way
to view the stages of Hindu history.

3300–1400 b.c.e. Indus Valley Civilization

1600–800 b.c.e. Vedic Period

800–200 b.c.e. Classical Period (coincident with the Axial Age)

200 b.c.e.–500 c.e. Epic and Early Puranic Period

500–1500 c.e. Medieval and Late Puranic Period

1500 c.e.–present Modern Period


What is known about the Indus Valley cul-
ture comes exclusively from archaeological evi-
dence, because its cryptic script has never been
completely deciphered. We do not even know
what the citizens of this civilization called
themselves. The archaeological data indicate
that the Indus Valley culture was established
around 3300 b.c.e. and flourished between
2600 and 1900 b.c.e. Around 1900 b.c.e., it
entered a period of decline and ultimately
disappeared around 1400 b.c.e. At its height,
the Indus Valley Civilization covered most of
present-day Pakistan, the westernmost part of
present-day India, and parts of Afghanistan, in
an area estimated to include over five hundred
thousand square miles (figure 1.1). Over fifteen
hundred Indus Valley sites throughout this
region have been unearthed so far, and most
have yet to be fully excavated. Several hundred
of these sites are large enough to be classi-
AFGHANISTAN
Islamabad
IRAN
Harappa
PAKISTAN
R.
us
Ind .
Mohenjo-daro R Delhi
ar
Ghagg
Arabian
Sea
Major Harappan sites
Other archaeological sites
Modern cities Mumbai
Existing rivers
Former rivers
Extent of Harappan civilization
Fig. 1.1  The Indus Valley Civilization. The Indus Valley Civilization was spread throughout the northwestern part of the
Indian Subcontinent in an area roughly the size of Texas. (Mapping Specialists.)
AFP15 Map 1.1 Indus Valley Civilization
Second proof
3/01/11
17
fied as villages or towns. The largest and most
important are cities known as Mohenjo-daro
Chapter 1—The Indus Valley Civilization
and Harappa. These names are post–Indus
Civilization designations that refer to towns
built much later on the ruins of the ancient
urban centers. In their heyday, Mohenjo-daro
and Harappa may have each hosted a popula-
tion as large as forty to fifty thousand, which
was immense by ancient standards. Harappa
appears to have been the capital, and accord-
ingly the culture is sometimes referred to as the
Harappan Civilization.
All of the Indus Valley municipalities were
highly organized and carefully planned, dis-
playing remarkably similar features. The uni-
formity of these cities suggests a centralized
authority and code enforcement, since many of
the settlements were over fifty miles apart. The
remains of buildings and the layout of the towns
indicate that their inhabitants prized order and
0 400 miles
0 400 km
CHINA
H
Lahore i
m
a
l
NEPa y a
AL s
Ahmadabad
INDIA
Bay of
Bengal
 18
organization. But aside from the urban consis-
tency that indicates central administration, we
T h e H i n d u T r a d i t i o n s Part I—India’s Early Cultures
know very little about the way Indus dwellers
governed themselves or structured their soci-
ety. We also know little about their economy
except that village life focused on agriculture
and cattle herding and life in the larger cities
centered on the production of arts and crafts.
The discovery of Indus Valley artifacts as far
away as Mesopotamia and Central Asia sug-
gests that trade played a significant role in the
Harappan economy.
Although the archaeological data do not
tell the complete story of this society, they do
reveal enough for scholars to make informed
judgments about its worldview and religious
practices. Yet, since literary sources are unavail-
able for corroboration, and because the arti-
facts are often ambiguous, these judgments
remain conjectures and are frequently debated
by experts. We will consider the archaeological
discoveries that appear to have religious import
and attempt to comprehend what they tell us
about the Indus culture and its possible impact
on the development of the Hindu Traditions.
Purity and Pollution
One of the most obvious and intriguing fea-
tures of the Indus cities is the evidence that
points to an intense concern with cleanliness.
Private homes were furnished with sophisti-
cated indoor bathing and toilet facilities that
were plumbed and lined with ceramic tiles in a
relatively modern way. The plumbing and sewer
systems were superior to those found in other
cultures of the time and are in fact superior to
facilities found in many Indian and Pakistani
homes today. Not only did individual homes
feature advanced lavatories, but municipali-
ties did as well. Mohenjo-daro and Harappa
each had a large central bath with public access
(figure 1.2). These public baths predate similar
facilities in ancient Rome by many centuries.
The ubiquity of the baths, their central loca-
tions, and the care with which they were con-
structed all point to a deep preoccupation with
purity and cleanness.
Almost certainly, this concern was more
than a matter of bodily hygiene. Like many
premodern cultures, and like Hindus today, the
Indus dwellers were probably anxious about
Fig. 1.2  The Great
Bath of Mohenjo-daro.
The prominence of
this bathing facility in
Mohenjo-daro suggests
the centrality of ritual
purity for the inhabitants
of the Indus Valley
Civilization. (Photo: © DeA
Picture Library / Art Resource,
N.Y.)

