Religion PDF

THE PUNE INSTITUTE FOR ADMINISTRATIVE CAREERS
RELIGION AND SOCIETY
1) SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF RELIGION
2) TYPES OF RELIGIOUS PRACTICES- ANIMISM, MONISM,

PLURALISM, SECTS, CULTS
3) RELIGION IN MODERN SOCIETY-

RELIGION AND SCIENCE
SECULARISATION
RELIGIOUS REVIVALISM
FUNDAMENTALISM
INDIAN SOCIETY
1) RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN INDIA
2) PROBLEMS OF RELIGIOUS MINORITIES
ABHIJIT PATIL (9764776774) abhijitpatil9065@gmail.com Page 1

INTRODUCTION
DEFINITIONS OF RELIGION
I. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The god
of Christianity is a supreme being, his word is the ultimate truth, his power is omnipotent. His
followers worship him and praise him and live by his commandments.
2. The Dugum Dani live in the Highlands of New Guinea. They have no god, but their world is
inhabited by a host of supernatural beings known as mogat.The mogat are the ghosts of the
dead.They cause illness and death and control the wind and the rain.The Dugum Dani are not
pious - they do not pray.Their rituals are not to honour or worship the mogat but to placate and
appease them.
3. Scientology originated in the writings of a US science fiction writer, L. Ron Hubbard. It started
as a type of therapy called Dianetics in which a therapist (or auditor) questions a subject (known
as a preclear) wired to a machine similar to a lie detector (called an e-meter).The aim is to clear
the mind of the preclear of negative blockages, known as engrams. But Scientology also
contains spiritual beIiefs.Alan Aldridge describes these beliefs in the following way: Scientology
built a complex cosmological and metaphysical system on the basis of Dianetics. Human
beings are in essence spiritual entities, thetans. Immortal, omniscient and omnipotent, thetans
created the universe but foolishly became trapped in their own creation eventually forgetting
their own origins and status as thetans’ (Aldridge, 2007). In this belief system, humans are in
effect gods, but gods who have lost their way.
Religious beliefs of one sort or another are present in every known society, but their
variety seems to be endless.Any definition of religion must encompass this variety. However, it
is difficult to produce a definition broad enough to do so without incorporating phenomena that
are not normally thought of as religions.Two main approaches have been adopted in tackling
this issue: those that rely upon functional definitions and those that use substantive definitions.
I. One way of defining religion is to see it in terms of the functions it performs for society or
individuals. An example of this approach is provided byYinger, who defined religion as ‘a system
of beliefs and practices by means of which a group of people struggles with the ultimate
problems of human life’ (quoted in Hamilton, I995). However, Hamilton notes two main

problems with such a definition. First, it allows the inclusion ofa wide variety of belief systems in
the category ‘religion’. For example, by this definition communism could be regarded as a
religion even though it explicitly rejects religious beliefs. Second, it is based upon assumptions
about the roles and purposes of religion. However, these roles and purposes might vary
between societies and it should be the job of sociology to uncover them by empirical
investigation, not to assume what they are from the outset.Third, phrases such as ‘the ultimate
problems of human life’ are open to varied interpretations. Hamilton points out that for some
people the ultimate problems of life might be ‘simply Chapter 7 Religion how to enjoy it as much
as possible, how to avoid pain and ensure pleasure’. It is clear that many other aspects of social
life, apart from religion, address such issues - for example, medicine and leisure.
2. Other approaches are based upon substantive definitions; that is, they are concerned with the
content of religion rather than its function or purpose. Substantive definitions can take a number
of forms.
Durkheim defined religion in terms of a distinction between the sacred and the profane.
Sacred objects - for example, the cross in Christianity - produce a sense of awe,veneration and
respect, whereas profane objects do not. However, as critics have pointed out, in some cases
explicitly religious objects are not always treated with respect
A common approach to a substantive definition of religion is to define it in terms of

supernatural beliefs. Thus Roland Robertson (I970) states that religion ‘refers to the existence
of supernatural beings that have a governing effect on life’.A supernatural element is combined
with institutional aspects of religion in Melford Spiro’s (I965) definition of religion as ‘an
institution consisting of culturally patterned interaction with culturally postulated superhuman
beings’. However, as Hamilton points out, such definitions run into problems because certain
belief systems which are commonly regarded as religions, such as Buddhism, do not contain a
belief in supernatural beings.
All definitions emphasise certain aspects of religion and exclude others.Alan Aldridge
(2007) distinguishes between more inclusive definitions (in which it is relatively easy to qualify
as a religion),and more exclusive ones, where the criteria are more restrictive. Generally,
functional definitions tend to be more inclusive while substantive ones tend to be more
exclusive.We will look at a variety of definitions throughout the chapter. It should be borne in
mind that these definitions tend to reflect the theoretical assumptions and the specific
arguments being advanced by individual sociologists.This is particularly evident in the debate on
secularisation (the question of whether religion has declined).Varying definitions allow the
advocates and critics of the theory to include evidence that supports their case and exclude
evidence that contradicts it.
The problems of definition should not, however, be exaggerated.The disputes tend to

occur over phenomena that can be considered to be on the fringes of religion (such as New Age
movements), and there is general agreement that such belief systems as Hinduism, Islam,
Christianity, Buddhism and judaism are religions.
RELIGION — A FUNCTIONALIST PERSPECTIVE
The functionalist perspective examines religion in terms of society's needs. Functionalist

analysis is primarily concerned with the contribution religion makes to meeting those needs.
From this perspective, society requires a certain degree of social solidarity, value consensus,
and harmony and integration between its parts.The function of religion is the contribution it
makes to meeting such functional prerequisites — for example, its contribution to social
solidarity.
EMILE DURKHEIM
The sacred and the profane
In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, first published in |9l2, Emile Durkheim
presented what is probably the most influential interpretation of religion from a functionalist
perspective. Durkheim argued that all societies divide the world into two categories: the sacred
and the profane (the non-sacred). Religion is based upon this division. lt is ‘a unified system of
beliefs and practices related to sacred things, that is to say things set apart and forbidden’.
It is important to realise that:
By sacred things one must not understand simply those personal things which are called
gods or spirits; a rock, a tree, a spring, a pebble, a piece of wood, 0 house, in o word anything,
can be sacred. Durkheim, l96l,first published l9l2
There is nothing about the particular qualities of a pebble or a tree that makes them sacred.
Sacred things must be symbols, must represent something.To understand the role of religion in
society, the relationship between sacred symbols and what they represent must be established.
TOTEMISM
Durkheim used the religion of various groups ofAustralian Aborigines to develop his
argument. He saw their religion, which he called totemism, as the simplest and most basic form
of religion.
Aborigine society is divided into several clans.A clan is like a large extended family, with
its members sharing certain duties and obligations. For example, clans have a rule of exogamy
that is, members are not allowed to marry within the clan. Clan members have a duty to aid and
assist each other: they join together to mourn the death of one of their number and to revenge a
member who has been wronged by someone from another clan.
Each clan has a totem, usually an animal or a plant.This totem is then represented by
drawings made on wood or stone.These drawings are called churingas. Usually churingas are at
least as sacred as the species which they represent and sometimes more so.The totem is a
symbol. It is the emblem of the clan.‘lt is its flag; it is the sign by which each clan distinguishes
itself from all others.’ However, the totem is more than the churinga which represents it — it is
the most sacred object in Aborigine- ritual.The totem is ‘the outward and visible form of the
totemic principle or god’.
Durkheim argued that if the totem ‘is at once the symbol of god and of the society, is that
not because the god and the society are only one?'Thus, he suggested, in worshipping god,
people are in fact worshipping society. Society is the real object of religious veneration.
How does humanity come to worship society? Sacred things are ‘considered superior in
dignity and power to profane things and particularly to man’. ln relation _ to the sacred, humans
are inferior and dependent.This relationship between humanity and sacred things is exactly the
relationship between humanity and society. Society is more important and powerful than the
individual. Durkheim argued:‘Primitive man comes to view society as something sacred because
he is utterly dependent on it.’
But why does humanity not simply worship society itself? Why does it invent a sacred
symbol like a totem? Because, Durkheim argued, it is easier for a person to ‘visualize and direct
his feelings of awe toward a symbol than towards so complex a thing as a clan’
Religion and the ‘collective conscience’
Durkheim believed that social life was impossible without the shared values and moral beliefs
that form the collective conscience. In their absence, there would be no social order, social
control, social solidarity or cooperation. In short, there would be no society. Religion reinforces
the collective conscience.The worship of society strengthens the values and moral beliefs that
form the basis of social life. By defining them as sacred, religion provides them with greater
power to direct human action.
This attitude of respect towards the sacred is the same attitude applied to social duties
and obligations. ln worshipping society, people are, in effect, recognising the importance of the
social group and their dependence upon it. ln this way, religion strengthens the unity of the
group: it promotes social solidarity

Durkheim emphasised the importance of collective worship.The social group comes

together in religious rituals full of drama and reverence.Together, its members express their
faith in common values and beliefs. In this highly charged atmosphere of collective worship, the
integration of society is strengthened. Members of society express, communicate and
understand the moral bonds which unite them. According to Durkheim, the belief in gods or
spirits, which usually provide the focus for religious ceremonies, originated from belief in the
ancestral spirits of dead relatives.The worship of gods is really the worship of ancestors’ souls.
Since Durkheim also believed that souls represent the presence of social values, the collective
conscience is present in individuals. lt is through individual souls that the collective conscience
is realised. iSince religious worship involves the worship of souls, Durkheim again concludes
that religious worship is really the worship of the social group or society.
Evaluation of Durkheim
Durkheim’s ideas are still influential today, although they have been criticised:
I. Critics have argued that Durkheim studied only a small number ofAboriginal groups, which
were somewhat untypical of other Aboriginal tribes. It may therefore be misleading to generalise
about Aboriginal beliefs from A this sample, never mind generalising about religion as a
whole.Andrew Dawson (20l I) points out that some of the fieldwork data which Durkheim relied
upon was of doubtful validity.
2. Most sociologists believe that Durkheim overstated his case.While agreeing that religion can
be important for promoting social solidarity and reinforcing social values, they would not
support his view that religion is the worship of society. Durkheim’s views on religion are more
relevant to small, non-literate societies, where there is a close integration of culture and social
institutions, where work, leisure, education and family life tend to merge, and where members
share a common belief and value system. His views are less relevant to modern societies,
which have many subcultures, social and ethnic groups, specialised organisations, and a range
of religious beliefs, practices and institutions.
3. Durkheim may also overstate the degree to which the collective conscience permeates and
shapes the behaviour of individuals. Hamilton (I995) argues that sometimes religious beliefs
can be at odds with societal values.As discussed later in the chapter, religion can sometimes be
a force for change and a cause of conflict and division.
Despite the extensive criticism of Durkheim, many sociologists recognise that he has
made an important contribution to understanding religion. For example,William E. Paden (2009)
argues that Durkheim's observations about the importance of religion for social solidarity
remain valid in many circumstances today.The symbolic importance of the Western (orWailing)
Wall in Jerusalem for jews is an example of the continuing symbolic importance of sacred

ob]ects.Another example is how the different ways in which Sunni and Shi'ite Muslims hold their
arms when praying demonstrates the importance of markers of identity in collective worship in
holding communities together and producing social solidarity.
Dawson concludes that Durkheim's: theoretical approach is criticised for both

attributing society an overly autonomous status from its human occupants and over-
emphasising social order and continuity to the detriment of societal dynamism and
transformation. Despite its limitations, however, Durkheim's work continues as an important
reference point for contemporary sociological reflection.
Bronislaw Malinowski
Like Durkheim, Malinowski (I954) uses data from small- scale non-literate societies to
develop his thesis on religion. Many of his examples are drawn from his fieldwork in ' the
Trobriand lslands off the coast of New Guinea. Like Durkheim, Malinowski sees religion as
reinforcing social norms and values and promoting social solidarity. Unlike Durkheim, however,
he does not see religion as reflecting society as a whole, nor does he see religious ritual as the
worship of society itself. Malinowski sees religion as being particularly concerned with
situations of emotional stress that threaten social solidarity.
Religion and life crises
Anxiety and tension tend to disrupt social life. Situations that produce these emotions
include crises of life such as birth, puberty, marriage and death. Malinowski notes that in all
societies these life crises are surrounded with religious ritual. He sees death as the most
disruptive of these events:
The existence of strong personal attachments and the fact of death, which of all human
events is the most upsetting and disorganizing to man’s calculations, are perhaps the main
sources of religious beliefs. Malinowski, I954
Religion deals with the problem of death in the following manner.A funeral ceremony
expresses the belief in immortality, which denies the fact of death, and so comforts the
bereaved. Other mourners support the bereaved by Chapter 7 Religion their presence at the
ceremony.This comfort and support check the emotions that death produces, and control the
stress and anxiety that might disrupt society. Death is socially destructive, since it removes a
member from society.At a funeral ceremony the social group unites to support the
bereaved.This expression of social solidarity reintegrates society.
Religion, prediction and control
A second category of events — those that cannot befully controlled or predicted — also

produces tension and anxiety. From his observations in the Trobriand Islands, Malinowski noted
that such events were surrounded by ritual,which he sees as a form of religious practice.
Fishing is an important subsistence activity in the D Trobriands. Malinowski observed"

that in the calm waters of the lagoon,‘fishing is done in an easy and absolutely reliable manner
by the method of poisoning, yielding abundant results without danger and uncertainty’. However,
beyond the barrier reef in the open sea there is danger and uncertainty: a storm may result in
loss of life and the catch is dependent on the presence of a shoal of fish,which cannot be
predicted. ln the lagoon,‘where man can rely completely on his knowledge and skill’, there are no
rituals associated with fishing, whereas fishing in the open sea is preceded by rituals to ensure a
good catch and protect the fishermen. .
Again we see ritual used for specific situations that produce anxiety. Rituals reduce
anxiety by providing confidence and a feeling of control.As with funeral ceremonies, fishing
rituals are social events.The group unites to deal with situations of stress, and so the unity of
the group is strengthened.
Therefore, we can summarise by saying that Malinowski’s distinctive contribution to the

sociology of religion is his argument that religion promotes social solidarity by dealing with
situations of emotional stress that threaten the stability of society.
Criticisms of Malinowski
Malinowski has been criticised for exaggerating the importance of religious rituals in
helping people to cope with situations of stress and uncertainty.Tambiah (I990, discussed in
Hamilton, I995) points out, for example, that magic and elaborate rituals are associated with the
cultivation of taro and yams on the Trobriand Islands.This is related to the fact that taro and
yams are important because men must use them to make payments to their sisters’ husbands.
Men who fail to do so show that they are unable to fulfil significant social obligations.These
rituals are therefore simply related to the maintenance of prestige in that society and have little
to do with cementing solidarity or dealing with uncertainty and danger.A particular function or
effect that religion sometimes has, has been mistaken for a feature of religion in general.
TALCOTT PARSONS
Religion and value consensus
Talcott Parsons (I937, I964, I965a) argued that human action is directed and controlled
by norms provided by the social system.The cultural system provides more general guidelines
for action in the form of beliefs, values and systems of meaning.The norms which direct action
are not merely isolated standards for behaviour: they are integrated and patterned by the
cultural system's values and beliefs. For example, many norms in Western society are

expressions of the value of materialism. Religion is part of the cultural system, and religious
beliefs provide guidelines for human action and standards against which people's conduct can
be evaluated.
In a Christian society theTen Commandments operate in this way.They demonstrate

how many of the norms of the social system can be integrated by religious beliefs. For example,
the commandment ‘Thou shalt not kill’ integrates such diverse norms as the way to drive a car,
how to settle an argument and how to deal with the suffering of the aged. The norms that direct
these areas of behaviour prohibit manslaughter, murder and euthanasia, but they are all based
on the same religious commandment.
In this way, religion provides general guidelines for conduct, which are expressed in a
variety of norms. By establishing general principles and moral beliefs, religion helps to provide
the consensus that Parsons believes is necessary for order and stability in society.
Religion and social order
Parsons, like Malinowski, sees religion as being addressed to particular problems that
occur in all societies and disrupt social Iife.These problems fall into two categories.The first
‘consists in the fact that individuals are “hit” by events which ' they cannot foresee and prepare
for, or control, or both’. One such event is death, particularly premature death. Like Malinowski,
and for similar reasons, Parsons sees religion as a mechanism for adjustment to such events
and as a means of restoring the normal pattern of life.
The second problem area is that of ‘uncertainty’.This refers to endeavours in which a

great deal of effort and skill has been invested, but where unknown or uncontrollable factors can
threaten a successful outcome. One example is humanity‘s inability to predict or control the
effect of weather upon agriculture.Again, following Malinowski, Parsons argues that religion
provides a means of adjusting and coming to terms with such situations through rituals which
act as ‘a tonic to self-confidence’
In this way, religion maintains social stability by relieving the tension and frustration that
could disrupt social order.
Religion and meaning
As a part of the cultural system, religious beliefs give meaning to life; they answer, in
Parsons’s rather sexist words, ‘man's questions about himself and the world he lives in’. Social
life is full of contradictions that threaten the meanings people place on life. Parsons argues that
one of the major functions of religion is to ‘make sense’ of all experiences, no matter how
meaningless or contradictory they appear.

A good example of this is the question of suffering:‘Why must men endure deprivation
and pain and so unequally and haphazardly, if indeed at all?’ Religion provides a range of
answers: suffering is imposed by God to test a person's faith; it is a punishment for sins; and
suffering with fortitude will bring its reward in heaven. Suffering thus becomes meaningful.
Similarly, the problem of evil is common /to all societies. It is particularly disconcerting
when people profit through evil actions. Religion solves this contradiction by stating that evil will
receive its just deserts in the afterlife.
Parsons (l965a) therefore sees a major function of religion as the provision of meaning
to events that people do not expect, or feel ought not to happen.This allows intellectual and
emotional adjustment. On a more general level, this adjustment promotes order and stability in
society.
Criticisms of the functionalist approach
The functionalist perspective emphasises the positive contributions of religion to

society and tends to ignore its dysfunctional aspects.With its preoccupation with harmony,
integration and solidarity, functionalism neglects the many instances where religion can be seen
as a divisive and disruptive force. It bypasses the frequent examples of internal divisions within
a community over questions of religious dogma and worship — divisions that can lead to open
conflict. It gives little consideration to hostility between different religious groups within the
same society, such as Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, Shia and Sunni Muslims in
Iraq, or Hindus and Muslims in India. In such cases religion can be seen as a direct threat to
social order.As Charles Glock and Rodney Stark (I965) state in their criticism of functionalist
views on religion:
We find it difficult to reconcile the general theory with considerable evidence of religious
conflict. On every side it would seem that religion threatens social integration as readily as it
contributes to it. The history of Christianity, with its many schisms, manifests the great power of
religion not merely to bind but to divide.
The Marxist perspective on religion, which we consider below, provides a contrast to

functionalist views.
RELIGION — A MARXIST PERSPECTIVE
From Marx’s point of view, religion is a form of mystification — a distortion of the real
relationships between people and inanimate objects (Dawson, 2Ol I). Through religion, humans
project personal characteristics onto the impersonal forces of nature — they create gods whom
they believe to have control over nature.This renders nature potentially open to manipulation by
humans, for example through prayer or sacrifice.

However, to Marx this is a form of alienation. People create imaginary beings or forces
which stand above them and control their behaviour. Marx says,‘in religion people make their
empirical world into an entity that is only conceived, imagined, that confronts them as
something foreign’ (Marx, cited in McLeIIand, I987)
However, Marx did not believe that religion would last for ever. Rather, religion was
rooted in societies that alienated and exploited their members, and when such societies were
superseded, religion would no longer be necessary. Ultimately, the proletariat would remove the
need for religion by replacing capitalist society. Marx argued that ‘The social principles of
Christianity are sneaking and hypocritical, and the proletariat is revolutionary’.
In Marx's vision of the ideal, communist society, exploitation and alienation are things of
the past.The means of production are communally owned, which results in the disappearance of
social classes. Members of society are fulfilled as human beings: they control their own
destinies and work together for the common good. Religion does not exist in this communist
utopia because the social conditions that produce it have disappeared.
To Marx, religion is therefore an illusion that eases the pain produced by exploitation
and oppression. It is a series of myths that justify and legitimate the subordination of the
subject class and the domination and privilege of the ruling class. It is a distortion of reality
which provides many of the deceptions that form the basis of ruling-class ideology and false
class consciousness.
Religion as ‘the opium of the people’
In Marx’s words,‘Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a

heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people’ (Marx, in
Bottomore and Rubel, I963). Religion acts as an opiate to dull the pain produced by oppression.
It is both ‘an expression of real suffering and a protest against suffering’, but it does little to
solve the problem because it helps to make life more bearable and therefore dilutes demands
for change.As such, religion merely stupefies its adherents rather than bringing them true
happiness and fulfilment.
Similarly, Lenin argued that‘religion is a kind of spiritual gin in which the slaves of capital
drown their human shape and their claims to any decent life‘ (cited in Lane, I970).
From a Marxist perspective, religion can dull the pain of oppression in the following ways
I. It promises a paradise of eternal bliss in life after death. Engels argued that the appeal of
Christianity to oppressed classes lies in its promise of ‘salvation from bondage and misery’ in
the afterlife.The Christian vision of heaven can make life on earth more bearable by giving
people something to look forward to.

2. Some religions either make a virtue of the suffering produced by oppression or see it as
justified punishment.As Marx put it,‘The social principles of Christianity declare all the vile acts
of the oppressors against the oppressed to be either a just punishment for original sins, or trials
which the Lord, in his infinite wisdom, ordains for the redeemed’ (cited in McLe|land, l987).When
suffering is seen as a trial, it promises reward for those who bear the deprivations of poverty
Chapter 7 Religion with dignity and humiIity.As the well-known biblical quotation says,‘lt is easier
for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter the Kingdom of
Heaven.’ Religion thus makes poverty more tolerable by offering a reward for suffering and
promising compensation for injustice in the afterlife.
3. Religion can offer the hope of supernatural intervention to solve problems on earth. Members
of religious groups such as the jehovah’s Witnesses live in anticipation of the day when the
supernatural powers will descend from on high and create heaven on earth.Anticipation of this
future can make the present more acceptable.
4. Religion often justifies the social order and a person’s position within it. God can be seen as
creating and ordaining the social structure, as in the following verse from theVictorian hymn ‘All
things bright and beautiful’:
The rich man in his castle
The poor man at his gate,
God made them high and lowly,
And ordered their estate.
In this way, social arrangements appear inevitable. This can help those at the bottom of
the stratification system to accept and come to terms with their situation. It can make life more
bearable by encouraging people to accept their situation philosophically.
Religion and social control
From a Marxist viewpoint, religion does not simply cushion the effects of oppression; it
is also an instrument of that oppression. It acts as a mechanism of social control, maintaining
the existing system of exploitation and reinforcing class relationships. Marx says that
Christianity preaches ‘cowardice, self-contempt, submissiveness and humbleness’ to the
proletariat. In doing so, it keeps them in their place. Furthermore, by making unsatisfactory lives
bearable, religion tends to discourage people from attempting to change their situation.
By offering an illusion of hope in a hopeless situation, it prevents thoughts of

overthrowing the system. By providing explanations and justifications for social situations,
religion distorts reality. It helps to produce a false class consciousness which blinds members
of the subject class to their true situation and their real interests. In this way it diverts people’s
attention from the real source of their oppression and so helps to maintain ruling-class power.
Religion is not, however, solely the province of oppressed groups. In the Marxist view,
ruling classes adopt religious beliefs to justify their position both to themselves and to
others.The lines ‘God made them high and lowly /And ordered their estate’ show how religion
can be used to justify social inequality to the rich as well as the poor.
The ruling classes often directly support religion to further their interests. In the words
of Marx and EngeIs,‘the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord‘. In feudal England
the lord of the manor's power was frequently Iegitimated by pronouncements from the pulpit. In
return for this support, landlords would often richly endow the established church.
Because religion was an instrument of oppression, it followed that if oppression came

to an end then religion would no longer be necessary. Marx stated:‘ReIigion is only the illusory
sun which revolves around man as long as he does not revolve around himself’ (Marx and
Engels I957). In a truly socialist society, individuals revolve around themselves, and religion —
along with all other illusions and distortions of reality — disappears.
Evidence to support Marxism
There is considerable evidence to support the Marxist view of the role of religion in
society.The caste system of traditional India was justified by Hindu religious beliefs. In medieval
Europe, kings and queens ruled by divine right.The Egyptian Pharaohs combined both god and
king in the same person. Slave-owners in the southern states ofAmerica often approved of the
conversion of slaves to Christianity, believing it to be a controlling and gentling influence. It has
been argued that in the early days of the industrial revolution in England, employers used religion
as a means of controlling the masses and encouraging them to remain sober and to work hard.
Steve Bruce (I988) discusses another example that can be used to support Marxism. He
points out that, in the USA, conservative Protestants — the ‘New Christian Right’ — consistently
support right-wing political candidates in the Republican Party, and attack more liberal
candidates in the Democratic Party.The New Christian Right supported Ronald Reagan in his
successful campaign for the presidency in I984. In the I988 presidential campaign, however, a
member of the New Christian Right, Pat Robertson, unsuccessfully challenged Reagan for the
Republican nomination for president. Robertson was one of a number of television evangelists
who tried to gain new converts to their brand of Christianity and who spread their political and
moral messages through preaching on television.
Another president who drew support from the New Christian Right was GeorgeW.
Bush.When he was re- elected in 2004, an exit poll found that two-thirds of voters who attended
church more than once a week voted for him (Schifferes, 2004). Bush consistently supported
morally conservative views during his presidency.
According to Bruce,the New Christian Right support ‘a more aggressive anti-communist

foreign policy, more military spending, less central government interference, less welfare
spending, and fewer restraints on free enterprise’.Although Bruce emphasises that they have
had a limited influence on American politics, it is clear that they have tended to defend the
interests of the rich and powerful at the expense of other groups in the population.
Evaluation of Marxism
Conflicting evidence suggests that religion does not always legitimate power; it is not
simply a justification of alienation or a justification of privilege, and it can sometimes provide an
impetus for change.AIthough this is not reflected in Marx’s own writing, nor in much of Engels’s
earlier work, it is reflected in Engels’s later work and in the perspectives on religion advanced by
more recent neo-Marxists.We will examine these views in the next section.
Marxism does not explain the existence of religion where it does not appear to
contribute to the oppression of a particular class. Nor does it explain why religion might
continue to exist when, in theory at least, oppression has come to an end.
In the USSR under communism after the l9I7 revolution the state actively discouraged
religion and many places of worship were closed.The communist state placed limits on religious
activity, and the religious instruction of children was banned. Steve Bruce (20I I) comments
that,‘In all communist states churches found it difficult to reproduce and socialize younger
generations.’ Nevertheless, religion did not die out under communism as Marx predicted.
Drawing on a variety of statistical sources, including the European Values Study and the
World Values Survey, Olaf Muller (2008) found that in the early I990s, shortly after the collapse
of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, religious beliefs remained
widespread. For example, in I990, 97 per cent of people in Poland claimed to believe in God. In
Russia, the figure was much lower, at 35 per cent, but by I999, when religious organisations had
had time to reassert their influence, this had risen to 6| per cent. Church attendance in Russia
was very low in the early l990s, at just 6 per cent, but had increased substantially, to IO per cent,
by I999/2000.Thus, although communism had some success in suppressing religion in certain
countries, it did not eradicate it or prevent religious belief, and activity increased again once
communism had ended.
This evidence suggests that Marx was wrong to believe that religion would disappear
under communism,and that there must be other reasons for the existence of religion apart from
those put forward by Marx.
ENGELS AND NEO-MARXISTS - RELIGION AS A RADICAL FORCE

Engels - Christianity and social change
Roger O'Toole (I984), commenting on the Marxist sociology of religion, argues:‘Beginning

with the work of Engels, Marxists have undoubtedly recognised the active role that may be
played by religion in effecting revolutionary social change.’Thus, in On the History of Early
Christianity, Engels compared some of the early Christian sects that opposed Roman rule to
communist and socialist political movements (Marx and Engels, I957). He said,‘Christianity got
hold of the masses exactly as modern socialism does, under the shape of a variety of sects.’
While Christianity originated as a way of coping with exploitation among oppressed groups, it
could become a source of resistance to the oppressors and thus a force for change.
OTTO MADURO - THE RELATIVE AUTONOMY OF RELIGION
Maduro is a neo-Marxist.WhiIe accepting many aspects of Marx's analysis of religion, he

places greater emphasis on the idea that religion has some independence, or ‘relative autonomy’,
from the economic system of the bourgeoisie (Maduro, I982). He denies that religion is always a
conservative force and, indeed, claims that it can be revolutionary. He says,‘ReIigion is not
necessarily a functional, reproductive or conservative factor in society; it often is one of the
main (and sometimes the only) available channel to bring about a social revolution.’
Maduro claims that, Catholicism in Latin America has tended to support the bourgeoisie
and the right-wing military dictatorships, which represented its interests.The Catholic Church
has tended to deny the existence of social conflicts between oppressive and oppressed classes.
It has recognised some injustices, such as poverty and illiteracy, but has suggested that the
solution lies with those who already have power.The Catholic Church has also supported
members of the clergy who assist private enterprise and government projects; it has celebrated
military victories but has not supported unions, strikes or opposition political parties
. On the other hand, Catholic priests have increasingly demonstrated their autonomy
from the bourgeoisie by criticising them and acting against their interests. Maduro believes
members of the clergy can develop revolutionary potential where oppressed members of the
population have no outlet for their grievances.They can pressurise priests to take up their cause,
and theological disagreements within a church can provide interpretations of a religion that are
critical of the rich and powerful.
All of these conditions have been met in Latin America and have led to the development
of liberation theology.
Conclusion
ln concluding her discussion of Marxist theories of religion, Meredith B. McGuire (2002)

argues that the relationship between religion and social and political actions is more complex

and unpredictable than Marx claimed. She says,
Religion does relieve the tension of economic deprivation by substituting the value of religious
achievement for economic achievement, and this substitution may indeed have an opiate effect
because pressure for change is defused. At the same time, however, religion offers greater self-
esteem by persuading believers that they are superior, according to these alternative values.
Such a sense of superiority has transformative power, as exemplified by the zeal of the Puritans.
GENDER, FEMINISM AND RELIGION
Feminist theories of religion often follow Marxist theories in arguing that religion can be
an instrument of domination and oppression. However, unlike Marxism,they tend to see religion
as a product of patriarchy rather than as a product of capitalism.They see religion as serving the
interests of men rather than those of a capitalist class. Indeed, such a view of religion is not
confined to female and feminist sociologists. For example,Anthony Giddens (I997) argues: The
Christian religion is a resolutely male affair in its symbolism as well as its hierarchy. While Mary,
the mother of ]esus, may sometimes be treated as if she had divine qualities, God is the father, a
male figure, and jesus took the human shape ofa man. Woman is portrayed as created from a
rib taken from a man.
The secondary and often subordinate role of women in Christian doctrine is also typical
of most other religions. Karen Armstrong (I993) argues: ‘None of the major religions has been
particularly good to women.They have usually become male affairs and women have been
relegated to a marginal position.’ Although women may have made significant advances in many
areas of life,their gains in most religions have been very limited.
Women continue to be excluded from key roles in many religions (although the Church
of England finally allowed the ordination of women priests in l992).This is despite the fact that
women often participate more in organised religion (when they are allowed to) than men.
Fang-Long Shih (20l0) distinguishes two main feminist perspectives on religion: the
radical feminist perspective and the liberal feminist perspective. Shih describes these as ‘two
loose but distinctive positions’. It should be noted that there are differences between writers
operating within these broad positions. Furthermore, as we shall see later, a variety of other
feminist-inspired viewpoints have also developed which challenge the view that religion always
tends towards being patriarchal.
RADICAL FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON RELIGION
Like radical feminist perspectives generally, these feminist approaches argue that
gender inequality is the central type of inequality in society. Furthermore, they argue that a
radical transformation of society is necessary to remove this inequality. Unlike liberal feminism

(see below),they believe that piecemeal reform will not be enough.
SIMONE DE BEAUVOIR - RELIGION AND THE SECOND SEX
The French feminist Simone de Beauvoir in her pioneering feminist book The Second Sex
(l953,first published I949) provided a radical feminist explanation for the existence of religion.To
de Beauvoir, religion acts for women in very similar ways to those in which Marx suggested
religion could act for oppressed classes. De Beauvoir says,‘There must be a religion for women
as there must be one for the common people, and for exactly the same reasons.’ Oppressors
(men) can use religion to control the oppressed group (women), and religion also serves as a
way of compensating women for their second-class status.
De Beauvoir notes that men have generally exercised control over religious beliefs. She
says,‘Man enjoys the great advantage of having a, God endorse the code he writes.’ That code
uses divine authority to support male dominance. As de Beauvoir says,‘For the jews,
Mohammedans, and Christians, among others, man is master by divine right; the fear of God will
therefore repress any impulse towards revolt in the downtrodden female.’
However, in modern societies,‘religion seems much less an instrument of constraint

than an instrument of deception’.Women are deceived by religion into thinking of themselves as
equal to men, despite their evident inequality. ln some ways, religion portrays women as being
closer to God than men, even if they are unlikely to hold positions of power within religions.As
mothers, women have a key religious role:‘a mother not only engenders the flesh, she produces
a soul for God'.Women are taught to be passive, but in some ways this makes them appear
more godly than the men, whose ‘agitation for this and that is more than absurd, it is
blameworthy: why remodel this world which God himself created’.
Like Marx’s proletariat, religion gives women the false belief that they will be
compensated for their sufferings on earth by equality in heaven. In this way the subjugation of
women through religion helps to maintain a status quo in which women are unequal.Women are
also vital to religion because it is they who do much of the work for religious organisations and
introduce children to religious beliefs. Thus, de Beauvoir concludes: Religion sanctions
woman’s self-love; it gives her the guide, father, lover; divine guardian she longs for nostalgically;
it feeds her day-dreams; it fills her empty hours. But, above all, it confirms the social order, it
justifies her resignation, by giving hope of a better future in a sexless heaven. This is why
women today are still 'a powerful trump in the hand of the Church; it is why the Church is notably
hostile to all measures likely to help in women’: emancipation. There must be religion for women;
and there must be women, ‘true women’, to perpetuate religion.
Goddess religions and feminist spirituality
Some feminists argue that the subordination of women has not always been typical of
the majority of religions.
Karen Armstrong (I993), for example, argues that in early history ‘women were
considered central to the spiritual quest’. In the Middle East,Asia and Europe, archaeologists
have uncovered numerous symbols of the Great Mother Goddess. She was pictured as a naked
pregnant woman and seems to represent the mysteries of fertility and life.As Armstrong puts it:
The Earth produced plants and nourished them in rather the some way as a woman
gave birth to a child and fed it from her own body. The magical power of the earth seemed vitally
interconnected with the mysterious creativity of the female sex.
There were very few early efflgies of gods as men.As societies developed religious beliefs in
which there were held to be many different gods and goddesses, the Mother Goddess still
played a crucial role.
However, the final death knell for goddesses came with the acceptance of monotheism-
belief in a single god rather than many.This originated with Yahweh, the god ofAbraham.
Furthermore,this ‘God of Israel would later become the God of the Christians and the Muslims,
who all regard themselves as the spiritual offspring ofAbraham,the father of all believers’.
Some radical feminists have used the idea of Goddess religions as a way of developing
and extending the insights provided by writers such as de Beauvoir. De Beauvoir’s radical
feminist approach owes a good deal to Marxism. It also assumes that religion is inevitably
patriarchal and must be abolished.The alternative approach accepts that religion is patriarchal
but does not believe that religion itself needs to be abolished. Instead, it argues that the
dominance of patriarchal religions needs to be overthrown by replacing them with feminist
religions. In particular, they need to be replaced with Goddess religions.
Mary Daly - rebirth of the Goddess
Mary Daly (I973) was one of the earliest advocates of this approach. Daly was strongly
influenced by de Beauvoir and agreed that religion was oppressive to women. Daly believes that
all women are part of a ‘planetary sexual caste system’. This system is patriarchal and
exploitative of women. It is maintained in a variety of ways.
For example, sex role segregation plays a part, with men and women often separated
into different roles within society.The system is also supported by the existence of derivative
status — a situation in which women get part of their status not from their own position in
society but from that of their husband.This system could not be maintained without sex role
socialisation — the different socialisation of men and women into distinct gender roles within
society. This helps to create ‘the consent of the victims’, in which women agree that their own
subordinate role is right and proper. Patriarchal religious ideology plays a crucial role in this by

justifying patriarchal institutions which benefit men at the expense of women, making them
seem natural, and ‘bestowing supernatural blessings upon them’.
Daly argues that the existing religions are based on an ‘inadequate God’ and oppress
women in several ways:
I. Religions such as Christianity have often proclaimed that the subordination of women is
God's will.
2. God is portrayed as a man and as Father.‘One-sex symbolism’ of this sort alienates women
and places them in an inferior position to men.
3. Even without sexist assumptions built in, religion ‘encourages detachment from the reality of
human struggle against oppression in its concrete manifestations’. Religion tells believers that
redemption comes through prayer, not through actively trying to change the situation and
abolish exploitation. For this reason it tends to support the continuation of patriarchy.
Daly attaches particular importance to the language and imagery of religion.To move
beyond this, language needs to be changed. She says,‘The method of liberation,then, involves a
castration of language and images that reflect and perpetuate the structures of the sexist world.
It castrates precisely in the name of cutting away the phallocentric value system imposed by
patriarchy’ (Daly, I973).This involves abolishing the language of male gods and replacing it with
a different language.
However, Daly does not simply wish to replace the image of a single divine male being
with the image of a single divine female being. Instead she argues for a new feminist
spirituality.This sense of spirituality can come from within women and can lead to the
revolutionary overthrow of dominant, male gods.Together women can ‘struggle towards self-
transcendence’ so that religious and spiritual insight comes from within and not from the
teachings of male preachers imposing a male god on women
CAROL P. CHRIST - FEMINIST SPIRITUALITY
Daly’s ideas have influenced a range of other feminists, including Carol P. Christ. In
Rebirth of the Goddess: Finding Meaning in Feminist Spirituality (I997), Christ discusses her own
path towards discovering the Goddess, and the wider significance of this approach to spirituality.
Like Daly, Christ rejects traditional, patriarchal versions of religion. However, she goes
beyond this and questions ‘the ethos of objectivity’ as well.According to Christ, since the

Enlightenment men have succeeded in making the idea of objective and rational knowledge
dominant in society (for a discussion of the Enlightenment, see p. 988).This view of knowledge
holds that knowledge must be independent of the individual and involves the ‘masking of the
interests, feelings and passions that inspire thinking’. Furthermore, it is based upon the idea
of‘rational man‘, which excludes women and non-elite men, both of whom are deemed less than
rational.
However, Christ believes that objective knowledge is not possible and knowledge is
always influenced by the ~ values, beliefs and experiences of the person who creates the
knowledge.An alternative to this male-dominated perspective on knowledge is the idea of
embodied thinking. Christ says:
When we think through the body, we reflect upon the standpoint: embedded in our life
experiences, histories, values, judgements and interests Embodied thinking enlarges experience
through empathy Empathy reaches out to others, desiring to understand the world from
different points of view.
She therefore believes that valid knowledge can be created through working with other feminists,
but that personal experience has to be the starting point for knowledge.
Christ argues that, through such knowledge, traditional theology (traditional studies of
religion) can be replaced with a new thea-logy.The word thea-logy is from thea,‘Goddess', and
Iogos,‘meaning’, so that thea-logy is a‘reflection on the meaning of the Goddess’. Christ believes
that thea-logy can move beyond the dualisms — or pairs of opposites — in traditional theology
and thought.Thus it rejects the opposition between concepts such as ‘spirit and nature, mind
and body, rational and irrational, male and female'.This is because the idea of the Goddess is
not seen as a separate being in the same way as the God of traditional religions. Rather the
Goddess is found all around in love and nature.Through rituals and symbols related to the
Goddess you can ‘bring to consciousness (reminders of) our sense of deep connection (or
binding) to all people, all beings in the web of life’.
Symbols and statues of the Goddess have been found in a whole variety of civilisations
dating back as far as 25,000 BCE (BCE is a secular alternative to BC).All are different, but they all
tend to associate the Goddess with life and nature. Figure 7.l shows one example, the Goddess
of Mallia in Crete, with Christ's accompanying commentary.
Christ goes on to discuss a number of examples of how individuals come to find the
Goddess. One of those individuals is Christ herself. Christ was a student of theology but she
became increasingly disillusioned with the conventional image of God. In particular, she felt that
the ‘image of God as Father, and Spirit‘ was the major problem. She felt that this God did not
accept her female self, and unless she could see God as Mother as well as Father she would

never feel valued by religion. Increasingly frustrated, one night she shouted out,‘l want you to
know how much I have suffered because you let yourself be named in man's image as God of
the fathers, as the man-of-war, as kingof the universe.’ After crying she heard a voice through
the silence that said,‘ln God is a woman like yourself. She shares your suffering.’
Her ideas on the Goddess were further developed by attending a workshop led by a
woman called Starhalk who saw the Goddess as Mother Earth,who was found in nature and in
the spirit, emotions, mind and body of each individual. Her understanding and spiritual
awareness developed further in a women's spirituality group called Rising Moon
Another significant event in her spiritual life was the death of her mother. At that point,
Christ: began to understand that a great matrix of love always surrounded and sustained my life.
Since then, I have come to experience love as the gift of the abundant Earth. lt truly is the power
of all being, the power l know as a Goddess.
Her personal journey to discovering the Goddess and learning about her nature was
individual. However, although every woman in this feminist spiritual movement has her own
story to tell and her own spiritual journey, each finds a similar spiritual power through
discovering the Goddess.
Evaluation of Goddess religion and feminist spirituality
Radical feminist approaches that advocate Goddess religion have been influential in
demonstrating that a belief in God can help to maintain patriarchy and that non-patriarchal
religions are possible. However, these approaches are not without their problems
> Daly’s work is rather generalised and in places lacks detailed evidence to show that a belief in
God really does have the effects that she claims
> The work of Christ is even more prob|ematic.As Fang-Long Shih (ZOIO) says, it is difficult to
evaluate an approach which rejects empirical research. Shih argues that evidence-based
research is not necessarily gendered. For example, it is perfectly possible to use this type of
research to find evidence of religion being patriarchal, and therefore it does not necessarily
support the interests of men. Research such as Christ's which is based so much upon personal
experience may provide insights but it is difficult to assess its reliability and validity in any
conventional sense Nevertheless, Shih believes that this type of research has been significant in
the development of the sociology of religion in general, by helping to open up female and
feminist perspectives. For example, LindaWoodhead (2007) has discussed how involvement in
NewAge activities such as Reiki in Kendal can be a way for women to gain self-esteem and self-
confidence when their sense of self-worth has been undermined by male partners.