ritual purity. Ritual purity, as compared to
hygiene, involves more than removing the sweat
and grime that accumulate on the body and
avoiding germs that cause disease. In its most
basic sense, ritual purity is the state of cleanness
that is required for approaching what is sacred,
or holy. It often concerns what and how one
eats, the kinds of clothes and ornamentation
one wears, the flow of one’s bodily fluids, and
the great mysteries of life: birth, sex, and death.
What counts as pure and impure varies greatly
from culture to culture and time to time (box
1.2). Observant Jews and Muslims regard pork
as unclean, but others consider it a great deli-
cacy. Traditional Christianity once considered
childbirth to be an occasion requiring ritual
purification, but most contemporary Christians
no longer regard it as such. In some societies,
including Hindu India, one may become ritu-
ally contaminated simply by coming into con-
tact with someone who is impure.
Despite the wide variation in practices, all
purity regulations essentially involve maintain-
ing a community’s order, its sense of what is
right and appropriate. Purity regulations are
19
not always explicit or written into law. Unspo-
ken taboos are often laid upon those areas of
Chapter 1—The Indus Valley Civilization
life where one may run the risk of violating
order. Societies impose these restrictions out of
the shared belief that they prevent personal and
social disorder, and for this reason many cul-
tures enforce taboos with harsh punishments
for violations. Whenever order has been vio-
lated, it must be restored to ensure social and
personal well-being. Cultures therefore develop
methods for reestablishing ritual purity.
We do not know what specific things the
Indus dwellers regarded as ritually impure.
Whatever the cause of impurity, the baths
most likely served to remove contaminants and
reinstate the order of things, just as public and
private baths do in contemporary Hindu tradi-
tions. In modern India, the first religious act of
the day for most Hindus is bathing, a ritual that
brings the individual into the appropriate bodily
and mental states for relating to the gods and
other persons. Today, many Hindu temples have
tanks or reservoirs that function as ritual baths.
Many natural bodies of water, such as the river
Ganges, serve this purpose as well (figure 1.3).
Fig. 1.3 
Bathing in
the Ganges.
Bathing for ritual
purification is
still an important
aspect of the
religious practice
of most Hindus.
(Photo courtesy of
Creative Commons,
Ilya Mauter.)
 20

Box 1.2  Ritual Impurit y

T h e H i n d u T r a d i t i o n s Part I—India’s Early Cultures

The kinds of activities considered to be ritually polluting vary from culture to culture and from time to time.
There is often great variation within cultures as well. The following list delineates some of the activities that
different religious traditions (or parts of those traditions) have regarded as unclean.

Judaism Shinto
• Eating pork, shellfish, catfish, amphibians, • Sickness
reptiles, bats, birds of prey, and snails • Contact with blood
• Eating meat that has not been slaughtered in a • Death, especially that of one’s father
prescribed manner • Speaking taboo words
• Eating with non-Jews or using utensils used by • Wearing shoes in a home
non-Jews • Wicked thoughts
• Drinking wine made by non-Jews
• Touching a dead body, a human bone, or a Zoroastrianism
grave • Contact with dead bodies
• Touching someone with leprosy • Coming into contact with snakes, flies, ants, or
• Menstruation wolves
• Abnormal bodily discharges • Sickness
• Childbirth • Body waste such as excrement and clipped hair
• Sexual intercourse or nails
• Masturbation • Menstruation
• Miscarriage or stillbirth
Islam
• Touching a pig or dog Hinduism
• Menstruation • Tanning and leatherwork
• Eating pork, amphibians, reptiles, bats, and • Eating meat
birds of prey • Death
• Consuming alcohol • Contact with dead bodies
• Eating meat that has not been slaughtered in a • Scavenging
prescribed manner • Menstruation
• Defecating • Eating food prepared by a person of a lower
• Touching a corpse that is unwashed and has caste
become cold • Childbirth
• Sleep or other forms of unconsciousness • Eating with the left hand
• Flatulence • Touching or seeing someone who is unclean

There, devout Hindus restore the pristine order
that might have been disrupted by inappropri-
ate behavior or thoughts, or by contact with a
person who is deemed unclean. What we find
in the sophisticated baths and lavatories of the
Harappan Civilization is probably the earli-
est expression of religious practices that run
throughout Hindu history.
Artifacts
In addition to architectural ruins, the excava-
tion of the Indus Valley cities has revealed a
host of intriguing artifacts. Some of the most
interesting of these relics are the hundreds of
tiny soapstone seals that were used to stamp
designs into soft clay. These seals were probably
used to mark property in the merchant trade, as
one might use a signet ring. Similar seals have
been found as far away as Mesopotamia, sug-
gesting a commercial connection between these
two civilizations. While the practical use of the
Harappan seals is not so mysterious, the signifi-
Fig. 1.4  Seals. Steatite, or soapstone, seals provide archaeological evidence for much of our understanding of Indus Valley
religious practices. (Four on left: Scala / Art Resource, N.Y. Four on right: Borromeo / Art Resource, N.Y.)
21
cance of the images on the seals is still a matter
of speculation and debate.
Chapter 1—The Indus Valley Civilization
The great majority of the seals portray male
animals with horns and massive flanks and legs
(figure 1.4). Indeed, throughout the artifacts
found in the Indus Valley ruins, the male sex is
almost exclusively represented by animals; artis-
tic representations of the human male are rare.
Many of the animals are easily recognizable:
buffaloes, elephants, rhinoceroses, bulls, tigers,
and antelopes. But other seals display strange
creatures that appear to be products of the
imagination, such as a three-headed antelope
and a bull with a single horn protruding from
its forehead, like a unicorn’s. This “unihorned”
bull is one of the most common images on the
seals. The bull often appears along with what
seems to be a brazier or censer, either of which
may have been used for ritual purposes. Bra-
ziers can be used for cooking sacrificial meat,
and censers are receptacles for burning incense.
The soapstone images raise many questions.
Why do they depict only male animals? Why
 22
is the male sex represented almost exclusively
in animal rather than human form? Why do
T h e H i n d u T r a d i t i o n s Part I—India’s Early Cultures
the images accentuate the animals’ horns and
flanks? Do the animals have religious impor-
tance, as suggested by what appear to be ritual
objects on some of the seals? If the seals have
religious meaning, why would they have been
used for commercial purposes, such as mark-
ing property for trade? Why are some of the
animals realistic and others imaginary? Efforts
to answer these questions will be speculative, of
course, but not necessarily uninformed. What
we know of other ancient cultures and later
Hindu beliefs and practices can help guide our
hypotheses. But because answers cannot be
certain without confirmation from literary or
other sources, they must be held tentatively and
kept always open to revision.
With this caveat in mind, let us try to elu-
cidate the meaning of these unusual images.
To begin, we may reasonably conclude that the
images express an intense fascination with, and
perhaps anxiety about, sexuality and reproduc-
tive functions. That the seals portray only male
animals, with their genitals on obvious display,
supports this supposition, as does the strong
emphasis on the animals’ horns and flanks.
Still, we must wonder why animals rather than
humans are taken as symbols of male sexual-
ity. Perhaps these depictions are associated
with the human appropriation of animal pow-
ers. Throughout the world, human beings have
often sought to incorporate certain qualities
they admired in animals. In some cultures, for
example, eating the heart of a powerful animal
was believed to allow a human to incorpo-
rate the animal’s courage and strength, which
were thought to reside in the heart. The animal
images of the Indus Valley seals may represent
a symbolic attempt to obtain such powers. By
creating and using visual representations of
sexually potent animals, the dwellers of the
Indus Valley may have intended to acquire that
potency for themselves. Furthermore, it is pos-
sible that the animals themselves were regarded
as sacred because of their sexual prowess. If so,
they may have been worshiped and made the
objects of cultic practice. Its frequent appear-
ance in these designs might indicate that the
bull was the principal object of veneration.
Further underscoring the Indus Valley cul-
ture’s captivation with sexuality is the discov-
ery of numerous terra-cotta figurines depicting
women with exaggerated hips, full thighs, bare
breasts, and elaborate hairstyles. While men
seemed somehow insufficient to symbolize
male sexuality in this society, the same was not
true of women (figure 1.5).
Whether these images signify human
women or goddesses (or different manifesta-
tions of a single goddess) cannot be ascertained
by examining the figurines alone. But two fac-
tors support the argument that the images are
goddesses. First, the Hindu traditions assumed
to have roots in the religion of the Indus Valley
do not always make sharp distinctions between
the divine and the human domains. The gods
and goddesses, as we shall see in subsequent
chapters, can assume human forms, and indi-
vidual human beings can come to be regarded
as divine.2 Because of the permeability between
these two realms, the fact that the figurines
appear unremarkably human does not rule out
the possibility that they symbolize the divine.
Second, similar representations of females from
the same time period have been unearthed in
many parts of the world (figure 1.6). These
comparable figurines are almost certainly sym-
bols of divine females.3
The widespread discovery of such images
has led some scholars to theorize the existence
of a vast mother goddess religion that long