PATRIARCHY, ISLAM AND THE LIMITED ROLE OF RELIGION
Both Simone de Beauvoir and advocates of Goddess religion write from the perspective
of Western, Christian women. Furthermore, they all assume that religion itself is a main cause of
patriarchy. Nawal El Saadawi is an Egyptian feminist writer and a leading advocate of women’s
rights in the Arab world. She was sacked from her post as Egypt's Director of Public Health by
President Sadat, and has been imprisoned for her political activities. In The Hidden Face of Eve
(I980) she discusses female oppression in the Arab world and elsewhere, and considers the role
of religion in creating and perpetuating oppression. However, she does not see religion itself as
the main cause of oppression; instead she sees it as just one aspect of a wider patriarchal
system which needs to be overthrown through struggle.
El Saadawi herself had personal experience of oppression within patriarchal society. For
example, she describes in chilling terms her terror as a young girl when her parents forced her,
without warning or explanation, to undergo ‘female circumcision’, where part of her clitoris was
amputated. She argues that Arab girls are often victims of sexual aggression by men (often their
fathers, brothers or other relations). She also discusses prostitution, slavery and abortion and
argues that all of these areas provide evidence of patriarchal dominance ofArab men over Arab
women.
El Saadawi notes that oppressive practices such as female circumcision have often
been attributed to the influence of Islam. However", she denies that the oppression of women is
directly caused by religion in general, or Islam in particular. Female circumcision has been
practised in a considerable number of countries, not all of them IsIamic.Authentic religious
beliefs tend to be opposed to any such practices because,‘if religion comes from God, how can
it order man to cut off an organ created by Him as long as that organ is not diseased or
deformed?’ Authentic religion aims at ‘truth, equality, justice, love and a healthy wholesome life
for all people,whether men or women’.
Furthermore, other religions are often more oppressive than Islam. El Saadawi says,‘lf
we study Christianity, it is easy to see that this religion is much more rigid and orthodox where
women are concerned than Islam.’ To El Saadawi, the oppression of women is caused by ‘the
patriarchal system which came into being when society had reached a certain stage of
development’. Nevertheless, she does see religion as playing a role in women’s oppression. Men
distort religion to serve their own interests,to help justify or legitimate the oppression of women.

The origins of oppressive religion
El Saadawi argues that religion became patriarchal through the misinterpretation of

religious beliefs by men. She cites the Greek myth of lsis and Osiris.The evilTouphoun
overpowers the male Osiris. His body is cut into small pieces and dispersed in the sea, and fish
eats his sexual organ. Despite this, Isis (who is female) is able to reassemble Osiris’s body.To El
Saadawi,this story clearly implies female superiority, but men have interpreted it quite differently.
They have emphasised the superiority of Osiris because he was created from the head of the
god Zeus, who was greater than Osiris, according to Homer and other writers, because he was
more knowledgeable. In reality, El Saadawi says, all the male gods were created by, or given the
ability to move by, the greatest deity of them all,the goddess lsis.
Similar distortions have entered the story ofAdam and Eve, which is accepted by both
Christians and Muslims as part of the story of creation. Males usually portray Eve as a
temptress who created sin in the world. However: if we read the original story as described in
the Old Testament, it is easy for us to see clearly that Eve was gifted with knowledge,
intelligence and superior mental capacities, whereas Adam was only one of her instruments,
utilized by her to increase her knowledge and give shape to her creativity. El Saadawi, I980
Like other writers, El Saadawi argues that forms of religion that were oppressive to
women developed as monotheistic religions (believing in a single god). Such religions ‘drew
inspiration and guidance from the values of the patriarchal and class societies prevalent at the
time’. For example,the jewish religion drew upon the patriarchal power ofAbraham to produce a
situation in which ‘a Hebrew household was embodied in the patriarchal family, under the
uncontested and undivided authority of the father’.
Islamic society also developed in a patriarchal way through the dominance of a male
minority who owned herds of horses, camels and sheep.As a consequence, ‘Authority in Islam
belonged to the man as head of the family, to the supreme ruler, or the Khalifa (political ruler), or
Imam (religious leader).’ Although the Qur’an stipulated that both men and women could be
stoned to death for adultery, this fate was very unlikely to befall men.This was because men
were permitted several wives (but women were not permitted several husbands) and because
men could divorce their wives instantaneousIy.There was therefore little need for men to
commit adultery. Even today, in countries such as Egypt, women are still subject to extremely
restrictive marriage laws.

El Saadawi describes Christ as a revolutionary leader who opposed oppression. Early

Christianity had stricter moral codes than other religions, and codes which treated the sexes
fairly equally. Nevertheless, at a later stage: the religious hierarchies that grew and fattened on
the teachings of Christ allowed the system of concubiriage to creep in once more. Despite the
limitations placed’ by Christianity on man’s sexual freedom, woman was maintained in her
inferior underprivileged status as compared with him. The patriarchal system still reigned
supreme and grew even more ferocious with the gradual shift to a feudal system. El Saadawi,
I980
In the l4th century, for example,the Catholic Church declared that women who treated
those who were ill, without special training, could be executed as witches.
Conclusion
El Saadawi concludes that female oppression is not essentially due to religion but due to
the patriarchal system that has long been dominant. Religion, though, has played its part:
The great religions of the world uphold similar principles in so far as the submission of
women to men is concerned. They also agree in the attribution of masculine characteristics to
their God. Islam and Christianity have both constituted important stages in the evolution of
humanity. Nevertheless, where the cause of women was concerned, they added a new load to
their already heavy chains. El Saadawi, I980
The only way for women to improve their lot is to struggle for their own liberation. Arab women
have been doing this for longer than theirWestern counterparts.As early as I4 centuries ago,
Arab women successfully campaigned against the universal use of the male gender when
referring to people in general in the Qur’an. El Saadawi believes any recent gains in the position
ofArab women have been due to a combination of social, economic and political changes and
their own struggles.
El Saadawi argues that women have benefited from revolutions wherever they have
taken place. (She is particularly supportive of socialist revolutions and could be seen as
advocating socialist feminism (see pp. I04--6) as much as radical feminism.) Revolutions will
further the cause of women even more if the positive aspects of the Qur’an can be emphasised
and the patriarchal misinterpretations abandoned.Thus El Saadawi is not hostile to religion, but
only to the domination of religion by patriarchal ideology.
Evaluation of radical feminism
Despite the variations within radical feminism, the overall approach displays certain
weaknesses.There is a tendency to generalise about religion in much radical feminism, seeing it
all as equally patriarchal. However, some liberal feminists have identified certain religions that

are not clearly or strongly patriarchal (see below). Radical feminists also tend to ignore evidence
that progress has been made and that aspects of patriarchal ideology within religion have been
successfully challenged. In some cases, radical feminists have not backed up their views with
detailed research. In other cases, the validity or representativeness of the research may be open
to question. Radical feminists are also not particularly sensitive to the ways in which women
may find space within or use apparently patriarchal religions to further their own interests.
LIBERAL FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON RELIGION
Radical feminists tend to believe that patriarchy is so built into existing religions that
only their destruction or replacement with an alternative can lead to the furthering of feminism.
However, liberal feminists, while also regarding existing religions as patriarchal, see more
mileage in reforming them to eradicate patriarchal elements from them. Fang-Long Shih (20I0)
says that‘Religious liberal feminists have what might be called an agenda of accommodation
with the religious “system” as it stands.’ Nevertheless, they start off by identifying the aspects of
religion which, in their view, need reforming
JEAN HOLM - INEQUALITY IN MAJOR RELIGIONS
Jean Holm (I994) reviewed some of the ways in which women are subordinated or
exploited in contemporary religions and devalued by different religious beliefs. She argues that,
while the classical teachings of many religions have stressed equality between men and women,
in practice women have usually been far from equal. She says,‘Women do, of course, have a part
to play in many religions, but it is almost always subordinate to the role of men, and it is likely to
be in the private rather than the public sphere.’ She gives a number of examples.
In japanese folk religions, women are responsible for organising public rituals, but only
men can take part in the public performances. In Chinese popular religion,women are
associated with Yin and men with Yang. However,Yang spirits are more important and powerful.
In Buddhism, both men and women can have a religious role, as monks and nuns, respectively.
However, all monks are seen as senior to all nuns. Orthodox Judaism allows only males to take
a full part in ceremonies. In Islam, in some regions, women are not allowed to enter mosques for
worship, and men have made all the legal rulings.
Christianity has also been male-dominated. Holm says: Many of the most influential
ideas were worked out by (celibate) men in the first five centuries of the Church’: history, and the
significant developments of the medieval Church and the Reformation were also shaped by men.
Holm, I994
In Hinduism only men can become Brahmanic priests. Sikhism is perhaps the most
egalitarian of the major religions, since all offices are equally open to men and women. However,
even in Sikhism only a small minority of women have significant positions within the religion.
Women’s second-class status is often related to female sexuality. Holm

comments:‘l"Ienstruation and childbirth are almost universally regarded as polluting. In many
traditions women are forbidden to enter sacred places or touch sacred objects during the
menstrual period.’ For example, Hindu women are prohibited from approaching family shrines
when pregnant or menstruating. Muslim women are not allowed to touch the Qur’an, go into a
mosque or pray during menstruation.
The limits to patriarchy and progress towards greater equality
Although they identify a range of inequalities within various religions, many liberal
feminists suggest that the patriarchal oppression of women within religion is not universal.
Essays in a book edited by jean Holm (I994) identified three main reasons for this:
I. Some religions are generally patriarchal but there can still be aspects of them which provide
significant opportunities for women. For example, Leila Badawi (I994) notes aspects of Islam
that are positive for Women. Unlike Christian women, Islamic women keep their own family
name when they get married. Muslims also have considerable choice over which interpretation
of Islam, or school of law, they give their allegiance to. Some schools of law have much more
positive attitudes to women than others
2. There are a few religions which do not have a strong tradition of patriarchy and have always
been relatively egalitarian.According to Alexandra Wright (1994), some Christian religions,
particularly Quakerism, have never been oppressive to women. Kanwaljit Kaur-Singh (1 994)
points out that ‘Sikh Gurus pleaded the cause of the emancipation of Indian womanhood and did
their best to ameliorate the sordid condition of women.’
3. Aspects of some religions are changing, partly as a result of the campaigns and actions of
liberal feminists, and patriarchal aspects of them have been challenged and reformed.
Holm (I994) sees ‘signs of hope’ in the religious situation of women. Rita Gross (I 994) detects
signs of a ‘post- patriarchal’ Buddhism that might be developing in Western countries.
Wright (I994) notes that Reform judaism has allowed women to become rabbis since" I972.
Holm notes that after the Church of England permitted the ordination of women I992, rapid
progress was made in the position of women in' the organisation. In I994 there were already
three female Anglican bishops.
More recently Fang-Long Shih (2Ol0) has discussed further progress towards greater
equality. She points out that the proportion of female clergy in the Church of England has
continued to increase. Furthermore,the American Episcopal Church started admitting women to
the priesthood as early as l976.There has also been significant progress within Buddhism.The
female Buddhist monastic order (the bhikkhuni sangha) was discontinued for around a

thousand years, but thanks to the campaigns of Buddhist feminists throughout the world it has
been restored in Southeast Asia.As a result, Sri Lanka had around 500 bhikkhuni by 2006.
Evaluation of liberal feminism
Although there is evidence of some progress as a result of liberal feminism,the extent of

this progress is open to question. Radical feminists tend to believe that patriarchy is so
embedded within existing religions that reform will never be enough to significantly improve the
position of women within religion and within society in general. Other feminists, while not
rejecting liberal feminism altogether, believe it has had only a limited impact. Fang-Long Shih
(2OI0) refers to research which suggests that, even with increasing numbers of women ordained
within the Church of England, relatively little has changed and sexist attitudes within the Church
remain strong. In addition to Shih's point, statistical evidence suggests that there is still a long
way to go before women achieve anything like equality within the Church of England. Figures
produced by Peter Brierley (20l I) show that in 2009 women still made up only 6.l per cent of
senior clergy (bishops, assistant bishops, archdeacons and deans) within the Church of England.
Patriarchy and women in conservative religions
Conservative religions, which tend to support traditional values, are often seen as the
most oppressive types of religions for women. Fundamentalist and evangelical religions, which
advocate traditional morality, the importance of the domestic role for women and modesty for
women, all seem to be particularly patriarchal. However, some feminist sociologists have begun
to question whether they really do always succeed in oppressing women.A number of
researchers have found evidence that women find space within such religions in which they can
develop their own independence and ideas or actually use aspects of these religions to further
their own interests.This can help to explain why many conservative religions are embraced with
some enthusiasm by a significant number of women.The following studies all exemplify this
general theme.
This suggests that radical feminism over-generalises about the way women are
oppressed within religion. It also suggests that liberal feminism might underestimate the degree
to which women can pursue their own interests within religions even if they have not managed
to gain significant reforms. It emphasises that religion might affect different women in different
ways.
PIETY MOVEMENTS
Rachel Rinaldo (20l0) argues that towards the end of the 20th century a number of
religious piety movements developed around the worId.These movements all had in common a
tendency towards theological conservativism — supporting the traditional teachings of a religion
— and an emphasis upon the strict observance of a religion and spiritual devotion. Pious
practices include prayer and dressing in a way deemed appropriate by a religion. Fundamentalist
religious movements (see p. 446) can generally be seen as part of the piety movement, but the
movement is slightly broader than this, also encompassing some evangelical religions, Hindu
revivalism in India and most Pentecostal churches.
Rinaldo argues that some, but not all, piety movements have political aims (for example,
the New Christian Right in the USA is closely allied to the Republican Party). Women are often
prominent among the membership in piety movements, although they are less likely to be in
leadership positions. Rinaldo gives examples of the ways in which women have participated in
such religious groups:
ln the Middle East, women were rejecting the Westernized clothing of their parents and
joining Islamic study groups; women in Southeast Asia were beginning to veil for the first time;
women in Latin America and Africa were gravitating towards Pentecostalism and charismatic
forms of Christianity; women in the USA were joining evangelical churches and demanding a
return to Christian values, or conversely, discarding secular lifestyles in order to take on the
strict disciplines of Orthodox judaism; women in South Asia were joining militant Hindu revivalist
organizations; and women in Buddhist countries were increasingly interested in Buddhist
practices and beginning to press for ordination as nuns.
Since, according to feminists, the religions and religious practices associated with the piety
movements are often deemed to be oppressive to women, this raises questions about why
women are such active participants.
Rinaldo identifies three types of explanations for the active and apparently enthusiastic
participation of women in these movements:
I. Macro-structural explanations argue that the causes lie in major shifts in society such as the
development of modernity and globalisation. Rinaldo notes that studies of both Islam and
Christianity have highlighted the importance of concern about increasing inequality and
changing gender roles and family structures.
A number of studies suggest that Muslim women choose to wear the veil because they
reject Westernised models of modernity. However, they still long to be modern; but they wish to
define modernity in a different way. For example, Rinaldo quotes a study of Shia women in
Beirut (Deeb, 2006,cited in Rinaldo, 20l0) where the practice of the Islamic faith emphasised the
importance of education, debate and participation in the public sphere.A study in South Korea
(Chong, 2006, cited in Rinaldo, 20 I 0) found that evangelical Christianity was a response to the
country’s ‘astounding economic development and rapid modernization [which] have produced
great tensions between patriarchal norms and new ideals of modern family relations that are
more egalitarian’.

In these types of studies, piety movements are seen as playing a positive role for
women as they ‘allow women to both take refuge from dislocating changes and to formulate
their own versions of modernity’.
2. Micro explanations emphasise agency and identity. They stress that piety involves active
choices made by women as they seek to construct positive identities for themselves. For
example, Mahmood (2005) studied Islamic women in Egypt. She argued that in Egyptian society
in general there was little opportunity for women to develop a distinct identity or sense of
self.Within the piety movement, women have more freedom to do this.Thus their religious
beliefs were not primarily a matter of liberating themselves from patriarchal oppression, or of
submitting to such oppression, but more about finding a space in which they could develop a
distinctive identity of their own.
Rinaldo also discusses Pentecostalism, a form of Christianity which has been growing
rapidly, particularly among women, in Africa and Latin America. She says that Pentecostalists
‘espoused an ideology of male domination’ but ‘scholars note that Pentecostal churches foster
female services and prayer groups, allowing women to develop social relationships outside their
kin networks’.Women may also find the emphasis upon moral behaviour useful in restraining
their husbands from excessive drinking and gambling.
3. The third type of explanation for these movements emphasises the importance of community
identity. For example, Chen (2006, cited in Rinaldo, 20 I 0) claims that evangelical Christianity
among Taiwanese immigrants to the USA helps to create a sense of community while adapting
to a new society, and women take the lead in this process.Women can feel empowered by the
opportunity piety movements provide for creating or recreating a sense of community.
Rinaldo acknowledges that piety movements tend to reproduce patriarchal relationships to

some extent. For example, they may sometimes legitimate and justify male domination within
the household. However, she does not follow radical feminists in seeing religion in a wholly
negative light for women. Her approach has more in common with liberal feminism, arguing that,
even within the most conservative religions, which appear to support traditional gender roles,
there are opportunities for women to further their own interests. Her approach suggests that
many religions cannot be seen simply in terms of oppressing or liberating women;they can have
both effects simultaneously.
Rinaldo admits that feminist versions of piety movements have not been particularly
successful. Nevertheless, she sees some possibility that piety movements could lead to greater
equality, because they are not entirely controlled by men for the benefit of men. It tends to be
‘women of the urban lower middle to upper middle classes’ who are most likely to join these
groups, and it is just these types of women who seem most likely to push forward an agenda
that provides more opportunity for women in the future.

ISLAM AND THE VEIL
Perhaps the most controversial issue in the development of piety movements is the
issue of veiling and modest dress among Islamic women. Rinaldo (20l0) notes that, as veiling
regained popularity in the I970s and I980s,‘the reaction from feminists was overwhelmingly
negative’, seeing the practice as a ‘reassertion of patriarchy’.After the Islamic revolution in Iran
in I979, veiling was made compulsory, and some saw this as a direct assault on women’s rights.
However, these assumptions have been challenged by a number of feminist writers.
Helen Watson (I994) argues that the veiling of Islamic women can be interpreted as
beneficial to Muslim women. She examines three personal responses by Islamic women to
veiling and finds that Islamic women in a globalised world can use wearing veils in a positive
way.
As Western culture tries to influence Islamic countries, and more Muslims live in the
Western world,the veil can take on new meanings for women. For example, Nadia, a second-
generation British-Asian woman studying medicine at university, actively chose to start wearing
a veil when she was I6. She was proud of her religion and wanted others to know that she was
Muslim. She felt that ‘It is liberating to have the freedom of movement, to be able to
communicate with people without being on show. It's what you say that’s important, not what
you look like.’ She found that, far from making her invisible, wearing a veil made her stand out,
yet it also helped her to avoid ‘lecherous stares or worse‘ from men.Watson concludes that
veiling is often a reaction against an increasingly pervasive Western culture.
Some Muslim men, too, have begun to rejectWestern- style clothes — for example, by
refusing to wear ties.All this can be seen as ‘a sign of the times’ that entails the assertion of
independence, separate identity and a rejection of Western cultural imperialism. Rather than
seeing the veil as a sign of male oppression, it has become ‘a reaction against the secular
feminism of the West, and as part of the search for an indigenous Islamic form of protest
against male power ~ and dominance in public society’.
Watson’s conclusions should be treated with some caution. Her observations are based
upon studying only three women. She appears to have made no attempt to find Muslim women
who felt men or patriarchal society forced them into wearing the veil against their will.Attempts
by women to subvert patriarchy by changing the meaning of traditional practices may not
always succeed in liberating women from domination through religion.There is always a danger
that they might have the opposite effect. Rinaldo (2010) argues that there is a big difference
between societies where the practice is compulsory and those where it is not. She believes that
it is dangerous to generalise about its effects: ‘in societies where it is not mandatory, it carries a
multiplicity of meanings that are decidedly context dependent’. Only by examining those
contexts can the real meaning of veiling be understood.

RATIONAL CHOICE THEORIES OF RELIGION
The origins of rational choice theory
ln an influential article, R. Stephen Warner (I993) argued that a whole new paradigm had
emerged in the sociology of religion. He claimed that this new paradigm challenged the
predominance of the old approach which was based upon the experience of religious history in
Europe.This involved the assumption that a truly religious society was one in which a single
religion dominated society as a whole and people automatically became members of the
dominant church at birth.Any departure from this was seen as evidence of religious decline.
However, this model did not fit the experience of the USA,or even the recent development of
religion in other parts of the world, and a new perspective was therefore required. From this
perspective, the greater the religious pluralism the more successful religion was likely to be.
This new perspective is generally known as rational choice theory.
Rational choice theory has a number of distinctive features compared to other theories
of religion:
l. lt originates from the USA and is largely based upon the experience of religion in the USA.
2. It assumes that most people are naturally religious.
3. It argues that there are rational reasons behind belief in religion - people believe in religion
because there is something in it for them. It therefore adopts a more individualistic stance than
perspectives such as functionalism, Marxism and feminism. Religion is seen as meeting the
needs of individuals rather than those of social groups or society as a whole.
4. Economic concepts are influential in the way that rational choice theory sees religion.
Religion is seen in similar terms to a market in which individual consumer choices are important
in determining whether a particular religion is successful or not.
5. The overall success of religion depends partly upon the ‘supply-side’ - that is, whether
consumers of religion have a good selection of alternative products (religious organisations) to
choose from
6. Rational choice theory generally rejects the view that religion is declining (the theory of
secularisation,which is discussed below, see p. 445).
The most influential proponents of rational choice theory are Rodney Stark and William Sims
Bainbridge.

RODNEY STARK AND WILLIAMSIMS BAINBRIDGE-
RELIGION AND COMPENSATORS
Human desires
Stark and Bainbridge (I985) believe that religion helps to meet universal human needs.As
such, changes in religion cannot diminish its appeal.They claim that ‘humans seek what they
perceive to be rewards and try to avoid what they perceive to be costs’. In other words, people
do what they believe will be good for them.This provides a straightforward basis for human
decision-making but individuals still face problems:
I. Many of the things that people desire,for example wealth and status, are scarce and cannot
be obtained by everybody.
2. Some things that people strongly desire may not be available at all.An example of this is the
desire for life after death. Despite the lack of convincing evidence that eternal life is possible,
people continue to want it, and this desire provides the basis for religion.
Compensators
Stark and Bainbridge recognise that religion might not actually provide people with
eternal life, but what it does offer is a ‘compensator’.A compensator is ‘the belief that a reward
will be obtained in the distant future or in some other context which cannot be verified’. It is a
type of lOU — if individuals act in a particular way they will eventually get their reward. In the
absence of immediate rewards people are liable to seek compensators instead. For example,
when a parent persuades a child that working hard now will eventually lead to fame and
riches,they are offering their child a compensator as a substitute for immediate rewards.
Some compensators are specific, for example, the promise of a cure for an illness;
others are more general, for example, the promise of eternal life.
Compensators and the supernatural
Sometimes individuals want rewards that are so great and so remote from everyday experience
that the possibility of gaining them can only be contemplated alongside a belief in the
supernatural. Stark and Bainbridge say:
Since time immemorial humans have desired to know the meaning of existence. Why are
we here? What is the purpose of life? Where will it all end? Moreover, people have not just
wanted answers to these questions; they desired particular kinds of answers -- that life has

meaning. But for life to have a great design, for there to be intention behind history, one must
posit the existence of a designer or intender of such power, duration, and scale as to be outside
the natural world ofour senses.
Only a belief in a God allows you to have answers to such fundamental

questions.According to this viewpoint, religion consists of organisations which offer‘general
compensators based on supernatural assumptions’.
Religious pluralism and secularisation
Since religion answers universal questions, and its compensators meet universal human
needs, religion can neither disappear nor seriously decline. Churches that compromise their
beliefs in the supernatural become less appealing as a source of compensators.Thus,‘for
religious organisations to move markedly in the direction of non- supernaturalism is to pursue
the path to ruin’. If this happens, people turn to other religious organisations and particularly to
new sects and cults, which have a greater emphasis on the supernatural.
According to Stark and Bainbridge,American society has become characterised by

increasing religious pluralism as people have sought new sources of compensators. They quote
j. George Melton‘: I978 Encyclopaedia of American Religions, which listed no fewer than l20O
different religious groups.
Stark and Bainbridge deny that there are many people who lack any religious or
supernatural beliefs and they do not think that secularisation has taken place or will take place
to any great extent in the future. In general terms secularisation means the decline of religion.
They argue that ‘the majority of people who say they have no religious affiliation express
considerable belief in the mystical and supernatural’. In other words, they have not lost their
need for supernatural compensators. Furthermore, Stark and Bainbridge quote survey evidence
that suggests that 60 per cent of those whose parents have no religious affiliation claim a
religious affiliation for themseIves.Where agnosticism or atheism existed in one generation, it
tended not to be passed down to succeeding generations.
The application of rational choice theory
Rational choice theory and Europe
Although rational choice theory was first developed in the USA, and it seems to fit the US
experience of religion particularly well, it has also been applied to Europe.
Rodney Stark and Laurence R. lannaccone (I994) argue that the apparent secularisation
of Europe can be understood in a different light using rational choice theory. They argue that a
‘supply-side’ reinterpretation of trends in Europe is necessary. From their point of view,

differences in the level of religiosity-in different parts of Europe can be explained in terms of the
extent to which religion was centrally regulated, and to what extent there was a supply of
competing religions trying to attract adherents. In some countries, particularly where the state
and church are closely connected, the supply of alternative religions from which people can
choose their faith tends to be severely restricted. If a single religious ‘firm’ is too monopolistic,
the vitality of religion will be sapped. In other countries, there is much less centralised control
and the supply of alternative religions competing for attention is much stronger.
For example, Sweden and Norway have very low church attendance despite the fact that
subjectively many people express religious beliefs. However, the close connection between the
church and state and the lack of competition mean that the limited range of existing
organisations is not fulfilling the demand for religion. On the other hand, countries such as the
Netherlands have fairly ‘unregulated religious economies’. It is relatively easy for religious
groups to start up and they are not suppressed by a monopolistic, state-sponsored religion. In
such countries, therefore, religious participation is much higher since more of the demand for
the expression of religious beliefs is being met.
Rational choice theory and Latin America
Rational choice theory has also been applied to Latin America.Anthony Gill (I998, I999,
discussed in Davie, 2007) argues that religious growth in Latin America has resulted from
increased competition with the Catholic Church.There has been a rapid growth in Pentecostalist
groups actively competing to try to recruit former Catholics
However, Gill argues that rational choice theory can also be applied to the actions of the
Catholic Church itself. In some countries, such as Chile, the dominance of the Catholic Church
has been threatened by the existence of a strong socialist movement as well as evangelical
Protestants trying to recruit new supporters. In other countries such as Argentina, there has
been much less threat to the dominance of the Catholic Church. In Chile, the Catholic Church
shifted its position, distancing itself somewhat from the state and paying increasing attention to
the wishes and interests of the poor. In Argentina, however, with much less threat to its
dominance, it has tended to continue to ally closely with the state.
Thus Gill believes that just as individuals act rationally in pursuit of what they see as
their own self-interest, so do religious organisations. Rational choice theory can therefore be
applied to understanding different aspects of religion, not just personal belief and the overall
strength of religion.
Criticisms and evaluation of rational choice theory
Given that rational choice theory has tried to produce a complete new theory of religion
and has challenged widely held views, it is not surprising that it has been heavily criticised. One
of the strongest critics is Steve Bruce,who has attacked it on many levels.
I. Bruce (20I l) rejects the view that secularisation cannot take place to any significant extent
because all humans seek what religion has to offer. Bruce has argued in successive books that
secularisation is indeed taking place, which would suggest that the demand for religion can
decline over time
2. Bruce also argues that the evidence does not fit the model in terms of which countries are
least religious and which are most religious. Bruce claims that the evidence presented by
rational choice theorists themselves contradicts their claims. For example, he argues that the
statistics in the study by Finke and Stark (I 988) actually show that the towns in the United
States with the greatest_degree of religious pluralism have lower rates of church membership,
and not the highest rates as rational choice theory would predict. Furthermore, Bruce says,‘ln the
Western world,the generally more homogeneous Catholic and Orthodox societies (Spain,
Portugal, Italy, Greece, Ireland) are more religious than the diverse Protestant ones (such as
Britain).'
3. Bruce also attacks the underlying principles on which rational choice theory is based. He
does not deny that humans behave, at least in part, rationally, but he does not believe that in
choosing religions people act in just the same way as a consumer choosing which product to
buy. Unlike buying soap powder, when choosing a religion there is no clear way to compare the
costs and benefits of rival beliefs. Furthermore, religion is not simply a matter of individual
choice but is bound up with our social identities and culture. Bruce says: Religious affiliation is
often so closely tied to other forms of identity that most people are not free to switch. In
Sarajevo, Baghdad or Kabul, religious affiliation is a matter of communal identity, not a personal
preference to be altered at will. Those who switch may well find themselves ostracized or worse.
People are not executed for changing car brands; in many countries they are shunned, expelled
or killed for switching religion. Even in the USA, social identities constrain religious choices. Very
few congregations are racially mixed, and few white Americans attend black churches or vice
versa.
Some European sociologists, however, do not reject rational choice theory completely.
For example, Grace Davie (2007) believes that the theory is more applicable in some parts of the
world than in others.Although the choice of religion is increasing in Europe,generaIly she
believes that ‘Europeans, as a consequence of the state church system (an historical fact
whether you like it or not), regard their churches as public utilities rather than competing firms’.
In the USA, the lack of the historical legacy of an established church means that the choice of
religion is more fluid and there is more competition between religious organisations.
Furthermore, in both Europe and North America, religious belief and practice have begun to shift
from ‘obligation to consumption’ — as social pressure to conform to the same religious beliefs
as your parents has declined. From Davie's point of view, therefore, rational choice theory is
becoming more applicable as time progresses.
Malcolm Hamilton (2009) also takes a balanced view of rational choice theory. On the
positive side, he says,‘It has shown that religion involves active agency, and is not simply the
product of socialization.’ Therefore it moves beyond some theories, such as functionalism,
which tend to assume that people will be socialised into the religious culture of the society in
which they live. However, Hamilton also says that ‘it goes, perhaps, rather too far in this
direction, ignoring structural variables and social constraints. It works best when applied to the
congregational style ofWestern religiosity but less well outside this tradition.’
RELIGION AND SOCIAL CHANGE
There are a number of possible relationships between religion and social change.
Religion may impede social change, or it may help to produce it.Another possibility is that
religion itself has no influence on changes in society, but that social change in society as a
whole leads to changes in religion.
RELIGION AS A CONSERVATIVE FORCE
Functionalists, Marxists and feminists have generally argued that religion acts as a
conservative force and that it is changes in society that shape religion, not vice versa.
Religion can be seen as a‘conservative force’ in two senses, depending on the meaning
attached to the word ‘conservative’.The phrase conservative force is usually used to refer to
religion as preventing change and maintaining the status quo. Functionalists have claimed that
it acts in this way because it promotes integration and social solidarity.As we discovered in
previous sections, from a functionalist perspective, religion provides shared beliefs, norms and
values, and helps individuals to cope with stresses that might disrupt social life. In these ways it
facilitates the continued existence of society in its present form. Marx had similar views,
although he saw religion as maintaining the status quo in the interests of the ruling class rather
than those of society as a whole.
‘Conservative’ may, however, be used in another way: it can refer to traditional beliefs
and customs. Usually, if religion helps to maintain the status quo, it will also maintain traditional
customs and beliefs. For example, the stance of successive popes against abortion has
restricted the use of abortion in Roman Catholic populations. But in some circumstances
religion can support social change while at the same time promoting traditional values.This
often occurs when there is a revival in fundamentalist religious beliefs. Such beliefs involve a
return to what a group claims are the ‘fundamentals’ or basic, original beliefs ofa religion. For
example, in Iran in I979 an lslamic revolution took place which both changed society and
involved a return to traditional values.

Fundamentalism involves the reassertion of traditional moral and religious values

against changes that have taken place and those who support the changes. If fundamentalists
are successful,they succeed in defending traditional values, but at the same time they change
society by reversing innovations that have taken place
Perhaps the most dramatic example of fundamentalism causing social change through
the imposition of a return to traditional values has been in Iran. Under the last Shah, Iranian
society underwent a process of change. One aspect of this change was the liberalisation of
traditional lslamic attitudes to women. In I979 the Shah was deposed during a revolution that
was partly inspired by Islamic fundamentalism.The liberalisation that took place under the Shah
was reversed. In this case, it can be argued, religious beliefs contributed to producing
revolutionary change, and in that sense did not act as a conservative force. Nevertheless, in
supporting traditional values, it did act as a conservative force.The two meanings of the word
‘conservative’ should therefore be distinguished.
Religion and social change — conclusion
Many sociologists now follow Weber in accepting that religion can sometimes be a force
for change. Despite the examples that can be used to support the functionalist and Marxist view
that religion promotes stability, other examples contradict their claims.
Engels (Marx and Engels, I957), unlike Marx, did realise that in some circumstances
religion could be a force for change. He argued that groups which turned to religion as a way of
coping with oppression could develop into political movements which sought change on earth
rather than salvation in heaven. Some contemporary neo-Marxists have followed Engels and
developed this view.
There are numerous examples of religion undermining stability or promoting change:
I. In Northern Ireland, Roman Catholicism has long been associated with Irish Republicanism.
2. In the USA in the |960s the Reverend Martin Luther King and the Southern Christian
Leadership Council played a leading role in establishing civil rights and securing legislation
intended to reduce racial discrimination.
3. Also in the l960s, a number of radical and revolutionary groups emerged within the Roman
Catholic Church in Latin America.They preached liberation theology, arguing that it was the duty
of church members to fight against unjust and oppressive right-wing dictatorships. Thus, in I979,
Catholic revolutionaries supported the Sandinistas when they seized control in Nicaragua.
4. In Iran, Islamic fundamentalism played a part in the I979 revolution, led by the Ayatollah
Khomeini. Meredith B. McGuire (2002) argues that charismatic religious leaders such as

Khomeini can sometimes gain sufficient support to produce change. (Charismatic is a term
introduced by Weber to describe people with the force of personality to make many people
follow them.
5. Poland provides another example of religion stimulating change.The Roman Catholic Church
opposed the communist state in Poland, and it supported the attempts of the free trade union
Solidarity to achieve changes in Polish society. In I989 the communist monopoly on power was
broken when Solidarity was allowed to contest and win many seats in the Polish parliament. .
6. In South Africa,Archbishop Tutu was a prominent opponent of apartheid.
Examples such as these lead G.K. Nelson (I986) to conclude that, ‘far from encouraging
people to accept their place, religion can spearhead resistance and revolution’. ln many cases
when religion has been a force for change in society, the society that results may be strongly
influenced by that religion.
CONSERVATIVE OR RADICAL RELIGION?
Meredith B. McGuire (2002) argues that religion can often support the status quo. She says:
There is an inherently conservative aspect to religion. Religion can evoke a sense of the
sacred precisely because of believers’respect for tradition and continuity. Religious symbols link
the believers’ present experience with meanings derived from the group‘: tradition, and religious
beliefs that are taken- for-gronted truths build a strong force against new ways of thinking.
Practices handed down through tradition as the God-approved ways are highly resistant to
change.
However, she also acknowledges that religion can be a force for change. She notes that
processes causing change in society are complex and religion may be only one factor linked to
change. For these reasons it can be difficult to isolate the effects that religion can have on
change, or even to identify whether religion really is a factor in causing change.
Nevertheless, McGuire is clear that religion can have a significant role in producing
change. For example, she believes that the Society of Friends (Quakers) played an important
role in the abolition of slavery, in promoting prison reform in the USA and England and in starting
self-help projects in Ireland following the famine in the l9th century. McGuire believes that
religion can be both conservative and radical. She identifies the following factors as being most
significant if religion is to become a force for change:
1) The beliefs of the particular religion. Religions that emphasise adherence to strong
moral codes are more likely to produce members who are critical of society and who
seek to change it. If a religion stresses concern with this world, it is more likely to result

in actions by its members which produce change than a religion which confines itself to
a concern with sacred and spiritual matters.Thus Protestantism can have more impact
on social change than Buddhism.
2) The culture of the society in which a religion exists. In societies where religious beliefs
are central to the culture (such as in Latin America), anyone wishing to produce change
tends to use a religious Iegitimation for their actions. In Britain, however, religion plays a
less central role in societal culture, so it tends to play a less important role in justifying
changes in society.
3) What McGuire describes as the social location of religion is the third important
factor.This concerns the part that religion plays in the social structure.Again, the greater
the importance of reIigion,the greater its potential to play a part in producing
change.Where an established church or other religious organisation plays a major role in
political and economic life, there is considerable scope for religion having an impact on
processes of change. Sometimes the social location of religion changes. For example, in
Brazil,from I964 until I985 the Catholic Church was a crucial focus of opposition to the
military dictatorship in power. However, once the military regime was replaced and the
civilian government allowed more protest and dissent, the political significance of the
Catholic Church as a source of opposition declined.
4) The internal organisation of religious institutions. According to McGuire, religions with a

strong, centralised source of authority have more chance of affecting events. On the
other hand, the central authority might try to restrain the actions of parts of the
organisation. For example, in I978 at the Puebla Conference in Mexico, the Pope clashed
with Latin American Roman Catholic bishops who were advocating liberation theology.
McGuire provides only a sketchy outline of the factors determining whether religion acts
as a conservative force maintaining the status quo or as a force for change. Nevertheless she
does provide a starting point for analysing the relationship between religion and social change.
RELIGIOUS ORGANISATIONS
Individuals may have their own religious beliefs without belonging to any particular
organisation: they may form their own personal and unique relationship with a god or some
source of spiritual power. However, many members of society express their religious beliefs
through organisations, and the organisations tend to shape those beliefs.
Social factors influence the type of organisation that are created, who joins them and
how they develop.At the same time, religious organisations may themselves influence society.
Before we examine these issues, it is necessary for us to distinguish between the different types
of religious organisations. There have been a number of attempts to categorise them, but no
system fits perfectly the enormous variety of organisations that have existed throughout the
world. Nevertheless, it is possible broadlylto distinguish some main types of religious
organisations.
THE CHURCH
Ernst Troeltsch in l93l was one of the first writers to try to distinguish different types of
religious organisations. Troeltsch used the term church to refer to a large religious organisation.
Individuals do not have to demonstrate their faith to become members of a church — indeed,
often they are born into it. In some churches the practice of baptism ensures that all the children
of members are automatically recruited before they are old enough to understand the faith.
In principle a church might try to be universal — to embrace all members of society —-

but in practice there might be substantial minorities who do not belong. Because of its size,
members of a church are drawn from all classes in society, but the upper classes are
particularly likely to join. This is because, in Troeltsch’s words, a church usually ‘stabilizes and
determines the political order’ (Troeltsch, l98l).
Churches are sometimes closely related to the state. For example,the Roman Catholic
Church in the Middle Ages had important political, educational and social functions. Even in
contemporary Britain,the queen is both head of the Church of England and head of state.
Churches are likely to be ideologically conservative and support the status quo.This type
of organisation accepts and affirms life in this world: members can play a full part in social life
and are not expected to withdraw from society.
In many circumstances a church will jealously guard its monopoly on religious truth, and
will not tolerate challenges to its religious authority. For example,the Roman Catholic Church at
one time used the Inquisition to stamp out heresy — opinions that differed from the established
beliefs of the church.
Churches are formal organisations with a hierarchy of professional, paid officials.
The above definition of a church is reflected in a typology of religious organisations

developed by RoyWallis (I976). Wallis distinguished organisations in terms of whether they were
respectable because they supported the norms and values of the wider society, or deviant
because they did not.They were also distinguished according to whether they were uniquely
legitimate (they claimed a monopoly on religious truth), or pluralistically legitimate (they
accepted that other organisations could have legitimate religious beliefs as well).
POINTS RESPECTABLE DEVIANT
UNIQUELY LEGITIMATE CHURCH SECT