Fig. 1.5  Female figurine from the Indus Valley. Images
such as this terra-cotta statuette from the Indus Valley
Civilization were perhaps representations of goddesses who
were worshiped for their live-giving powers.
(Photo: Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz / Art Resource, N.Y.)
antedated the worship of male gods.4 That
hypothesis has been controversial and does
not enjoy universal acceptance among schol-
ars. But whether or not such a wide-reaching
cult ever existed, it is quite likely that the
dwellers of the Harappan Civilization vener-
ated a mother goddess. The worship of a divine
mother figure has a long, deep-rooted tradi-
tion in Hindu history, and thus it is at least
plausible that the Indus Valley images are the
vestiges of what may be the earliest form of
that tradition. Even if the figurines are not
goddesses per se, it seems evident that in the
Indus Valley culture, the reproductive powers
of women were revered and celebrated, and
23
Chapter 1—The Indus Valley Civilization
Fig. 1.6  The Venus of Willendorf. This figurine from
Northern Europe is one example of an ancient goddess
who some believe may have been at one time the object of
worldwide devotion. (Photo courtesy of Creative Commons, Matthias
Kabel.)
women themselves were perhaps regarded as
sacred.
Sexuality and the Sacred
The intimate connection between sexuality and
the sacred may strike some modern persons,
particularly those living in the West, as odd.
For many today, religion seems more involved
in suppressing sexuality rather than encour-
aging and celebrating it. To understand the
correlation of sex and divinity in the ancient
world, we must appreciate several things about
the way early humans viewed the world and
their role in it. First, we must bear in mind
 24

that the reproductive process was the object of of sexuality may have been a way of magically
awe. How new human beings were produced petitioning and assisting the divine forces in
T h e H i n d u T r a d i t i o n s Part I—India’s Early Cultures

by the sexual union of males and females was the crucial matter of continuing life.
a fundamental mystery. The idea that new life
was created by the merger of sperm and egg
did not arise until the late eighteenth and early Proto-Shiva
nineteenth centuries, little more than two cen- Another bit of Harappan archaeology worth
turies ago. That reproduction was controlled by our attention is a seal illustrating a person sit-
powers beyond the reach of human beings was ting in what appears to be the lotus posture, a
for millennia a reasonable assumption. Second, fundamental pose in the Hindu practice of yoga
although the ancients thought reproduction and meditation (figure 1.7). This seal raises the
was governed by forces greater than themselves, intriguing possibility that the earlier dwellers
they often believed it was necessary to cooper- on the Indus—or at least some of them—were
ate with and assist these forces in certain ways. practitioners of meditation. If true, then India
One of the functions of sacrifice, for example, has had an interior-looking, contemplative
was to provide the gods with the nourishment spirit throughout its history. There are other
and raw materials (in the form of meat and tantalizing features to this seal as well. The indi-
blood) they required to produce (or reproduce) vidual is surrounded by various kinds of animals,
life. In this sense, the divine and human realms including a tiger, an elephant, a rhinoceros, and
were dependent on each other. a bull or buffalo. The seated figure seems to have
Third, most ancient peoples believed in the three faces looking in different directions. For
power of what we would call magic. Magic, in
this sense, is the process of achieving a desired
effect through the use of rituals, words, thoughts,
and other technical means. For example, many
societies believed ceremonial dancing could
induce rain. Because reproduction, both human
and animal, was so vital to human survival, it
was often made the object of magical practices.
The mythologies of some cultures told how the
world and its inhabitants were produced by the
sexual union of a god and goddess. In such cul-
tures, men and women might perform ritual-
ized sex acts to ensure the fecundity of the land
and its people. A magical performance imitat-
ing the primordial act of the gods was thought
to provoke them to re-create or to harness the
same creative and procreative powers in the ser-
vice of human reproduction. In the Harappan Fig. 1.7  Pashupati, Lord of the Animals. This soapstone
seal from the Indus Valley displays a figure in a posture
culture, the creation and usage of the soapstone associated with meditation in the later Hindu traditions. (Photo
seals and terra-cotta figurines depicting aspects courtesy of http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Shiva_Pashupati.jpg.)
 25

Hindus today, multiple faces or heads are an

iconographic convention symbolizing divine

Chapter 1—The Indus Valley Civilization

omniscience. On the figure’s head sits a head-
dress. The sex of the figure is not clear, but some
who study this seal believe the figure is male
and sporting an erect phallus. As with other
artifacts from the Indus Valley, it is not exactly
clear who or what this image represents. Many
scholars believe this figure may be an early like-
ness of the god later known as Shiva. They have
dubbed this particular seal Pashupati, “Lord of
the Animals,” one of the many titles for Shiva.
Comparing the Indus Valley imprint with
a modern image of Shiva helps substantiate the
contention that the seal depicts this popular
Hindu god. The corresponding modern image
is called Mahayogi, “Great Meditator” (fig-
ure 1.8). Juxtaposing the two images reveals
numerous similarities. Both figures assume
the lotus position for meditation. Both are
surrounded by animals. In the modern image,
Shiva wears and sits on a tiger or leopard skin
Fig. 1.8  Shiva as Mahayogi. Some scholars think the
and is accompanied by his animal compan-
modern image of Shiva, the god of ascetics, may be rooted
ion, the bull Nandi. The motif of the horned the iconography of similar figures from the Indus Valley Civili-
headdress in the soapstone seal seems to be zation. (Photo courtesy of Creative Commons, Luna Park.)
replicated in the modern Shiva’s trident or the
horns of Nandi. Although not so represented artifacts. Again, the evidence leaves us with no
in the Mahayogi image, Shiva is described in definitive conclusion.
later Hindu texts as having an erect phallus. A second seal similar to the Pashupati
Yet despite these comparisons, not all scholars image portrays another figure sitting in the lotus