PLURALISTICALLY LEGITIMATE DENOMINATION CULT
However, Steve Bruce (I996) argues that this sort . of definition ofa church is primarily
useful in describing Chapter 7 Religion premodern Christian societies where Catholic,
Orthodox or Coptic churches tried to be ‘coextensive with their societies’. In I5 I7, Martin Luther,
a German priest, began to question some of the teachings and practices of the medieval
church.This led to the Reformation, in which competing religious views developed, including the
Protestant Church of England established by HenryVIII.A plurality of sects with competing
doctrines also developed.
To Bruce, the development of religious pluralism in societies undermines the dominance

of the church type of religious organisation.The fragmentation of religion makes it more difficult
for the state to lend exclusive support to one religion because a single set of religious beliefs is
no longer taken for granted and reinforced by all groupsin society. Thus, for Bruce, churches, in
the sense meant by Troeltsch, are essentially historical phenomena that cannot continue to
exist in modern societies. (Bruce therefore sees the Church of England as a denomination rather
than a church.)
A number of examples can illustrate Bruce's point.A variety of organisations, which call
themselves churches or which could be seen as churches, do not conform to the characteristics
outlined byTroeltsch.
I. Only a small minority of the population of the UK are members of the Church of England or
the Roman Catholic Church.According to estimates by Peter Brierley (20l I), in England in 20l0
there were l,203,000 members of the Church of England and 850,973 members of the Roman
Catholic Church.
2. Many churches today do not claim a monopoly on religious truth - other religions are tolerated.
In England there is a growing diversity of religious groupings that are tolerated by the Church of
England.
3. Churches are not always ideologically conservative and they do not always support the
dominant groups in a society. For example, a recent Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams,
was a member of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and opposed the invasion of Iraq. In
june 20l I he wrote an article for the New Statesman, a left-wing journal,criticising the policies of
the Coalition government on issues such as child poverty, literacy and education (Williams, 20l I).
Furthermore, in November 20l l,several Church of England bishops condemned the Coalition
government in the UK for making cuts to welfare spending (Boffey, 20I I)
4. In some circumstances churches are not connected to the state, and may even act as a focus

of opposition to it. Before the overthrow of communism in Poland the Roman Catholic Church
opposed the communist government, and in many parts of Latin America liberation theology
has also led to conflict between the Catholic Church and the state.
In some contemporary societies churches continue to retain some of their traditional

characteristics. Churches in industrial societies tend to be larger and more conservative than
other religious groups. Some industrialised societies have retained fairly strong churches which
continue to have close connections to the state.
However, McGuire (2002) believes that in different contexts the same religious
organisation can adopt quite different stances. It is therefore misleading to attribute fixed
characteristics to a particular type of organisation. For example,the Roman Catholic Church in
I5th-century Europe conformed largely to the characteristics of a church as outlined by
Troeltsch. However, in the USA today it adopts more of a denominational stance, peacefully
coexisting with a range of other religious groups. It is both ‘accepting of and accepted by
society’ (McGuire, 2002). During much of the I9th century, though, the Roman Catholic Church
was more like a sect because there was considerable tension between it and society at large
McGuire’s approach suggests that the nature of religious organisations is tied to

specific social and historical ‘ contexts and it is dangerous to generalise about different types of
organisations.This general point is supported by Lorne Dawson (2009),who argues that many
religious organisations have mixed characteristics at any one point in time and it can be difficult
to make them fit neatly into particular categories.
DENOMINATIONS
Troeltsch’s original categorisation of religious organisations included only churches and

sects. It did not include ‘denominations’.As Troeltsch based his work on an analysis of religion
in l6th-century Europe, his classification was not capable of describing the variety of religions in
the USA, or for that matter in modern Britain.
According to Stark and Bainbridge (I985), the term denomination is usually used to refer
to an organisation that shares several but not all of the supposed features of a church. It is
often seen as a kind of watered-down church which has some similarities to a sect. In 20l I
Brierley estimated that there were 340 denominations in the UK, an increase from 275 in
2006.Almost all of this increase was the result of new Pentecostalist groups being formed.
In a study of religion in the USA, H.R. Niebuhr (I929) was the first sociologist to
differentiate clearly between denominations and churches.A denomination has been seen as
having the following features-
I. Unlike a church, a denomination does not have a universal appeal in society. For example,

Brierley (20| I) estimates that there were 2 I 8,100 members of Methodist churches in the UK in
20l0 and 2,11,000 attending new churches in the same year.
2. Like churches, denominations draw members from all strata in society, but unlike churches
they are not usually so closely identified with the upper classes. Often a considerable number of
denominations exist within a particular society. In the USA there is no established church, but a
large range of denominations.
3. Unlike a church, a denomination does not identify with the state and approves the separation
of church and state.
4. Denominations do not claim a monopoly on religious truth.They are prepared to tolerate and
cooperate with other religious organisations.This is reflected in Roy Wallis’s definition of a
denomination as a religious organisation that is respectable but also pluralistically legitimate.
5. Denominations are usually conservative: members generally accept the norms and values of
society, although they may have marginally different values from those of the wider society.
Some denominations place minor restrictions on their members. For instance Methodists are
discouraged from drinking and gambling, but drinking in moderation is tolerated, and drinkers i
are not excluded from the denomination.
6. In other respects, denominations have the same characteristics as churches: new members
are freely admitted and they have a hierarchy of paid officials.
Steve Bruce sees the lack of a claim to a monopoly on religious truth as the defining
feature of denominations. Furthermore, he sees them as increasingly important:
The last two hundred years has seen gradual evolution of churches and sects into
denominations. The church form has been made untenable by the gradual increase in cultural
pluralism and by the unwillingness of the state to continue to force reluctant people into the
state church.
However, the blurring of boundaries between religious organisations as they change has
made the concept of the denomination no less problematic than the concept of the church. It
covers a wide range of organisations, from lehovah’s Witnesses to Methodists, from
Pentecostalists to Baptists. Some organisations are classified as sects by some sociologists
but as denominations by others.
Alan Aldridge (2000) argues that in some contexts a religious organisation might be
seen as a respectable denomination,while in other contexts it is seen as less acceptable and
therefore more like a sect. For example, the Church of the Latter Day Saints (or Mormons) is
seen as respectable and more like a denomination in the USA, but in Britain it is sometimes seen

as deviant and therefore more like a sect.
SECTS
According to Troeltsch (l98l), sects have characteristics that are almost diametrically
opposed to those of churches:
I. They are both smaller and more strongly integrated than other religious organisations.
2. Rather than drawing members from all sections of society and being closely connected to the
state, Troeltsch claimed that sects are ‘connected with the lower classes, or at least with those
elements in Society which are opposed to the State and Society’.
3. Far from being conservative and accepting the norms and values of society, sects are ‘in
opposition to the world’.They reject the values of the world that surrounds them, and their
detachment may be ‘expressed in the refusal to use the law, to swear in a court ofjustice, to own
property, to exercise dominion over others, or to take part in war’.
4. Sect members may be expected to withdraw from life outside the sect, but at the same time
they may wish ultimately to see changes take place in the wider society.
5. Members of a sect are expected to be deeply committed to its beliefs.They may be excluded
from the sect iflthey fail to demonstrate such a commitment.
6. Young children cannot usually enter the sect by being baptised because they are not old
enough to understand the significance of the ceremony.They must join voluntarily as adults, and
willingly adopt the lifestyle and beliefs of the sect. In particular, they must sacrifice ‘worldly
pleasures’ in order to devote themselves to their religious life. In this sense, sects exercise a
stronger control over individuals’ lives than, for example, the modern Church of England. Sects
share this characteristic with religions such as Islam in countries where religious beliefs still
have a strong hold over social life.
7. Like the Roman Catholic Church in Europe in the Middle Ages, sects tend to believe they
possess a monopoly on religious truth.
8. Unlike churches, sects are not organised through a hierarchy of paid officials. If central
authority exists within a sect, it usually rests with a single charismatic leader, whose personality
and perceived.special qualities persuade the followers to adhere to his or her teachings.
More simply, RoyWallis (I976) defined sects as deviant groups that see themselves as
uniquely legitimate.They deviate from society’s norms or values in a significant way and, like
churches, do not accept the right of other religions to claim any authority for their beliefs (see
Figure 7.3 on page 452).

Sects were originally groups that broke away from the dominant religion in a society
because of a disagreement over the interpretation of the religion. Steve Bruce describes the
process of sect formation in the following way:
almost every Protestant sect since the Reformation has begun with a radical critique of
society (and especially the dominant religious climate), made strict demands of its members,
and tried to create a . ‘new heaven on earth in the lives of its adherents.
To Bruce,the original sects were a product of the Reformation but, as noted above, some
of them developed to become denominations that were tolerated as religious diversity became
more accepted. However, Bruce (I996) also acknowledges that sects can prosper in modern
societies. where people have more opportunity to form their own subcultures. Even with the
greater toleration of contemporary societies, though, some sects may come into serious conflict
with the wider society and its values.
One example was the People’s Temple, an American sect of the l97Os.When this sect
came to an end it had just 900 members. It was founded in California by the Reverend jim jones
and, although it recruited a considerable number of relatively affluent whites, it had a particular
appeal to black ghetto dwellers of northern California.
The sect had a radical ideology: it claimed to be based upon a Marxist philosophy and it
strongly opposed prejudice and discrimination. Sect members gradually withdrew from the
outside world and their charismatic leader strictly controlled them.
Jim jones moved the sect to the rainforests of Guyana and set up a commune at
‘jonestown’. In I978 the entire membership died after taking cyanide. Some committed suicide
on the orders of their leader; others were murdered by being tricked into taking the poison.
In the l990s there were a number of religious movements in which deaths of some of
the followers occurred in violent circumstances. Perhaps the best- known example was the
Branch Davidians. Founded by their charismatic leader, David Koresh,they established a
commune atWaco in Texas. Koresh demanded absolute loyalty from members. ln February
I993 the Bureau of Alcohol,Tobacco and Firearms attempted to search their premises, only to be
met by gunfire. Four ATF agents were killed and I6 were wounded.After a lengthy siege the FBI
attempted to arrest those inside using armoured vehicles.A fire started, resulting in the deaths
of more than 80 Branch Davidians, including 22 children.A subsequent investigation found that
sect members had started the fire themselves, although survivors insist this was not the case.
Although the People's Temple and the Branch Davidians are extreme examples of sects,
many other religious organisations display similar characteristics. However, there are also
numerous exceptions. It is possible to find sects of vastly different sizes,with a wide variety of
ideologies, contrasting attitudes to the outside world, varying degrees of control over their
membership, and with or without a professional clergy and a charismatic leader.
Bryan Wilson (1982) accepts that Troeltsch’s description of sects may have been
accurate in relation to European countries, until quite recently. However, it does not account for
or adequately describe the proliferation of sectarian groups in Europe and the USA in recent
decades. Some of the new religious movements, which come close to Troeltsch’s description of
sects, will be examined shortly.
CULTS
According to Bruce (l995),Troeltsch mentioned ‘mysticism’ as another tradition within

Christianity in addition to the church and sect. Bruce describes it in this way:‘Un|ike the other
forms, this was a highly individualistic expression, varying with personal experiences and
interpretations.’ To Bruce, this corresponds to the idea of a cult, which he sees as a'loosely knit
group organized around some common themes and interests but lacking any sharply defined
and exclusive belief system’.
A cult tends to be more individualistic than other organised forms of religion because it
lacks a fixed doctrine. Cults tolerate other beliefs, and indeed their own beliefs are often so
vague that they have no conception of heresy. Cults often have customers rather than members
and these customers may have relatively little involvement with any organisation once they have
learnt the rudiments of the beliefs around which the cult is based. .
This rather general description corresponds fairly closely to one type of new religious
movement identified by Wallis (I984): the World-Affirming Movement (see pp. 456-7). Wallis
himself defined cults as deviant religious organisations that do not claim to have a monopoly on
the truth (they are pluralistically legitimate.
Stark and Bainbridge (I985) offer a competing definition of cults; they define them in
terms of their novelty in a particular society. Furthermore,there is overlap between the New Age
movement and cults since some aspects of the New Age movement are based around cults
There is therefore no single definition of cults that is accepted by all sociologists.

Nevertheless there have been a number of useful attempts to classify smaller religious
groupings. Some of these will now be examined, and competing definitions of cults will be
discussed further.

NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS, SECTS AND CULTS
ROY WALLIS - The Elementary Forms of the New Religious Life
The development of a range of new religions and the revival of some old ones, in the
l970s, led Roy Wallis to categorise these new religious movements (Wallis, I984). He was not
aiming to provide a classification which would apply to all places at all times, but just to
understand developments in Britain in the mid- to late 20th century. Nevertheless his typology
has proved influential and has been applied in other contexts.
Wallis divides new religious movements into three main groups. Like Troeltsch, the
principal criterion he uses to categorise religious organisations is their relationship to the
outside world. He therefore distinguishes between them according to whether the movement
and its members reject, accommodate or affirm the world. He represents his typology with a
triangle, and notes the existence of some groups (those in the central box) which do not fit
neatly into any single category.
Accomodation to
the world
Subud
Neo-
Pentecostalism
Krishna Jesus people Nichiren Shoshu

consciousness
Meher Baba TM est
Children of God
Rejection of People’s Temple Divine Light Scientology Affirmation of
The World Manson Family Mission Human Potential The World
WORLD-REJECTING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
The world-rejecting new religious movements have most of the characteristics of a sect
described by Troeltsch:

I. They are usually clearly religious organisations with a definite conception of God. For example,
members of the Unification Church, better known as the ‘Moonies’ — after their leader, the
Reverend Sun Myung Moon - pray in a conventional way to a‘Heavenly Father’.
2. ln other respects, though, such groups are far from conventional.Their ideology is invariably
highly critical of the outside world, and the movement expects or actively seeks change.
3. ln order to achieve salvation, members are expected to make a sharp break from their
conventional life when they join the movement. Organisations of this type act as total
institutions, controlling every aspect of their members’ lives (a concept developed by Erving
Goffman).As a result, they often develop a reputation for‘brainwashing' their members, since
families and friends find it hard to understand the change that has taken place in a member.
4. Limited contact with the outside world may be allowed, to facilitate fundraising. Moonies in
San Francisco help to support the group by selling flowers.
5. The leadership of the group may be quite prepared to have contact with the outside world in
an attempt to try to change society without waiting for divine intervention. For example,jim
Jones, leader of the ill-fated People's Temple, had close contacts with Californian politicians.
6. Although they are usually radical,there can be conservative elements in the beliefs and
actions of such organisations.The Unification Church is strongly anti-communist, and has
supported South Korean military dictatorships. Many of the movements are morally
puritanical,forbidding sex outside marriage, for examp|e. The Moonies are particularly strict
about restricting sex to monogamous marriage. 7. World-rejecting new religious movements
vary enormously in size: the Moonies have an international following - in I995 they claimed
926,000 members (Brierley, 2001) - while other groups are small and locally based.
8. Most of these movements tend to be based around some form of communal lifestyle, and as
such develop unconventional ways of living.The commune of the Branch Davidians in
Waco,Texas is a case in point.
Thus, despite the variations within these groups, none of them are content with the world
as it is. Wallis sees most world-rejecting new religious movements as sects. He defines sects
as groups that claim to be uniquely legitimate and which advocate religious doctrines that are
widely regarded as deviant.They have ‘an authoritative locus for the attribution of heresy’ and
are hostile to the state and non-members.
WORLD-ACCOMMODATING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
The world-accommodating new religious movements are usually offshoots of an

existing major church or denomination. For example, neo-Pentecostalist groups are variants of

Protestant or Roman Catholic religions, while Subud is a world-accommodating Muslim group.
Typically, these groups neither accept nor reject the world as it is; they simply live within
it.They are primarily concerned with religious rather than worldly questions.As Wallis puts it:
The world-accommodating new religion draws a distinction between the spiritual and the
worldly in a way quite uncharacteristic of the other two types. Religion is not constructed as a
primarily social matter; rather, it provides solace or stimulation to personal interior life.
The religious beliefs of followers might help them to cope with their non-religious social
roles, but the aim of the religion is not to create a new society, nor to improve the believers’
chances of success in their lives. lnstead,world- accommodating groups seek to restore the
spiritual purity to a religion, which they believe has been lost in more conventional churches and
denominations. Pentecostalists hold that the belief in the Holy Spirit has been lost in other
Christian religions.The Holy Spirit speaks through Pentecostalists, giving them the gift
of‘speaking in tongues’. Most of the members of world-accommodating groups live
conventional and conforming lives outside their religious activities.
WORLD-AFFIRMING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
The world-affirming new religious movements are different from other religious groups,
and may indeed lack some of the features normally thought to be central to a religion.Wallis
(I984) says such a group ‘may have no "church", no collective ritual of worship, it may lack any
developed theology or ethics’. However, these groups do claim to provide access to spiritual or
supernatural powers, and in that sense can be regarded as religions.
Rather than rejecting existing society or existing religions, world-affirming groups accept
the world as itiis and they are not particularly critical of other religions.What they offer the
follower is the potential to be successful in terms of the dominant values of society by
unlocking spiritual powers present in the individual. Salvation is seen as a personal achievement
and as a solution to personal problems such as unhappiness, suffering or disability. Individuals
usually overcome such problems by adopting some technique that heightens their awareness or
abilities.
World-affirming movements are not exclusive groups: they seek as wide a membership
as possible. Rather than trying to convert people, they try to sell them a service commercially.
Followers carry on their normal lives except when undergoing training; often, courses are held at
weekends so as not to cause disruption.There is little social control over the members, or
customers, and they are not normally excluded from the group if they fail to act in accordance
with its beliefs.
Transcendental Meditation (TM) provides an example of a world-affirming new religious

movement.TM is based upon the Hindu religion, but during at least some periods of its
development the religious elements have been played down. First introduced to the West in the
late l950s, it achieved prominence in I968 when the Beatles met its leading proponent, the
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi.
TM involves a meditational technique whereby, a follower is given a personal mantra on

which to concentrate for 20 minutes in the morning and evening. It is claimed that this
technique can provide ‘unbounded awareness’, which can have beneficial effects for individuals
and for society. Initiation is a simple matter and can take place in just a couple of hours, with
further follow-up sessions lasting just a few hours more. However, some followers go on to take
an advanced course in the powers ofTM,the Siddi programme, which claims to provide occult
powers, such as the ability to levitate. Some go on to form an inner core of more dedicated
followers whose dedication can come to resemble that of members of world-rejecting
movements.
To Wallis, most world-affirming new religious movements are cults. Cults are like sects
in that they have religious beliefs that are widely regarded as deviant, but, unlike sects, cults
tolerate the existence of other religions. Cults are ‘loosely structured, tolerant, and non-
exclusive’.They have a rapid turnover in membership and are relatively undemanding on their
followers.
THE ‘MIDDLE GROUND’
Wallis realised that no religious group will conform exactly to the categories he outlines.
He says,‘all actual new religious movements are likely to combine elements of each type to
some extent’ (Wallis, I984). Indeed, he points to a number of groups that occupy an intermediate
position, such as the Healthy Happy Holy Organization (3HO) and the Divine Light Mission.
Comparing them to the three main groups, he says:‘They combine in various degrees all three
types, and more particularly, elements of the conventional society and the counter-culture.’
3HO is similar to world-accommodating new religious movements in that it is an

offshoot of an established religion, in this case Sikhism. Like world-affirming movements, it
employs techniques that it is claimed will bring personal benefits, such as happiness and good
health. Like TM, 3HO hopes its teachings will have spin-offs for the outside world: in fact,
nothing less than world unity. 3HO is not exclusive. Classes are provided for those who are not
full members, so that they can receive benefits from the teachings. Even fully committed
members are expected to have conventional marriages and to hold down conventional jobs.
On the other hand, 3HO does share some traits with world-rejecting movements.The
organisation has-a clear concept of God. Members dress in white clothing and turbans.They live
in communes or ashrams, but the ashrams do not involve total sharing: individuals pay for their

own room and board. Some restrictions are placed on behaviour: members of 3HO are
vegetarians and abstain from alcohol, tobacco and mind-altering drugs.
Occupying as it does the middle ground, 3HO allows its followers to combine elements
of an alternative lifestyle with conventional marriage and employment.
Roy Wallis - an evaluation
James A. Beckford (I985) commends Wallis’s scheme for recognising that new religious
movements do not always fit neatly into one category or another, and for outlining the
differences in the types of individuals recruited by different types of movements (we outline
Wallis’s views on recruitment on p. 460). However, Beckford also offers some criticisms of
Wallis:
I. He argues that Wallis’s categories are difficult to apply. It is not made clear whether the
teachings of the Chapter 7 Religion 457 movement or the beliefs and outlooks of the individual
members distinguish the different orientations to the world.
2. Beckford thinks that Wallis pays insufficient attention to the diversity of views that often
exists within a sect or cult.
Nevertheless, Beckford does not deny that a typology, or list of types, of new religious
movements is useful. In contrast, Stark and Bainbridge, whose views we examine next, reject
the idea of using a typology to distinguish new religions.
RODNEY STARK AND WILLIAM SIMS BAINBRIDGE - UN-IDEAL TYPES
The problems of typologies
According to Stark and Bainbridge (I985), none of the typologies of new religious
movements, sects, churches and denominations developed by other sociologists are a sound
basis for categorisation. All of them consist of lists of characteristics that each type is likely to
have. However, these characteristics are not found in every religious organisation placed in each
category. Not all churches try to convert all members of society and not all sects are exclusive.
Such characteristics used to distinguish organisations are correlates: sets of

characteristics that tend to be found together in the same organisations.They are not, however,
attributes: characteristics that an organisation must have if it is to be defined as a church,
denomination, sect or cult. Defining types of organisations in terms of correlates tends to lead
to confusion, since most organisations are in some way exceptions to the rule.
Stark and Bainbridge therefore argue that typologies of religious organisation should be
abandoned altogether. They claim that religious groups can be compared in terms of a single

criterion: the degree of conflict that exists between them and the wider society.The use of such
a definition allows clear comparisons. For example, the Catholic Church in the USA is nearer to
the sect end of the continuum than the Catholic Church in the Republic of Ireland. Such a
definition also allows changes over time to be clearly described: organisations might change
and become more, or less, in tension with the social environment.
SECTS AND CULTS
Stark and Bainbridge then go on to argue that there are different kinds (they are careful
to avoid using the word ‘types') of religious movements in a high degree of tension with their
social environment:
I. Sects are groups that are formed as an offshoot of an existing religion as a result of division
or schism within that religion
2. Cults, on the other hand, are new religions, or at least they are new in a particular society.
Some result from cultural importation, where a religion from other societies is introduced into a
society in which it had not previously been practised.Thus, Eastern religions introduced into the
USA are examples of imported cults. Some cults, though, are entirely new.These result from
cultural innovation; they are unconnected to existing religions.
Stark and Bainbridge go on to suggest that cults exhibit different degrees of organisation
and can be divided into three types:
l. Audience cults are the least organised and involve little face-to-face interaction. Contacts are
often maintained through the mass media and the occasional conference. Many of the
members of the audience for such cults may not know each other. Astrology is an example of
an audience cult, as is the belief in UFOs.
2. Client cults are more organised and usually offer services to their followers. In the past they
tended to offer ‘medical miracles, forecasts of the future, or contact with the dead’, though more
recently they have ‘specialized in personal adjustment’. Scientology, for example, offers its
clients the opportunity to clear ‘engrams' (repressed memories of painful experiences) from the
brain with the help of a device called an e-meter,while the Reich Foundation offers the promise
of the ‘monumental orgasm’..
3. Cult movements involve followers much more.They try to satisfy all the religious needs of
their members and, unlike client and audience cults, ‘membership of other faiths is not
permitted.They do, however, vary considerably in their power. Some require little more than
occasional attendance at meetings and acceptance of the cult’s beliefs, but others shape the
whole of a person's life.The Reverend Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church is an example of a
cult movement. Many client cults become cult movements for their most dedicated followers —

for example, practitioners of TM who take the Siddi programme.
A well-publicised example that would probably fit Stark and Bainbridge’s definition of a
cult movement was the Heaven's Gate cult.This was a doomsday cult with an interest in
computer technology and science fiction. It started in the mid-I 970s and required members to
refrain from sex, drugs and alcohol.The leader, Marshall Applewhite, who liked to be addressed
as ‘Do’ or ‘The Representative’, even had himself castrated so that he did not become distracted
by physical pleasures.The group believed the earth was about to be recycled to become a
garden for some future generation.The leader told his followers they needed to leave their
earthly bodies so as to get closer to heaven.When the comet Hale-Bopp passed close to earth in
I997, the cult members committed suicide, believing that their spirits would ascend to a
spacecraft which was following close behind the comet.
Conclusion
Stark and Bainbridge offer a different — and they would claim, superior — method of
distinguishing religious organisations from that ofWallis. However, basing the typology on a
single attribute — the degree of tension with wider society — has its limitations and may result in
over-simplification.
Like Wallis (I976), Meredith McGuire (2002) believes that religions should be
categorised not just according to the degree of tension between them and wider society, but
also according to the extent to which the religion tolerates or does not tolerate other religions —
in other words, the extent to which it sees itself as uniquely legitimate as opposed to
pluralistically legitimate.This produces a fourfold typology of the main types of religious
organizations.
Stark and Bainbridge may object to such typologies, and they undoubtedly make some
useful distinctions between different types of cults; however, in doing so, they contradict
themselves.They develop their own typology and fail to notice that some groups will not
conform to all the characteristics they attribute to audience cults, client cults or cult movements.
There is, therefore, perhaps no perfect way of classifying religious organisations, and, as
McGuire (2002) says,‘we need to resist the tendency to use these categories rigidly’.
Nevertheless, McGuire believes that typologies can be useful ‘in helping us to understand how
these collectivities come into being, develop, have a social impact, and change — both internally
and in relationship to the larger society'.
REASONS FOR THE GROWTH OF SECTS, CULTS AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
Religious sects and cults are not a new phenomenon: they have existed for centuries.
Bruce (I995) traces the emergence of the first sects to the Reformation of the church in the l6th

century and the upheavals that accompanied it. Despite this, most existing sects and cults
originated in the 20th century, and the l960s in particular saw the appearance of many new
organisations.
Membership has grown steadily in both Britain and the USA.According to Religious
Trends 3 and 5 (Brierley, 200l, 2005), there were |4,3S0 members of new religious movements in
Britain in I995. By 2000 this had grown to 29,503 and by 2005 to 37,4l2. In 2005 there were 829
individual groups that were members of new religious movements (an increase from 775 groups
in 2000). However, these figures did not include a number of important non-trinitarian groups
(those not believing in the trinity of ‘Father, Son and Holy Spirit’),which are often seen as new
religious movements by sociologists.When these groups are added in there were 547,l78
members of new religious movements and non-trinitarian religions in 2005, up from 539,968 in
2000 (Brierley, 2005).
Between I995 and 2005 the number of Scientologists grew from l2l,800 to I65,000; and
the number of Moonies from 390 to l,200; though the number of Spiritualists fell from 40,000 to
30,000. lt should be borne in mind that these figures are produced in different ways and many
are estimates. For example, Scientology ‘membership’ is an estimate of those who have
completed a Scientology course and in the 200l census just I,78I people identified themselves
as Scientologists
The growth of sects and cults can be explained either in terms of why particular
individuals choose to join, or in terms of wider social changes. In reality these reasons are
closely linked, since social changes affect the number of people available as potential recruits.
Marginality
Max Weber (l963,first published I922) provided one of the earliest explanations for the growth of
sects. He argued they were likely to arise within groups that were marginal in society: people
outside the mainstream of social life often feel they are not receiving the prestige and/or
economic rewards they deserve. One solution to this problem is a sect based on whatWeber
called .‘a theodicy of disprivilege’ ' (a theodicy is a religious explanation and justification). Such
sects explain the disprivilege of their members and promise them a ‘sense of honour’, either in
the afterlife or in a future ‘new world’ on earth.
Bryan Wilson (I970) pointed out that a variety of situations could lead to the
marginalisation of groups in society, which in turn could provide fertile ground for the
development of sects. These situations include defeat in war, natural disaster or economic
collapse. Radical and undesirable changes such as these are not the only circumstances that
can encourage sect development.
In part, the growth of sects in the USA in the l960s was accomplished through the
recruitment of marginal and disadvantaged groups.The Black Muslims, for example, aimed to
recruit ‘the negro in the mud’, and the sect seemed to offer hope for some of the most
desperate blacks.
However, for the most part, in the I960s and l97Os the membership of the world-rejecting
new religious movements was drawn from among the ranks of young, white, middle-class
Americans and Europeans.WalIis (I984) does not believe that this contradicts the theory that
marginal members of society join world-rejecting sects. He argues that many of the recruits had
already become marginal to society. Despite their middle-class backgrounds, they were
usuallyfhippies, drop-outs, surfers, LSD and marijuana users’.Their marginality may have been
further increased by arrests for drug use or activities involved with radical politics.They were
attracted to the communal lifestyle which the sect offered.
Relative deprivation
However, this does not explain why affluent middle-class youth should become marginal
members of society in the first place.The concept of‘relative deprivation’ can be used to explain
this. Relative deprivation refers to subjectively perceived deprivation: that which people actually
feel. In objective terms the poor are more deprived than the middle class, but in subjective terms
certain members of the middle class may feel more deprived than the poor.They do not lack
material wealth, but feel spiritually deprived in a world they see as too materialistic, lonely and
impersonaI.According to Wallis (l984),they seek salvation in the sense of community offered by
the sect.
Stark and Bainbridge (I985) also employ the concept of relative deprivation in explaining
the origin of sects. They define sects as organisations which break away from an established
church, and they believe it is the relatively deprived who are likely to break away. Splits take
place when churches begin to compromise their beliefs.When the more successful members of
areligion try to reduce the amount of tension between that religion and the outside world,the
less successful resent it and break away.
Meredith McGuire (2002) argues that relative deprivation does not directly cause the
growth of sects, but it can produce conditions which make such growth more likely.
Social change
A number of sociologists, such as Bryan Wilson (I970), argue that sects arise during periods of
rapid social change when traditional norms are disrupted, social relationships come to lack
consistent and coherent meaning, and the traditional universe of meaning is undermined.

Wilson uses the example of the early Methodist movement, which had the
characteristics of a sect. He sees the rise of Methodism as the response of the urban working
class to the ‘chaos and uncertainty of life in the newly settled industrial areas’. He claims they
had to evolve ‘new patterns of religious belief to accommodate themselves to their new
situation’. In a situation of change and uncertainty, the sect offers the support of a close-knit
community organisation, well-defined and strongly sanctioned norms and values, and a promise
of salvation. It provides a new and stable universe of meaning, which is legitimated by its
religious beliefs.
Andrew Dawson (20l I) concurs that ‘the emergence of new religious movements in the
modern epoch is directly related to the all-embracing transformations unleashed by rapid and
large-scale urban-industrialisation’. He argues that these processes undermined long-standing
traditions, meaning that people were more willing to consider beliefs and practices which they
would previously have rejected out of hand.This created even more competition with
established religions.
Similarly, Bruce (I995, I996, 20l I) attributes the development of a range of religious
institutions, including sects and cults, to a general process of modernisation and secularisation.
He believes that the weakness of more conventional institutionalised religions has encouraged
some people to»consider less traditional alternatives.
In the Middle Ages the church form of organisation was dominant.With the Reformation,
splits within the church led to the creation of the new sects.As modern societies developed and
faith in traditional sources of authority (such as churches) declined, religious pluralism and
diversity were increasingly tolerated.The denomination became the characteristic form of
religion — a watered-down version of the intolerant beliefs of churches and sects,which believed
that only they knew the truth.
More recently, in what Bruce believes is a more secular world in which people are less
likely to hold strong commitments, cults have become more popular.These require fewer
sacrifices and less commitment than churches and sects and are therefore more tolerable to a
modern clientele. However, a small number of people are willing to join the stricter sects.
Bruce’s views on specific types of new religious movements will be examined below.
David Bromley (2009) does not deny that factors such as those outlined above may
play some role in the growth of new religious movements. However, he argues that these types
of explanations are rather generalised and very hard to support empirically. He believes that a
range of theories attribute the growth of these movements to some form of what he calls
‘social dislocation’, which might be described as ‘contradiction, tension, social/cultural
turbulence, crisis, upheaval, malaise anomie’ (Bromley, 2009). However, these theories do not
generally provide evidence to demonstrate that these factors have influenced individual recruits

in their decision to join the movement, or motivated leaders to set them up.Without such
evidence it is hard to evaluate how important these social structural causes of growth are.
THE GROWTH OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
Wallis (I984) pointed to a number of social changes that he believed accounted for the
growth of new religious movements in the I960s. Some of these had important effects on youth
in particular:
I. The growth of higher education and the gradual lengthening of time spent in education
created an extended period of transition between childhood and adulthood.Youth culture
developed because there was an increasing number of young people who had considerable
freedom but little in the way of family or work responsibilities
. 2. At the same time there was a belief that developing technology would herald the end of
poverty and economic scarcity.
3. Radical political movements were also growing in the I960s, providing an alternative to
dominant social norms and values.
Wallis claimed that in these circumstances, world-rejecting new religious movements were
attractive because of the potential they seemed to offer for‘a more idealistic, spiritual and caring
way of life, in the context of more personal and loving social relationships’.
Bruce (I995) sees world-rejecting movements as having a particular appeal to the young.
Many had become disillusioned by the failure of the counter-culture in the l96Os to radically
change the world.The hippie culture and the commune movement had disintegrated largely
because of drugs and exploitation of the movement.The disillusioned young people sought
another path to salvation through religion rather than peace and love.
Wallis (I984) provided only a very sketchy explanation of recruitment to world-

accommodating religious movements. He claimed that those with a substantial stake in society,
but who nevertheless have reasons for being dissatisfied with existing religions, tend to join
them. Research suggests that groups such as Erhard’s Seminar Training have members with
above-average incomes and education and who are somewhat older than members of world-
rejecting groups.To Wallis, what they offer is a ‘means of coping with a sense of inadequacy
among social groups which are, by the more obvious indicators, among the world's more
successful and highly rewarded individuals’.
It is primarily the emphasis placed upon individual success in terms of status, income
and social mobility that stimulates these ‘religions’ to develop:Actually achieving success may in
another sense motivate individuals to join these groups. Individuals may feel that in the

successful performance of their social roles (such as their jobs) they lose sight of their real
selves.A world-affirming religious movement might allow the rediscovery of this real ‘self’.
Bruce (I995, I996) believes that world-affirming new religious movements are
predominantly a response to the rationalisation of the modern world. Because of
rationalisation,‘modern life is so fragmented that many people find it increasingly difficult to
draw on their public roles for a satisfying and fulfilling sense of identity’ (Bruce, l995).jobs, for
example, are simply a means to an end,to earn a living, and offer little sense of satisfaction or
fulfilment. People no longer have a sense of calling in their work and may not identify strongly
with their workmates. People have, however, been encouraged to value achievement, yet many
lack the opportunities to be as successful as they would like.WorId-affirming movements can
offer a solution. They provide a technique that claims to be able to bring people both success
and a spiritual element to their lives.
The explanations provided above offer some general reasons why world-affirming
movements should be popular in advanced industrial societies, but they do not explain why
particular individuals should join, nor why they are popular at particular periods of time. More
specific theories have been devised to account for whatWallis calls ‘movements of the middle
ground’.
Several sociologists studying these movements have claimed that they help to
reintegrate people into society, while allowing them to retain some elements of an alternative
Iifestyle.These movements appeal to those members of the counter-culture or world-rejecting
religious movements who have become disillusioned, or feel they need to earn a living in a
conventional way.They offer a stepping-stone back towards respectabiIity.Thus, Mauss and
Peterson describe the members of one such group, the Jesus Freaks, as ‘penitent young
prodigaIs'
These middle-ground groups were particularly successful from the mid-l970s onwards,
when economic recession and the decline in the numbers of people willing to adopt alternative
lifestyles provided a large pool from which members might be recruited.
THE ‘SUPPLY-SIDE’ OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
Drawing on the work of Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge, Dawson (20I I) believes
that the organisation of new religious movements is important in determining whether they are
successful and grow or not.These types of religions will grow when they supply what potential
consumers, or converts, want and if they are able to market themselves effectively. Dawson
highlights three aspects of their organisation that are particularly important:
I. Effective use of limited resources in recruiting new members is essential to success. New
religious movements tend to be successful if they find effective ways to use existing members
to recruit more followers, but also if they can use new technology, particularly the internet, to
good effect. Dawson (20l I) argues that the success of neo-Pentecostal religious groups in
Brazil has been facilitated by effective use of the internet.
2. New religious movements must position themselves carefully in relation to political culture
and political opportunities.They tend to be successful if they can draw upon the prevailing
political rhetoric or if they can gain friends in high places. For example, in the USA organisations
that stress the importance of individual liberties or multiculturalism have tended to be
successful. Mormons have managed to improve their position in the USA by renouncing
polygamy and thereby reducing tension with government authorities.
3. New religious movements will also be more successful if they ‘work hard at presenting an
image of themselves which sits well with society in general and potential members in particular’
(Dawson, 20l l).They need to manage impressions of themselves so that their image fits well
into the social environment in which they are operating, and be ready to change their image if
the environment changes significantly.
If new religious movements are organised successfully in the ways outlined above,then
overall membership of such movements is likely to grow, but membership may fall if
organisations do not prove so adept at managing their image, marketing themselves and
recruiting effectively.
Joining sects
Another way to explain the growth of sects is to examine the reasons why people convert to
sect beliefs. From this point of view, circumstances or ‘predisposing conditions’ in society
certainly influence whether sects grow, though the activities of sects themselves and the
motivation of potential recruits are also very important.
John Lofland has developed just such an approach. His theory, sometimes known as
the ‘world-saver model’, argues that individuals must experience some degree of tension or
straying that estranges them from mainstream society. However", they must also have personal
beliefs that lead them to prefer religious or spiritual ways of solving problems rather than
scientific or political approaches.
Individuals, however", will not join new religious movements unless the right ‘situational
factors’ occur. Usually these involve an event that leads the individual to break free from
previous ties. Examples of such events include becoming unemployed or migrating.This
weakens existing social networks and can lead to the person seeking new relationships. New
religious movements which identify and target such individuals and build relationships with
them are likely to be successful in recruiting more members and expanding their movements. .

Lofland’s approach has the merit of taking some account of the choices and
circumstances of individuals who may or may not join the movement
THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECTS
Sects as short-lived organisations
ln I929, H.R. Niebuhr made a number of observations about the way in which religious
sects changed over time. He argued that sects could not survive as sects beyond a single
generation. Either they would change their characteristics, compromise and become
denominations, or they would disappear altogether. He advanced the following arguments to
support this view:
l. Sect membership was based on voluntary adult commitment: members chose to dedicate
themselves to the organisation and its religion. Once the first generation had children, though,
the children would be admitted as new members when they were too young to understand the
teachings of the religion. These new members would not be able to sustain the fervour of the
first generation. Consequently, the sect might become a denomination.
2. Sects that relied upon a charismatic leader would tend to disappear if the leader
died.Alternatively, the nature of the leadership would change: no longer would the charisma of
an individual hold the sect together. The bureaucratic structure of a denomination would emerge,
with its hierarchy of paid officials.
3. Niebuhr argued that the ideology of many sects contained the seeds of their own destruction.
Sects with an ascetic creed would encourage their members to work hard and save their
money.As a result the membership would be upwardly socially mobile, and would no longer wish
to belong to a religious group which catered for marginal members of society. Once again the
sect would have to change or die, either becoming a denomination or losing its membership.
According to Niebuhr, then,there was no possibility of a sect surviving for a long period
of time without losing its extreme teachings and rejection of society. One example that
illustrates this well is that of the Methodists before they became a denomination: as the
Methodist membership rose in status in the l9th century, the strict disciplines of the sect and its
rejection of society were dropped, and it gradually came to be recognised as a denomination.
A number of sects have also disappeared because of the mass suicide (or murder) of
their members.The examples of the People’s Temple,the Branch Davidians and the Heaven's
Gate group have been discussed above.
Steve Bruce - sects in secular society
Steve Bruce (2011) generally supports Niebuhr's approach. He argues that there is ‘a
certain intrinsic tendency for radical movements to subvert themselves’. For example, the
Quakers started out as a radical egalitarian movement but evolved into a more moderate
denomination. Many Quakers became extremely wealthy and it was hard to maintain the same
radical enthusiasm in a second generation brought up in affluent families.
Furthermore, Bruce believes that it is difficult for sects to thrive in Western societies that
have rising living standards and where most of the population experience increased affluence.
Bruce also,thinks that bureaucratisation can lead to sects watering down their ideology living in
greater harmony with mainstream society, thereby becoming denominations. He argues that
paid officials have a vested interest in reducing the amount of tension with society at large in
order to make their position more secure.
However, Bruce does not believe that all sects disappear or become denominations.A
few sects do manage to survive, but only if they can isolate themselves from the secular
influences of wider society. One way of doing this is to insist on speaking an archaic language,
which makes communication with the outside world difficult; another is to ban the use of
modern technology. Bruce gives the examples of the Amish, the Hutterites and the Doukhobhors
as groups that have had some success in maintaining a degree of isolation and thereby
preserving their radicalism
However Bruce believes that eventually most sects will be influenced by wider society
and find it difficult to avoid some changes in their beliefs
THE LIFE CYCLE OF SECTS
Bryan Wilson (I966) rejects Niebuhr's view that sects are inevitably short-lived more
strongly than Bruce Wilson points out that some sects do survive for a long time without
becoming denominations.To Wilson, the crucial factor is the way the sect answers the question:
‘What shall we do to be saved?’ Sects can be classified in terms of how they answer this
question. Only one type, the conversionist sect, is likely to develop into a denomination.
Examples include the evangelical sects, typical of the USA, which aim to convert as many people
as possible by means of revivalist preaching. Becoming a denomination does not necessarily
compromise such a sect’s position. It can still save souls.
The other types of sects cannot maintain their basic position in a denominational
form.Adventist sects, such as the Seventh Day Adventists and jehovah’s Witnesses, provide an
example of the reason why.Adventist sects await the Second Coming of Christ, who will judge
humanity and establish a new world order. Only sect membership will guarantee a place in the
new order.The rich and powerful and those who follow conventional religions will be excluded
from Christ's kingdom on earth.
Adventist sects are founded on the principle of separation from the world in the
expectation of the Second Coming.To become a denomination they would have to change this
basic premise. Separation from the world and denominationalism are not
compatible.Thus,Wilson concludes that a sect’s prescription for salvation is a major factor in
determining whether or not it becomes a denomination.
In more recent writing,Wilson (2003) again notes that many sects with a long history
have survived (for example. the Amish, Quakers,jehovah's Witnesses, Mormons, Seventh Day
Adventists and Pentecostalists).Wilson contradicts Niebuhr, arguing that many of these groups
have successfully followed a policy of recruiting the children of sect members into the
organisation.The more successful have managed to keep the children somewhat isolated from
secular influences in the outside world.Wilson believes that such sects will not disappear in the
near future. Most have established efficient bureaucracies that provide continuity and the
organisational basis for continued survival.
However,Wilson does believe that sects will face difficulties. Ever-improving educational
standards and opportunities may lead to children questioning the fundamentalist beliefs held by
some sects.Also, globalisation makes it increasingly difficult for sects to isolate themselves
from the outside world. However, globalisation also offers new opportunities for sects to
organise and recruit new members in disadvantaged,‘third world‘ countries. In poorer countries
there is a greater pool of relatively or absolutely deprived potential recruits than there is in richer
‘first world’ countries. Most Seventh DayAdventists and Pentecostalists now come from ‘third
world’ countries. This in itself poses problems for sects, which tend to develop splits (or
schisms) between branches from richer and poorer countries.Thus Wilson predicts that sects
will survive, but the branches in Western,‘first world’ countries may decline as those in the ‘third
world’ gain in strength.
Internal ideology and the wider society
Roy Wallis (I984) takes a more complex view of the paths followed by sects: he thinks
the chances of sects surviving, changing or disappearing are affected both by the internal
ideology of the sect and by external social circumstances.
World-rejecting sects often change their stance as time passes. Like Niebuhr-,Wallis
sees the possibility that such groups may soften their opposition to society and become more
world accommodating.This seems to have been particularly common in the l970s, when
economic recession discouraged some members from dropping-out and rejecting society
aItogether.The Children of God, for example, weakened their opposition to other religions and no
longer thought of non-members as servants of Satan.
Wallis accepts that charismatic leaders have difficulty in retaining personal control over
a religious movement indefinitely, and that this may also result in changes. If the organisation

grows, a process thatWeber described as the routinisation of charisma can take place.A more
bureaucratic organisation develops so that some of the leader’s personal authority becomes
vested in his (or untypically her) officials or representatives. Nevertheless, the changes may
stop well short of denominationalisation.
Wallis also recognises that sects can disappear.The charismatic leader, as in the case
ofjim jones’s People’s Temple, may actually destroy world-rejecting sects. Social changes may
lead to the members becoming less marginal in society, so threatening the basis on which the
sect was founded. However, as new groups in society become marginal, new sects will arise
According to Wallis, then, world-rejecting sects tend to be unstable, but new ones
emerge, and those that survive may become more world accommodating while continuing to
exist as sects
World-affirming movements often sell their services as a commodity, so they are

vulnerable to a loss of support from their consumers.To the extent that they sell themselves in
the market place, they are subject to the same problems as a retailer. If the public no longer
needs, or gains benefits from, their services, they will lose customers.To Wallis, though, world-
affirming movements are more likely to change to attract a new clientele than to cease to exist.
For example, in the l970s,Transcendental Meditation (TM) tried to broaden its appeal by
emphasising the practical benefits — the worldly success — that the meditation claimed to offer.
Wallis believes that world-affirming movements are flexible and can change relatively
easily as they seek to survive and prosper. In some circumstances they can also become more
religious and spiritual (like world-rejecting movements) for at least an inner core of followers.
The position of the movements of the middle ground is by its very nature more
precarious. Since they are in an intermediate position they are likely to shift between being world
rejecting and world affirming, depending upon circumstances and the needs and wishes of the
membership. This can lead to splits within the movement or the establishment of rival
organisations. One British movement of this type,the Process, was founded in I963 and split into
two separate groups in I973.
Wallis says little about how world-accommodating movements develop, but these seem
the most stable of the new religious movements. Indeed, some are not particularly new:
Pentecostalism has survived little changed since the early years of the 20th century.AsWallis
points out, this type of ‘new’ religious movement has most in common with denominations.
Thus, although Wallis does not agree with Niebuhr that sects inevitably disappear or
become denominations, his work does suggest there may be tendencies in these directions,
particularly for world-rejecting movements.

THE NEW AGE
Examples of the New Age
The New Age is a term that has been applied to a range of ideas that started to become
prominent in the l980s. Although some of these beliefs were organised as new religious
movements (particularly as world-affirming new religious movements) and as cults of various
types (particularly client cults and audience cults), in many cases they were not closely attached
to particular organisations (Heelas, I996; Bruce I995, 200l). Rather, New Age ideas were spread
through aspects of the culture of particular societies in films, shops, seminars, meetings, music,
television programmes, public lectures and so on.
Paul Heelas et al. (2005) have termed this environment the holistic milieu.The holistic
milieu contrasts with the congregational domain in which people attend places of collective
worship on a regular basis, typically once a week. The holistic milieu is less visible than the
congregational domain, but involves one-to-one encounters (for example, between a healer and
a client) and small group activities (for example, yoga groups).
Examples of NewAge beliefs include interest in clairvoyance, contacting aliens, belief in

‘spirit guides’ and ‘spirit masters’,various types of meditation and psychotherapy, belief in
paganism, magic, tarot cards, ouija, astrology and witchcraft, an interest in self-healing and
natural or traditional remedies for ill-health (for example, yoga, aromatherapy, reflexology),
spiritually inclined ecology such as a belief in Gaia (the Greek goddess who has been used to
represent the sacred and interconnected nature of all life), and so on.
Manifestations of the New Age can be found in gatherings such as the annual Mind,
Body and Spirit Convention, which has been held in London since I977; in publications on topics
such as feng shui, mysticism and Shamanism; in shops that sell recordings of sounds from
nature, which can be used for relaxation or meditation; in communes such as the Findhorn
community in Scotland (which grew vegetables with the help of plant spirits rather than
fertilisers); and in more conventionally organised groups such as the Scientologists and some
Buddhist groups.
THE THEMES OF THE NEW AGE
What have such a diverse range of activities and beliefs got in common! Paul Heelas
(I996) believes that the central feature of the New Age is a belief in self-spirituality. People with
such beliefs have turned away from traditional religious organisations in their search for the
spiritual and instead have begun to look inside themseIves.The New Age ‘explains why life — as
conventionally experienced — is not what it should be; it provides an account of what it is to find
perfection; and it provides the means for obtaining salvation’. However, that salvation does not
come from being accepted by an external god; it comes from discovering and perfecting oneself.
Often,this means going beyond one’s conscious self to discover hidden spiritual depths. Heelas
says:--
Perfection can be found only by moving beyond the socialized self - widely known as the
‘ego’ but also as the ‘lower self’, ‘intellect’ or the ‘mind’- thereby encountering CI new realm of
being. It is what we are by nature.
In this process we find our spiritual core. New Agers tell peopIe,‘You are Gods and Goddesses in
exile’, who only need to cast off the cloaks that hide this to uncover their true potential.
There are many different ways (in the words of a Doors song) to ‘break on through to the
other side’.These include ‘psychotherapies, physical labour, dance, shamanic practices, magic,
or for that matter, fire-walking, sex, tennis, taking drugs or using virtual-reality equipment’
(Heelas, I996).
According to Heelas, the NewAge values personal experience above ‘truths’ provided by
scientists or conventional religious leaders. In this respect de-traditionalisation is a key feature
of the New Age: it rejects the authority that comes from traditional sources and sees individuals
and their sense of who they are as the only genuine source of truth or understanding. A good
example of this attitude was a notice above the door of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh’s ashram
(commune) at Puna, which said:‘Leave your minds and shoes here’.
The New Age stresses that you can become responsible for your own actions; you do
not need to be governed by preconceived ideas. It also emphasises freedom to discover your
own truth and discover your own way to the truth. Although many aspects of the New Age draw
on traditional mystical and religious teachings, these are seen as ways of getting in touch with
your own spirituality rather than as doctrines that must be rigidly followed.They allow the
discovery of truth as an abstract concept, as an inner and spiritual phenomenon, rather than
revealing a particular and specific version of the truth.According to Heelas, the movement
believes ‘the same wisdom can be found at the heart of all religious traditions’.
Variations within the New Age
Although Heelas detects many common themes in the New Age, as outlined above, he
also discerns some variations in New Age beliefs. Following RoyWallis's typology of new
religious movements. Heelas distinguishes between aspects of the New Age that tend towards
the world affirming and those which are more world rejecting.
World affirming aspects of the New Age stress how to experience the best of the outer
world. For example, New Age teachings might help people to be successful in business.
HarperCoIIins (the publishers of this book) in the l990s ran company-wide courses following the
New Age ‘Values and Vision’ training ofTishi.TranscendentaI Meditation now has its own

University of Management in the Netherlands.There are numerous other examples and all claim
to be able to help companies to become more profitable and individuals more successful. World
-rejecting aspects of the New Age stress how to experience the best of the inner world: how to
achieve inner spirituality and turn away from any concern with worldly success.
Most New Age beliefs, though, offer the best of both worlds, claiming that people can
become both successful and spiritually fulfilled. Not surprisingly, then, the radicalism of
different NewAge beliefs differs considerably.While some almost celebrate capitalism, others
are strongly opposed to aspects of it.This is particularly true of ecologically inclined parts of the
movement. Nevertheless, Steve Bruce believes that even these types are less radical than some
of the new religious movements of earlier decades. Bruce says of environmentalism:
It is critical of aspects of the modern world, especially those such as pollution that can
be seen as side-effects of greed and over-consumption, and in that sense the New Age is
‘alternative’, but there is little of the blanket condemnation of the present world found in out-and-
out world-rejecting new religions.
THE APPEAL OF THE NEW AGE
Some writers have argued that the appeal of the New Age comes from the failure of the
modern world to deliver personal satisfaction. John Drane believes the New Age is:--
A response to the acknowledged failure of the scientific and materialist worldview to

deliver the good. The great Enlightenment vision of a better world for everyone has simply not
materialized. Not only has the fundamental human predicament not improved, but as the
twentieth century progressed, things actually got worse.
Drane follows the views of postmodernists in arguing that Western societies are turning
against institutions and belief systems associated with the Enlightenment. Modern rationality,
which followed from the Enlightenment, produced such disasters as the FirstWorld War, the
Holocaust, numerous other bloody conflicts, the depletion of the ozone layer and global
warming. People have lost faith in institutions such as the medical profession, which is now
seen as more interested in ‘covering their overheads than in the health and welfare of those they
treat’.
Although the churches had ‘an uneasy relationship with Enlightenment values’, they
adapted to and largely adopted those values.The churches are therefore viewed with suspicion
and distrust.According to Drane, many people believe that,‘because of the dominance of
rationalism and reasonableness, the current establishment options are pale remnants of the
spiritual fire that started them’

. Disillusioned with the inability of the churches to satisfy their craving for spirituality,
New Agers seek to develop their own spirituality. Drane sees thischange as part of a move
towards postmodernity
However, both Steve Bruce (I995) and Paul Heelas (I996) argue that the New Age can
best be explained as a product of modernity, rather than postmodernity (Bruce, in particular, is
critical of the idea of postmodernity). Rather than being the product of a break from modernity,
the New Age results from the latest stage in the development of modernity in Western societies.
Bruce claims that the New Age appeals most to affluent members of society,
particularly the ‘university-educated middle classes working in the “expressive professions":
social workers, counsellors, actors, writers, artists, and others whose education and work
causes them to have an articulate interest in human potential’.They may have experienced
personal development themselves and therefore find it plausible to believe that there is the
potential for further development for themselves or others. These are also the sorts of people
who have been most exposed to a belief in ‘individualism, which is characteristic of modern
societies. Modern societies are relatively egalitarian and democratic, so the views and beliefs of
individuals are given more credence than was once the case, whereas the views of experts and
traditional authorities are regarded with more scepticism. Bruce says:
This is the importance of the New Age. It illustrates the zenith of individualism.
Individualism used to mean the right to act as one wished provided it did not harm others and
the right to hold views radically at odds with the consensus. It has now shifted up in abstraction
from a behavioural and ethical principle to an epistemological claim [a claim about how you
know what is true and what is not]. It is now asserted as the right to decide what is and what is
not true.
Bruce comments on the way in which many aspects of the New Age draw heavily upon
Eastern religions, such as Hinduism and Buddhism. For example,Transcendental Meditation is
based upon Hinduism,and Soka Gakkai is a popularWestern form of Buddhism. However, to
make them attractive in aWestern context, the religions tend to be stripped of the need for self-
discipline.Traditional forms of Hinduism and Buddhism require ‘a very long struggle against the
temptations of the flesh'.As part of the New Age they require much more modest sacrifices. For
example,TM requires only 20 minutes’ meditation twice a day.
Buddhism and Hinduism in the East also stress the smallness and passing, insignificant
nature of the individual in comparison with the permanent and vast nature of the universe. Bruce
comments that in Western, materialist societies, few would be willing to make heavy sacrifices
in the pursuit of spirituality. Nor are individuals prepared to accept their own insignificance.The
NewAge interpretation of Eastern religions appeals because it: --

Flatters the arrogance of the Westerner. Or to put it another way, though it talks of
empowerment, it requires as an entry price a certain degree of self-confidence, a belief that one
is already rather splendid. At the very least you have to believe that you have a self that people
should want to hear you talk about endlessly.
The New Age is a symptom of the extreme relativism of knowledge; that is,what you
believe comes to depend simply on your subjective point of view and is not based upon general
acceptance of definite claims by scientists and experts. It is also, in Bruce's eyes,a symptom of
the decline of traditional religion. If people have little faith in the claims of scientists, they have
even less in those of traditional religious leaders.
Paul Heelas (I996) reaches broadly similar conclusions. He sees the main appeal of the
New Age as stemming from aspects of mainstream culture. However, it provides a more
critical, radicalised and more religious, sacrilised version of mainstream culture. On the surface
it appears to reject mainstream culture, but in fact it is based on an extreme emphasis on the
individualism that is typical of modernity. This individualism leads to people becoming
‘disembedded, desituated or de-traditionalized selves’. People have no roots in the locality
where they were born or brought up. They no longer have unquestioning faith in political, moral
or religious codes, or in the leaders who promote them. People are thrown back on their own
resources to make sense of the world and to create their own identity.
The individualism of modernity takes two forms:
I. Utilitarian individualism encourages people to seek to maximise their own happiness and
material success. This is linked both to the desire for consumer goods and to those aspects of
the New Age which aim to provide people with techniques to make them more successful in
business or in their careers
2. Expressive individualism emphasises the importance of being yourself, of discovering your

authentic or true se|f.This links to those aspects of the New Age that are more inner-directed.
Heelas examines four more specific ways in which modernity might link to the appeal of
the New Age:
I. Modernity gives people a‘multiplicity of roles’. For example, they have work roles, family roles,
roles as consumers, as members of various organisations, as friends and so on. In the modern
world there may be little overlap between these roles; people are unlikely to live close to, and
socialise primarily with, their workmates, or to live in the same community all their lives, or to
work with members of their family. Because of this, people may end up with a fragmented
identity - they have no central, core concept of who they are.The New Age offers ways of finding
an identity.

2. Consumer culture encourages people to try to become the perfect person by, for example,
wearing the right clothes, using the best make-up, having the healthiest diet, etc.This creates
a‘climate of discontent’ as people fail to achieve the perfection portrayed by the advertisers.This
encourages people to try new ways of gaining perfection, including those ofi'ered by the New
Age.
3. Following Bryan Wilson, Heelas suggests that periods of rapid social change, in which
traditional norms and values are disrupted, might lead people to seek certainty and security in
religious or spiritual beliefs.
4. The decline of conventional religion, particularly Christianity, leaves people without strong
spiritual alternatives to the New Age when they are seeking solutions to the problems created by
modernity.
Heelas sees the last of these explanations as the least important. However, he believes
that all may have some role to play in explaining the appeal of the New Age.All are linked to
modernity, but people experience modernity in very different ways.
Some people experience modernity as (in a phrase used byWeber) an ‘iron cage’.They
feel trapped by the power of bureaucracies, the routines of work and the demands. of success
in capitalist societies.Yet, for all its demands . modernity does not offer most people a
satisfying sense of identity — of who they are and why they exist.The New Age offers a solution.
Others experience modernity as a ‘crumbling cage’ in which they have too much
freedom and too few guidelines about how to behave.Again,the New Age offers possible
solutions for people prepared to look within themselves for the answers.
Of course, there are other ways of dealing with the dilemmas of modernity.As Heelas
acknowledges, some people — for example, Christian fundamentalists in the USA — turn to
traditional religion. Others might throw themselves into their work or become entranced by
consumer culture. Nevertheless, the popularity of the New Age is only made possible by the
nature of modernity.
In later work Paul Heelas et al. (2005) argue that the growth of New Age and related
beliefs is part of a spiritual revolution which is taking place in modern societies.They claim that
there has been a subjective turn in modern societies. People no longer put such emphasis on
carrying out particular social ‘roles, duties and obligations’.This involves living ‘life-as a member
of a community or tradition, whether it takes the form of a kinship system, a feudal system, a
nation-state, a class system or a particular religion’. Instead there is an increased emphasis on
subjective life. This ‘has to do with states of consciousness, states of mind, memories,
emotions, passions, sensations, bodily experiences, dreams, feelings, inner conscience and
sentiments — including moral sentiments like compassion‘.
In the congregational domain of traditional churches and denominations, religious life is

‘life-as’ - as a believer and a follower who defers to the authority of religious organisations and
their leaders. In the holistic milieu there are few prescriptions and you discover your own
spirituality.
The subjective turn is not confined to the religious and spiritual spheres, but is found in
every part of modern life. For example, it is found in child-centred education, consumer culture
and patient-centred health. In work it is reflected in an emphasis on the personal development
of employees rather than the responsibilities the employee has to the employer.
The New Age - Conclusion
On the surface the New Age seems to contradict the view of sociologists such as Weber
that the modern world would become increasingly rationa|.There seems to be little rationality in
the claim by the New Ager Shirley MacLaine that she is responsible for the birth of her parents
(quoted in Heelas, I996), or that spirit guides, astrology or messages from ‘an energy personality
essence no longer focused in physical reality’ (quoted in Bruce, I995) can help us to live our lives
better. But if Bruce and Heelas are correct, then the rationality of modernity also brought with it
an individualism in which apparently non-rational beliefs could flourish.
Some writers disagree with Bruce and Heelas, seeing the existence of such beliefs as
evidence that we have moved beyond modernity into an era of postmodernity. There is no
agreement either on whether the New Age is evidence of the resurgence of spiritual belief or a
manifestation of secularisation. But Heelas and Woodhead seem to be on strong ground in
arguing that the New Age is related to a decline in traditional beliefs and that it is closely linked
with other social and cultural developments in modern societies.
SOCIAL GROUPS AND RELIGIOSITY
Whatever the type of religious organisation or movement, there is a tendency to attract

more members, participants or believers from some social groups than from others.This
section examines these variations and discusses possible reasons for the differences.
The main social divisions that affect religious belief or participation are gender, ethnicity,
age and social class.
Social class and religiosity
Social class will not be examined in detail here because it has been discussed in other
sections of the chapter.Thus Marxist theory suggests a relationship between class and religion
as it sees religion as a response to class exploitation. Radical religions are often a response to
deprivation and Islamic fundamentalism.

The previous section on different types of religious organisations examines the class
composition of each type, as does the discussion of the New Age. Social class differences
interact with other types of social division. For example, working-class and middle-‘class women
tend to have different patterns of religious belief and observance. The way social divisions
interact in shaping religiosity will be discussed below.
Gender and religious participation
An earlier section suggested that women were disadvantaged in many religions.

However, research suggests that in many groups women are more religiously active than
men.According to the most recent Church Census conducted in 2005 (Brierley, 2006a), 57 per
cent of those attending one of the main churches or denominations in 2005 were women.This
represented an increase from 55 per cent in I979 but was down from a peak of 58 per cent in
l989.Women are also more likely than men, to attend church at least once a week.
Opinion poll evidence on gender and religious belief also suggests that men are less
religious than women.AYouGov survey conducted in March 20l I found that in England and
Wales 58 per cent of men and 64 per cent of women identified a religion to which they belonged
(the survey used the census question ‘What is your reIigion?'; www.humanism.
org.uk/campaigns/religion-and-belief-surveys-statistics). When asked ‘Are you religious?’, 27 per
cent of men and 3| per cent of women replied ‘Yes’.
The 2008 British Social Attitudes Survey asked a question about how important religion
was in people’s everyday life: 38 per cent of women and just 25.6 per cent of men said that
religion was ‘very important’, or ‘somewhat important’ to them.
Evidence concerning New Age beliefs suggests that they are overwhelmingly followed
or practised by women. Data from the 2008 British Social Attitudes Survey supports the view
that women are more likely to see themselves as ‘spiritual’ than men,whatever form that
spirituality takes.The 2008 survey found that 40 per cent of women and just 28 per cent of men
described themselves as ‘very spiritual’ or‘moderately spiritual’ (www.brin.ac.uk/
figures/#ChangingBelief). Conversely, 48.6 per cent of men said they were ‘not spiritual at all’,
compared to 32 per cent of women.
Among minority ethnic groups who are not Christians the pattern is more complex.The
2008-9 Citizenship Survey (Ferguson and Hussey, 20I0) used data from a sample of around
l0,000 adults, plus a booster sample of around 5,000 adults from minority ethnic groups, to
determine the percentages of men and women who practised different religions. In all
categories, apart from Sikhs (where there was no difference between males and
females),women were more likely to practise the religion than men. By far the most significant
difference was between males and females practising Christianity; there were only small

differences between males and females practising Islam and Buddhism
These figures may disguise differences in the way that men and women in different
ethnic groups practise religion. For example, the Policy Studies lnstitute’s Fourth National
Survey of Ethnic Minorities (Modood et aI., I997) found that Muslim women were more likely to
say religion was ‘very important’ to them than were Muslim men. Men, however, were more likely
to attend mosques. For example, only 5 per cent of Muslim men aged I6 to 24 said they never
attended mosques, compared to 32 per cent of women in the same age group. Modood et al.
point out, though, that many mosques do not welcome women, so differences in attendance do
not necessarily indicate that Muslim women are less religious than Muslim men.
Various explanations have been put forward to account for the apparent greater
participation in and commitment to religion among women in most religions
ALAN S. MILLER AND JOHN P. HOFFMAN — ‘RISK AND RELIGION’
Alan S. Miller and john P. Hoffman (I995) examine a number of explanations for
women's greater religiosity.They point out that other sociologists have put two main types of
explanations forward.
I. Many sociologists examine differential socialisation. According to this view ‘females are
taught to be more submissive, passive and obedient and nurturing than are males and these
attributes are associated with higher levels of religiosity’ (Miller and Hoffman, l995).These
characteristics are more often found in traditional religious beliefs. For example, religions
Percentages of males and females practising different religions
Taking an international perspective, Marion Burkimsher (2008) found similar patterns in

many, but not all countries. She examined statistical evidence from the EuropeanValues Surveys
of 2002, 2004 and 2006 and the World Values Survey of I995 and 2004. She found that evidence
from ‘stable developed countries’ (includingWestern Europe) suggested that recent generations
were less religious than earlier generations.Although there was generally a trough in religiosity
among people in their early twenties, and a slight increase in their late twenties, after the age of
30, attendance did not generally increase.There was therefore little evidence of increased
religiosity as people aged
However, in some ex-communist countries in Eastern Europe and in much ofAfrica there
is evidence of increased religiosity among the young. In the USA youth attendance fell between
I980 and I995 but then rose again between I995 and 2000. Furthermore, Puerto Rico, Mexico

and Brazil have all had rising rates of attendance among the young.
The conclusions ofVoas and Crockett appear to provide support for the theory that
religion is declining — the theory of secularisation. However, those of Burkimsher would support
-secularisation theory only in relation to some countries. Burkimsher therefore concludes that
‘the global wave of secularization — even if it exists — is not touching each country equally;
churches, both locally or nationally, which respond to the needs of each new generation can
stem or reverse the tide’ (Burkimsher, 2008).
SECULARISATION
Support for the secularisation thesis
Classical views
Although sociologists have disputed whether religion encourages or inhibits social

change, most agree that changes in society will lead to changes in religion. Furthermore, many
have claimed that social change would lead to the weakening or even disappearance of religion.
In the l9th century it was widely believed that industrialisation and the growth of
scientific knowledge would lead to secularisatiomwhich very broadly can be defined as the
process of religious decline.Auguste Comte, the French functionalist sociologist, believed that
human history passed through three stages. Each stage was characterised by a different set of
intellectual beliefs:
I. In the first, theological stage, religious and superstitious beliefs would be dominant.
2. These would be weakened as society passed into the second, metaphysical stage, during
which philosophy would become more important.
3. Religious belief would disappear altogether in the final, positive stage, in which science alone
would dominate human thinking and direct human behaviour.
Durkheim did not agree that religion was doomed to total obsolescence. He once commented

that there was ‘something eternal in religion’ (Durkheim, I96l, first published l9I2). Nevertheless,
he did anticipate that religion would be of declining social significance. In an industrial society in
which there was a highly specialised division of labour, religion would lose some of its
importance as a force for integrating society. Social solidarity would increasingly be provided by
the education system rather than the sort of religious rituals associated with the more simple
societies.
Weber, too, anticipated a progressive reduction in the importance of religion. He thought

that in general people would act less in terms of emotions and in line with tradition, and more in
terms of the rational pursuit of goals. Rationalisation would gradually erode religious influence.
Marx did not believe that industrial capitalism as such would herald the decline of
religion, but he did believe it would set in motion a chain of events that would eventually lead to
its disappearance (Marx and Engels, l950a). Religion, according to Marx, was needed to
legitimate inequality in class societies, but capitalism would eventually be replaced by classless
communism, and religion would cease to have any social purpose.
Contemporary theories of secularisation
Many contemporary sociologists have followed in the footsteps of these founders of the
subject, and a variety of explanations for secularisation have been put forward. A combination
of factors have been suggested as being important, including science and rationality, the decline
of traditional values, and the increasingly specialised division of labour, which tend to undermine
religion in particular and faith and non-rational beliefs in generaI.These views are largely based
upon an analysis of the nature of modernity. Modern societies are seen to be incompatible with
the retention of a central role for religion.
One influential theory of secularisation is described below. Steve Bruce's ideas are
complex and will be explored in detail below, but the main features of his theory.
Following Weber, Bruce (2Ol I) puts particular emphasis on Protestantism as initiating

changes in beliefs that promoted secularisation. However, according to Bruce, changes within
religion were accompanied by important changes in society, and together these changes
created the conditions for secularisation.
Structural differentiation in modern societies led to the separation and specialisation of

major institutions, including churches, which resulted in them becoming less central to social
life. At the same time social differentiation took place. In feudal times all social groups lived in
proximity and saw themselves as part of a single universe (albeit a very unequal one). In modern
urban societies, different social groups (for example social classes) became increasingly

separated physically. Movement between social roles became more common and this made it
more difficult for people to accept the idea that they were part of a single moral universe with
God at the pinnacle. ,
Individualism also developed, making people less strongly affiliated to collective

institutions such as churches. The special status of the priesthood was undermined,with a more
complex and flexible ranking system in society in which people were judged less in terms of the
positions they held and more as individuals
These processes were linked to societalisation, whereby ‘Close-knit, integrated societies

gradually lost power and presence to large-scale industrial and commercial enterprises, to
modern states, coordinated through massive impersonal . bureaucracies, and to cities’ (Bruce,
2011).According to Bruce places less emphasis on science as a cause Bruce, religion can best
be sustained in well-integrated local of secularisation than some people, but he does think
communities where everyone shares the same religious views that technology was
important.As humans developed and so they are taken for granted and never questioned
increasing mastery over nature, they became less reliant ' Societalisation undermined such
communities.
Schisms (splits) in established religion and increasing social for problems. For example,
medical science became more and cultural diversity exposed more people to diverse religious
important for dealing with illness than prayer. views, undermining the pervasiveness and
persuasiveness of Ultimately people's worldviews became more relativistic, a single
religion.This made it more difficult to automatically more open to alternative views and
interpretations of the socialise children into the same religion as their parents.
THE LIMITS TO SECULARISATION
Supporters of the secularisation thesis such as Steve Bruce do not necessarily believe
that religion will disappear completely. Instead, they argue that in some sense religion decline
in significance. For example, Bryan Wilson — a leading advocate of secularisation — defined
secularisation as ‘the process whereby religious thinking, practice and institutions lose social
significance’ (Wilson, I966). Furthermore, different theorists have different views about how
extensive they think secularisation is likely to be. Some think that secularisation will ultimately
be a global process as the world Westernises and modernises. However, others, including Bruce
(20I I), see it as largely confined to Western societies, Bruce also accepts that it can be an
uneven process, affecting some places more than others, and with periods when the process
slows. However Bruce believes that once it has progressed so far, it can never be reversed.
Religious belief may remain, but the centrality of religion to society cannot be reinstated. Bruce
believes this stage has already been reached in Western societies.

Problems in defining secularisation
A major problem with the concept and theory of secularisation is that it is given different
meanings by different sociologists. Problems arise in evaluating the theory of secularisation
because of the absence of a generally agreed definition.
josé Casanova (2003) identifies a particularly significant division between two uses of
the term secularisation. One way of using the term sees secularisation broadly as ‘the
secularization of societal structures or the diminution of the significance of religion’ (Casanova,
2003). In this definition the main emphasis is on the separation of the religious sphere from
other areas of social life, so that religious institutions and religious beliefs play an ever-
decreasing role in influencing public life. Religion becomes an essentially private matter and it
has little influence on public policies, political debate and the way that society as a whole is run.
The other main way of using the term is narrower and refers to ‘the decline of religious
beliefs and practices among individuals’ (Casanova, 2003). In this case the emphasis is on such
issues as how many people believe in God and how many attend churches or other places of
worship.
Steve Bruce (2002) sees the debate on secularisation as even more complex and
fragmented. He says,‘there is no one secularization theory. Rather, there are clusters of
descriptions and explanations that cohere reasonably well.’ The following sections examine the
main clusters of descriptions and explanations that have been discussed in the debate about
whether or not religion is declining.
Institutional religion - participation
Statistical evidence
Some researchers have seen religious institutions and the activity associated with them
as the key element in religious behaviour. From this viewpoint they have measured the
importance of religion in society in terms of factors such as church attendance, church
membership, and participation in ceremonies, such as marriages, which are performed in church.
In these respects, a good deal of the statistical evidence does seem to point towards
secularisation, at least in the UK. However, the evidence needs to be examined carefully: some
of it does not appear to support the secularisation thesis; the evidence varies between countries;
and the reliability and validity of many of the statistics are open to question.
We will now examine the statistics relating to different types of participation in

institutional religion.
Church attendance in Britain

Some of the strongest evidence for the secularisation thesis as applied to Britain seems
to come from church attendance statistics.The earliest available survey statistics on church
attendance originate from the I85I ‘Census of Religion’. This found just under 40 per cent of the
adult population attending church. In England and Wales the numbers had dropped to 35 per
cent by the turn of the century and 20 per cent by I950.
More recently data have been produced by Church Censuses carried out in I979, I989,
I998 and 2005, and, since 2000, average weekly and monthly attendance figures have been
gathered in all churches.
The Church Census found that I2 per cent of the population of England attended church
in I979, declining to I0 per cent in I989, 7.5 per cent in I998 and 6.3 per cent in 2005 (Brierley,
2006a). Using these surveys, estimates have been produced for adult attendance at institutional
and free churches between I979 and Z005 in England, with projections for 20I5 based on
previous trends.The results are given in Tables 7.4 and 7.5.The tables also show percentage
changes between the various censuses.
The tables show a continuing overall pattern of decline for both institutional and free
churches.The decline has been rapid in the Anglican churches (of which the Church of England
is by far the most important) and in the Roman Catholic Church.The United Reformed Church
and Methodism have also declined rapidly.Though some types of churches have grown, these
tend to be religious organisations with fewer worshippers.
Peter Brierley (2006a) notes that the rate of decline did slow down between I998 and
2005 compared with the period between I989 and I998.This led him to be moderately optimistic
about the future of English churches and he published a book entitled Pulling Out of the Nose
Dive. He also noted that over I,I0O new churches opened between I998 and 2005. However, I,300
churches closed and the growth of some churches was more than offset by the decline of
others.
The most recent figures, based upon the new methodology, have shown relative stability
in attendance for the Church of England, although attendance did decline slightly from I,205,000
average weekly attendance in 2000 to l,l I6,000 in 2008 (Christian Research,20I Ia). Attendance
actually rose at Roman Catholic churches from 2007 to 2008 (from 9 I 5,556 to 9I8,844).
Christian Research (20l lb) argues that this was not, as some have claimed, because of the
immigration of Catholics from PoIand.WhiIe this might have had some effect, more Polish
citizens left the UK between 2007 and 2008 than entered the country.
Christian Research also reports some rise in attendance at a number of free churches.
Baptist church attendance rose from I48,835 in 2002 to l53,7 I4 in 2008, and there was a I per
cent rise in Methodist attendance from 2008 to 2009 (though attendance fell between 2000 and

2008).This provides more evidence to support BrierIey’s claim in 2006 that at least attendance
was ‘Pulling Out of the Nose Dive‘ (Brierley, 2006a).
The new way of calculating church attendance generally revealed more attendance than
the previous method. This was partly because it included people who attended midweek, not
just those attending on a Sunday.According to the Church of England (2010), in any week, for
every I00 people who attend on Sunday about an extra 20 go to church during the week.
Other types of participation in organised religion have of England at the start of the 20th
century. By I990 the also declined.Attendance at special Christian ceremonies number had
fallen to 53 per cent.According to Religious such as baptisms and marriages has declined. In
the l92Os Trends 3, 37.8 per cent of marriages in England and Wales and l930s, over 90 per cent
of babies were baptised, but by in I995 took place in a church. In 2009, 33 per cent of 200l this
was down to 45 per cent (Brierley, 2005). In 2009 marriages took place in churches (BRIN, 20l la).
However,‘ there were 675,000 live births in England but just l38,300 ~ Brierley points out that the
decline was partly due to the Church of England baptisms (just over 20 per cent of the
expansion of ‘approved premises’ where weddings could total number of live births) (Brierley,
20l l).
There has also been a noticeable drop in the number Other indicators also show a
decline in religious of marriages conducted in church.According to Bruce, nearly ceremonies.
For example, BRIN (British Religion in Numbers) 70 per cent of English couples were married in
the Church points out that the Church of England’s figures show that between 2002 and 2009
the number of confirmations went down by 25 per cent and the number of religious funerals by
2l per cent (BRIN, 20I l).
Data shows the number of church members, the number of individual churches and the
number of ministers in the UK from 2005 to 20l0, with projections for 20I5 and 2020.The data
reveal steady falls in the membership of churches, the number of churches and the number of
ministers. In 20I0, I l.2 per cent of the population are estimated to have been church members in
the UK, compared to I2.3 per cent in 2005.The projected figures predict a further fall to 9.4 per
cent in 2020.
However, changes in membership vary from church to church. Between 2005 and 20I0,
membership ofAnglican, Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, Baptist, independent and Methodist
churches fell, while membership of new churches, Pentecostal churches, free churches,
churches in smaller denominations and Orthodox churches rose (Brierley, 20I I).
Membership of some non-Christian churches and other religious organisations has been
increasing. Non-trinitarian Table 7.6 UK churches religions increased their membership from
over 5| |,000 in I995 to over 547,000 in 2005 (Brierley, 200I, 2005). Non-trinitarian churches

include jehovah‘s Witnesses, Mormons and Christedelphians.
Furthermore, many non-Christian religions have been growing. Estimates compiled by

Brierley (2005) suggest that the number of active Muslims increased from 768,000 in 2000 to
893,000 in 2005. Over the same period, the number of active Hindus increased from 273,000 to
305,000, Sikhs from I64,000 to l84,000, and Buddhists from 49,000 to 54,000.The number of
active jews declined from 88,000 to 86,000
New religious movements, which take the form of sects or cults, involve much smaller
numbers than the major non- Christian religions. Religious Trends 5 lists 34 such movements
and estimated that their membership, along with that of other new religious movements, had
increased from I995 and 2000 membership of the Unification Church (Moonies) rose from l,000
to l,200, and the number of Scientologists increased from l44,400 to I65,400.
All of the above figures should be viewed with caution. Many are estimates, and, as we
will see below, interpreting religious statistics is difficult and controversial. Nevertheless, they
do give some indication of membership trends.
RELIGIOUS PARTICIPATION IN THE REST OF THE WORLD
A very different impression of the state of religion is given once the discussion is
broadened beyond the UK. For example, rates of religious participation are much higher in some
parts of the world than they are in Britain.
According to Norris and lnglehart (2004), a Gallup poll in the USA found that in I939, 40
per cent of the adult population reported attending church the previous week. In 2003 the figure
was exactly the same at 40 per cent. More recently, a Gallup poll from 20l0 found that 35 per
cent said they attended ‘at least once a week’ and 43.l per cent described themselves as a
‘frequent church attender’ (defined as attending weekly or almost weekly (Newport, 20l0). In fact,
Gallup reported a slight rise in the percentage saying they were ‘frequent church attenders’ from
2008 to 20I0.
Norris and lnglehart (2004) note that Roman Catholic Church attendance fell sharply
from I968 to I975, but it then stabilised at the new levels without further significant falls. Peter
Berger, Grace Davie and Effie Fokas (2008) argue that the USA is indeed much more religious
than Europe and found ‘no empirical indications that Europe is becoming more religious or the
United States less so’
. Grace Davie (2002) even suggests that Europe may be the ‘exceptional case’ — the only
part of the world in which there is real evidence of secularisation. Even in terms of Christian
belief, there is little evidence of religious decline in the USA, sub-Saharan Africa or Latin America.
Indeed, according to Davie, in many parts of the world Christianity is thriving.

In Latin America and Africa there has been a big growth in Pentecostalist churches, and
in some Far East countries such as South Korea and the Philippines, Christianity has boomed.
Furthermore, very high attendance is still recorded in two European countries, the Republic of
Ireland and Poland.
The World Christian Encyclopaedia, compiled by David Barrett,(discussed in Brierley,

200l),took statistics from around the world to estimate global changes in religious afflliation.
Barrett estimated that 34.5 per cent of the world's population were Christian in I900 and this had
declined only marginally to 33 per cent in 2000.While Christianity had declined in Europe, it had
increased significantly in Africa, Latin America and Asia.
Similarly, two major international surveys of religious belief, the World Values Survey
and the European Values Survey, conducted between I995 and 200l,found that the growth of
religious belief in poorer societies was generally more rapid than the decline of religious belief in
more affluent and Western societies (Norris and lnglehart, 2004).
Adherents.com compiles figures for religious affiliation throughout the world and their
estimates are shown in Figure 7.8.The statistics are based on a wide range of sources and
include those who have only a weak religious identity. On this basis less than one-sixth of the
world's population were non-religious in 2005.These figures provide a picture which contrasts
with the apparent religious decline in Britain.
Interpreting the evidence on participation and membership
Most of the long-term evidence on membership and attendance in Britain seems to

support the secularisation theory.Although recent years have seen a growth in the number of
smaller religious organisations, compared to the l9th century and the early decades of the 20th
century there is little doubt that fewer people attend a place of worship or belong to a religious
organisation.
In the USA and the world as a whole, though, the evidence seems to support the views
of those who question the secularisation thesis. However, the evidence is far from conclusive
and needs to be used with care.As Grace Davie (I989) says,‘Religious statistics are notoriously
hard to handle.’
Both the reliability and the validity of the statistics are open to question. l9th-century
church attendance figures for Britain pose special problems because the methods of data
collection used do not meet today's standards of reliability. More recent British figures may be
hard to trust as well. Some commentators argue that attendance and membership figures may
be distorted by the ulterior motives of those who produce them.
Some churches — for example,the Roman Catholic Church — may underestimate the

numbers in their congregation in order to reduce the capitation fees they have to pay to central
church authorities. Others, particularly Anglican churches, may overestimate the figures to
produce impressive totals, particularly where there may be a risk of a church with a small
congregation being closed down. However, the methodology introduced in 2000 may be more
reliable than using figures based on a census on a single Sunday.
Membership figures can be calculated in different ways, and various churches,

denominations and other religious groups use different criteria:
1. Members of the Roman Catholic Church in Britain and the Church of England are normally
taken to be those who have been both baptised and confirmed.The numbers may therefore
include people who, although officially members, have taken no part in church life since their
confirmation
2. The Church ofWales, on the other hand, bases its figures on those attending Easter
Communion.
3. Figures giving the numbers who are held to be members of the jewish religion simply
document the number of jewish heads of household, regardless of how often or whether they
attend a synagogue.
Because of these variations, statistics on church membership are highly unreliable, and
the trends indicated by the figures may be misleading
ln the USA, attendance statistics have generally been based upon the responses to
survey questions asking how often people attend church. Steve Bruce (20l I) argues that this
kind of data is very unreliable. Evidence to support this is provided by a study by Hadaway et al.
(1993), who questioned the reliability of the evidence.
They conducted a detailed study of church attendance in a part of Ohio. In most of the
churches they were able to get attendance counts from the clergy; in others they estimated
attendance by counting cars in church car parks. They compared these results with findings
from their own survey.Their conclusion was that, overall, actual church attendance was about
half that claimed in polls.Twice as many people claimed to attend church or a synagogue as
actually did so. People exaggerated their church attendance, probably because church
attendance was seen as socially desirable behaviour", and people were unwilling to admit their
lack of attendance.
The problems of providing accurate figures on membership or participation in religion

are multiplied when attempts are made to produce statistics about religions throughout the
world.The definitions of religiosity and the procedures for producing statistics vary considerably
from country to country. Since they lack a consistent methodology, and the problems of data

collection in some parts of the world may be considerable, it is difficult to know whether much
credence can be given to estimates of the proportion of the world’s population who are religious.
The decline in church attendance in Britain can be interpreted in a number of ways:
I. David Martin (I969) claimed that inVictorian Britain church attendance was a sign of middle-
class respectability to a greater extent than it is today. Many Victorians may have attended
church to be seen, rather than to express deep religious convictions
2. Some sociologists argue that a decline in institutional religion cannot be taken as indicating a
decline in religious belief and commitment. Religion today may be expressed in different ways.
Religion may have become increasingly privatised; people develop their own beliefs and
relationship with God and see religious institutions as being less important. Grace Davie (I994,
2007) coined the term ‘believing without belonging’ to describe this situation. If religion is
increasingly seen as a choice open to an individual, rather than a social obligation imposed by
society, then people may increasingly hold religious beliefs in private without feeling the need to
demonstrate them in public.
3. It is also possible that many individuals who hold religious beliefs, and whose behaviour is
also partly directed by such beliefs, are not formally registered as church members. Statistics
on participation in religious institutions provide only one type of indicator of the
religiouscommitment of individuals and may be only tenuously linked to the strength of religious
beliefs.
We will now examine some evidence relating to religious belief and activity outside the
context of religious organisations.
BELIEF, CHURCH-GOING AND ATHEISM
Opinion poll evidence is perhaps the simplest type of data relating to religious beliefs.
However, there are a variety of questions that can be asked about religious beliefs, and the
questions asked determine the impression given by the data. Opinion poll data generally find
that many more people retain religious beliefs than are members of religious organisations or
regular attendees at places of worship.
However, the findings of all opinion polls of this type are open to different
interpretations.They could be seen as providing strong evidence for or against secularisation,
depending on whether a narrow or broad definition of religion is employed.
As with all opinion poll data, there are question marks over the strength of the
relationship between what people say and what they do.As Malcolm Hamilton points out, saying
you believe in God:

does not mean that it has any consequences for behaviour, is held with any conviction,
or has any real meaning. What the surveys show is not that people ore religious but that they
have a propensity to say yes to this sort of survey question. Hamilton, I998
Steve Bruce (200I) argues that the opinion poll data show a definite weakening of
religious beliefs. Belief in a personal God has declined markedly, as has belief in ‘some sort of
spirit or life force’. A belief that ‘there is something there’ is a very weak and insignificant belief
compared to a belief in an organised religion such as Christianity. Bruce argues that this
represents a big increase in scepticism towards religious beliefs. He says,‘peopIe are moving
away from whatthey cannot believe without wishing to go so far as to say they do not believe’.
Such vague beliefs.have little cultural influence and hardly affect people’s day-to-day
behaviour.The apparent increase in atheism also supports this view.The British Social Attitudes
Survey (20I la) found an increase in those saying that they ‘don’t believe in God’, from I0. I 6 per
cent in l98l to l8.03 per cent in I998.
Bruce (20l I) argues that all the different types of evidence consistently show religious
decline. He also refers to a study by Voas and Crockett (2005), which explicitly addressed Grace
Davie’s claim that there was a shift from religion within institutions to a more personal sort of
religion outside organisations (Davie, I994, 2007). Bruce summarises the findings ofVoas and
Crockett, saying that ‘church attendance, religious belief and religious identification had declined
roughly in tandem’ (Bruce, 20l I).
However, data from the 200I census in Britain suggested that religious beliefs of a fairly
traditional kind remained common. In the 200! census, respondents were, for the first time,
invited to state their religious affiliation.The question was not compulsory, but over 92 per cent
chose to answer it. Furthermore, a surprisingly high percentage — 7| .6 per cent — stated they
were Christian; 2.7 per cent described themselves as Muslim, I per cent Hindu, 0.6 per cent Sikh,
0.5 per cent jewish, 0.3 per cent Buddhist, and 0.3 per cent‘other religion’, with I5.5 per cent
saying they had no religion and 7.3 per cent not answering.
Bruce could argue that many of those saying they were Christian would have very weak
beliefs, which would have little influence on their lives. Nevertheless, a Christian identity
remained surprisingly common.
There are, however, some question marks over the validity of the figures. Following a
campaign on the internet to encourage people to give annoying answers or to show their love of
the StarWars films, over 390,000 people (about 0.7 per cent) gave their religion as ‘jedi' or ‘jedi
Knight’. This group was included along with agnostics, atheists and heathens in the I5.5 per cent
described as having‘no religion’, but it does suggest that not everybody took the I question
entirely seriously.