are convinced of the argument. Some are not position (see figure 1.4, bottom row, third seal
even persuaded that the Indus Valley image from left). Like Pashupati, this figure appears to
is intended to represent a human figure; they have more than one face and to wear a horned
see it as a buffalo head attached to a human headdress, but these features are even less clear
body. To some it is not evident that the figure than on the Pashupati seal. What is intrigu-
has three faces and an erection. These latter ing about the second seal, however, is the tree
features are not associated with Shiva in later design that appears to grow out of the head-
Hindu iconography, but the dispute about their dress. Most scholars agree that the design is a
appearance in the image illustrates how even stylized version of the pipal tree. The pipal tree
experts in the field may come to vastly differ- ( ficus religiosa) is easily recognized by the dis-
ent conclusions when presented with the same tinctive shape of its leaves. This motif has been
 26
found on a large number of Indus seals. In some
images, people surround the tree, apparently in
T h e H i n d u T r a d i t i o n s Part I—India’s Early Cultures
the act of venerating it. In another, a woman, or
perhaps a goddess, appears within the tree (see
figure 1.4, top row, third seal from left). In view
of the role trees play in later Hindu history, it is
reasonable to conclude that Indus Valley dwell-
ers regarded the tree as auspicious and probably
sacred. If subsequent Hindu practice can be
taken as a guide, the Harappans may have con-
sidered the pipal tree to be a home for spirits
or the manifestation of a goddess. Interestingly,
the pipal is the same tree under which the Bud-
dha sat on the night of his awakening, centuries
after the dissolution of the Indus Civilization.
The Absence of Evidence
Perhaps as important as what archaeologists
have uncovered around the Indus River is what
they have failed to find. The Indus Valley was
apparently a relatively peaceful culture, since
few real weapons have been discovered; archae-
ologists have found no traces of spears, swords,
or arrows. And as yet, no temple or house of
worship that can be positively identified as a
sacred precinct has been found. It may be that
the central place of worship in this culture was
located in the home, as it is for present-day
Hindus. In any event, the absence of clearly
recognizable temples underscores an important
fact of ancient existence in many parts of the
world: that the sacred and secular, or the holy
and profane, were not sharply distinguished.
There was no separate domain of life that could
be identified as “religious.”
To conclude our sketch of life in the ancient
Indus Valley, let us sum up the conclusions that
seem best supported by the evidence currently
available. Harappan culture was deeply con-
cerned with procreation and purity. Its citizens
likely worshiped certain male animals, perhaps
foremost the bull. Representations of male
sexuality may have been the focus of veneration
and may have been used magically to enhance
fertility. Female powers of reproduction were
regarded as sacred and perhaps revered through
the symbol of the goddess. Ritual practices
and the production of images may have cen-
tered on ways to incorporate the sexual pow-
ers of animals and divine figures. Purification
rites, evidence of meditative practice, and well-
organized cities suggest the Indus dwellers
placed a premium on order and restraint. To the
extent that this is an accurate sketch of Indus
culture, it indicates that beliefs and practices
were oriented toward the present life here on
earth and not toward a life hereafter. There is
little in the ruins to indicate that Indus dwell-
ers thought much about an afterlife or even
wondered about what might be in store for the
individual after death. Ritual practices seem to
have been chiefly—if not exclusively—for the
purposes of sustaining and renewing life in the
here and now. Religious beliefs and practices in
this culture served a conservative function: to
keep things as they were and to maintain the
world by honoring and harnessing its powers
and respecting its boundaries. And throughout
its history, the Indus society was quite success-
ful in its efforts. Little seems to have changed in
this civilization during its life span.
The Demise of the Indus Valley
Civilization and the Advent
of the Aryans
After the discovery of the Indus Valley Civi-
lization, modern scholars were faced with
the task of explaining the demise of the great