Furthermore, research just a year later in 2003, conducted as part of the British Social
Attitudes Survey, found that no less than 4| per cent said they had no religion (discussed in
Brierley, 2005). By 2009, just over 50 per cent said they had no religion when asked the same
question (British Social Attitudes Survey, 20I lb). Shortly after the 2OI I census, an opinion poll
was carried out byYouGov asking respondents the same questions that were on the census
form: 53.48 per cent of respondents said they were Christian, a further 7.22 per cent said they
belonged to a different religion, and 39 per cent said they had ‘no religion’. However, in a follow-
up question, only 29 per cent of the sample described themselves as being religious (British
Humanist Association, 20 I 2).These figures raise serious questions about the validity of the
data produced by the census for measuring religiosity.
Nevertheless, looking beyond Great Britain,there are clearly some countries where
religious beliefs are much more widespread.
Religious belief and participation may be the most obvious areas in which to look for
evidence in favour of or against secularisation. However, some theorists deny that these are
crucial to the secularisation thesis. For example, José Casanova (I994) argues that these
aspects of religion are essentially irrelevant to secularisation. For him, it is the role of religion
that is important, in particular the process of differentiation. We will now examine aspects of
theories of secularisation which focus more on the role of religion in society.
INSTITUTIONAL RELIGION - DISENGAGEMENT, DIFFERENTIATION AND SOCIETALISATION
DISENGAGEMENT
Some researchers, as we have just noted, have seen the truly religious society in terms
of full churches.They have therefore seen empty churches as evidence of secularisation. Others
have seen the truly religious society as one in which the church as an institution is directly
involved in every important area of social life. In terms of this emphasis, disengagement or
withdrawing of the church from the wider society is seen as secularisation.
David Martin (I969) saw this view as concerned with decline in the power, wealth,
influence and prestige of the church. Compared to its role in medieval Europe, the church in
contemporaryWestern society has undergone a process of disengagement. In the Middle Ages,
there was a union of church and state.Today, apart from the right of bishops to sit in the British
House of Lords, the church is hardly represented in government.
Steve Bruce (I995) argues that the state churches have lost their power as they have
become more distant from the British state.This distancing has given them the freedom to be
more critical of governments. For example, during the period of Conservative government from
I979 to I997, the Church of England criticised nuclear weapons policy, and lack of'help for the
poor in the inner cities. However, the government took little or no notice of the views expressed
by church leaders.
Tony Blair, prime minister of the UK from I997 to 2007, is known to have strong religious
convictions, but he made little comment on these while in office. Indeed, when he was asked
about religion in 2003, his ‘spin doctor’, Alistair Campbell, intervened to prevent Blair answering,
saying ‘We don’t do God’ (Brown, 2003)
. Another example of how little influence religion may have on wider social life is a High
Court judgment in the UK in March 20l I in which a ruling to ban two Pentecostalists from being
foster parents was upheld (Hough, 20I I).The Pentecostalists believed that homosexuality was
wrong because of their religion, but the High Court judges argued that the rights of homosexuals
took precedence over religious conviction.The prime minister, David Cameron, an avowed
Christian, refused to intervene or comment in detail. A spokesman said that he was not going to
take sides in the dispute.
José Casanova (I994, 2003) accepts that secularisation in this sense may have taken
place in some European countries, but he sees Europe as an exception to the rule since in most
countries religion is becoming more prominent in public Iife.According to Casanova (I994), from
the l980s onwards, politicians, social scientists and the general public paid increasing attention
to religion, and religious leaders were increasingly willing to enter public and political debate.
Casanova says:‘During the entire decade of the l980s it was hard to find any serious political
conflict anywhere in the world that did not show behind it the not-so-hidden hand of religion.’
Examples include the conflicts between jews and Muslim Arabs in the Middle East, and between
Muslims, Serbs and Croats in Bosnia.
Religion played an important part in the revolts that led to the collapse of communism in
Eastern Europe and the former USSR.The ‘Moral Majority’ of fundamentalist Christians became
influential in the USA. Even in Britain some issues have forced religion onto the public agenda,
for example, the conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland; and in I989 the
Salman Rushdie affair highlighted a clash between religious and secular values in Britain (the
Iranian leader Ayatollah Khomeini declared Rushdie‘s book The Satanic Verses blasphemous to
Islam and issued a fatwa, or religious death sentence, against Rushdie).
Casanova therefore believes there has been a deprivatisation of religion. Before the
l980s, religion was becoming confined to the private sphere. It was considered a matter of
personal conscience, and religious organisations were withdrawing from trying to influence
public policies. From the l980s, this was reversed, with religions again trying to exert an
influence on public life.
Casanova therefore sees the privatisation of religion as a‘historical option’, which has
been followed in some societies at some times, but it is not an inevitable or irreversible aspect

of modernity, and since the l980s it has become an increasingly unpopular option.
In more recent writing, Casanova (2003) argues that the public role of religion is not just
confined to particular societies. Some religious movements and organisations have taken on a
transnational character". For example, Islamic fundamentalism and the Pentecostal movement
transcend national boundaries and are a political force in the world in their own right
Structural and social differentiation
An alternative to the view that disengagement equals secularisation is provided by Talcott

Parsons (I95 I, I960, I965a). Parsons agreed that the church as an institution had lost many of
its former functions. He argued that the evolution of society involves a process of structural
differentiation: various parts of the social system become more specialised and so perform
fewer functions.
However, the differentiation of the units of the social system does not necessarily
lessen their importance. As we saw in a previous section, Parsons argued that religious beliefs
still give meaning and significance to life. Churches, are still the fount of religious ethics and
values.
As religious institutions become increasingly specialised, Parsons maintained that their

ethics and values become increasingly generalised. In American society, for instance, they have
become the basis for more general social values.
Steve Bruce (I995, ZOI I) discusses essentially the same process as Parsons, although in
Bruce's case he terms it social differentiation. Unlike Parsons, he sees it as a feature of
secularisation that stems from economic growth and the development of industrial capitalism.
In the I4th century the medieval church tried to assert control over activities like money lending,
defining them as sinful. Social differentiation means that the church now has much less
opportunity to involve itself in non-religious spheres. Indeed, to Bruce, social life becomes
dominated by the logic of capitalist production, with its emphasis on calculability, efficiency and
profit. Religious faith and morality become less and less significant in the culture and
institutions of modern societies:
Modernization sees the freeing of economic activity from religiously sanctioned controls
and the development of the world of work as an autonomous sphere driven only by its own
values. Gradually, other aspects of life go the same way. Education, social welfare, health care,
and social control have mostly passed out of church control, and where churches , still run such
activities they do so in ways that differ little from secular provision. Bruce, I995
Unlike Parsons, Bruce sees differentiation as affecting individuals as well as institutions.

Modern societies have become increasingly egalitarian. People no longer have fixed roles which

are ascribed at birth.There are no longer rigid hierarchies in which everybody knows their
place.There is much greater occupational and geographical mobility. People frequently mix with
strangers without knowing their status.As a result, it is increasingly difficult for people to see
themselves as subject to the power of an omnipotent God. Bruce (I995) says,‘The idea of a
single moral universe in which all manner and conditions of people have a place in some single
grand design became less and less plausible.’ Institutional religion therefore exercises a less
significant hold over individuals.
SOCIETALISATION
Bruce (I995, 2002, 20l I) uses the term societalisation (first used by Bryan Wilson) to
refer to a process in which social life becomes fragmented and ceases to be locally based. Like
social differentiation, he sees this as a consequence of a general process of modernisation.
Modern societies do not have close-knit communities. People's lives are increasingly dominated
by large impersonal bureaucracies, and in suburbs people rarely know and mix with their
immediate neighbours. People interact with one another at the level of society as a whole rather
than within local communities.
According to Bruce,the decline of community undermines religion in three ways. First,

without a strong sense of community, churches can no longer serve as the focal point for
communities. For example, large proportions of the community will not turn out for a local
wedding or funeral at the parish church because most people will not know the people getting
married or the deceased. Bruce says:‘When the total, all-embracing community of like- situated
people working and playing together gives way to the dormitory town or suburb, there is little
held in common left to celebrate.
Second, people's greater involvement with the broader society in which they live leads
them to look far more widely for services.They are less likely to turn to the local priest or vicar
for practical or emotional support.
Third, the cultural diversity of the society in which people live leads them to hold beliefs
with less certainty. Bruce (I 995) says,‘Beliefs are strongest when they are unexamined and
naively accepted as the way things are.’ In a society where we no longer get constant
reinforcement of a particular religious view:
Religious belief is now obviously a matter of choice. We may still choose to believe, but
we cannot easily hide from ourselves the knowledge that we choose God rather than God
choosing us. God may still be respected and loved but that he no longer need be feared means
that one major source of motivation for getting religion right has been removed.
According to Bruce, then,fundamental changes in social life in modern societies lead to

institutional religion losing its social base, many of its social roles and its main source of
Iegitimation. However, Bruce may exaggerate the extent of change and the consequences for
religion. For example, there has been a long-standing debate about whether, and to what extent,
there has been a decline of community, with many commentators questioning the view that
there has been a straightforward movement from strong to weak communities.
Bruce asserts the decline of community without examining the evidence in detail.
Similarly, some writers have questioned the dominance of religious worldviews in the past (see
below, p.483). However, Bruce is certainly correct to point out that there has been a growth of
religious diversity in many modern societies.The significance of this will now be considered.
INSTITUTIONAL RELIGION - RELIGIOUS PLURALISM
Some researchers imply that the truly religious society has one faith and one church.This
picture is influenced by the situation in some small-scale, non-literate societies, such as the
Australian Aborigines, where the community is a religious community. Members share a
common faith and at certain times of the year the entire community gathers to express this faith
in religious rituals.
In Durkheim’s (I 96 l , first published l9l2) view of religion,the community is the church.

Medieval European societies provided a similar picture: the established church ministered to
the whole society. A number of sociologists essentially follow this line of thinking.
Steve Bruce (I992) argues that religious pluralism results from a variety of sources, all of
which have ‘undermined the communal base to religious orthodoxy’. England expanded to
incorporate Scotland and lreland,which had different religious traditions, while migration has led
to a plurality of religious groups in both North America and Europe. industrialisation reduced the
contact between social classes and helped to create new, predominantly working-class versions
of Christianity, such as Methodism.
Modernisation and industrialisation bring with them the social fragmentation of society
into a plurality of cultural and religious groups.As we have seen above, Bruce believes that as a
consequence the state can no longer support a single religion without causing conflict.The
plurality of religions reminds individuals that their beliefs are a personal preference, a matter of
choice, and no longer part and parcel of their membership of society (Bruce, 20l I). Indeed, Bruce
sees these processes as absolutely central to secularisation.
Strong religion (Bruce,2002),which dominates people's lives and shapes how they live in
profound ways, cannot be widespread in a fragmented society. It may survive in isolated
pockets (such as in Amish communities in the USA or in some sects), but, to continue, such
communities must try to isolate themselves from the secular climate of the wider society.
Weak religion, which is more a matter of personal choice and does not claim to be the

only legitimate religion, is more suited to fragmented societies. It accepts there may be more
than one way to spiritual truth and does not seek to dominate individual lives to the same extent
as strong religion. In this form, religion can be more widespread in modern secular societies, but
because it is voluntary, a matter of choice, and does not govern how people live their lives, it has
little social impact.Weak religion is typified by liberal Protestant churches, the New Age and
some cults.
However, contrary to Bruce's view, it could be argued that a truly religious society is
simply one in which religious beliefs and institutions thrive. It is not necessary for everyone to
share the same religious beliefs for religion to be important. Northern lreland is a case in
point.There the divisions between Catholics and Protestants are associated with higher rates of
church membership and attendance than in other parts of the UK.
In some modern societies (such as the USA) it could be the case that religious pluralism
exercises a strong influence on society in general, encouraging a toleration of diversity in which
a plurality of beliefs can thrive.
However religious pluralism is perceived in modern societies, it largely stems from two
sources: from the existence of different ethnic groups with their own religious traditions, and
from the growth of new sects and cults. These will now be examined.
ETHNICITY AND RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY
Steve Bruce (I996) acknowledges that certain ethnic groups often retain strong religious beliefs.
However, he does not see this as an argument against the secularisation thesis .This is because
Bruce believes religion remains strong because of its social importance rather than because the
members of the group have deep religious convictions as individuals.
Bruce (I996, 20l I) claims that religion tends to serve one of two main purposes for
ethnic groups: cultural defence or cultural transition:
I. Religions take on the role of cultural defence where: there are two (or more) communities in
conflict and they are of different religions (for example, Protestants and Catholics in Ulster, or
Serbs (Orthodox), Croats (Roman Catholic) and Bosnian Muslims in what used to be Yugoslavia),
then the religious identity of each can call forth a new loyalty as religious identity becomes a
way of asserting ethnic pride. Bruce, I996
From Bruce's point of view, it is ethnic identity that is important, rather than religiosity. In
Northern lreland he cites the example of Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party. It represents,
Northern lreland Protestants, who strongly support the union of Northern lreland within the UK.
(They opposed the original peace proposals in I998-9.) Most of the activists in this party are
members of the evangelical Protestant Free Presbyterian Church. Only a tiny percentage of the

Northern Irish population, about I per cent, are Free Presbyterians, but Ian Pais|ey’s party gets
much more support than that.This is because, according to Bruce, ethnic Protestants identify
themselves with the party's opposition to a united lreland, not because of the religious
convictions of the party's activists.
However, once the political reasons for strong religious views disappear or are reduced,
then religion becomes less important. It is no longer needed as the basis for cultural defence.
Bruce argues that this is exactly what has happened in Northern lreland.After I5 years of relative
peace,‘every measure of religiosity in Northern lreland now shows decline’ (Bruce, 20! I).
2. Cultural transition
involves religion acquiring an enhanced importance because of the assistance it can give in
helping people cope with the shift from one world to another. It might be that the people in
question have migrated; it might be that they remain in the same place while that place changes
under their feet. Bruce, I996
Religion is used as a resource for dealing with situations where people have to change their
identity to some extent. For example,Asian and African Caribbean migrants to Britain and their
descendants can use mosques, temples and churches as centres for their communities and
their religion as a way of coping with the ambiguities of being Asian or black and British.
However, Bruce believes that religion loses this role where a group becomes increasingly
integrated into the host community. For example, Irish Catholics who migrated to England and
Scotland were originally subject to considerable hostility and discrimination from the host
population. Catholicism was very important to this group for several generations. However, as
Irish Catholics have married outside their own ethnic group and have enjoyed increasing
success, prosperity and acceptance by other members of the population, the importance of their
religion as a focus for community identity has declined.
Bruce concludes:‘Cultural defence and cultural transition may keep religion relevant but
they will not create a religious society out of a secular one.
However, everybody does not share this interpretation. The historian Callum G. Brown
(I992) questions Bruce’s claim that it can be seen as evidence of secularisation when religion
has a role in cultural defence or cultural transformation for particular ethnic groups. Brown sees
‘ethnic defence‘ as a key function of religion in the modern world. He denies there was ever a
‘Golden Age‘ in which religion provided a single, unifying worldview for all members of a
society.There has always been some diversity in religious outlooks and there have always been
some who were sceptical or hostile towards religion.The role of religion has changed, but that is
not the same thing as decline. Brown says:‘Religion adapts to different social and economic
contexts. It is not static, unchanging and unyielding to different situations. Such changes that
churches undergo do not necessarily mean secularization.’ In particular, he argues that

contemporary religion might draw its strength from individual communities (including ethnic
communities) rather than from society as a whole.A religiously plural society can also be a non-
secular society; both the USA and Britain are examples.
Certainly, there is plenty of evidence that religion can and often does remain strong
among ethnic groups.
SECTS, CULTS AND SECULARISATION
Some researchers interpret the proliferation of sects in much the same way as the
spread of denominations and religious pluralism in general. It has been seen as a further
fragmentation of institutional religion and therefore as evidence of the weakening hold of
religion over society.
Accurate measurements of the numbers of sects and the size of their memberships are
not available, but estimates have been made.Although RoyWallis (I984) believed there was a
decline in new religious movements in the late l970s and early l980s, more recent figures
suggest they have been growing. There are certainly more sects today than there were before
the Second World War.
The apparent vitality of sects seems to provide evidence against the secularisation
theory. World-rejecting sects are perhaps the most religious type of organisation, since they
demand greater commitment to the religion than other organisations. If they are stronger than in
the past, it suggests religion retains a considerable appeal for the populations of advanced
industrial societies.Andrew Greeley (I972) believes that the growth of new religious movements
represents a process of resacrilisationz interest in, and belief in, the sacred is being revived.
Societies such as Britain and the USA are, if anything, becoming less secular.
Rodney Stark and William S. Bainbridge (I985) also deny that secularisation has taken
place. Some established churches may have lost part of their emphasis on the supernatural, but
Stark and Bainbridge believe that secularisation never advances far because new religious
groups with more emphasis on the supernatural constantly emerge.They put forward statistical
evidence to support this claim. According to their figures on religious activity in different states
of the USA, cults thrive where conventional religions are weak. For example, in California
relatively few people are church-goers but many believe in supernatural phenomena.
Nevertheless, other sociologists see the growth of sects as evidence of secularisation.

Peter Berger (I970) argues that belief in the supernatural can only survive in a sectarian form in
a secular society. In order to maintain a strong religious belief and commitment, individuals
must cut themselves off from the secularising influences of the wider society, and seek out the
support of others of like mind.The sect, with its close-knit community organisation, provides a
context in which this is possible. From this viewpoint, the sect is the last refuge of the
supernatural in a secular society. Sects are therefore evidence of secularisation.
Bryan Wilson (I982) takes a similar view, maintaining that sects are ‘a feature of
societies experiencing secularisation, and they may be seen as a response to a situation in
which religious values have lost social pre-eminence’. In other words, sects are the last outpost
of religion in societies where religious beliefs and values have little consequence.
Wilson is particularly scathing in his dismissal of the religious movements of the young
in the West, such as Krishna Consciousness, which emerged during the l960s in the USA. He
regards them as ‘almost irrelevant’ to society as a whole, claiming: ‘They add nothing to any
prospective reintegration of society, and contribute nothing towards the culture by which a
society might live.’
By comparison, Methodism, in its early days as a sect, provided standards and values for
the new urban working class, which helped to integrate its members within the wider society. In
addition, its beliefs ‘steadily diffused through a much wider body of the population‘.
Wilson thinks that the new religious movements show no such promise.Their members
live in their own enclosed, encapsulated worlds.There they emphasise ‘hedonism,the validity of
present pleasure, the abandonment of restraint and the ethic of“do your own thing" ’.Wilson
scorns their ‘exotic novelty’, which he believes offers little more than self-indulgence,titillation
and short-lived thrills. He believes that movements which seek the truth in Asian religions and
emphasise the exploration of the inner self— such as Krishna Consciousness — can give little to
Western society. They simply ‘offer another way of life for the self-selected few rather than an
alternative culture for mankind’. Rather than encouraging a moral reintegration of society, they
just provide a religious setting for ‘dropouts’.They do not halt the continuing process of
secularisation and are ‘likely to be no more than transient and volatile gestures of defiance’ in
the face of a secular society.
Steve Bruce (I995, I996, 2002, 20l I) reaches similar conclusions. He argues that new
religious movements recruit only very small numbers compared to the massive decline in
mainstream Christian religions.World-rejecting new religions have affected the smallest
number.World- affirming new religions have influenced a greater number, yet even in this case
numbers are small. Bruce (2002) estimates that the active membership of Eastern-based _
spiritual groups such as Hare Krishna and TM ‘is not likely to be much above l0,000 — fewer
than the number lost to the Christian churches in a month’. He points out that in England and
Wales only l,78l people described themselves as Scientologists in the 200l census (Bruce, 20l I).
In Scotland in 200l there were just 58 Scientologists and 25 Hare Krishnas.
Furthermore,these religious movements have the least impact on people’s lives.To

Bruce (l996),‘people who chant in Soka Gakki or meditate in TM or attend EST seminars
(Erhard’s SeminarTraining) or Insight weekends’ carry on their lives very much as normal and
there ‘are no consequences for the operation of the social system’.
SECULARISATION AND THE NEW AGE
Bruce has also commented on the significance, or in his view the lack of significance, of
the New Age. He puts forward a number of arguments which suggest that it has little
importance and it therefore poses little or no threat to the validity of the theory of secularisation.
First, Bruce (20l I) argues that it has only a small number of followers who take it
seriously and regard it as spiritual. He discusses a 20OI survey conducted in Scotland
(Glendinning and Bruce,2006, cited in Bruce, 20l l).The survey revealed that I5 per cent of the
sample described themselves as spiritual but not religious, and as many as 44 per cent had tried
alternative medicine. However, many fewer, just 8 per cent, had tried an alternative practice,
regarded it as spiritual,and seen it as important.
Second, Bruce believes that, by its very nature, the New Age has less effect on society
than more conventional religious beliefs.AIthough it affects more people than sects, ‘it cannot
aspire to promote radical and specific change because it does not have the cohesion and
discipline of the sect’ (Bruce, I996).
The beliefs advocated by the New Age are diffuse (Bruce, 2002). Diffuse religion
promotes individualism and tolerance —— people can believe whatever they choose and need
not follow a single set of teachings.According to the New Age, what works for you is your truth,
while others can have different truths.This solves the problem of living in pluralistic societies
such as Britain. It allows many different beliefs to exist side by side.
However, diffuse religion produces only ‘slight commitment and little agreement about
detail’. People will not make sacrifices or change their lives in profound ways for diffuse
religion.)/Vithout a community to constantly reiterate and reinforce a set of beliefs, and without
agreement that access to a single truth requires devotion to a religious organisation, New Age
beliefs are very weak and it is difficult to sustain serious commitment to them. Bruce says:
There is no driver to coerce from an individual any more commitment than he or she
initially wishes to make.There is no mechanism to produce consensus and sustain a shared life
against the fissile tendencies of personal preference And there is little impetus to evangelise.
Third, Bruce (I996) believes that the New Age is simply an extreme form of the
individualism that is characteristic of modern societies.As such it has a role as ‘symptom and
as a cause in the erosion of faith in orthodoxies and the authority of professional knowledge’

However, Bruce believes that toned-down aspects of New Age beliefs may become
accepted as parts of the ‘cultural mainstream’. For example, the New Age has had some impact
on people’s concern for the environment and willingness to give credence to alternative
medicines.
It could be argued that Bruce underestimates the significance of the effects he identifies.
If substantial numbers of people are willing to question scientific orthodoxy and place some
trust in beliefs that require a degree of faith, this in itself could be taken as evidence against the
secularisation theory.
Paul Heelas (I996) regards the New Age as more significant than does Bruce. He quotes
a I993 Gallup poll which found that in Britain 26 per cent of people believed in reincarnation,40
per cent in some sort of spirit, I7 per cent in flying saucers and 2| per cent in horoscopes; while a
I989 Gallup poll found that no less than 72 per cent had ‘an awareness of a sacred presence in
nature.‘
Some indication of the vitality of the New Age is provided by a study conducted by Paul
Heelas, Linda - Woodhead and colleagues in the town of Kendal in Cumbria, in northern England
(Kendal Project, 200la, 200lb; Heelas et al., 2005).The study attempted to find every religious
group in Kendal, and groups with a spiritual dimension in Kendal and within a five-mile radius.
The researchers identified 26 different churches, and on 26 November 2000 a total of

2,3 I 5 people attended these churches.They also found a total of 62 groups with a spiritual
dimension, including:
23 yoga groups; 7 Tai Chi groups; 7 dancing, singing drumming or arts and crafts groups;
5 healing groups; 4 groups with an earth-based spirituality; 4 syncretic or interfaith groups; 4
therapy or self-discovery groups;4 women’: groups; 3 Buddhist groups; and several other
specialized groups such as Bahai and Sai Babba.
All of these groups used a language of spiritual growth.They also found 90 people who
practised alternative therapies, of whom 63 said their practice had a spiritual dimension.
From their research they were able to estimate that about 450 people attended groups
and about 280 saw a spiritual practitioner.Therefore, a total of around 730 people were involved
in spiritually inclined but non-Christian activities in a single week.This compared to 674 who
worshipped in Anglican churches in a typical week.This high level of active participation showed
New Age beliefs to be quite significant in the lives of many people in Kendal.
Using a broad definition of the New Age, then, there appears to be widespread belief in
some of its claims among a high proportion of the population, and active participation among a
significant minority.

Some New Age magazines are quite successful (with circulation figures in the tens of
thousands), and in the USA there are several thousand New Age bookshops. Heelas argues that
aspects of New Age beliefs are deeply embedded in contemporaryWestern culture.They are a
‘radicalised' version of‘humanistic expressivism’.
The New Age might not be much like a traditional religion, but to Heelas it provides a
strong argument against the view that modern societies have become secular and rational. It is
just that individuals have turned within themselves in the search for spirituality, rather than
looking to the external authority of church religions. Heelas et al. (2005) see this as part of a
spiritual revolution involving a shift from the congregational domain of conventional religion
towards the self-spirituality of the holistic milieu.
However, Bruce (20l I) is sceptical of the conclusions reached on the basis of this
research. He argues that much of the ‘New Age’ activity identified in the Kendal study does not
necessarily have a spiritual element for participants. A lot of it can be seen as recreational (for
example, yoga and Tai Chi); other activities such as massage, are a form of‘pampering’; and
even much of the ‘healing and complementary therapy’ such as homoeopathy can be seen as
‘pseudo-scientific’ rather than spiritual. Indeed, in the Kendal research itself only a quarter of the
respondents involved in these various activities described ‘spiritual growth’ as the main reason
for their involvement.
On this basis, Bruce calculates that less than I per cent of the Kendal population were
involved in New Age spirituality. Of those who were involved, two-thirds said their children did
not share their interests.The study found only three people aged under 30 directly involved in
spiritual activities.
Bruce concludes that there is little chance of significant growth of New Age spirituality
in the future. He claims that:--
the current evidence supports the conclusion that holistic spirituality is a

‘fashion’or‘period effect’: a cultural product that appeals to a certain class of people who were
adolescents in the l 960s and that will fade as they die out.
Rob Warner (2Ol0) agrees with Bruce that Heelas et al. (2005) have exaggerated the
significance of the New Age, although he does not go as far as Bruce in dismissing its
significance.Warner suggests that ‘Western Europeans seem generally content to have freed
themselves from the inherited obligations of a monolithic, state-sponsored religion. But they do
not yet seem to have settled for permanent thoroughgoing dogmatic secularity.‘ He suggests
that ‘a new culture may be emerging that is inclined to reject both forms of dogmatic certitude
and forced religion and imposed secularity’ and instead engages in ‘experiments in post-
secularity’ (Warner, 20 I 0).

Institutional religion - the secularisation of religious institutions in the USA
According to Will Herberg (l960),the main evidence for secularisation in the USA is not to
be found in a decline in participation in religion, but in a decline in the religiosity of churches and
denominations themselves.The major denominations have increasingly emphasised this world
as opposed to the other world;they have moved away from traditional doctrine and concern with
the supernatural; they have compromised their religious beliefs to fit in with the wider society.
Because of this, they have become more like the secular society in which they are set.
Heelas and Seel (2003) support Herberg's general views. Reviewing evidence from the
USA, they claim that the more subjective religions, which allow considerable freedom to
believers, have been the most successful in the USA in recent years.There has been a move
away from traditional religions that involve being disciplined to act in accordance with religious
beliefs.This view is linked to more general claims about the subjectivisation of religion (in which
individuals develop their own personal religious views), which emerged in the Kendal Project.
However other writers have strongly challenged Herberg’s views. Roof and McKinney
(I987) accept that Herberg‘s analysis had much merit when it was written in the l950s, but they
argue,‘it failed to ring true in the America of the l980s'. In particular, not all religious groupings
seem to have turned their back on what Herberg would see as authentic religion. Like other
commentators, Roof and McKinney note the growth of conservative Protestant religions
(sometimes called the New Christian Right),which seem to combine a serious commitment to
religious teachings, a strong element of theological doctrine and a refusal to compromise
religious beliefs.As such, they seem to directly contradict Herberg’s claims about secularisation
within religious institutions.
Institutional religion — the New Christian Right
Roof and McKinney categorise the following religious groups in America as conservative
Christians: Southern Baptists. Churches of Christ, Evangelicals/Fundamentalists, Nazarenes,
Pentecostalists/Holiness,Assemblies of God, Churches of God and Adventists. Using survey
data, they estimated that conservative Protestants made up l5.8 per cent of the American
population in l984.Their evidence suggests these groups have been growing since the
l920s.They quote a I976 Gallup poll that found that 34 per cent of the population said they had
been ‘born again’.
Roof and McKinney’s data also show that conservative Protestants are more likely than
any other religious group in the USA to attend church and believe in God. They have rejected any
move towards liberal values and instead strongly support traditional morality. Conservative
Protestants have been strong opponents of abortion, extra- marital or pre-marital sex,
homosexuality and the relaxation of divorce laws.They have supported literal interpretations of

the Bible, campaigning against the teaching of evolutionary biology on the grounds that it
contradicts the biblical account of God‘s creation of the earth.
Some more recent data suggest that conservative Christian groups have continued to
grow at the expense of more moderate, mainline Protestant denominations.Almond et al. note
that membership of the Southern Baptists increased from around I0 million in I960 to I7 million
in 2000, and membership of Pentecostalist denominations increased from less than 2 million to
nearly I2 million over the same period (Almond et al., 2003). In contrast, membership of mainline
denominations felI.The United Methodists lost more than 2 million members, falling from over I0
million in I960 to under 8 million in 2000, and Episcopalians also declined,from 3.5 million to 2
million.
However, there is some evidence to suggest that this trend may have come to an end
and gone into reverse. American Religious Identification Surveys (Grossman, 2009) found that
between I990 and 2008 the percentage of respondents in the surveys identifying themselves as
Baptists declined from l9.3 per cent to l5.8 per cent, although there was a small increase in
those identifying with Pentecostalistl charismatic churches, from 3.2 per cent to 3.5 per cent.
Generally, religion seemed to be losing support, with the percentage saying they had no religion
nearly doubling from 8.2 per cent to I5 per cent.
The limited impact of the New Christian Right
Although the New Christian Right has set up its own radio andTV stations and publishing
houses and has campaigned in numerous elections, Steve Bruce (I988, I996, 20l I) argues that
they have had very little impact. He points out that Chapter 7 Religion 487 abortion has not
been banned (as the New Christian Right would like), and,‘Far from making the lives of
homosexuals more difficult, all legislative and judicial decisions since the founding of the Moral
Majority in l978 have been in the liberal direction’.
Bruce (I996) acknowledges that the USA is less secular than Britain, but he believes the
New Christian Right may have merely slowed down the process of secularisation within its own
religious institutions, and has failed to do any more than that. Indeed, he believes the only
reason the New Christian Right gets so much attention is that its members are unusual for
holding strong religious convictions in a largely secular world.
Bruce (2011) believes there are particular reasons why religion has been relatively
resilient in the USA. US politics provides more opportunity for minority religious parties to gain
support than politics in most European countries, and the demographic base of the New
Christian Right in the southern states of the USA has been expanding relative to the overall size
of the population. However, Bruce concludes that there is nevertheless clear evidence of the
declining influence of religion in the USA, albeit a slower decline than that in most European

countries.
INTERNAL SECULARISATION IN BRITAIN
Less attention has been devoted to the possibility that British churches and
denominations have undergone secularisation. However, Steve Bruce (I988) believes that British
mainstream churches have abandoned, or at least watered down,a number of their religious
convictions. These include beliefs in the virgin birth, Christ's bodily resurrection (the former
Bishop of Durham, David jenkins, called it a ‘conjuring trick with a bag of bones’), heaven and hell,
and the expectation that Christ would return to earth. Bruce also points out that most British
Christian churches have ceased to claim a monopoly on religious truth.
In the previous sections we examined approaches to secularisation largely in terms of

institutional religion. Our focus now changes to a more general view of the role of religion in
Western society and is concerned with the influence of religious beliefs and values on social
norms and values, social action and consciousness.As in previous sections, assessments of the
importance of religion depend largely on the observer's interpretation of what constitutes a
‘religious society’ and religiously motivated action.
RELIGION AND SOCIETY -
DESACRILISATION
A number of sociologists have argued that the sacred has little or no place in
contemporaryWestern society, that society has undergone a process of desacrilisation. This
means that supernatural forces are no longer seen as controlling the world, action is no longer
directed by religious belief, and human consciousness has become secularised.
DISENCHANTMENT
Weber's interpretation of modern society provides one of the earliest statements of the
desacrilisation thesis. He claimed that modern society is ‘characterized by rationalization and
intellectualization and, above all, by the “disenchantment of the world"’ (Weber, quoted in Gerth
and Mills, l948).The world is no longer charged with mystery and magic; the supernatural has
been banished from society.The meanings and motives that direct action are now rational.
Briefly, rational action involves a deliberate and precise calculation of the importance of
alternative goals and the effectiveness of the various means of attaining chosen goals.
For example, if an individual’s goal is to make money, they will coldly and carefully
calculate the necessary initial investment and the costs involved in producing and marketing a
commodity in the most economical way possible.Their measurements will be objective: they will
be based on factors that can be quantified and accurately measured.They will reject means to
reach that goal which cannot be proven to be effective.
Rational action rejects the guidelines provided by emotion, by tradition or by religion. It is

based on the cold, deliberate reason of the intellect, which demands that the rationale for action
can only be based on the proven results.
SCIENCE AND REASON
A number of sociologists have accepted Weber’s interpretation of the basis for action in
industrial society. In Religion in a Secular Society (I966), Bryan Wilson stated:‘Religious thinking
is perhaps the area which evidences most conspicuous change. Men act less and less in
response to religious motivation:they assess the world in empirical and rational terms.’
Wilson argued that the following factors encouraged the development of rational
thinking and a rational worldview:
I. Ascetic Protestantism,which ‘created an ethic which was pragmatic, rational, controlled and
anti-emotional’.
2. The rational organisation of society, which results in people's ‘sustained involvement in

rational organisations - firms, public service, educational institutions, government, the state -
which impose rational behaviour upon them’.
3. A greater knowledge of the social and physical world, which results from the development of
the physical, biological and social sciences.Wilson maintained that this knowledge was based
on reason rather than faith. He claimed:‘Science not only explained many facets of life and the
material environment in a way more satisfactory [than religion], but it also provided confirmation
of its explanation in practical results’ (Wilson, I966).
4. The development of rational ideologies and organisations to solve social problems.

Ideologies such as communism and organisations such as trade unions offer practical
solutions to problems. By comparison, religious solutions, such as the promise of justice and
reward in the afterlife, do not produce practical and observable results.
Wilson argues that a rational worldview is the enemy of religion. lt is based on the testing
of arguments and beliefs by rational procedures, on assessing truth by means of factors that
can be quantified and objectively measured. Religion is based on faith and as such is non-
rational. Its claim to truth cannot be tested by rational procedures.
Peter Berger (I970) developed some ofWeber’s and Wilson's ideas within the framework
of the sociology of knowledge. He maintained that people in Western society increasingly ‘look
upon the world and their own lives without the benefit of religious interpretations‘. As a result
there is a secularisation of consciousness. Berger argued that the ‘decisive variable for
secularization’ is ‘the process of rationalization that is the prerequisite for any industrial society
of the modern type’. A rational worldview rejects faith that is the basis of religion. It removes the
‘mystery, magic and authority’ of religion.
Steve Bruce (2002, 20l I) stresses the importance of rationalisation and of technology,
rather than science _ itself. He argues that science and religion can coexist quite easily.
Religious faith,where it is backed up and supported by a strong religious community, is not
susceptible to being disproved by science.This is because ‘modern people are quite capable of
believing nonsense and hence the declining plausibility of any one body of ideas cannot be
explained simply by the presence of some (to us) more plausible ones’ (Bruce, 2Ol I).
However, technology has been more important. Bruce points out that religion often
claims to have practical uses, such as when ‘Holy water cures ailments and prayers improve
crop quality‘.Technological advances reduce the number of times that people turn to religion to
solve problems, and have given individuals a greater sense of control over the natural world.
Bruce admits that people may continue to turn to religion,for example through prayer, even when
using technology. For instance, a farmer may still pray for the well-being of the sheep even when
using sheep dip to combat maggots. However, when a neighbouring farmer achieves the same
results using only the dip and not resorting to prayer, then the belief that prayer is important is
weakened.
Furthermore, the general spread of rationalisation is much more important than any
direct influence of science and technology, particularly in the planning of social life in
bureaucracies. Bruce says:
A world of rationality is less conducive to religion than a traditional society. Everything is

seen as potentially improvable. Everything can be made more efficient. We find it very easy to
talk about means and procedures but very difficult to discuss transcendental means. Bruce,
I996
Bruce acknowledges that such events as the death of a loved one or an injustice suffered may
lead people to turn to God. There are some things in the modern world that science and
rationality cannot deal with. However, when people do turn to God,they do so as individuals.
Furthermore,they tend to do so as a last resort after the rational, scientific alternatives have all
been fully exhausted.Thus:
When we have tried every cure for cancer, we pray. When we have revised for our
examinations, we pray. We do not pray instead of studying, and even committed believers
suppose that a research programme is more likely than a mass prayer meeting to produce a
cure for AiDS.
ARGUMENTS AGAINST SCIENCE AND REASON UNDERMINING RELIGION

Although the argument that science and/or rationalism have triumphed over religion and
superstition appears strong, not everybody finds it convincing. For example, the development of
NewAge beliefs seems to suggest that the non-rational has a place in contemporary societies.
Furthermore,there is plenty of evidence that appears to point to a religious revival on a global
scale.
Also, the theory of postmodernism suggests that societies have begun to move beyond
the scientific rationality of modernity, partly because they have started to mistrust science.
People are increasingly aware of the failures of science (including the failure to find a cure for
AIDS) and, more importantly, the negative side-effects that can be produced by science and
technology. Examples might include global warming, air pollution, increasing cancer rates, the
depletion of the ozone layer, and so on. In these circumstances people may turn to religion, of
one sort or another, as an alternative to science,which some see as creating as many problems
as it solves.The relationship between religion and postmodern society will be examined below
and the relationship between science and religion will also be examined in more detail in a later
section.
In this section we have considered the desacrilisation thesis; that is, the view that
religion and the sacred have largely been removed from the meanings that guide action and
interpret the world, and from the consciousness of humanity.This view is difficult to evaluate
since it is largely based on the impressions of particular researchers rather than ‘hard’ data. In
addition, it compares industrial society with often-unspecified pre-industrial societies in which,
presumably, religion provided a guide to action and a basis for meaning.We will deal with the
problems involved in this approach in the next section.
RELIGION IN PRE-INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES
As we saw in the previous sections, the term ‘secularisation’ has been used in many
different ways.Whichever way it has been used, though,the supporters of the theory of
secularisation have tended to take it for granted that pre- industrial societies were highly
religious. Some researchers have challenged this view.
The anthropologist Mary Douglas (I973) argues that the use of supposedly‘religious’,
small-scale non-literate societies as a basis for comparison with modern ‘secular’ societies is
unjustified:
The contrast of secular with religious has nothing whatever to do with the contrast of
modern with traditional or primitive The truth is that all varieties of scepticism, materialism and
spiritual fervour are to be found in the range of tribal societies.
It is simply an illusion concocted by Westerners that ‘all primitives are pious, credulous
and subject to the teaching of priests or magicians’
. In the same way, the search for the ‘Golden Age’ of religion in the European past may
provide an equally shaky standard for comparison. From his study of religion in l6th- and l7th-
century England, K.V. Thomas states:‘We do not know enough about the religious beliefs and
practices of our remote ancestors to be certain of the extent to which religious faith and
practice have actually declined’.
SECULARISATION - INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS
Secularisation as a universal process
Some sociologists studying secularisation have concentrated on making observations

about, and researching into, particular modern industrial societies.They have, nevertheless,
often assumed that secularisation is a universal and perhaps inevitable process. Bryan Wilson (l
966) claimed, for example,‘Secularization, then, is a long-term process occurring in human
society.’ However, by concentrating on Britain and the USA, sociologists have taken a rather
narrow view of social change and religion. For instance,they have not accounted for the revival
of lslamic fundamentalism in Iran and other countries over recent years.
The varying strength of religion
Grace Davie (2002, 2006, 2007) argues that the strength and nature of religion vary
enormously around the world.Within Europe there are some countries, such as Poland and the
Republic of lreland,where religious participation remains very high. In most parts of Europe,
however, participation has fallen; but this makes Europe the ‘exceptional case’, not the norm for
the rest of the world (Davie, 2002).
Even in Europe,the decline of religion may be exaggerated.Although most people might

not wish to be actively involved in religion, they are still broadly supportive of churches as
institutions; they have no wish to see them disappear, and indeed welcome them as a resource
they can draw on in times of need. Many people are happy in the knowledge that in times of
personal or national crisis they can turn back to religion and religious leaders for guidance.
Davie calls this vicariousness — people enjoy the benefits of religion without themselves taking
an active role.
Davie (2002) describes the vitality of religion in the USA, Africa, Latin America and the
Far East (for example, in South Korea). She particularly draws attention to the success of
Pentecostalist churches in Latin America and elsewhere:
There are now about a quarter of a billion u Pentecostalists in the modern world, making
this the fastest growing form of Christianity in the modern world.And in Latin America,
Pentecostalist initiatives eclipse their secular equivalents, o point on which all commentators
agree.

Some sociologists who have discussed religion on a global scale argue that, far from
secularisation taking place, religion is undergoing a major revival. Gilles Kepel (I994) claims that
any trend towards secularisation was reversed around I975. Furthermore,the various religious
revivals were very ambitious — they were aimed at ‘recovering a sacred foundation for the
organization of society — by changing society if necessary’
Kepel uses the examples of Christians in the USA and Europe,]ews in Israel, and
Muslims throughout the world to support his case. All of these revivals represent attempts to
counter secularism.They are a reaction to the apparent failure of attempts to base the policies
of nation-states upon secular principles. He says,‘They regard the vainglorious emancipation of
reason from faith as the prime cause of the ills of the 20th century, the beginnings of a process
leading straight to Nazi and Stalinist totalitarianism.’ As such,they are very much a reaction
against modernity.
Pippa Norris and Ronald lnglehart - Sacred and Secular
The most comprehensive attempt to measure secularisation worldwide was undertaken

using data from values surveys carried out between l98l and 200l .TheWorldValues Survey and
the European Values Survey collected data from countries Chapter 7 Religion in which more
than 85 per cent of the world's population live, ranging from countries with some of the lowest
per capita income in the world to those with some of the highest. The data from these surveys
were analysed by Pippa Norris and Ronald lnglehart (2004) in order to provide the first
comprehensive test of secularisation theory.The surveys collected information on a range of
measures of religiosity--
> Data on religious participation were based on questions about attendance at religious services,
and prayer outside religious services
> Data on religious values derived from questions about the importance of God and religion in
people's lives
> Data on religious beliefs were based on questions which asked people whether they believed
in heaven, hell, the soul, and life after death.
Norris and lnglehart examined the findings in relation to different types of society.
Societies were classified according to the dominant religious tradition (Protestant, Catholic,
Orthodox, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim or other) and according to their level of development and
modernisation.This was evaluated using the United Nations Human Development Index and the
level of per capita GDP.
The 20 most affluent and developed states were categorised as post-industrial societies
(where the service sector was dominant). Fifty-eight countries with somewhat lower levels of

development and income were classified as industrial societies.The remaining countries were
defined as agrarian societies where agricultural production and the extraction of natural
materials were the most important parts of the economy.
ln terms of these broad categories, fairly consistent patterns were found, with agrarian
societies being the most religious and post-industrial societies the least religious. As data
shows/chose in agrarian societies tended to participate more in religion than those in other
societies; they were more likely to regard religion as being ‘very important’ and also more likely
to hold a variety of religious beliefs.
Norris and lnglehart found no evidence that religion was likely to disappear in advanced
post-industrial societies, although it was declining to some extent. However", overall they did not
find support for the claim that religion was declining.Although secularisation appeared to be
occurring in more advanced societies, the proportion of the world’s population living in such
societies was falling, due to differences in fertility.As the size of agrarian societies grew, relative
to the population of the world as a whole, the world was in fact becoming a somewhat more
religious place.
Evidence of religious participation suggested that younger cohorts in post-industrial

societies were much less likely to attend religious services than older cohorts. However, as data
shows, in agrarian societies this was not the case, with younger cohorts slightly more likely to
attend services than older ones. This evidence suggested that a progressive decline in religious
participation was characteristic only of advanced post-industrial societies rather than all
societies.
Norris and lnglehart therefore provided evidence to support the claims of sociologists
such as Steve Bruce (2002 20l I) who do not claim that secularisation is a worldwide process,
but see it as characteristic ofWestern, pluralistic democratic societies alone (Bruce's category
ofWestern, pluralistic societies is similar to Norris and lnglehart’s category of post-industrial
societies).
Norris and lnglehart (2004) go beyond measuring secularisation and provide a theory to
explain the variations in religion suggested by the survey data.They argue that the strength of
religion is closely related to the level of existential security in a country, such that the higher the
sense of existential security the less strong religion is likely to be.A sense of existential security
is defined as ‘the feeling that survival is secure enough that it can be taken for granted’.
Post-industrial societies provide a strong sense of existential security because of‘their

levels of economic and human development and socioeconomic equality’.
However this is not the case in agrarian societies. Norris and lnglehart say :--

the more vulnerable populations, especially in poorer countries, chronically face life-
threatening risks linked with malnutrition and lack of access to clean water; they are relatively
defenceless against HIVIAIDS, malaria, and other diseases, and against natural disasters; they
lack effective public health care and education; and their life expectancy is low and their child
mortality rates are high.
They believe that religion provides reassurance for those who feel vulnerable.Therefore,
the demand for religion tends to be greatest among those populations that feel most
vulnerable.They argue that this explains why the USA has stronger religious views and higher
levels of religious participation and belief than other post-industrial societies. Compared to
most ofWestern Europe, for example,the USA has higher inequality and a less comprehensive
welfare state. US citizens therefore experience greater existential insecurity than citizens of
other highly developed societies.
While impressive in its scope and based upon detailed evidence, the work of Norris and
lnglehart has not been without its critics.john Von Heyking (2005) argues that a major flaw in
their theory is the failure to make any direct attempt to measure a sense of existential security.
lnstead they infer this from other statistics, but this means that they fail to establish any direct
link between people's subjective sense of insecurity and their religiosity.
SECULARISATION — CONCLUSION
Problems with defining and proving or disproving secularisation
As the variety of views discussed in this section illustrate, the secularisation thesis has
not been definitively proved or disproved.This is partly because sociologists, from Weber to
Wilson and from Comte to Casanova, have used the term ‘secularisation’ in many different
ways.This has led to considerable confusion, since writers discussing the process of
secularisation are often arguing about different things.
Glock and Stark (I969) argue that researchers have been unable to measure the
significance of religion because they have not given adequate attention to defining religion and
religiosity. Until they have clearly thought out and stated exactly what they mean by these terms,
the secularisation thesis cannot be adequately tested.
Contemporary theorists of secularisation do appear to pay more attention to

differentiating between different issues that have been considered under the
heading‘secularisation’. For example, Davie (2007) accepts that ‘Secularization is a multi-
dimensional concept; its dimensions, moreover, frequently operate independently of each other.’
She goes on to say,‘Hence the need for conceptual clarity in order to ensure that like is being
compared with like and that accurate inferences are drawn from the argument.’ One way to
achieve this is to clearly distinguish different types of secularisation.
CASANOVA AND TYPES OF SECULARISATION
José Casanova (I994) distinguishes three aspects of secularisation:
I. Secularisation as differentiation. In these terms secularisation takes place when non-religious

spheres of life (such as the state and the economy) become separate from and independent
of religion.
2. Secularisation as a decline of religious beliefs and practices. In this case secularisation takes
place when fewer individuals take part in religious activities or hold religious beliefs.
3. Secularisation as privatisation.With this type of secularisation, religion stops playing any part
in public life and does not even try to influence how politicians make decisions or individuals in
society choose to live their lives.
Casanova believes recent history shows that religious beliefs and practices are not dying
out, and that‘public religions’ have increasingly re-entered the public sphere.Thus, to him, it is
only in the first sense that secularisation has taken place. Religion no longer has a central
position in the structure of modern societies, but neither has it faded away.
The Kendal Project and subjectivisation
One attempt to provide a single theory to explain and understand religious change has
been provided by the Kendal Project (Heelas et al., 2003, 2005). In this study, which took place
between 2000 and 200 I , a ‘body count’ of attendees at religious ceremonies was carried out,
along with a number of interviews, a street survey and ethnography.The study was based on
Kendal, a town in northern England. Heelas et al. found that while attendance at churches was
declining, more people were becoming involved in spiritually inclined groups and alternative
therapies connected to the New Age.
Heelas et al. divided more conventional congregations into three groups:
I. Those that emphasise‘individuals in the living of their unique lives’
2. Those that emphasise that individuals live unique lives ‘but offer normative prescriptions
about the forms these lives should take’.
3. Those that‘pay little or no attention to unique lives, and require unique subjectivities to be
sacrificed on the altar of a higher good’.
The first type came closest to the spiritual beliefs of the New Age.The last type was more
typical of strict, traditional religions, where the teachings of the religion are expected to be
obeyed with little or no question. Heelas et al. found that congregations with the first type of

beliefs were likely to be growing fastest, while those with the third type of beliefs were likely to
be contracting. Long-established religions that‘have traditionally located authority in individual
experience’, such as Unitarianism and Quakerism, were thriving.
Along with the growth in interest in the New Age, this led Heelas et al. to suggest that
both secularisation and sacrilisation were occurring at the same time.These changes were part
of a spiritual revolution in which the nature of spirituality was changing.
Secularisation was defined as a decline in traditional theistic religions (based on a strong

belief in God). The decline was evident inlthe falling numbers involved in the congregational
domain,where members of congregations meet together to pray in places of worship.
On the other hand, sacrilisation, and increased emphasis on the sacred,was taking place
in the holistic milieu.The holistic milieu involves support for‘body—mind spirituality‘ and is
evident in New Age beliefs and the beliefs of some religions.
According to the Kendal Project, then, secularisation is only taking place in the narrow
sense of a decline in - traditional religion. From a broader perspective, beliefs are shifting away
from traditional religion towards more individualist, spiritually inclined beliefs. Heelas et al.
attribute this change to the subjectivisation of social life.
The idea of subjectivisation originated in the work of the American sociologist Charles
Taylor. He argued that people increasingly see themselves as unique individuals with hidden
depths. In part, this can be linked to the development of consumer culture.As consumers,
individuals have considerable choice and they tend to feel they can help to shape their own lives
through these choices.Through their consumer choices (such as choosing clothes, interior
décor and cars) they can express their own individuality. Religions that deny this unique
individuality are unpopular because they are not consistent with widespread values and beliefs.
Other religious and spiritual beliefs are much more compatible with the mood of the times
The various conclusions reached by different sociologists reflect the different ways in
which secularisation is defined and the different areas of the world that are studied.Those who
adopt more exclusive definitions and define religion in terms of traditional churches and
denominations tend to provide stronger evidence in favour of secularisation than those who
adopt more inclusive definitions that encompass New Age beliefs and other forms of
spirituality.Those who focus on Western European societies tend to provide more convincing
arguments in favour of secularisation than those who include other societies in their discussion.
Without an agreed definition of secularisation,there is unlikely to be agreement about

whether or not it is taking place. However, there is some agreement that religion is changing and
that, at least in parts of Europe,traditional church-based religion is in decline.While most
sociologists agree that there is increasing interest in New Age beliefs, some (such as Bruce) see
this as insignificant, whereas others (such as Heelas et al.) see it as evidence of important
cultural change.
Most theorists who either support or attack the theory of secularisation are now willing
to admit that the theory cannot be unproblematically applied to all groups in all modern
societies. lt can therefore be argued that the national, regional, ethnic and social-class
differences in the role of religion make it necessary to relate theories to specific countries and
social groups.
FUNDAMENTALISM AND RELIGIOUS DIVISIONS IN THE MODERN WORLD
The nature and definition of fundamentalism The theory of secularisation suggests a

progressive decline in religion, but, as the previous section indicates, there are many parts of the
world where religion appears to be thriving or reviving. In a number of contexts the term
fundamentalism has been used to describe the nature of religion, particularly where it is
undergoing an enthusiastic revival in strongly held beliefs.
In a major comparative study of Strong Religion (or fundamentalism), Gabriel Almond, R.

Scott Appleby and Emmanuel Sivan (2003) identify fundamentalist movements amongjews in
Israel, Muslims in Pakistan, Palestine, Egypt, and the Russian regions of Dagestan and Chechnya,
Sikhs and Hindus in India, Christians in the USA and Ireland, and Buddhists in Sri Lanka.
Almond et al. note that in five countries fundamentalist groups have taken control of the
state. In I979 the pro- Western Shah of Iran was toppled in an Islamic revolution. In the Sudan in
l993,and in Turkey and Afghanistan in I996, Islamic regimes also gained control. In India in I998
and I999 a Hindu fundamentalist party won the national elections. Since Almond et al. were
writing, Hamas, a Palestinian fundamentalist group, have also come to power (in 2006).
Elsewhere — for example, in Pakistan and the USA — fundamentalist groups may not
have gained outright power, but there have been political leaders (such as George Bush) who
have had some sympathy with fundamentalist views.
Islamic fundamentalism has perhaps been subject to more attention than other forms,

particularly after the Islamic fundamentalist group al-Qaeda’s 9/I I attacks in the USA in 200I,the
train bombings in Madrid in 2004, and the suicide bombings in London in july 2005. However,
fundamentalism is by no means confined to Islam. Furthermore, most Islamic people (like most
Christians, Hindus and the followers of other religions) are not usually regarded as
fundamentalists.
Fundamentalism is sometimes linked to violence, particularly terrorism, though this is

not always the case.
According to Steve Bruce (2000),the term fundamentalism was first used in the l920s
when conservative evangelical Protestants published a series of pamphlets in which they called
for a return to ‘The Fundamentals of the Faith’. Bruce says they ‘reasserted what they saw as the
core of Protestant truth against the liberal and progressive spirit of the age’.These Protestants
were therefore ‘anti-modernist’ in that they objected to the way in which,as they saw it, their
religion was becoming diluted in the modern world.
Bruce notes that all religions will have some elements within them that are conservative
and traditional, but he sees fundamentalism as involving more than this. In his view,
fundamentalism describes ‘movements that respond to problems created by modernisation by
advocating society- wide obedience to some authentic and inerrant text or tradition and by
seeking the political power to impose the revitalized tradition‘ (Bruce, 2000).
Almond et al. reached a definition of fundamentalism after an extensive comparative

research project.They defined it as ‘a discernible pattern of religious militance by which self-
styled “true believers” attempt to arrest the erosion of religious identity, fortify the borders of the
religious community, and create viable alternatives to secular institutions and behaviors’.
These two definitions are similar in that both see fundamentalism as a response to a
perceived threat to a religion. However, Bruce’s definition is perhaps a little narrower. He only
defines a movement as fundamentalist if it claims authority for a sacred text and if it seeks
society- wide obedience.
Although fundamentalists claim to be reasserting the true meaning of a religion, it

should be borne in mind that religions are usually open to many different interpretations. Those
claiming to be returning to the original teachings of a religion may well disagree with one
another.Thus, Fred Halliday (I994), commenting on Islamic fundamentalism, says, ‘no such
essential Islam exists: as one Iranian thinker puts it, Islam is a sea in which it is possible to
catch almost any fish one wants’. In other words, each particular fundamentalist interpretation
of a religion is only one among many.
There is often much room for dispute over what the fundamentals of a religion actually
are, although the adherents to a particular version of fundamentalism tend to believe that theirs
is the one, true version of the faith.
STEVE BRUCE - FUNDAMENTALISM AND SECULARISATION
Secularisation and modernisation
The British sociologist Steve Bruce (2000) is a strong advocate of the theory of secularisation
or religious decline.The theory of secularisation strongly influences his explanation of
fundamentalism. Bruce sees fundamentalism as a reaction to modernisation.
Modernisation involves societalisation (in which social life becomes increasingly

fragmented) and differentiation (in which religious life is separated from other aspects of social
life such as the economy). Modernisation also involves rationalisation, in which social life is
planned to achieve certain goals, not based upon faith or prayer.
A further feature of modernity is a tendency towards egalitarianism, in which all

members of society share certain rights. For example, it involves increasingly egalitarian gender
roles as women gain full citizenship rights.
According to Bruce, all of these processes challenge the authority of religion, and in
some circumstances groups with strongly held religious beliefs will try to defend their religion
against the perceived threat to it.
In ‘first world’ countries, such as the USA, modernisation has provided a local and
immediate challenge to religious belief as such countries have modernised. Elsewhere, a
process of modernisation has been imposed upon society from outside by regimes friendly to
the West. Examples include the regimes of the Shah of Iran and Kemal Ataturk in Turkey.
In either set of circumstances, Bruce (2000) believes that ‘the main cause of religious
fundamentalism is the belief of religious traditionalists that the world around them has changed
so as to threaten their ability to reproduce themselves and their tradition’.
THE CAUSES OF FUNDAMENTALISM
However, Bruce believes that the existence of a group who feel threatened by
secularisation and modernisation is not sufficient in itself to create a fundamentalist reaction. A
number of other factors are also important.
I. Some religions have more potential for developing fundamentalist groups than others.
Religions that do not have a single sacred text (such as the Bible or Qur’an) struggle to develop
fundamentalist movements. For example, unlike Islam or Christianity, Hinduism is a diverse
religion with many Gods and no central sacred text.This makes it more difficult to create a
movement claiming to express the ‘true’ nature of the religion.What Bruce calls ideological

cohesion makes it much easier to mobilise people and claim their a|legiance.Thus, although
there has been some Hindu fundamentalism, it has not been as prominent as Islamic
fundamentalism.
Indeed, Bruce sees both Hindu fundamentalism in India and Sinhalese Buddhist
fundamentalism in Sri Lanka as being more an expression of nationalism than of religious
orthodoxy.
2. Fundamentalist beliefs tend to be stronger where a group believes it has a common external
enemy. Ideological cohesion is not just a property of religious belief; it can develop where a
group is united through hostility to a common enemy.Thus Hinduism started to develop some
degree of unity when Hindus began to unite in hostility to rule by the British Raj. Similarly, many
Islamic fundamentalist groups are united in hostility to the USA and its allies.
3. A third factor is the way in which belief systems are controlled within a religion. Roman
Catholicism has not given rise to fundamentalism.According to Bruce this is because religious
authority is centralised with the Pope and the Vatican. Such is their authority that dissenters are
unlikely to be able to claim that their version of the religion is truer. On the other hand, both
Protestantism and Islam are less centralised, and ‘authoritative knowledge is democratically
available.Any right- spirited person can determine God’s will by reading the scriptures or
studying the Qur'an’ (Bruce, 2000).
4. Religious fundamentalism does not just require religious beliefs and organisation; it also
needs a supply of potential recruits.To Bruce this means that it needs ‘members of particular
social strata that feel especially threatened, dispossessed or relatively deprived by
modernization’. In the USA, some Christians, particularly from the South, who felt threatened by
the liberal secularism ofWashington politicians fell into this category. In Palestine, Hamas has
found a supportive constituency among young, often unemployed or poor Muslims, who feel
anger at their treatment by Israel.
5. The path that fundamentalism takes is also affected by its relation to politics. In the USA,
New Right Christian fundamentalists have had ample opportunity to promote their cause
through conventional democratic politics.Where this avenue is not open, fundamentalism is
more likely to take a violent turn. American Christian fundamentalists have on occasion used
violence - for example, against abortion clinics - but violent action is much more common
among Islamic fundamentalists.
Furthermore, Christianity started out as a deviant religion that was persecuted under
Roman rule. Christians were forced to accept a distinction between church and state so that
they would ‘Render unto Caesar the things that were Caesar’s and unto God the things that are
God's’.

In contrast, Islam quickly came to dominate states that were led by Islamic leaders.The
Prophet himself was a political leader.According to Bruce this has led to followers of Islam
seeking political control and, unlike followers of Christianity, not being satisfied with maintaining
religious belief without political power.
Christianity emphasises being religious through holding the correct beliefs

(orthodoxy),whereas Islam places more emphasis on being religious through one’s actions
(ortho-praxis). Bruce believes that the emphasis on action and on gaining political power,
combined with the lack of opportunity for democratic progress in some Muslim countries,
makes it more likely that Islamic fundamentalists will turn to violence than Christian
fundamentalists.
Bruce's analysis emphasises that many of the causes of fundamentalism (such as

modernisation and the existence of groups who are relatively deprived) lie outside religions
themselves. However, he does think that religion is important in its own right and is more than a
justification for political movements which would have existed anyway. He says:
It would be bizarre if something which took up so much of people’: wealth and time, and
that so dominated so many cultures, did not matter: that it merely served as a cafeteria of
convenient legitimations for any sort of behaviour.
To Bruce, therefore, it is necessary to look at both wider sociological causes of

fundamentalism, and factors which lie within the religions themselves. He sees fundamentalism
as a‘rational response of traditionally religious peoples to social, political and economic
changes that downgrade and constrain the role of religion in the public world’ (Bruce, 2000).The
response is rational, because Bruce believes that the threat to traditional religion from
secularisation is real and very strong. He believes that the social changes that threaten religion
are so strong that‘Fundamentalism in the West has no chance of winning.’
Outside the West its prospects are better, and Islamic fundamentalism, in particular, has
centuries-old roots, which mean that it is unlikely to disappear any time soon.
However, Bruce still believes it faces an uphill struggle. , He quotes a study ofjordanians
(Antoun, I994) who had worked or studied in the West before returning to their village.Although
the jordanians valued Islam and valued many of the traditional aspects of village life, they
accepted the need to become more Western by accepting science, technology and rational
bureaucracy. Ultimately, Bruce believes, these kinds of secularWestern influence will undermine
traditional religions throughout the world.
EVALTUTION
Bruce provides many useful insights into the nature and causes of fundamentalism. His

views are broadly supported by Anson Shupe (2009). Shupe sees fundamentalism as being
caused by secularisation as an aspect of globalisation, in which religion becomes separated
from other spheres (what Bruce calls differentiation). Shupe sees fundamentalism as resulting
from resentment at the increased marginalisation of religion, leading to an attempt to de-
differentiate by making religion central once again to some societies.
Not everyone supports Bruce's views though. His ideas are strongly influenced by his
support for the theory of secularisation. His view that Islamic fundamentalism is more likely to
become violent than other forms is controversial. Linked to this, he places more emphasis than
some other sociologists on the nature of religious beliefs in explaining fundamentalism. Karen
Armstrong (2001) (see below) places much more emphasis than Bruce on the specific political
and economic circumstances that might have encouraged the development of militant Islam,
and less emphasis on the nature of the religion itself.
GABRIEL ALMOND, R. SCOTT APPLEBY AND EMMANUEL SIVAN - STRONG RELIGION
Levels of explanation
In Strong Religion, Gabriel Almond, R. Scott Appleby and Emmanuel Sivan (2003) discuss
the findings of a major comparative study of fundamentalist religions throughout the world.
Researchers carried out a total of 75 case studies over a 20-year period, and interviews were
conducted in the Middle East, North Africa and the United States.
Like Bruce,Almond et al. regard some Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist movements as
fundamentalist, alongside Muslim and Christian ones.They also follow Bruce in seeing
fundamentalism as a reaction to the social changes associated with modernisation and
secularisation. However, they take a somewhat broader range of factors into account than
Bruce does in explaining the rise of fundamentalism.
Almond et al. argue that fundamentalism can be understood at three levels:
I. The structural level is concerned with long-term contextual conditions such as structural
unemployment, the existence of persecuted ethnic groups or dislocated people, social changes
such as secularisation, the theology ofa religion or the economic situation.
2. However, contingency and chance are also important. Structural factors might create the
general situation in which ‘fundamentalism is likely to develop, but specific historical events help
to determine whether this is translated into actual movements.
3. The third set of factors concern human choice and leadership. Even when other factors
create the right conditions for fundamentalism, it will not develop without religious leaders who
can mobilise large numbers in support of their beliefs.

Each of these types of factors will now be examined.
STRUCTURAL CAUSES OF FUNDAMENTALISM
The first and central structural cause of fundamentalism is secularisation.Without

secularisation there would be no need for a fundamentalist movement. Like Bruce, though,
Almond et al. think that the nature of religious organisations is also important.They argue that
religions where individual congregations have some independence are more likely to develop
breakaway groups, including fundamentalist ones. If the beliefs of the religion are ‘explicit and
coherent, codified in texts’, then it is easier to claim to have discovered the true interpretation of
the religion.
So far,AImond et al. identify very similar factors to Bruce, but they also think that
education and communication are important. For example, the growth of higher education in the
USA tended to undermine traditional religious beliefs and increased the influence of
rationaIism.This in turn encouraged some Christians to feel beleaguered and to turn to
fundamentalism.
The development of communications has led to globalisation, and with it the influence
ofWestern secular rationalism has spread to non-Western countries. However, it has also
provided opportunities for fundamentalists to organise and spread their message.Thus the New
Christian Right in the USA have made extensive use of the media, including starting their own TV
stations.The internet has been important in spreading Islamic fundamentalism worldwide. It
also allows the ‘demonstration effect’ or copy- cat behaviours such as some suicide bombings.
A strong civil society — for example, with trade unions or political parties — can help to
defuse the anger and resentment that can feed fundamentalism. However, inequality and
deprivation tend to encourage strong religious beliefs.AImond et al. quote a study in the USA by
Nancy Ammerman (I990) which found that Christian fundamentalism among Southern Baptists
thrived among those from working-class backgrounds.
Major migration movements also encourage the development of fundamentalism.Where

large numbers of people are displaced'- for example, Palestinians after the creation of the Israeli
state in I948 — this can breed the resentment on which fundamentalism feeds. Recent migrants
who form a minority in a country can also become fundamentalist if they feel their religion and
traditions are under threat.
Economic problems can be a major stimulus to fundamentalism. Almond et al. (2003)

say that‘recessions, depressions, inflation, strikes, unemployment and famine may produce
grievances among groups in the population inclining them favourably to fundamentalist
arguments’. However, economic problems can make fundamentalist movements unpopular
where they have gained political power, as has occurred at various times in Sudan,Turkey and
Iran.
The final structural cause mentioned by Almond et al. is Western imperialism.

Fundamentalism is often tied up with nationalist movements againstWestern control and
influence in colonies,former colonies and countries with pro-Western regimes. A prime example
is the I979 Iranian revolution against the Shah,who was supported by the USA and otherWestern
powers. Another example is the growth of fundamentalism among Palestinians after Israel
seized land from them during the I967 Arab-Israeli war.
Contingency and chance
All of the above structural factors make the development of fundamentalism more likely,
but it also usually takes a specific shock or trigger to mobilise populations into active
participation in fundamentalist movements. Some chance events, such as a particularly poor
harvest in a country which is already struggling to feed its population, are made more likely by
structural conditions. Others, however, are completely unpredictable. For example, part of the
reason for the success of the Iranian revolution in I979 was the illness of the Shah,who was
suffering from terminal cancer, which made it very difficult for him to respond effectively to the
threat from fundamentalism.
Human choice and leadership
Even with the right structural conditions and chance factors encouraging
fundamentalism, leaders are still needed to persuade people to follow a fundamentalist path.
Leaders may be of different types. Ideological catalysers are often charismatic individuals able
to gain a loyal following due to the force of their personality.They can also have an impact by
articulating an ideology which expresses the grievances of a particular group of people and
gives them direction.Ayatollah Khomeini,who became leader of Iran in I979, is an example. In
contrast, organisers and coalition makers rely more on their bureaucratic and political skills to
lead a movement.Almond et al. use Bob jones, a fundamentalist Baptist in the USA, as an
example of this type of leader.
Conclusion and evaluation
Almond et al. conclude that fundamentalism will only thrive when the right combination
of structural factors, chance factors and leadership comes together at a specific place and time.
If the structural conditions have created a ‘mobilizable mass of potential followers‘ and
a‘cataclysmic, transformative event occurs’, then the ‘trigger creates a new set of
circumstances that provides an opening for a fundamentalist movement to expand and assert
itself under the guidance of a charismatic and authoritarian leader’.
Almond et al. provide a sophisticated and thoroughly researched analysis of the factors

leading to the growth of fundamentalism.They examine a wider range of factors and place less
emphasis than Steve Bruce does on the characteristics of particular religions. Nevertheless,
their explanations have much in common, since both see fundamentalism as a response to
Western secularisation among poor or relatively deprived groups, or groups who feel particularly
threatened by social change.
RELIGION AND CONFLICT IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD
The issue of fundamentalism illustrates the fact that religion appears to be associated
with conflict in many parts of the world.These conflicts might include terrorism, civil war, or
riots.This section examines some of the competing views on this relationship.
The section starts by considering the view that violence is closely connected to religion,
and the claim that it is inevitable that different religions, or at least the ‘civilisations’ associated
with them, will tend to clash. However, Karen Armstrong argues that conflict between Islam and
the West is far from inevitable, but is the product of particular conditions. Finally, Steve Bruce
largely supports the view that this is exaggerated, and that religious conflict can have other
roots as well.
MARK JUERGENSMEYER - RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE
The connections between religion and violence
Mark juergensmeyer acknowledges that:-
sacred teachings present the most profound images of peaceful existence to be found
anywhere, and the idea of non-violence is central to most religious Chapter 7 Religion traditions
— it supplies, for instance, the very name of Islam —~ a word that is cognate with salaam,
meaning ‘peace’.
However, having said this, he goes on to note that many violent acts in the world today
are carried out in the name of religion. He gives the examples of Shi'ite death squads killing
Sunnis in Baghdad; ofjewish settlers who think that parts of Palestine should be ‘cleansed’
ofArabs; of Christian fundamentalists attacking workers in abortion clinics in the USA; of a
japanese religious cult releasing nerve gas on the Tokyo subway; and of Buddhist monks in Sri
Lanka encouraging aggression towards Tamil separatists.
lndeed,juergensmeyer argues that far from consistently encouraging peace,‘the histories

of most religions have left a trail of blood’. Partly this is because all the main religions have
some beliefs which either allow or even encourage violence from followers.
> In Christianity those who support the use of force can refer to the incident in the Bible in
which jesus drove money lenders from the temple, declaring that he had come to bring a sword
rather than peace. From the fourth century, Christianity adopted the concept of a ‘just war’ and
rejected the idea of pacifism.
> Aspects of Islamic beliefs also justify violence. For example, violent punishments are
specified in Islam for certain types of wrongdoing.The idea of jihad literally means just ‘striving’
(for religious purity) and Islam does not allow violence for personal gain. However, jihad is often
translated as meaning ‘holy war’ and it has increasingly been used as a term to justify violence
in defence of the Islamic faith.The view of Ayatollah Khomeini,who became leader of Iran after
the revolution in I979, that the Islamic world had to free itself from American dominance, using
force if necessary, has influenced many Muslims, according to juergensmeyer.
> Although in theory Judaism is opposed to violence, in practice, for many centuries, some
rabbis have regarded war to protect the faith as a duty. Furthermore, in contemporary Israel the
influential rabbi Abraham Isaac Kuk and his son believe violence against Palestinian Arabs is
justified in defence of the jewish religion and the Israeli state.
> In Hinduism,the holy book the Bhagavad Gita sees killing to maintain social order as a duty of
members of the ksatriya (warrior) caste.The Hindu goddess of destruction, Kali, inspired some
Hindus to use violence to oppose British rule before independence in I947, and contemporary
Hindu nationalism has been used to justify violence in recent times.
> Sikhism and its founder Guru Nanak generally advocate non-violence in most circumstances.
However the Sikh idea of miri-piri — that religion has to be triumphant in the worldly as well as
the spiritual realm - has been used to justify violence. For example, in I984 the Indian prime
minister Indira Gandhi was murdered by her own Sikh bodyguards in retaliation for an attack
upon militants in the Sikhs’ holy Golden Temple.
> Buddhism has a doctrine of non-violence - ahimsa - but it does allow violence in some
circumstances. Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka have justified political violence as a response in
their search for justice and attempts to protect their faith in a world full of sin and injustice.
WHY CONTEMPORARY RELIGION HAS BECOME VIOLENT?
According to juergensmeyer, then, most major religions at the very least allow violence
and may encourage it in response to threats to the religion.This does not explain why religions
tend towards violence so often when there are also aspects of major religions that encourage
the pursuit of peace. In fact,juergensmeyer thinks this is partly because religion and violence
have always been closely intertwined. He says,‘it seems to me that what unites symbolic and
real acts of religious violence is a fundamental religious impulse,the quest for order’
(juergensmeyer, 2009). He sees the ultimate aim of religion as the achievement of order on
earth,which will lead to peace and harmony. However, to achieve this order, paradoxically,
violence must sometimes be used.
In the modern world,the religious tendency towards violence to achieve order has
become linked with nationalism (see pp. 206—I6 for a discussion of nationalism). Religion has
been used to legitimate nationalism in a world in which many groups feel that they need to
protect the nation-state or achieve independence in order to protect their religion. For example,
in Israel, many nationalists believe thatjudaism can only survive if Israel is protected from its
enemies; and similarly in Iran nationalistic politics is closely allied to Islamic faith in opposition
to perceived threats from the West.
Sometimes it is also perceived that religion needs protecting on a global scale from the
threats posed by cultural and economic globalisation. Modern, secular and rational beliefs
threaten the very idea of religious faith and can give rise to global movements taking up the
challenge to defend the faith. Al-Qaeda is just such a movement.
Evaluation
Juergensmeyer identifies some ways in which followers of different religions justify

violence and suggests some reasons as to why religion should be associated with violence in
the world today. However, in arguing that the basis of religion is to seek order, and the quest for
order leads to violence, he can be accused of over- generalising about religion. He does not
convincingly demonstrate that the quest for order is so vital to religion, nor does he fully explain
why the pursuit of this quest should be through violent rather than non- violent means. He does
not discuss religions, such as the Quakers, which remain firmly pacifist and strongly opposed to
violence. Nor does he explain in detail why particular religions pursue peaceful means to
promote their faith in some circumstances but violent means in other circumstances. Other
theorists, such as Huntington, have been clearer about why specific historical circumstances
should lead to religious violence, while others have questioned whether there is such a strong
link between religion and violence after aIl.These competing views will now be examined.
SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON - ‘THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS’
Samuel P. Huntington sees religion as developing a very important role in the modern
world. In Huntington’s theory, the groups involved are civilisations rather than nation-states or
religions as such. However, there are often close relationships between religions and
civilisations.
The relationships between different civilisations are increasingly important because ‘the
world is becoming a smaller place.The interactions between peoples of different civilizations
are increasing; these increasing interactions intensify civilization consciousness’ (Huntington,
I993). According to Huntington, the increasing contacts between different groups can
sometimes have the effect of intensifying the emphasis upon differences rather than bringing
groups closer together, and in doing so can cause conflict.