culture and its relationship with the Indo-
Aryans, a people with whom the Hindu tra-
ditions had long been associated. The theory
that came to prominence in the early twentieth
century suggested that the Indus Civilization
declined near the middle of the second mil-
lennium b.c.e., when bands of light-skinned
Aryans ventured into the Indian Subconti-
nent from Central Asia and conquered the
dark-skinned Indus dwellers. Many members
of Harappan society were killed off, and the
survivors were subjugated and assimilated into
the Indo-Aryan culture. This theory was not
an unreasonable conclusion, given the Aryans’
documented love of war and conquest. The
idea of such a military invasion and conquest,
in fact, informed Adolf Hitler’s creation of the
myth of Aryan superiority and his appropria-
tion of the swastika, an ancient Aryan symbol
(figure 1.9).
Fig. 1.9  The swastika. The swastika is an ancient Indian
symbol, long antedating its appropriation as a Nazi emblem.
Its modern association with Adolf Hitler has not diminished
its usage in India. (Photo courtesy of Creative Commons, Vivek Joshi.)
27
Today, however, most scholars of ancient
India think the Aryans’ arrival in South Asia
Chapter 1—The Indus Valley Civilization
was well short of an invasion. The invasion the-
ory is now generally acknowledged as heavily
influenced by the ideology of Western colonial-
ism. Other evidence paints a different picture
of the Aryan movement into India. We know,
for example, that the Indus Civilization was
already in serious decline by 1600 b.c.e., when
the Aryans supposedly subdued the region
by military means. Recent satellite photogra-
phy has shown that between 1900 and 1600
b.c.e. the Indus River changed course, leaving
the region desiccated. Archaeology confirms
that cities of the Indus Civilization were being
abandoned during this period. Furthermore,
there is no evidence, archaeological or other-
wise, to suggest a massive Aryan conquest. The
Aryans’ own extensive writings never mention
wars or hostilities against peoples who can be
positively identified as indigenous to India. In
all likelihood, the Indo-Aryans migrated slowly
and relatively peacefully into the Indus region
beginning around 1600 b.c.e. and may have
coexisted for a time with the remaining citizens
of the native culture.
But there is another theory to explain the
relationship between the Indus dwellers and
the Aryans. According to this idea, the Aryans
were actually indigenous to India, not Central
Asia, and migrated from the subcontinent to
other locations throughout the world. This per-
spective is known as the Out of India theory.
According to this hypothesis, Aryan culture
was actually an outgrowth of the Indus Valley
Civilization. An upshot of this theory is that
the foundations of the Hindu traditions are
wholly the product of Indian culture with no
influences from outside sources.
In recent years, the Out of India theory has
been revived by Hindu communalists, who seek
 28
to promote Hindu interests and traditions in
Indian politics, and by some Indian and West-
T h e H i n d u T r a d i t i o n s Part I—India’s Early Cultures
ern scholars. Hindu nationalists believe the idea
that the Aryans came from anyplace other than
India, whether by invasion or even by a milder
form of migration, denigrates Hindu and Indian
culture. The proponents of the Out of India
position use Aryan literature and the absence of
archaeological evidence to support their point
of view. Because the issues at stake are highly
charged in the current political climate of India,
the so-called Aryan question has now become
the subject of great debate. The issue has become
as much a matter of politics as of history.
In the next chapter, we will begin our study
of Aryan culture and its impact on the devel-
opment of Hinduism. Our examination adopts
the theory that the Aryans began moving rather
◆  KEY TERMS
Aryan question
Aryans
Harappa
Indus Valley Civilization
Indo-Aryans
Mahayogi
Mohenjo-daro
mother goddess
Out of India theory
Pakistan
Pashupati
ritual purity and pollution
sacred
swastika
peacefully into the subcontinent from Central
Asia around 1600 b.c.e. This is the perspec-
tive held by most scholars of the history of the
Hindu traditions. In the opinion of this schol-
arly majority, the hypothesis of a relatively quiet
migration makes the greatest sense of all the
available evidence. But as we have seen in our
consideration of the Harappan civilization, the
data relating to ancient cultures is often sub-
ject to multiple interpretations, and those who
study these data must always keep an open mind
about the larger significance of what they study.
Thus, I present the Aryan migration theory
with the understanding that future discoveries
and scholarly arguments may require that we
revise that position or discard it altogether.5 We
turn now to explore that hypothesis in greater
detail.
◆  QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW
1. What is ritual purity and how does it differ from
physical hygiene?
2. Which aspects of the Indus Valley Civilization’s
religious practice may be present in the later
Hindu traditions?
3. How did the Indus Valley dwellers depict male
and female sexuality?
4. What evidence suggests that the Harappans
venerated a mother goddess?
5. What are the possible causes of the Indus Valley
Civilization’s decline?
6. How have the Harappans’ and Indo-
Aryans’ ambiguous origins been used to
support the objectives of modern political
movements?

◆  QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER REFLECTION
1. Why do you think sexuality—whether it is
being restrained or celebrated—is so important
in religious practice?
2. What social, political, and religious functions
do symbols serve? Can a symbol itself become
powerful, apart from the reality it represents?
Consider the origin of the swastika and the
meaning it attained as an emblem of the Nazi
Party.
3. Why is it important to theorize about an ancient
culture, even when there is too little evidence
to reach definite conclusions? What are the
dangers of such theories?
29
◆  For Furt her Study
Chapter 1—The Indus Valley Civilization
Bryant, Edwin. The Quest for the Origins of Vedic
Culture: The Indo-Aryan Migration Debate. Oxford
and New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Eisler, Riane. The Chalice and the Blade: Our History,
Our Future. New York: Harper, 1988.
Fairservis, Walter A., Jr. The Roots of Ancient India. 2nd
ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975.
Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark. Ancient Cities of the Indus
Valley Civilization. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1998.
Sjöö, Monica, and Barbara Mor. The Great Cosmic
Mother: Rediscovering the Religion of the Earth.
New York: Harper, 1987.