Civilisations
To Huntington, a‘civilization is a cultural entity’. He says, ‘Civilizations are differentiated

from each other by history, language, culture tradition, and, most important, religion.’ The
civilisations he distinguishes are ‘Western, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox,
Latin American and possibly African civilization’.
In the contemporary world, sources of identity that are not religious or based on
civilisation have declined in significance.The end of the Cold War and the collapse of
communism have meant that people are less divided by political differences. Economic change,
improved communications, travel and migration have weakened the nation-state. On the other
hand, regional economic cooperation (for example, in the EU and the North American Free Trade
Area) strengthens civilisation consciousness. Huntington says,‘ln much of the world religion has
moved in to fill this gap, often in the form of movements that are labelled “fundamentalist”. Such
movements are found in Western Christianity,judaism, Buddhism and Hinduism,as well as
Islam.’ Because of this, Huntington believes that, far from the world becoming secularised, there
is evidence of unsecularisation.
Clashes between civilisations
Huntington believes there will increasingly be clashes between civilisations. He

argues:‘As people define their identity in ethnic and religious terms, they are likely to see an “us”
versus "them" relation existing between themselves and people of different ethnicity or religion.’
Geographical closeness increases the likelihood of clashes: there tend to be high rates
of conflict along the borders (or fault lines) between civilisations. Hence, there were clashes in
the formerYugoslavia,where Orthodox, Christian and Muslim civilisations met. In the Middle East
there are clashes between lslam,judaism and Western Christianity. Huntington sees the GuIfWar
of I990 as partly a clash between Arabs and the West (although there were Arab nations on both
sides). In Asia there is the clash between Muslims and Hindus in the Indian subcontinent. China
has repressed Buddhists in Tibet and Muslim minorities in China itself.
Increasingly, political leaders use an appeal to I civilisation consciousness to try to

mobilise support.Thus, Saddam Hussein argued that Islamic countries should unite against
American imperialism, and the Orthodox Serbs appealed for support from Orthodox Russia in
the Bosnian conflict.
According to Huntington,then, most of the conflict in the world can now be related to
religious divisions rather than political ones. For example,‘ln the l93Os the Spanish Civil War
provoked intervention from countries that politically were fascist, communist and democratic. In
the I990s the Yugoslav conflict is provoking intervention from countries that are Muslim,
Orthodox and Western Christian.‘
IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE
Huntington does not argue that sources of conflict and identity other than civilisations
and their religions will disappear or become insignificant. However, he believes that civilisations
will become more important than ideology and other sources of conflict.The implication is that
religion will become more rather than less important in global terms.
Although at the momentWestern Christian civilisation is dominant, in the future it will

increasingly be challenged. China has developed nuclear weapons, as has lndia.Among Muslim
countries Pakistan has already become a nuclear power while Iran has a programme to enrich
uranium, though they claim this is for civilian use in power stations, not for the purpose of
producing weapons.There is the possibility of an arms race between Eastern civilisations based
on Islamic and Confucian religions.
However, as there is no likelihood of a world or global civilisation developing, the

different civilisations will have to learn to live with one another. Unfortunately, Huntington's
theory gives little reason for optimism that they will do so.
KAREN ARMSTRONG – 11TH SEPTEMBER 2001- ISLAM AND THE WEST
CULTURAL DIFFERENCE AND CONFLICT
Huntington sees increasing contact between cultures and religion as an important

consequence of global changes. His work stresses the likelihood of conflict between differing
civilisations and religions. If clashes between civilisations are indeed becoming more important,
then the clash between Islam and Western society appears to be the most prominent example.
Since the Iranian revolution of I979 there has been hostility between some Islamic
fundamentalists and some Western nations.The attacks on the United States on I I September
2O0I by Islamic militants highlighted the clash and led to further conflict, with President Bush’s
‘war on terror’,which was largely directed at Islamic countries such as Afghanistan and Iraq.
According to Huntington‘s views, such clashes are more or less inevitable because of
the importance of cultural differences and the emphasis placed upon them in a world where
different cultures come into closer contact. Karen Armstrong, who argues that there is nothing
inherently incompatible about the West and the Muslim world, challenges this view. Rather,
political and economic factors are behind these increased tensions.
ISLAM AND THE FAILURE OF MODERNISATION
Armstrong (200 I) argues:
About a hundred years ago, almost every leading Muslim intellectual was in love with the
West Politicians and journalists wanted their countries to be just like Britain or France;
philosophers, poets, even some of the ulama (religious scholars) tried to find ways of reforming
Islam according to the democratic, liberal model of the West.
Some claimed thatWestern societies were becoming in one respect more Islamic than Islamic
countries. Islam advocates the sharing of resources, and at that time a trend towards greater
equality was evident in someWestern European countries.
The main appeal ofWestern societies a hundred years ago stemmed from
modernisation.According to Armstrong, modernisation has a number of key features:
I. Modern societies are based upon developing new technology and continually reinvesting profit,
rather than upon producing an agricultural surplus.
2. This development greatly increases productivity, and the development of industry frees
humans from some of the constraints imposed by reliance upon nature.
3. Higher levels of education are needed if people are to become effective workers in the
changing economy and this leads to demands for greater democratic rights.
4. The needs of the economy tend to mean that previously excluded groups, such as religious
minorities and women, are allowed to take a fuller part in economic activity.
5. These changes lead to the development of the ‘modern spirit’, which involves greater‘political,
intellectual and scientific’ independence for people and an emphasis on ‘innovation’.
In Western societies modernisation took some 300 years and was a painful and
turbulent process. In the 20th century many Muslim countries attempted the same process in a
much shorter time. Armstrong (200l) says:
The Muslim world has had an especially problematic experience of modernity. These
countries have had to modernize far too rapidly. They have had to attempt the process in a mere
50 years instead of 300 years. In addition, in the Muslim world modernity did not bring freedom
and independence, it came in the context of political subjugation.
WESTERN IMPERIALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Western countries occupied most Muslim countries, including Egypt, Sudan, Libya and
Algeria. In many countries there were attempts at introducing democracy, but in the end the
West imposed autocratic leaders. In Iran, for example, the British and then the Americans
backed the Pahlavi shahs as dictatorial leaders.The shahs were sympathetic to the West, on
which they depended, and this gave theWest access to the considerable Iranian oil supplies

The Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi was installed in power in I953 in a coup supported
by the CIA and British intelligence services. He proved to be a particularly ruthless dictator who
ordered a massacre in Tudeh Square in I978 in which nearly 900 people died. He was
overthrown the following year in an Islamic revolution.
In Iraq, in I979, the USA and Britain supported the installation of Saddam Hussein as a
dictator because he was hostile to lran.They supplied him with arms for several years before
turning against him.
The West has been keen to support Islamic regimes where it has suited their
purposes.Thus the West supplied Osama Bin Laden with weapons when he was fighting the
occupation ofAfghanistan by the Soviet Union. In the Middle East, the USA has provided
unwavering support for Israel, its main ally in the area, despite Israel's illegal occupation of
Palestinian lands for more than three decades.
Apart from denying Islamic people human rights and democratic government, the
influence of the West tended to divide Islamic societies into aWestern-educated elite and the
mass of the population.Any material benefits provided by modernisation, or by the exploitation
of oil, tended to go to the elite, while the mass of the population received little. In some Muslim
countries (such as Indonesia) Muslims are employed byWestern companies as very cheap
labour to make ‘our nice shirts and jeans’.
THE CAUSES OF FUNDAMENTALISM
With both their political and economic ambitions frustrated, many have turned to
lslam.The secularist and nationalist ideologies, which they had imported from the West, seemed
to have failed them, and by the late l960s, Muslims throughout the Islamic world had begun to
develop what we call fundamentalist movements. Armstrong, 200l
According to Armstrong, fundamentalism is ‘a part of the modern scene’.All

fundamentalist movements (including Christian and jewish ones) believe thatWestern, secular
values aim to wipe out their religions completely.Armstrong says,‘Fundamentalists believe that
they are fighting for survival, and when people feel that their backs are to the wall, they can often
lash out violently.’
In Palestine, in the attacks on the USA on I I September 200l,and elsewhere, this is

precisely what has happened.
Future prospects
According to Armstrong, there is no underlying reason why Western and Islamic

civilisations should clash, She points out:‘The vast majority of fundamentalists do not take part

in acts of violence.’ Although Bin Laden began what he described as a‘holy war’ against the USA
in I998:
This is entirely contrary to the central tenets of Islam, which essentially preaches peace.
Far from declaring war, as bin Laden has done, on ‘]ewish- Christian crusaders’, the Koran insists
that Muslims treat the ‘People of the Book’ with courtesy and respect.
Furthermore, there are very few circumstances in which the Qur’an permits the
declaration of war.
Like other religions, Islam is open to a number of interpretations. Fundamentalist

interpretations have become popular because of the failure of modernisation and the constant
interference ofWestern countries in the Islamic world in ways that damage Muslims but
supportWestern interests.Thus,Armstrong argues that political and economic factors are behind
the clash between some Muslims and the West, and not fundamental religious differences or
the cultural incompatibility of civilisations.
Armstrong is not, therefore, as pessimistic as Huntington. She believes it could be

possible to reduce hostility between the West and Islam. However, it will not be achieved
through a‘war on terror’. lnstead,what is needed is that people in Western societies campaign
through the democratic system to persuade their governments to adopt foreign policies which
are fairer to Islamic countries. In the long term, what is needed is a‘“one-world" mentality, which
could do as much, if not more than our fighter planes, to create a safer and more just world‘.
STEVE BRUCE - CONFLICT, RELIGION AND OTHER CAUSES
Huntington's work suggests that religions (or at least cultural differences between
civilisations) cause much of the conflict in the modern world. On the other hand, Armstrong
places much more emphasis on social, political and economic factors causing the clash
between Islam and the West. Steve Bruce (2000) argues that the role of religion in conflict varies.
Sometimes religion is no more than a justification for war or violence which has little to do with
religion.At other times religion is important in its own right. But often religious and non-religious
factors are intertwined and cannot be separated.There are therefore three types of relationships
between religion and conflict:
I. Bruce argues that: Religion is commonly invoked to justify what are essentially secular
national or ethnic conflicts, even when the combatants are the same religion. In the First World
War, Christian leaders blessed their troops and claimed divine support, but very few people
involved thought that they were involved in a specifically religious crusade.
According to Bruce, a more recent example of this sort of situation was the civil war in
the former Yugoslavia in the l990s. Croats, Serbs and Bosnian Muslims fought one another and

religion must have played some role since each group follows a different faith (Croats are
Roman Catholic and Serbs are Orthodox). However, the war was largely based on ethnic
divisions and concerned control of territories rather than the truth of different faiths.
2. Bruce believes that at the opposite extreme some conflicts are essentially to do with religion.
Some participants in conflicts see themselves as engaged in a crusade (a Christian mission to
spread their religion) or jihad (the Islamic equivalent).Thus Bruce believes that Osama Bin Laden
had largely religious motives for his leadership of al-Qaeda, and that Iranian attempts to export
its Islamic revolution have also been religiously motivated.
3. In most cases, however, religious and secular motives are ‘inseparably intertwined’.There is
often an overlap between religious groups, national boundaries and ethnic divisions, so a war
might be fought for religion, country and ethnicity simultaneously. In these circumstances,
religion is not just a convenient sign of difference (like the contrasting colour shirts of
opposing football teams), it is often also deeply embedded in the ethnic or national identity. lt
provides each side with a justification for seeing itself as superior (we obey God) and the enemy
as inferior (they are the infidel).
Bruce goes on to argue that even within a single conflict, a variety of religious, secular
and mixed motives can be present. For example, among those who fought the Russians in
Chechnya and Dagestan in I999 were: secular nationalists who wished to push the Russians out
of the southern Caucasus Muslim fundamentalists keen to regain for the true faith land that
had once been lslamic, and people who saw the creation of a new state as the best way of
promoting the true faith.
CONFLICT IN LIBERAL DEMOCRACIES
In recent writing, Bruce (20l I) has examined the extent to which religion in liberal
democracies (such as the USA and the countries ofWestern Europe) is a cause of conflict. He
argues that most such societies have reached a settlement that reduces the likelihood of
conflict in societies where there is now a plurality of religious beliefs.The settlement usually
involves the following:
l. There is a‘public-private divide’ in which there is toleration of ‘a great deal of religious variety
in private’, but religion is largely excluded from having a role in public life.
2. The previously dominant churches (for example the Roman Catholic Church in Spain or the
Church of England in England) are allowed some privileges so long as they do not push them
too far or take advantage of them. For example, Church of England schools funded by the state
do not push Christianity. Partly because of this they are often popular with non-Christian parents
including Muslims.

Although this settlement often works well, it can run into problems, leading to conflict in
a variety of circumstances
I. Sometimes a minority of the religious reject the whole idea of a public-private divide, arguing
that religious beliefs should shape public policy. For example, in the USA some Christian
fundamentalists have argued that evolution should not be taught in government-funded schools.
Sometimes a religious group believes that the state as a whole should be run along religious
lines.
2. A religious group may accept the principle of a public- private divide but not agree with where
the line is drawn. For example, there have been a number of conflicts between Western
societies and Muslims over the extent of free speech allowed in the public sphere. Muslims
objected strongly to both the publication of Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verse in I988 (which
many Muslims believed was blasphemous), and the publication of cartoons depicting the
Prophet Muhammad in Denmark in 2006.This led to protests, demonstrations and conflict,
including the bombing of the Danish embassy in Pakistan.
3. What religious groups do in private may contradict shared norms or principles. For example,
in the USA, following objections to the practice of polygamy (having more than one spouse)
among Mormons and their refusal to allow African Americans to be ordained, Chapter 7 Religion
the authorities forced Mormons to end both of these practices.
Overall, however, Bruce believes that religious conflict in liberal democracies is likely to
decline. He uses the example of Muslims in Europe to illustrate this point.
First of all,where a minority religion is associated with groups of immigrants, over time
greater integration is likely.While the first generation might see themselves as soiourners
(temporary residents), later generations are more likely to regard themselves as citizens. For
example, manyTurkish Muslims in Germany who initially went there as temporary workers have
settled there.They have established their own institutions (such as mosques), but they have also
become increasingly involved in German social life through clubs and societies
Furthermore, Bruce argues that the strength of faith among Muslims in Western Europe
has declined. He quotes a 2009 poll, which found that only I0 per cent of Muslims consistently
prayed five times a day. He also quotes a 2009 ICM poll of British Muslims that found that 9| per
cent were ‘very loyal’ or‘quite loyal’ to Britain. In the same poll less than a third of British
Muslims thought that ‘Sharia law, as practised in such countries as Saudi Arabia and Iran’,
should be introduced to Britain.
Bruce believes that evidence such as this suggests that the potential for conflict created
by demands from religious minorities is limited. Similarly, he thinks there is quite limited
potential for Christians in Europe to use religious nationalism to provoke hostility to religious
minorities. Most xenophobes (extreme nationalists who fear anything foreign or strange) are not
Christians, and most Christians are not xenophobes. In these circumstances, conflict over
religion in Europe is likely to remain limited.
Conclusion
Bruce’s analysis suggests that the role of religion in producing conflict can be both
exaggerated and underestimated. It may be uncommon for differences in religious belief in
themselves to create conflict, though this can happen. More commonly, religion is used to
mobilise or strengthen existing divisions and to reinforce existing sources of conflict.
Armstrong believes that it is specific policies and their outcomes that have led to the clash
between parts of Islam and the West, not anything inherent in the Islamic religion. If Bruce and
Armstrong are correct, then Huntington is wrong to see conflict between civilisations or
religions as unavoidable, since it is possible for political, economic and social changes to make
clashes between those of different faiths much less likely.
HIGH MODERNITY, POSTMODERNITY AND RELIGION
Karen Armstrong sets her arguments about Islamic fundamentalism in the context of
ideas of modernisation.This suggests that in some countries the failure of modernisation has
led to religious revivals. On the other hand, advocates of secularisation, such as Steve Bruce,
argue that the development of modernity led to secularisation, and fundamentalism is a largely
futile attempt to reverse it. According to these arguments,the role of religion becomes
marginalised in modernity because science and rationality supplant faith in religious beliefs, and
because the differentiation of institutions largely relegates religion to a private sphere.This
would suggest that theories that argue that modernity has changed, or that it has been replaced
by postmodernity, might imply that there is the potential for a religious revival.
Thus, theories of high modernity and of postmodernity might be able, partly, to explain
the apparent revival of religion discussed in the sections above. As David Lyon (I996),
notes:‘Religion, then, is reappearing in sociological accounts of post- or late-modern societies.‘
Two theories concerning a reappearance of religion will now be examined, followed by a

discussion of whether the NewAge can be seen as a postmodern phenomenon.
ANTHONY GIDDENS - HIGH MODERNITY AND RELIGIOUS REVIVAL
The main features of high modernity In The Consequences of Modernity (I990) and
Modernity and Selflldentity (l99l) Anthony Giddens argues that modern societies have moved
into a new phase of high modernity. He sees this as a development of modernity and a
radicalisation of certain features of modernity. However, although high-modern societies
develop out of modern ones, they are significantly different.

Like Steve Bruce, Giddens sees modernity as involving rationalisation and differentiation.
However", high modernity takes these a step further.
First, there is increased refIexivity.This involves the constant monitoring of social life in
order to improve it. People become increasingly willing to change their beliefs, practices and
institutions in the light of new knowledge and experience.The Enlightenment seemed to offer
the promise of certainty through scientific knowledge. However, high modernity leads to an
unsettling uncertainty because of this constant willingness to change. It also produces a
tendency to undermine the traditional. Giddens (I99l) says,‘Modern institutions differ from all
preceding forms of social order in respect of their dynamism,the degree to which they undercut
traditional habits and customs.’ Sociology itself is part of the reflexivity. It involves critically
analysing social arrangements rather than taking them as given and retaining them simply
because they are traditional.
Second, there are fundamental changes in the organisation of time and space.The
separation of time and space involves a process whereby ‘the advent of modernity increasingly
tears space away from place by fostering relations between “absent” others, locationally distant
from any given situation of face-to-face interaction’ (Giddens, I990). In other words, new
communications technology (such as the internet and satellite communications) and the
globalisation of social life mean that social relationships increasingly take place between people
who live and work in different parts of the globe.
Third, and closely related to the separation of time and space, disembedding occurs. By
this Giddens (I990) means ‘the “lifting out" of social relations from local contexts of interaction
and their restructuring across indefinite spans of time-space’.What happens in a particular
locality may be shaped by events far away. For example, hill sheep farmers may be affected by
the fallout from a nuclear accident thousands of miles away (as in the case of Chernobyl), or a
factory may have to close because of economic changes in other continents. People can no
longer place their trust in others whom they know from their immediate locality. Instead, they
must trust that expert systems will prove reliable and effective in meeting their needs. For
example, people trust that the systems are in place to ensure that the aeroplane in which they
travel has been properly serviced and the pilot properly trained.They do not need to know the
mechanics and the pilot personally to have sufficient confidence to place their lives in their
hands.
Religion and high modernity
At first sight, Giddens’s description of high modernity does not appear to be a place
where religion will flourish. Traditional beliefs (such as religions) are questioned. Technical
systems and science are highly developed and very important.As local communities become
less significant, religious beliefs are less likely to be reinforced by the communities in which

people live. Indeed, in The Consequences of Modernity Giddens suggests that religion faces an
uphill task. He admits that secularisation does not involve the disappearance of religion.
However: Most of the situations of modern social life are manifestly incompatible with
religion as a pervasive influence upon day-to-day life. Religious cosmology is supplanted by
reflexive-ly organized knowledge, governed by empirical observation and logical thought, and
focused upon material technology and socially applied codes. Religion and tradition were
always closely linked, and the latter is even more thoroughly undermined than the former by the
reflexivity of modern social life, which stands in direct opposition to it.
In essence, Giddens does little more than restate conventional versions of the
secularisation thesis using his own terminology. However, in his l99l book, Modernity and Self-
Identity, he adopts a rather different position. Here he argues that high modernity provides the
conditions for resurgence of religion. He says,‘Religious symbols and practices are not only
residues from the past; a revival of religious or, more broadly, spiritual concerns seems fairly
widespread in modern societies.’ But why should this be?
The answer largely lies in the consequences of modernity for the individual sense of
seIf.As tradition loses its grip on social life, individual selves become increasingly reflexive. That
is, people make more conscious choices about who they are and what they wish to
become.They do not simply acceptltheir position in society and their -sense of self that comes
from socialisation. However, individuals face problems in developing their sense of self.
First, rational knowledge has replaced the certainty that comes from tradition with the
certainties of science. Nevertheless, in every field, there are competing experts making divergent
claims about what is true and what is not. Individuals have to choose between the claims of
these experts in many areas of their life. Examples might include conflicting advice on the most
fashionable clothes, the healthiest diet or the best moral values.
High modernity is therefore characterised by increasing doubt in people's minds about

all sorts of aspects of their lives.As Giddens (l99l) puts it,‘Modernity institutionalises the
principle of radical doubt and insists that all knowledge takes the form of hypotheses: claims
which may very well be true, but which are in principle always open to revision.’
Second,what Giddens calls ‘existential questions’ — questions about why people exist —
tend to be separated from everyday life in high modernity. People whose condition or behaviour
makes you think about the purpose of existence tend to be kept apart from others in institutions
or some physically separate place. Giddens says,‘The mad, the criminal and the seriously ill are
physically sequestered from the normal population, while “eroticism” is replaced by “sexuality”
— which then moves behind the scenes to become hidden away.’ As a result,‘The sequestration
of experience means that, for many people, direct contact with events and situations which link

the individual lifespan to broad issues of morality and finitude are rare and fleeting.’ People are
isolated from thinking about death, what happens to you after you die, why you should act in
a‘sane' way, why you should conform,and from sex itself, and they are therefore in somewhat of
a moral vacuum.
As people try to make sense of their lives and themselves in a reflexive way but within a
moral vacuum, ‘Personal meaninglessness — the feeling that life has nothing worthwhile to offer
— becomes a fundamental psychic problem in circumstances of late modernity.’ Religion and
spirituality can step in to fill the vacuum that has been left, although various forms of‘life politics
concerned with human self-actualization’ can also fill it.Thus people might feel a sense of
personal fulfilment through joining an ecological movement and trying to live in harmony with
the earth, rather than through joining a religious movement.
Religious movements are a way of overcoming this sense of meaninglessness. Unlike

the past, though, and typical of other aspects of high modernity, there is now a great choice of
religious beliefs and movements to consider. Reflexive individuals haveto decide for themselves
which cult, sect, denomination or church, or which New Age beliefs to follow (if any). Religions
offer ‘a return of the repressed, since they directly address issues of the moral meaning of
existence that modern institutions so thoroughly tend to dissolve’.
FUNDAMENTALISM
There is one type of religious revival that Giddens sees as particularly worrying:
fundamentalism. He sees religious fundamentalism of various types as a response to the way in
which high modernity undermines certainty and de-traditionalises society. It is a relatively new
phenomenon — the term ‘fundamentalism’ has only come to be widely used in the past 30 years
or so — and it represents a rejection of key aspects of high modernity. Giddens (I994) describes
it as ‘tradition defended in the traditional way — but where that mode of defence has become
widely called into question’.
Fundamentalists — for example, some Protestant fundamentalists in the USA — simply

assert they are right through an appeal to traditional beliefs.They react against a globalised
world — in which differences and disputes are usually resolved by discussion and dialogue — by
refusing to compromise or even consider that they might be wrong.They assert their religious
beliefs and will allow no contradictions. Chapter 7 Religion
To Giddens,such an approach to religion is dangerous in the contemporary world

because of the dispersal of different people across the globe and the rapid communications and
increased levels of migration and travel. In a globalised world the different ethnic and religious
groups who live in close proximity have to be more tolerant of one another if serious conflict is
to be avoided.

Evaluation of Giddens
James A. Beckford (I996) identifies strengths and weaknesses in Giddens’s views on

religion and high modernity.To Beckford, it is a strong theory because it appears to account for
both the traditional types of religion (for example, traditional fundamentalism) and novel types
(such as cults). It also appears convincing because ‘Giddens regards the survival of religion as a
central consequence of high modernity rather than as an awkward or incidental freak show on
the side’.
Nevertheless, it does seem contradictory that religion should revive in a society

characterised by the use of rational thought to monitor every aspect of life.To Beckford, Giddens
can only explain this by reverting to untestable claims about the needs of individuals. Basically,
religion comes down to the need for some moral certainty and some sort of answer to
existential questions such as why we are here. Beckford says,‘he seems to posit the existence
of a “real” self, which is resistant to the pressures of high modernity'.This argument has
a‘distinctly functionalist ring about it’, since it is based on the idea that people have basic needs
which must be met. Beckford goes on to say: The repressed morality asserts itself. This
‘volcanic’ or emergent vision of moral agency is inadequate insofar as it runs the risk of implying
that the real moral agent is pre- or even non-social. lt is difficult to avoid the suspicion that the
‘return of the repressed’ is a rabbit pulled out of a theoretical hat when all other tricks have
failed to make sense of the persistence of religion at a time when, according to the theory of
high modernity, religion’s chances of survival are extremely slim.
Certainly, this interpretation would seem to fit with the apparent change in Giddens‘s
views on the fate of religion, noted earlier in this section.
Zygmunt Bauman - religion and postmodernity
Although Bauman (I 992) is a theorist of postmodernity, his analysis of religion has some
similarity to that of Giddens. Like Giddens, Bauman sees contemporary societies as developing
out of key features of modernity. He also agrees with Giddens that there is increased reflexivity
in the contemporary world and that this poses problems for individuals. Furthermore, he follows
Giddens in arguing that religious revival results from the problems faced by individuals.
Nevertheless, Bauman’s characterisation of changes in society and his explanations for any
religious revival are rather different from those of Giddens.
To Bauman, modernity was characterised by a search for universal truths. Postmodernity

tears down or ' deconstructs any claims to universal truth. Bauman sees postmodernity as a
‘state of mind’ in which there is a ‘universal dismantling of power-supported structures’.
People no longer accept that others have authority over them and that they must live their lives
according to rules imposed by any form of external authority.To Bauman, postmodernity:

means licence to do whatever one may fancy and advice not to take anything you or the
others do too seriously It means a shopping mall overflowing with goods whose major use is
the joy of purchasing them; and existence that feels like a life-long confinement to the shopping
mall. lt means the exhilarating freedom to pursue anything and the mind-boggling uncertainty as
to what is worth pursuing and in the name of what one should pursue it. Bauman, I992
This uncertainty raises problems with morality and ethics. Modernity tried to put ethical
problems on one side.They were reduced to or replaced by rules or laws. People were
encouraged to behave in particular ways because the rules (for example, of bureaucracies) or
laws of society said they should.The rules and laws were justified on rational grounds as
providing the best means for achieving given ends.Thus, Bauman says,‘l"lodernity was, among
other things, a gigantic exercise in abolishing individual responsibility other than that measured
by the criteria of instrumental rationality and practical achievement.’
However, once postmodernity has torn away the belief that there can be a rational basis
for perfecting society, it leaves individuals with no external rules to govern their lives. This leads
to a renewed emphasis on the ethical and the moral, but now it is personal ethics and morality
that are important. Bauman (I992) says:
The ethical paradox of the postmodern condition is that it restores to agents the fullness
of moral choice and responsibility whilst simultaneously depriving them of the comfort of
universal guidance that modern self-confidence "once promised In a cacophony of moral voices,
none of which is likely to silence the others, the individuals are thrown back on their own
subjectivity as the only ultimate ethical authority.
Morality becomes privatised, a matter of personal choice. Yet morality cannot be abandoned
altogether. Individuals still seek to evaluate themselves and their own worth.They still want to
make their lives meaningful
. In modernity, individuals tended to have what Bauman calls ‘life-projects’, things they
wished to achieve, ambitions they wanted to fulfil. In postmodernity people seek a process of
‘self-constitution‘. Rather than achieving things, they want to be somebody.They want to be
‘visible’ to others.They want to get noticed and to be admired or respected. Uncertain about their
own worth, people want the reassurance of people noticing and admiring them.They need to
think of the lifestyle they adopt, the things they consume and the moral beliefs they adopt as
superior to those of other people
. ln the absence of any one set of rules about how to behave, what is good taste or which
moral beliefs are true, people have only two possible sources of reassurance. First, they can
seek justification for their choices from ‘experts’ in a particular field.There may be many
competing experts, but to have some outside support is better than to have none.

Second, they can rely upon a‘mass following‘ supporting their choices.They can try to be
a trendsetter, or at least to follow the crowd so that they are not too out of step with others, too
unfashionable.
With all these choices available, and with individuals responsible for their own morality,
people turn to experts in morality —- religious leaders — for guidance. Bauman concludes there
is a ‘typically postmodern heightened interest in ethical debate and increased attractiveness of
the agencies claiming expertise in moral values (e.g. the revival of religious and quasi-religious
movements)’.
Evaluation of Bauman
james A. Beckford (I996) is even more critical of Bauman than he is of Giddens. He sees
Bauman’s analysis as rather contradictory. Some types of religions or quasi-religions might
seem to fit aspects of his theory.Thus the ‘playfulness of some New Age beliefs’ seems to fit in
with the supposed lack of seriousness in postmodern consumer culture. However, to Beckford,
it is simply contradictory for Bauman to say that postmodernity undermines faith in external
authorities and that it makes people seek the authority of religious experts for their beliefs.
Beckford says,‘This sounds suspiciously like an argument about the appeal of authority and
moral principles at a time — postmodernity — when such things were not supposed to be
important.’
According to Beckford, Giddens, Bauman and other theorists who believe there has been
a fundamental change in contemporary societies in recent times are faced with a problem.They
need to explain the ‘continuous importance of religion throughout history’ in the context of
claims about major changes in social life. Beckford does not believe there has been a massive
religious revival, because he does not believe there was any preceding massive decline in
religion. If he is right, then perhaps the theorists of postmodernity and high modernity have
exaggerated the extent of change in social life. It is a view that would probably attract some
sympathy from Paul Heelas, who has examined the significance of the New Age for theories of
postmodernity.
David Lyon - Jesus in Disneyland
David Lyon (2000) uses aspects of the work of both Giddens and Bauman in developing
his theory of religion and postmodernity. Unlike Bauman, Lyon does‘not assume that
postmodernity has by any means supplanted modernity’. Unlike Giddens, he believes that
societies have moved beyond high modernity and that postmodernity is an increasingly
important feature of many societies. Lyon characterises the move towards postmodernity in
terms of two key social changes:
I. The spread of computer and information technology (CIT) allows ideas to be disseminated
throughout the world as part of globalisation. On the internet, for example, it is possible to gain
information about almost any type of religious or spiritual belief. CIT, along with aspects of
globalisation such as increased geographical mobility and travel, reduces the extent to which
people’s identities are based upon local communities. It opens up a wider range of possible
beliefs for people. Global flows of information and ideas make it harder for people to maintain
fixed and unchanging sets of beliefs.
2. Following Bauman, Lyon argues that growing consumerism is a feature of postmodernity.

Consumer culture means that ‘people are free to choose on their own what to do with their time,
their homes,their bodies, and their gods'.just as people are used to being able to choose what
fashions they wear and what cars they drive, so people feel they should be able to choose what
they believe in.
To Lyon,these changes do not mean that religion is declining. Instead, religion is just relocating
to a different sphere: the sphere of consumption. ln a world which emphasises choice, people
are less willing to accept the authority of a church, but still seek meaning in their lives.
Lyon argues that work has become less important in providing people with a central
identity. Changes in the economy have meant that people are less likely to keep a job for life,
and more likely to change jobs and careers frequently. People's identities are more fluid and
more open to personal choice.
Religion, too, can be chosen in the postmodern world, but, in the absence of any other
central identity, can become an important source of identity for individuals. People still seek a
narrative or story to put their lives in context, but they are less willing to accept an externally
imposed narrative of an established church. Lyon (2000) says:--
The grand narratives of modernity or of the so-called Christian West may in some
respects be fading. But does this really mean that no narratives, no stories, are available any
longer, or that what remains has no sacred aspects? l think not. Rather; the available stories are
much more fluid, malleable, and personalized.
Lyon gives the example of religious belief in Canada. He quotes a survey which found
that 75 per cent of Canadians do not attend religious services regularly. However, 80 per cent of
non-attendees still ‘draw selectively on religious beliefs and practices, still identify with a
religious tradition and turn to religion for rites of passage’. Religion has far from disappeared.
People have simply become selective consumers.There has been a general shift from religion
as a social institution of great importance, to religion as a cultural resource which remains
important to individuals in their lives.
To illustrate his arguments, Lyon uses the image of ‘jesus in Disneyland’. He refers to an
occasion when there was a Harvest Day Crusade at Disneyland in Anaheim, California.There
were several stages on which a variety of Christian singers and other artists performed and the
evangelist Greg Laurie preached the Christian gospel. According to Lyon, this was an example of
religion interacting with the most postmodern of settings, Disneyland.
Disneyland is often considered postmodern because it is a fantasy world where the

images (such as the image of Mickey Mouse), or signs, have no connection with reality, but are
treated as if they are real. For example, some people take the trouble to get the ‘autographs’ of
Mickey Mouse and other characters (or rather, people in costumes). According to Lyon,the
Harvest Day Crusade is an example of how religion is adapting to postmodernity and becoming
part of it. Religion is no longer confined to traditional institutions such as churches, but can be
found in many different settings
Lyon believes that an important feature of postmodernity is de-differentiation.This

involves a process whereby the distinction between different features of social life becomes
less clear-cut; boundaries become increasingly blurred. One example is the way in which the
distinction between high culture (for instance, classical music) and low culture (pop music)
blurs. In the case of jesus in Disneyland the distinction between religion and popular culture is
blurred. Religion can be found anywhere: in ‘a de-traditionalized world of deregulated religion’,
people ‘seek credible ways of expressing faith in contemporary modes, but outside the walls of
conventional churches.They work out ways of coming to terms with the circulating signs, and in
this case strike a deal with Disney’ (Lyon, 2000).
Evaluation of Lyon
Lyon seems to be on strong ground in arguing that religion has spread outside the
confines of traditional churches and found new ways to try to appeal to a wide audience.
However, sociologists such as Bruce (2002) see this as evidence of secularisation rather than
an indication of the continuing vitality of religion. It produces only weak religion (see pp. 485-
—6),which has little impact on the way people live their lives. lt is also very debatable whether
such developments can be seen as indicative of a move to postmodernity. As we shall see, Paul
Heelas also discusses religion outside the established church and he sees de- traditionalisation
and de-differentiation as characteristic of postmodernity. However, he concludes that a
particular area of non-traditional religion, the New Age, is a modern rather than a postmodern
phenomenon.
Paul Heelas - postmodernity and the NEW Agé
Why the New Age appears postmodern
Paul Heelas (I996) argues that in a number of ways the New Age appears to have
characteristics that are associated with postmodernism: I. First, it seems to involve de-
differentiation and de- traditionalisation. Scott Lash (I990) has argued that postmodernism
involves de-differentiation — that is a breakdown in traditional categories such as those

between high culture and popular culture.The New Age appears to involve a breakdown in the
distinction between traditional religious beliefs and popular culture. Furthermore, Heelas
says,‘de-differentiation is a major theme of the movement. In most versions of New Age thought,
inner spirituality does not acknowledge difference. All people are held to share the same inner
spirituality, together with the spirituality of the natural order as a whole.’The New Age is de-
traditionalised simply because it rejects the established traditions of conventional religions such
as Christianity.
2. Like postmodernism, the New Age appears to accept relativism. It does not accept one set of
ideas as revealing the whole truth, and it is prepared to accept that there is merit in the
viewpoints of different groups. The same characteristics are thought to be typical of
postmodernism,which rejects metanarratives that claim to provide definitive guides to the truth
and how social life should be organised (see p. 989 for details of the idea of metanarratives).
3. The New Age seems to have strong links with the consumer culture that writers such as
Bauman see as central to postmodernity. New Agers can ‘consume’ different practices from
week to week. For example, people might‘participate in “shamanic" weekends, followed by some
“Zen”, or “yoga”, and then a visit to some “Christian”-inspired centre’.
4. Like postmodernism, the New Age emphasises the importance of experience over the
achievement of particular ends. Heelas suggests that both consumers — for example, when
they are shopping — and New Agers might experience ‘euphoric intensities’ which lead to the
‘disintegration of the subject’.They become so involved in their activities that they forget who
they are and simply enjoy the experience.
5. Heelas points out that some writers have made the simple link that both the New Age and
the idea of postmodernity are about the advent of a new era.
Why the New Age is not postmodern
Despite the apparent similarities and connections between postmodernism and the New
Age, Heelas rejects the idea that the New Age is postmodern. He argues that the New Age has a
very strong, central metanarrative at its heart.Although it rejects what he calls cultural
metanarratives (for example, about how society should be developed), it replaces them with an
‘experiential metanarrative'.This metanarrative claims to be able to reveal absolute truths and to
provide people with the basis for planning their lives.
Although there might be different paths towards the type of inner wisdom that New
Agers seek, a core set of beliefs exists which allows people to make judgements about
themselves and others. Heelas says the New Age ‘shows a considerable degree of unity in its
basic discourse of self-spirituality‘. Furthermore, committed New Agers . do not think of these
beliefs as trivial, playful or no more important than the consumer goods they choose to buy.
They treat their beliefs as serious ones, just as others might treat more conventional
religions.They differentiate between their spirituality and less important parts of their lives.
Heelas also points out that many aspects of New Age . beliefs are not particularly
new.There is a long tradition of similar thinking going back to the theosophy movement
(founded in India towards the end of the l9th century), which was an early form of self-religion.
In any case, many New Age beliefs derive from ancient sources.
Heelas concludes that the New Age can be seen as emphasising an individualism which
‘involves the ascription of value and truth to the self’. lndividualism is a key feature ofWestern
culture and of modern societies. Because of this there is no justification for regarding the New
Age as postmodern. Heelas says,‘the New Age is quite clearly an aspect of modernity’
Indeed, Heelas argues that there is no clear-cut division between a modern and a
postmodern era.You can find examples from social life in the past that seem postmodern, and
examples from the present that do not appear to be postmodern at all. Heelas says it is ‘much
more profitable to think in terms of a dynamic interplay between de-traditionalization and re-
traditionalization, tradition- maintenance and tradition-construction,than it is to think in terms of
l9th-century-like periodizations'. History, including the history of religion, is more complicated
than the idea that we have moved from modernity to postmodernity would suggest
Conclusion
Compared with theories of secularisation, theories of postmodernity leave more room

for religion to be seen as an important feature of contemporary society. On the surface such
theories seem to be buttressed by the evidence of religious revival on a global scale. However,
this evidence needs to be approached with caution. Sociologists, like other people, tend to
interpret the evidence to fit their preconceptions, and some theorists of postmodernity and
globalisation may have exaggerated the importance of religion. Similarly, however, advocates of
secularisation may have underestimated the continuing significance of religion.As Beckford
(I996) says,‘from time to time sociology is swept by enthusiasm for novel concepts or theories’
lt is important that the most recent fashions are regarded with as much scepticism as
the older ones. Without this scepticism sociology would become stuck with the favoured
concepts of a particular generation of sociologists, whether they remained appropriate to
changing societies or not.

Religion and science as belief systems
The discussion of secularisation in relation to rationalisation and science has tended to

focus simply on the question of whether the development of rational beliefs, scientific
knowledge and technology has resulted in the decline of religion or not. However, the
relationship between religion and science can be seen as rather more complicated and
multifaceted than this debate would suggest.This section examines in more depth the
relationship between religious and spiritual belief systems, on the one hand, and scientific and
rational belief systems, on the otherilt explores a wider variety of possible relationships
between the two, and the extent to which they differ as systems of belief.
While it is tempting to see the relationship in simple terms, for example as compatible or
incompatible, in reality a much greater variety of relationships can exist. As William Sims
Bainbridge (2009) points out, in recent times both religion and science have become more
divided,with an increasing plurality of religions and the fragmentation of science into specialist
areas. So rather than there being one relationship between science and religion,there can be a
whole variety of different relationships. Bainbridge (2009) says,‘Highly educated, relatively
secularised mainstream denominations have less to quarrel with science about than do
conservative denominations, sects, or the Evangelical movement.’
From this point of view, the nature of the individual religion and the specific area of
science influence the relationship between the two, so science and knowledge may or may not
be in conflict. However, some thinkers see the two either as being essentially compatible or as
being incompatible.These two views will now be examined.
RELIGION AND SCIENCE AS COMPATIBLE
Religion and science can be seen as compatible for a variety of reasons:
l. Stephen jay Gould was a scientist who argued strongly for evolutionary theories of biology
and dismissed biblical claims that the world was created by God in six days. Nevertheless, he
argues that there is no conflict between science and religion because they are concerned with
different aspects of human life and human needs. Gould developed the NOMA principle — or the
non-overlapping magisteria principle. He claims that one type of human need is a need to
understand how nature works.This he calls the magisterium of science. However, humans also
have a drive to give meaning to their own lives and to find a basis for their moral views.This is
covered by the magisterium of religion. Since meaning and morality cannot come from facts -
they are too subjective - religion can fulfil this purpose without being in direct conflict.
2. Instead of existing independently, sometimes it may be possible for religion to actually

encourage the development of science. For example, Bainbridge (2009) suggests that
monotheism (the belief in one God) ‘may imply that the universe follows a single set of laws
rather than being chaotically unknowable’. It is therefore seen as a good thing from a religious
point of view for scientists to go out and uncover the laws created by God.
3. FollowingWeber’s ideas on the Protestant ethic, it can be argued that Calvinist Protestantism
encouraged the development of rational thought which in turn encouraged the development of
science.
4. Bainbridge (2009) points out that some writers believe that‘some concepts of modern
physics have close affinities to Asian religious or mystical movements’.
5. Some religions, particularly Scientology, claim to be based upon scientific knowledge.

Scientologists believe that their founder (the science fiction writer L. Ron Hubbard) uncovered
the science of Dianetics, which revealed that people's minds were blocked by engrams. A device
known as an e-meter could detect these and the blockages could then be removed.
RELIGION AND SCIENCE AS INCOMPATIBLE
However, there are many who believe that religion and science are fundamentally
incompatible. For example, Richard Dawkins (2006) argues that belief in all ‘supernatural gods’
is simply a delusion completely at odds with all scientific beliefs.
Dawkins rejects Gould's idea that religion can provide answers to questions which
science cannot.Although he accepts that science may not have answers to questions such as
the meaning of life, he sees no reason why religion should be seen as offering any expertise in
such areas. He says:
does Gould really want to cede to religion the right to tell us what is good and what is
bad? The fact that it has nothing else to contribute to human wisdom is no reason to hand
religion free licence to tell us what to do. Which religion anyway?The one in which we happen to
have been brought up?To which chapter, then, of which book of the Bible should we turn - for

they are for from unanimous and some of them one odious by any reasonable standards.
Dawkins systematically attacks a wide range of arguments for the existence of God,
using a combination of rational argument and evolutionary biology. For example, he dismisses
the argument that the natural world is so complex that it must have been designed by an
omnipotent being (the idea of intelligent design).The writer Fred Hoyle, who argued that God has
to exist because it is so improbable that intelligent life could have developed by chance,
illustrated this idea. lndeed, Hoyle claimed that ‘the probability of life originating on Earth is no
greater than the chance that a hurricane, sweeping through a scrapyard, would have the luck to
assemble a Boeing 747'.
However, Dawkins argues that the development of ever more complex life-forms was not
down to chance at all but was the result of the evolutionary process of natural selection, in
which those organisms that are well adapted to their environment survive and breed, leading to
the gradual development of increasingly complex organisms. The characteristics needed for
survival develop in a species because of this and this leads to more complex organisms.
Dawkins is similarly dismissive of other arguments for the existence of God, but it is
beyond the scope of this book to discuss all of these. However, underlying all these arguments
is his claim that religion is based upon faith.To Dawkins, faith is not just an inadequate basis for
believing something; it is positively harmful. Faith involves believing something despite the lack
of any evidence to back it up. Dawkins says:
Faith is an evil precisely because it requires no justiflcation and brooks no argument.

Teaching children that unquestioned faith is a virtue primes them-— given certain other
ingredients that are not hard to come by -- to grow up into potentially lethal weapons for future
jihad: or crusades ,.. if children were taught to question and think through their beliefs, instead of
being taught the superior virtue of faith without question, it is a good bet that there would be no
suicide bombers. There are very many sociologists, social scientists and natural scientists that
agree with Dawkins that social and natural science should not be based upon faith. Some of
them advocate the use of what they believe to be objective, scientific methods to distinguish
fact from fiction. Examples include positivists and Karl Popper.
However, not all sociologists and social scientists believe that an objective methodology
is possible, and there are certainly many sociologists, social scientists and natural scientists
who continue to believe in scientific technology while also believing in God or the
supernatural.This suggests that there may be a greater variety of relationships between science
and religion than might be indicated by those who see them as fundamentally incompatible.This
is reflected in the work of Phillip Hefner.
PHILLIP HEFNER - RELIGION, SCIENCE AND THE DESTABILISATION OF MEANING

Frameworks of meaning
Phillip Hefner (I997) argues that in the West, established ‘frameworks of meaning’,
particularly those associated with religion, have been destabilised.The search for meaning
involves the ‘overarching images of reality, embodying the basis for values and moral
behaviour’.This is generally associated with traditional religions. In the past, society made
religious beliefs highly plausible, and their truth as a basis for giving meaning to life was largely
unquestioned.
The emergence of modern societies undermines the plausibility of religion as rational,

and scientific beliefs gain greater prominence. However, Hefner does not believe thatscience
simply replaces religion. Indeed he claims there are some similarities between science and
religion. Both involve a claim that the world is based upon ‘hidden forces’ that need to be
understood. Science gives less priority to meaning than religion, but scientific knowledge is
nevertheless often integrated into religious beliefs. Indeed, Hefner (I997) describes religion as
the ‘enterprise of framing the scientific knowledge of causation within larger structures of
thought and intuition that can provide the integrated, meaningful life-world’.
This might suggest that religion, although destabilised by the development of scientific
beliefs, can simply integrate science into its own belief systems, adapting religion to take
account of what scientists have discovered. A problem with this, though, is that science itself
has been destabilised. Hefner generally agrees with postmodernists when they argue that the
objectivity and truth of science have been increasingly challenged. For example, some feminists
have argued that sciences are patriarchal and based upon masculine assumptions, and
designed to preserve male power rather than seek truth.The New Age places renewed emphasis
upon a spiritual quest for meaning at odds with both conventional religion and traditional
science.
In a postmodern world in which all belief systems are being challenged, a variety of
ways have been found to respond to the problem of the relationship between religious and
scientific beliefs. Hefner calls these ‘six trajectories in the religion—science interface’.
THE MODERN OPTION
This option involves accepting that science can be used to determine what is true
knowledge, but then providing scientific justification for religious beliefs. In particular, this
approach claims that ‘the same evolutionary processes that underlie the natural world described
by science have also produced religion and selected its wisdom for the survival of the world and
its human community’ (Hefner, I997). From this point of view. religion is often supported on the
grounds that it produces ‘trans-kin altruism’ — a concern with the well-being of humans beyond
one’s immediate family.This type of altruism is seen as essential for human culture, and

essential if advanced societies are to flourish.
The construction-of-new-myths option
This option is based upon the view that society has moved on from the modern era and
has entered postmodernity. In the process, absolute faith in traditional religion has been lost
and even trust in conventional science has been seriously undermined.This has left society
without a unifying belief system and therefore lacking a set of meanings on the basis of which
people can live their lives.Writers such as Rue (cited in Hefner, I997) believe that a new set of
beliefs has to be created even if it is not true. Such a ‘noble lie‘ is necessary for the success of
society, and could be formed out of insights from New Age beliefs as well as from ‘Big Bang
cosmology, biochemical theories of the emergence of life, and ecological sciences’ (Hefner,
I997).
The critical post-Enlightenment option
This point of view argues that it is perfectly possible for science and religion to thrive
side-by-side in contemporary society so long as religion is not seen in terms of a single set of
beliefs that must be accepted by all. Scientific knowledge is important, but it has its
Iimitations.There are always issues at the ‘obscure margin that inevitably exists between what
we can know and the transcendent reality that we seek to know’ (Hefner, I997). With religious
pluralism there is room for oppressed groups to put forward religious views which reflect their
position ’ in society. Expression of religion alongside science should therefore be encouraged
because it allows all groups in society to have some role in the construction of knowledge
The postmodern constructivist option
This has some similarities with the construction-of-new- myths option because it agrees
that society has become postmodern, that dominant belief systems have been weakened and
that existing belief systems need replacing with something new. However, this option holds that
the new belief systems do not have to be ‘noble lies‘ because it is possible to discover new
truths.This does not mean that a single truth has to be accepted, but, as in the New Age, it is
believed that a variety of spiritualities can be equally valid. Some feminists as well as followers
of the New Age have adopted this option. For example, feminists have argued that the
philosophy of interconnectedness and a belief in Gaia, the Greek goddess of the Earth, can
provide a basis for a new set of non-dogmatic spiritual beliefs.
The constructivist option
This option aims to interpret new scientific knowledge through traditional Christianity,
and, by doing so, it aims to avoid a clash between science and religion which undermines the
latter. A variety of views have been put forward in line with this approach. Some have argued

that the development of more complexity in the world, in everything from biological structures to
culture, is evidence of God's creativity. Others have claimed that theology shows that humans
were created by God to act as ‘co-creator’.Another strand argues that the Big Bang shows that
unique events rather than universal laws shape the universe and this demonstrates the
significance of divine intervention. From this viewpoint, traditional Christian beliefs can be
reinterpreted to take account of all developments in contemporary science.
The Christian evangelical option
This final approach asserts that scientific developments do not undermine religion and
religion does not need to be reinterpreted in the light of developments in science. For example,
some who adopt this option argue that scientific views often contain faults in their logic and
limitations in their evidence, so there is no reason to suppose that they are any more true than
religion. Others assert that religion is just as plausible as science and cannot therefore be
rejected on the basis of scientific knowledge.
Conclusion and evaluation
Hefner concludes that developments in society have destabilised both traditional religion
and science. Following the views of postmodernism he argues that no single belief system is
now dominant. As well as traditional religion and science, New Age spirituality and secular
humanism have emerged as alternatives. Furthermore, as described above, there are a variety of
ways in which these different belief systems can relate to one another. It is therefore a mistake
to see beliefs in modern society in terms of the clash between science and religion. Out of this
complex situation new sets of beliefs will emerge.
Hefner sees it as possible that some of these new beliefs may become ‘forces for
restabilisation’. Hefner's work has the advantage, of moving beyond the simple dichotomy
between scientific and religious beliefs and identifying a variety of ways in which beliefs may be
developing in contemporary society. However", Bainbridge (2009) sees his views as being partly
shaped by his sympathy towards religion. Bainbridge says that although Hefner's approach
accepts that there can be conflict between religion and science, it expresses ‘hope for a
peaceful and mutually beneficial accommodation’. Bainbridge himself questions whether such a
simple reconciliation is likely. His views will now be examined.
WILLIAM SIMS BAINBRIDGE - RECONCILING RELIGION AND SCIENCE

Problems with reconciling religion and science
Bainbridge identifies a number of problems with Hefner's belief that peace and
reconciliation between religion and science are both possible and likely.
l. Religion tends to interpret the world and the universe from a human standpoint (an
anthropocentric view). For example, Christianity originally saw the earth as the centre of the
universe. Of course this was undermined by Galileo who demonstrated that the earth orbited the
sun rather than vice versa. Anthropocentric views have been further undermined by later
developments in science. For example, the argument that God created the earth specifically for
the benefit of humans is undermined ‘once we realise that the universe contains an
unaccountably vast number of planets, having a wide range of conditions, such that intelligent
life could have emerged on some of them purely by chance’.
2. There is an increasing tendency towards the unification of scientific knowledge as scientists

seek a theory of everything. If such a theory is achieved, that will make it difficult for religion to
find gaps in knowledge that it can claim to fill.
3. Religion might not fulfil positive functions in society and therefore it may be difficult to
provide scientific justification for the maintenance of religious beliefs. For example, Stark and
Bainbridge's (I985) theory of religion suggests that religion acts as a form of deception. If this is
the case, then justifying the continued existence of religion might prove difficult.
Conclusion
Despite these points, Bainbridge does not believe that it is impossible for religion to
continue to be popular alongside increasingly sophisticated scientific beliefs. He points out that
‘The gulf of understanding between scientists and the general public’ remains considerable. He
quotes the results of a survey in the USA in which respondents were asked whether they agreed
that astrology had some scientific truth, and that humans developed from earlier species of
animals. Only 24 per cent of adults followed the views of scientists in saying that there was no
truth to astrology but that humans did develop from earlier species of animals. Even more - 6
per cent - disagreed with scientists on both counts, and the remainder agreed with scientists on
one question but not the other.This suggests that it is perfectly possible for a high percentage
of the population to continue to hold views that are incompatible with science.They are able to
retain both religious beliefs and scientific beliefs, even when they directly contradict one another.

THE RELIGIOUS PHENOMENON
Definition
It is not an easy task to give a definition of religion which will satisfy

everyone. The principal difficulty is that many people take the word to mean their
own religion, regarding all other forms as non-religion, irreligion, superstition or anti-
religion. Writers have defined religion in various ways.
According to Ogburn, a definition of .religion should be based on the

characteristics of all religions, not just the one we profess. He says, "Religion
is attitude towards superhuman powers."
Pifnner defined religion as "that reference of man's life to a world governing

power which seeks to grow into a living union with it.
According to Maclver, "Religion, as we understand the term, implies a
relationship not merely between man and man but also between man and some
higher power."
Durkheim defined religion as a "unified system of beliefs and practices
relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden."
According to Gillin and Gillin: "The social field of religion may be regarded
as including the emotionalized beliefs prevalent in a social group concerning the
supernatural plus, the overt behaviour, material objects and symbols associated
with such beliefs."
Lowie regarded religion as a "spontaneous response to the awe-inspiring

extraordinary manifestations of reality."

According to H.M. Johnson, "As religion is more or less coherent system of

beliefs and practices concerning a supernatural order of beings, forces, places or
other entities."
According to Malinowski, "Religion is a mode of action as well as system of

belief, and a sociological phenomenon as well as a personal experience."
Thus, there are numerous definitions of religion given by thinkers according
to their own conceptions. As a matter of fact the forms in which religion expresses
itself vary so much that it is difficult to agree upon a definition. Some maintain
that religion includes a belief in supernatural or mysterious powers and that it
expresses itself in every activities designed to deal with those powers. Some regard
religion as belief in the immortality of the soul. While it is possible to define religion as
belief in God or some supernatural powers, it is well to remember that there can also be
a godless religion as Buddhism is. The Buddhists reject belief in the immortality of the
soul and the life in the hereafter. The ancient Hebrews did not have a definite concept of an
immortal soul. They seem to hav,e had no conception of post-mortem rewards and
punishments. Others regard religion as something very earthly and materialistic
designed to achieve practical ends. But as Ruth Benedict wrote "Religion is not to be
identified with the pursuit of ideal ends. Spirituality and the virtues are two social values
which were discovered in the process of social life. They may well constitute the value of
religion in man's history just as the pearl constitutes the value of the oyster. Nevertheless,
the making of the pearl is a by-product in the life of oyster, and it does not give a clue to the
evolution of the oyster." Sumner and Keller asserted that "Religion in history from the
earliest to very recent days has not been a matter of morality at all but of rites, ritual,
observance and ceremony.
In sociology the word religion is used in a wider sense than that used ill
religious books. A recent sociological work defines religion as "those institutionalized
systems of beliefs, symbols, values, and practices that provide groups of men with
solutions to their questions of ultimate being." A common characteristic found among all
religions is that they represent a complex of emotional feelings and attitudes toward
mysteries and perplexities of life. As such religion comprises first, mysteries and
perplexities of life. As such religion comprises first, systems of attitudes, beliefs, symbols
which are based on the assumption that certain kinds of social relations are sacred or
morally imperative, and, second a structure of activities governed or influenced by
these systems.
According to Radin it consists of two parts, (a) physiological, and (b)

psychological. The physiological part expresses itself in such acts as kneeling, closing
the eyes, touching the feet, the psychological part consists of supernormal sensitivity to
certain beliefs and traditions. While belief in supernatural powers may be considered
basic to all religion, equally fundamental is the presence of a deeply emotional feeling
which Goldenweiser called the "religious thrill."
According to Anderson and Parker, each religion consists of four primary
components. These are:
(a) Belief in supernatural forces- Each religion believes in some supernatural forces-
powers outside of man and his observable world.' These powers are believed to
influence human conditions and events. Some call them forces of God; some call them
gods, yet others leave them nameless.
(b) Man's adjustment to supernatural- powers. Since man is dependent on these powers, he
must adjust himself to them. Consequently, each religion provides for some outward acts
like prayer, hymns, kirtans, yagyas and other forms of reverence. Failure to perform these
acts is regarded as sinful.
(c) Acts defined as sinful- Each religion defines certain acts as sinful. Such acts
destroy man's harmonious relationships with God or the gods and he suffers the
wrath of God.
(d) Method of salvation- Man needs some method by which he can regain
harmony with the gods through removal of guilt. Thus Buddhism provides for Nirvana,
and Hinduism provides salvation in the release from the bondage of Karma.
Forms of Religion-
Religion seeks to interpret and control man's relations to the forces of his
physical and social environment. These forces are thought to be under the control
of some supernatural power. The attempt to interpret man's relations to these
forces led to several forms of religion like superstition, animism, totemism, magic,
ceremonialism and fetishism. A brief explanation of these forms is necessary in
order to clarify the concept of religion.
(i) Superstition: Superstition is the conviction that something shall happen owing
to the causes utterly disproportionate to the event for example, the belief that there
would be some trouble in the journey or pain at its end because a cat has crossed

the path, or that there will come some calamity because a star has fallen from the
sky, or that Saturday is not a good day for sending a woman to her husband's house.
The Hindu religion is full of many superstitions.
(ii) Animism: Animism propounds the existence of some supra-physical being within
the body of every living being. This supra-physical being is believed to survive the
death of the physical body in which it is contained. After the death of a person the
supra-physical being is freed from the physical limitations and can wander
irrespective of time and space. Thus animism is a belief in the-spirits of the dead. It
is a name given to the theory of spirits which are supposed to be in dwelling in
certain places or things so that they can communicate with men. Very commonly
the view is held that spirit visits a man in sleep. Sometimes a man is said to have
heard the spirit speak from a corner of the house. If Hindus do not feed their
ancestors, their spirits will not feel happy in the other world. To feed the ancestors,
a fifteen day festival called 'shradh' is celebrated among Hindus. According to Tylor,
animism lies at the basis of all religion.
(iii) Magic: Magic is a system of manipulation by which an effect is sought through

the action of unseen powers. The magician attempts to control the powers by
magical practices not validated by scientific knowledge, such as rubbing a stone on
the diseased part of the body to make it get well, walking on fire without being
burnt, eating glass pieces without shedding any blood, turning a piece of
charcoal into a rupee, making a body disappear, getting a purse out of the pocket
of a man without going near or about him. The students might have witnessed
such another magic games in a college or on a street.
(a) Two kinds of magic: Frazer in Golden Bough distinguished between two
kinds of magic, imitative and contagious. In imitative magic individual imitates what
he wished to happen. Thus an Austan who wants rain to fall, fills his mouth with
water and squirts it out in different directions. To get rid of an enemy, a wax
image of him may be made and pierced with a needle. Contagious magic operates
on the principle that whatever would come into contact with supernatural
power, will be swayed by it. Thus the forehead of a person may be rubbed off with
some ashes so that he may be free from headaches. Many children are made to put

on a mascot to save them from an evil spirit.
(b) Magic and religion differ: Some authors believe that magic is a form of religion
but others choose not to characterise magic as religion. According to Malinowski,
magic practices are distinguished from the religious ones by the fact that they
always have a definite end in view, which is immediate, practical and usually private.
They are intended to produce a definite effect. Religion, on the other hand, has no
definite end. It is always an end in itself, the placing of worshippers in contact
with spiritual farces. In the case of religion the attitude is humble, the worshipper
seeks to obtain something from God through prayer, magic on the other hand seeks
to attain the thing directly by the use of disproportionate means. The intellectual
content of magic i s allowed by
its highly utilitarian purpose. A magician seeks to get things by threatening or
intimidating gods while a worshipper seeks them by praying and petitioning to
gods. A magical behaviour is a commercial transaction in which trickery and
deceit become possible. Religion establishes a bond between man and God but in
magic such a bond is absent. Magic diverges most from religion when it is used to
accomplish aims not sanctioned by the group. It may be employed to achieve
vengeance, to acquire property illegally, to steal anothers wife, etc.
(iv)Totemism: Totemism consists in the fact that a tribe is supposed to be related to

an object mainly animal or plant towards which they behave in a reverent manner
by adopting its name and offering sacrifices of adoring it. A totem is generally an
animal, rarely a plant which gives its name to a clan or may be otherwise associated
with it. The relation of the clan and the particular animal is explained by bonds of
descent the clan considering itself the descent from that apices. The Iroquis clans
were called Turtle, Bear, Wolf, Hawk etc. They carved out the representation of these
animals over the doors of their houses. The people of the clan do not kill or eat
that animal with whose name they are linked. They attach to it super-empirical
meaning. In Ruanda, for example, the Buffalo people will not eat buffalo. Only when
the clan worships the animal or offers sacrifices to it, totemism may be associated
with religion, although it is flow generally acknowledged that it is mostly a social
phenomenon combined with magic or superstition.

(v) Ceremonialism: Ceremonialism is a collective practice usually associated with

religion. Thus praying, feasting, dancing, singing, kneeling are examples of
ceremonialism or ritualism. All religious provide frequent ritual contact with
other communicants, a form of group intra-stimulation. In this sense ritual
ceremonial may be called the external side of religion. Like the belief itself it comes
to have a quality of sacredness attached to it. Some thinkers have believed ritual
to be more important than religious belief itself in maintaining religious
attitudes. Ritual helps to remind the individual of the holy realm, to revive and
strengthen his faith in this realm. The survival of Judai s m has been
attributed to the insistence of the Pharisees that almost every act should be
ritualized. Similar is the case with Hinduism which lays great stress on rituals. At
the time of birth, marriage and death in a Hindu family many ritual ceremonies are
observed.
Many ceremonies sometimes seem incredibly intricated. However, some of
these ceremonies must have been invented by the primitive people with a purpose
in mind which has now lost that purpose due to the advancement of scientific
knowledge, Behind ceremonies there is definitely a logic, if no other logic than the
logic of emotional satisfaction might be there.
We may here note the distinction between belief and ritual, Belief is an
attitude towards sacred things. It is based upon faith rather than upon evidence. It
is the cognitive aspect of religion. Thus a cow is a sacred thing. This attitude is based
upon faith. There is nothing to distinguish a sacred cow from any other cow, except
the faith or belief of those who regard it as sacred.
Ritual as we have already noted, is a religious practice. It is a behaviour with

reference to sacred objects. The sacredness of behaviour comes from the attitude
taken towards the sacred objects.
(vi) Fetishism: Fetishism is probably the most elementary form of religion. It is the
adoration of material things because of their mysterious, power. The word
'fetishes' comes from the Portuguese explorers, who first applied it to wooden
images of the West African negroes. But the essential thing is not that they are
artificial. A leaf or stone of unusual shape may be adored in the same way as a
carved figure. The essence of fetish is that it has attributed to it a mysterious power

for good or evil which some preliterate people call 'mana'. The fetish is adored or
insulted according as to whether it fulfils or does not fulfill its possessor's wishes.
From the above description it may be concluded that in primitive times the
world was thought to be populated with spirits and ghosts of a helpful or harmful
nature. To propitiate these ghosts various methods were employed which gave birth
to animism, totemism, ceremonialism and the like.
Religion pervades practically in all the societies but there is an endless

diversity of the forms of religious belief and practice. The form which it assumes in
a society is determined by a host of complex factors. Different societies
emphasize different elements of religion. Some assigns greater importance to
ceremonialism. Thus Hindu society attaches, great importance to ceremonies.
The 'Mantras' must be recited at the time of birth, marriage and death whether or
not one understands their meaning. Other religions are simple cults, with little ritual
and less dogma and without professional mediators between worshipper and divine
authority. In some societies the connection between religion and other institutions
is closer than in others. Thus among the Chinese than among the Americans this
connection is much closer. Moreover, there is a great deal of variation in the
selection of those phases of life which will come under the jurisdiction of religion or
which will remain secular. Marriage may be regarded with a religious function
as among Hindus or a secular function as among westerners. Religions have
their own central themes which are determined by the life interests of the people.
The central theme of western religions has been altered because of the change
from an agricultural economy to an industrial one and the consequent modifications
in man's outlook upon life.

THEORIES REGARDING THE ORIGIN OF RELIGION
The origin of religion is veiled in mystery. Among the numerous

explanations by social scientists, some appear more plausible than others, but
even the best of them are not susceptible of scientific proof and all remain in the
realm of logical assumption. Consequently there is a great deal of disagreement
among scientific students on the subject. They do agree that religion, like other social
institutions, arose in response to certain felt needs of man, or because of conditions
accompanying his life on earth.
1. THE FEAR THEORY
The view of religion as a creation of man, as a socio-psychological

phenomenon, is very old. It was accepted in ancient sophisticated societies,
such as Greece and Rome. One of the outstanding exponents of this view
was the Roman philosopher and poet Lucretius, who contended that belief in
the gods was based on an illusion and that fear accounted for its origin. In modern
times, the eighteenth century British philosopher David Hume, in his Natural
History of Religion, asserted that fear of natural forces led man to believe in
deities who manipulated nature and hence to conclude that the gods would
intervene on his behalf if he tried to please them. This explanation was
accepted by other theorists including the German-English nineteenth-century
scholar Friedrich Max Muller, who claimed that basis of religion is to be found
in man's awe in the presence of extraordinary and terrifying natural phenomena.
Similarly, Giddings held that the awe of the "Great Dreadful" of the mysterious
forces accounts for the genesis of religious beliefs.
2. THE ANIMISTIC THEORY
The animistic theory of the origin of religion has had a wide influence.
According to this doctrine, subscribed to by Comte and elaborated upon by
the nineteenth-century English anthropologist Sir John Lubbock, primitive man
tends to endow natural phenomena with life and to ascribe personalities to them.
These become supernatural powers with which relationships similar to those
existing between human beings are established. Lubbock also contended that
primitive man ascribes great power to deceased ancestors and hence practices
ghost-worship. In his ‘Origin of Civilization’, Lubbock presented evidence to support

this contention.
In ‘Primitive Culture’, published in 1871 and still a classic in the
field of anthropology, Edward B. Tylor traced the evolution of animism, or the
belief in spirits, from primitive man's concept of another, invisible, self or soul.
Tylor considered this concept an almost inevitable result of such universal
phenomena as dreams. Primitive man, he asserted, could hardly explain a dream
in which he had certain "actual" experiences. Suppose he dreamed of a hunting
expedition which resulted in his bringing back game and enjoying a fine dinner.
Upon awaking he found, of course, that he had never left his abode. How could he
explain this except through the belief in a spiritual self which is separable from his
bodily self and which can lead an independent existence? Death, hallucinations, and
epileptic fits as well as such physical phenomena as reflections, shadows and
echoes, were other factors stimulating a belief in spirits. Once man had arrived at
the idea of a spiritual being, it was a comparatively simple process to regard other
animate beings as well as inanimate objects as possessing spirit. Primitive man was
thus led to animism which according to Tylor, lies at the very basis of all religion.
Spencer, while also subscribing to the theory of animism, contended in
his "Principles of Sociology", that religion originated primarily in ghost-fear. The
ancestral ghosts, which were endowed by the primitive with superhuman powers,
were believed to manipulate human affairs and natural forces, and hence had to be
placated if they were to act in his behalf. Spencer held furthermore that deceased
tribal heroes, who in life had distinguished themselves by extraordinary
mental and physical powers eventually came to be revered as gods, for their
ghosts were believed to be very powerful. The belief in deities originated in this
manner.
On the other hand, Frazer traced the genesis of religion to magic.

Primitive man, cognizant of a cause-and-effect sequence in human affairs and
natural phenomena tried to control them by magical rites. The most fundamental
kind of magic was the sympathetic or imitative. Thus mutilating the image of an
enemy would result, according to this principle, in actual injury to him. Failure
to achieve results by magic, said Frazer, led primitive man to seek intervention
by personalized supernatural powers. Magical practices, which Frazer carefully

distinguished from religion, precipitated the religious belief in personal superhuman

powers
Although the animistic theories of Tyler and Spencer won wide
acceptance among their contemporaries and still are, believed by some
scholars to possess merit, they have been subjected to severe criticism. Recent
studies of religion among primitive peoples fail to confirm the assumption that
animism and ghost-worship are the most elementary forms of religion To be sure,
these are encountered almost universally among primitives, but they seem
to be comparatively advanced forms and to be derived from more rudimentary
notions.
3. THE ANIMATISTIC THEORY
According to the noted British anthropologist Robert Ranulph Marett,

the idea of impersonal power is by its very nature a simpler concept than that of
spirit and hence should be regarded as more primitive and as antedating the latter.
This impersonal power is designated as manu, a term first used by the
anthropologist R.H. Codrington. Marett referred to the belief in mana as
animatism. Mana is a word employed by the Melanesians to signify power which
may adhere to a person, animal, or inanimate thing. The concept is well-nigh
universal among primitive people. Although variously used by different tribes, it
always signifies a wonderful power, or as Lowie described it a kind of "electrical
fluid that could charge persons end things and get diverted from one to another"
The concepts of ammism and animatisrn are generally accepted by

anthropologists as fundamental to all religion. Marett's claim that animatism
-
preceded animism, however, has found few adherents. Anthropologists tend to hold that
neither is derived from the other and that both coexist and underlie all religions.
The important point is that the nature of primitive religion or for that
matter, of any religion, cannot be explained by reference to the concept of spirit
alone; this idea must be supplemented by that of mana or power.

4. SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF RELIGION-
One widely accepted theory derives religion from rites and ceremonies
rather than from belief in the supernatural. The latter, according to this theory, is
the effect not the cause. Perhaps the earliest exponent of this theory was W.
Robertson Smith. In his classic work The Religion of the Semites, which was
published in 1894, he concluded that ancient religions consisted primarily of
"institutions and practices i.e. of rites and ceremonies and that myths i.e. beliefs
and creeds were an outgrowth of these. Smith gathered a wealth of data, especially
from the Old Testament to prove his contention. He held that in the development
of religious faiths, practice precedes belief in a cause-and-effect relationship or as
Sumner maintained in his theory of the evolution of the folkways, the act precedes
the thought. Smith's theory had a profound influence upon subsequent research
in religion. It served as a basis for the formulation of the sociological theory of
religion, o f which Durkheim became an outstanding exponent.
Durkheim, in his search for the origin of religion; concentrated upon

an analysis of the institution as found among the Australian aborigines, whom he
assumed to be the most primitive of the preliterate peoples. He propounded his
theory in ‘ The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life’.
Durkheim rejected the contention that religion must involve a belief in

gods or in spiritual beings. He attributed its beginnings to ritualistic activities or
rites and ceremonies which he held to be the most elementary forms of religion.
But what gives rise to these ritualistic activities? To explain this, said Durkheim,
is to explain the genesis as well as the nature and meaning of religion and to do
so one must go to the primitives for among them one encounters behavior which
most closely approaches the practices of rudimentary religion.
Primitives, like many people in civilized communities, have a compelling
need to escape the daily routine, the dullness and humdrum character of everyday
existence. Periodically, therefore, they gather for celebrations, during which their passions
run high and in fact usually reach a state of ecstasy. The most important activities are
dancing and singing, which are performed rhythmically, persistently and with ever
greater intensification until sentiment pervades all present and results in a high degree
of exaltation. Each sentiment that is expressed registers in the minds of the participants
without much resistance since all are extremely responsive to outside impressions.
Every participant re-echoes all those in the group. The emotion engendered spreads from
one to the others, growing like an avalanche in its advance, so that the group feels that it
possesses extraordinary power. From such experiences the primitive, said Durkheim,
derives the idea of the mysterious power- mana.
Society, or rather its collective life, is usually symbolized or personified by the

totem. The totem is, therefore, the source and dispenser of mana and hence is sacred.
But, even though it is endowed with broad and important powers it does not take the
place of other agencies, each of which is equipped to perform certain functions. Mana
attaches itself to individuals, things, places, acts, and even words, making them
sacred. The primitive is thus led to distinguish between the sacred and the profane,
and this distinction is the sine qua non for the rise of religion. The mysterious power
generated by the rites eventually may become personified, leading to the conception
of spirits and deities. Thus, for Durkheim, the concepts of mana and totemism (and the
ceremonies connected with the latter). Since Durkheim believed the totem to be the
objectified social life of the group, its "collective representations," or social mind, he
concluded that society itself is the ultimate source of religion, He thus arrived at
completely sociological explanation of religion.
Durkheim’s admittedly brilliant interpretation of religion shed new light on this

significant social phenomenon. It brought about a revaluation of extant theories, and
no subsequent studies of religion can disregard it. Indeed, some authorities feel that his
was perhaps the most plausible interpretation.
Others, however, while finding a great deal of merit in the theory, claim that
by making the social mind or "collective representations" the sole source of religion,
Durkheim resorted to something quite mysterious in itself and hence failed to give a
satisfactory explanation. Goldenweiser criticized Durkheim's theory as one sided and
psychologically untenable. It is quite accurate, he wrote, to assume that religious dogma
and the traditionalism of religious forms are always found in the sphere of the sacred,
but society is only a precipitating agency and not an originating force. A society
possessing the religious sentiment is capable of accomplishing unusual things, but it can
hardly produce that sentiment out of itself.
Nevertheless, Durkheim's theory served as a basis for a number of important

studies which further developed the concept of the social origin of religion. One of these is
‘Themis- A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion’ by Jane Harrison. Influenced by
Smith and Durkheim, Miss Harrison studied the origin and development of Greek religion
and arrived at the conclusion that ,the belief in a god originated in the ritual, the dance and
the song or hymn induced by the major crises in life such as birth, initiation and death.
Like Durkheim, she maintained that, the emotions and feelings of, power
engendered by the collective ceremonial acts are externalized and eventually are
personified in the form of gods.
The American anthropologists Eliot Dinsmore Chapple and Carleton
Stevens Coon, in their "Principles of Anthropology”, expounded a theory of the
origin of religion closely resembling the foregoing theories. Taking the clue from
“Rites of passage” by Arnold van Gennep, asserted that religious institutions arise
as a result of crises during which the necessary equilibrium is lost and of the
consequent attempt to regain equilibrium. The crises may be of two kinds, one
involving the individual and the other the group. To restore equilibrium, two kinds of
ritualistic ceremonies each with its own techniques are performed under the
leadership of qualified personnel or priests. These ceremonies are "rites of
passage" and "rites of intensification." Out of such rituals the religious institutions
evolve.
Another significant sociological theory, based exclusively on a

study of the Old Testament, was advanced by the English sociologist Louis Wallis.
In his Sociological Study of the Bible, he concluded that the Hebrews arrived at a
monotheistic belief only after a series of struggles with other tribes and class
conflicts between the poor agriculturists and the wealthy town dwellers. The latter
conflicts, he believed, were of a determining character. Wallis discerned in
social conflict the most important factor in the evolution of religion. Finally, Max
Weber's theory of the interplay of social and economic forces should also be
included among the sociological interpretations of the development of religion.
5. THE THEORY OF THE ALEATORY ELEMENT-

A significant theory of the origin of religion was propounded by Sumner
and Keller in ‘ The Science of Society’. The most important fact in the rise of
religion, according to Sumner and Keller, is the ever present element of chance;
or as they refer to it the aleatory element. "The aleatory element, especially in its
negative phase of ill fortune," they wrote, "fills the perspective of the race's childhood
with an enduring and real menace." Primitive man is constantly puzzled and worried
about the problem of bad luck. His mind is preoccupied wi th the question of how
to avoid misfortune and assure himself of good luck. It is inevitable, these two
authors asserted; that in his quest for an explanation of it, the primitive should
picture this aleatory element as being controlled and manipulated by supernatural
forces. "If primitive tribes over the earth," they stated, "agree on anything, it is
that supernatural powers are in control of the luck element." The problem therefore,
is to win the favorable attention of those powers in some manner and thus to
achieve the desired end to avoid bad luck and to induce good luck. Human
beings, concerned with this problem, have at all times attempted to devise means
of insuring themselves against misfortune.
Sumner and Keller emphasized the fact that religion thus arose in
response to a definite need- adjustment to the supernatural, or imaginary,
environment, which as already noted, appears just as real as the actual environment
and adaptation to which is just as impelling. The supernatural environment, however,
came into existence as a result of the presence of the aleatory factor. Although many
inexplicable elements are being reduced to rationality by science and art in respect to
one point after another, they straightway recur a little farther on. Thus the
inexplicable is retained, and with it the necessity for dealing with it i.e., the need for
religion. Had there been no aleatory element, religion might have been an entirely different
sort of thing or it might not have come into existence. Since the aleatory element
persisted as a major condition of life, men automatically adjusted themselves to it
by developing religious institutions.

TYPES OF RELIGIOUS ORGANISATIONS
A prevalent interest among sociologists studying religion has been the concern
with classifying different religious organizations. A typology that appears rather
frequently in sociological writings has involved a fourfold division-: (1) church, (2) sect,
(3) denomination, and (4) cult-
Let us examine each of these types in turn.
1.CHURCH
The model often used for describing the church is Roman Catholicism during the
Middle Ages. The aim of the church is professedly universal, and membership is
frequently compulsory. The phrase, "Come out from among them and be ye separate" has
no place in the ideology of a church-indeed the theme "Force them to come" better
characterizes its thinking. Thus, in the. Middle Ages, populations were often "converted"
and baptized enmasse by "fire and sword,". Members are born into the church. All children
of members born within a territory are automatically, through birth defined as members.
The church usually makes its peace with the secular aspects of social life, it
compromises the more radical teachings of Jesus and accepts many features of the
larger world as at least relatively good It tends to be a conservative body and customarily
allies itself with the upper classes. Generally, it does not champion "new causes" or social
reform in fact, it often longs for an earlier way of life. The church attached a high
importance to the means of grace that it administers, to a system of doctrine that it
has formulated and to the administration of sacraments that it controls through an
official clergy. It strives to dominate all elements within society to teach and guide them
and i t dispense to them saving grace. In the Middle Ages, the ideal of church supremacy
came close to realization, the doctrine that the king (the state) was subordinate to the
pope (the church) was virtually unchallenged.
The Anglican Church of England, the Roman Catholic Church in Spain; and the
Lutheran Church in the Scandinavian countries represent close approximations to
national churches. However, as changes occur within a society, a church may gradually be
reduced to the status of a denomination. In contemporary England, groups other than the
Anglican are increasing their importance and thereby diminishing the influence of the
Church of England By virtue of the special conditions existing within the United States,
the Roman Catholic Church functions within this country more like a denomination
than a church.

2. SECT
The sect is a small, voluntary fellowship of converts, most usually
drawn from the lower class, who seek to realize the divine law in their own behavior.
The sect has abandoned the attempt to win the whole world over to its doctrines,
it follows literally the phrase, "Come out from among them and be the separate",
exclusiveness is stressed. Those who entertain heretical opinions or commit moral
misdemeanor are subject to expulsion. Religious interpretations other than its
own are seen as in error as it alone possesses special enlightenment It rejects the
social environment in which it exists, at times, it may even discourage its
members from extensive participation in the ways of the world for example, the
sect may prescribe specific patterns of dress (as among the Old order Amish) or
speech (as among the early Quakers), it may prohibit smoking and drinking (as
among the Mormons) or forbid the use of automobiles, telephones, and cameras, the
bearing charms, the taking of oaths, and participation in litigation (as among the Old
Order Amish)
The sect frequently requires a definite type of religious experience

as a prerequisite of acceptancethrough the conversion experience, individuals
"know" they are "saved" and are "on the right path." A sharp distinction between
clergy and laity is not drawn, the sect prefers to trust for guidance to lay inspiration
rather than to theological expertness. Emotional demonstrations during services are
common, rigid formal patterns of worship are avoided, since it is felt that they
hinder the free expression of the "manifestations of the spirit"
3. DENOMINATION
Church and sect may be viewed as polar types on a continuum, near
the center of the continuum between the poles of church and sect falls the
denomination.
Denominations are simply sects in an advanced stage of development

and adjustment to the secular world. The membership of the denomination comes
mainly from the middle class. The moral rigor and religious fervor of the sect
are relaxed. Spontaneous demonstrations by congregation members are
discouraged and shunned as vulgar displays; services are formal, the congregation
participating only in prescribed ways. The clergy have undergone specialized

training to prepare them for their positions, usually at a theological seminary.
Although conversions still occur, most new members are born into the
denomination. Consequently, church officials are especially concerned with developing
a training program to prepare the children of members to become adult adherents
of their creed. Denominational members often view church-going as one of the
duties of an upstanding member of the community. Religion is only one among many
interests and involves a segmental commitment rather than the totalitarian
commitment of the sect. The denomination is content to be one movement among
others, all of which are thought to be acceptable in the sight of God. Present day
denominations include the Presbyterians, Baptists, Congregationalists, Methodists and
Unitarians.
4. CULT
Cults are a special type of religious organization, characterized by a very
amorphous, loosely textured structure. They generally lack rigid, sharply defined creeds and
well-formulated criteria for membership. They are "open" rather than "closed", groups
inviting all to come freely rather than admitting only a select few who can pass strict
doctrinal tests. Further, they lack tight discipline imposed by rank-and-file members who
are preoccupied with holding one another "up to the mark." Cult leadership is informal
and often built about the considerable emotional appeal of a leader. Generally, cults are
primarily concerned with the problems of individuals, appealing to people who are
confronted with loneliness, fear, inferiority, tension, and kindred troubles. Some cults are
built about a single function such as spiritual healing or spiritualism. Others like various
"New Thought" cults, attempt to combine elements of conventional religion with ideas
and practices that are essentially non-religious. Still others direct attention toward the
attainment of "self-awareness" or "self-realization," wisdom, or insight, for instance,
Vedanta, Subud, Soto Zen, the Human Potential Movement, and Transcendental
Meditation (Eister, 1972)
Whereas church and denomination embody culturally approved forms of
religious belief and organization, cults and sects are deviant when viewed against
churchly and denomenational respectability. However, cults differ from sects in that cults are
conceived by their members to be pluralistically legitimate, one of a variety of paths to
truth or salvation. In this respect, cults resemble denominations. In contrast, the sect like
the church, views itself as being uniquely legitimate, it alone possessing access to truth or

salvation (Wallis, 1975).

SOCIAL FUNCTIONS AND DYSFUNCTIONS OF RELIGION
Though religion is a highly personal thing, yet it has a social aspect and
social role to play. It has been a powerful agency in society and performed many
important social functions. As Selbie puts it, "It is not that the sacred society or church
becomes or takes the place of God, but rather that man finds that he can best approach
his God as he does so in fellowship, with others, as a member of a community which
exists to secure the end for which God stands". According to Arnold W. Green, religion
has three universal functions.
Firstly, it rationalizes and makes bearable individual suffering in the, known world.
Secondly, it enhances self-importance and
Thirdly, it helps to knit the social values of a society into a cohesive whole.
(i) Explains individual suffering- Man does not live by knowledge alone. He is an
emotional creature as well. Religion serves to soothe the emotions of man in times of his
sufferings and disappointments and contributes to the integration of his personality. In
this world man often suffers disappointment, and 'frustration even in the midst of all
hopes and achievements. The things for which he strives are in some measure always
denied to him. When human hopes are blighted, when all that was planned and striven
for has been swept away, man naturally wants something to console and compensate
him. The fortitude and equanimity with which deeply religious people are known to
endure the most colossal misfortune and suffering constitute one of the principal
exhibits of the power of religious beliefs and practices. When a son dies man seeks to
assuage his grief in ritualistic exchanges of condolence. On God he puts faith and
entertains' the belief that some unseen power moves in mysterious ways to make even
his loss meaningful. Faith in God compensates him and sustains his interest in life and
makes it bearable. There is a limit to which society can go guided by sheer rationality. In
this way religion gives release from sorrow and release from fear. It enables the
individual to interpret any catastrophe as intermediate and secondary. It helps man to bear
his frustrations and integrate his personality.
(ii) Enhances self-importance- Religion expands one's self to infinite proportions. Man
unites himself with the infinite and feels ennobled. Through unity with the infinite the
self is made majestic and triumphant. "The soul of the believer is worth more than all
the earthly kingdom." Man considers himself the noblest work of God with whom he shall
be united and his self thus becomes grand and luminous. Society also gains from
the self-flattery provided by religious belief. Religion assures a greater reward ill
the after-life to worldly failures than to the successful. Such kind of assurance
drains off much discontent and members are encouraged to continue to play their
part in society.
(iii)A source of social cohesion-- Religion is the ultimate source of social cohesion.
The primary requirement of society is the common possession of social values by
which individuals control the actions of self and others and through which society
is perpetuated. These social values are never scientifically demonstrated by
emanate from religious faith. Religion is the foundation upon which these values
rest. Science and technology cannot create these values. As a matter of fact these
values are more effective if they are not examined. Children should obey their
parents, should not tell a lie or cheat, women should be faithful to men, people
should be honest and virtuous are some of the social values which maintain social
cohesion. It is religion that asks man to renounce unsocial activities and requires
him to accept limitations. upon his wants and desirers, Love and service are two,
great teachings of religion: All religions have preached them. Religion has always
generated a sense of belongingness in society. Blackmar and Gillin have strongly
defended religion emphasizing its great socializing value and its value as a
means of control in society, primitive as well as civilized. Perhaps the most
important function of religion was disciplinary. It was religion alone which was
responsible for subordinating barbaric anarchy and for teaching reverence and
obedience.
Besides this, religion shapes domestic, economic and political

institutions. Religious rites are performed on many occasions as in relation to
vital events and dominant interests birth, initiation, marriage, sickness, death,
hunting, animal husbandry and so on; and they are intimately concerned with
family and kinship interests and with political institutions. Religion is the central
element in the life of civilization. "The impulse that makes civilization is a kind of
spiritual restlessness seeking to fashion the structure of life that will satisfy the
craving."
(iv) Social welfare. Religion has also performed some other services to humanity
among which Sumner and Keller included the provision of work, the accumulation

of capital and the creation of a leisure class, the priesthood often dedicated to
art and culture. The priests laid the foundations of medicine. The priests also
fulfilled the functions of scholars and scientists, , Magic supplied the roots of
observation and experimentation from which science developed. Religion has
served humanity through the spreading of education. The scriptures are great
literary works and storehouse of knowledge. It has also emphasized
benevolence and forbearance. It also created the habit of charity among the
people who opened many charitable institutions like hospitals rest-houses, temples
to help the needy and the poor.
(v) Agency of social control. Religions emphasize, in one form or another; the
consequences resulting from behaviour. Rewards or punishments follow approved
or disapproved actions. Religions support the folkways and customs by
placing the powerful sanctions of the supernatural behind them. They make
certain acts not only offences against society but against God as well. Disobedience
brings condemnation from the spiritual forces. In its positive form religion provides a
model for living. It upholds certain ideals and values. The believer imbibes these ideals
and values in his life. Religion can help our youth to become moral, disciplined and
socialized citizens of society.
(vi) Religion controls and affects economic life also. Max Weber was of the view that
religion aIso influences the economic system of the believers. Thus, according to him,
capitalism grew in the protestant nations like England, U.S.A. and Holland. It did not grow
in Italy and Spain where the people are Catholics. The Hindus lay great stress on
spiritual progress than material progress. Hence materialism could not grow in India.
(vii) Promotion of literature, art and music. Besides, religion has also contributed to the
growth of literature, art and music. The desire to laud and please gods has led people to
extol them in song, sculpture, painting and architecture. Some of the world's most
beautiful monuments are building erected to the glory of the gods. Vast temples,
mosques, cathedrals and artistic images express man's desire to portray his conceptions
of the supernatural in aesthetic and inspiring ways. The sacred writings stimulate an
appreciation of beautiful prose and poetry. 'Religious themes are the inspiration for
some of man's finest paintings, and the desire to sing praises has led to the creation of
some of the world's 'fine music.'
(viii) Friendship Function. Religion also provides a good opportunity for friendship.

The religious congregations serve as a place for men to find their mates and for friendly
association. This friendship function of religion is a vital service to adults and youths as
well.
B. Dysfunctions
Thus religion is the supremely integrating and unifying force in human society.
But at the same time it has also proved a catastrophic force. Marx called religion' 'the
opiate of the masses' which has kept them in degrading subjection. The masses are
taught to 'submit to their poor lot in' life and remain in that station of life in which God
wanted them to be. The history of religion is mostly the history of persecutions. Wars have
been fought in its name. Often progress has been stopped in the name of religion. It has
degenerated in dogmatism and bigotrism denying freedom of thought. It has favoured
war and poverty, exploitation and fatalism, suicide, slavery, untouchability and incest.
There is hardly a vice which religion has not at one time or another actively supported.
Blackmar and Gillin wrote that "religion, ever conservative and dogmatic, has tried time
and again to crush the spirit of earnest men seeking to discover the truth and to prevent
them from revealing newly discovered facts. It retarded the advance of science; it
interfered with the free inquiry of scholars; it suppressed the democratic aspirations
of the common people." In India the country was partitioned in the name of religion and
even today religion in the garb of communalism stands to threaten the national solidarity.
In spite of the various disservices which have been done in the name of
religion its persistence throughout the ages is a proof of its value. It has been the
propagator of basic values and ethical codes which provide cohesion to society and
integration to personality. Sumner and Keller summarized their verdict on religion
in the following words:
"If one looks dispassionately into the charges against religion and admits all of
them, either wholly or in some degree and then surveys and acknowledges the
costs in capital, effort, and pain that religious systems have imposed cold-bloodedly
and offensively upon mankind he is yet not the end, constrained to believe that the
article was worth the cost. Exceedingly expensive, it has also been incomparably
effective."

Viewed in one way there is no conflict between religion and science,

but viewed another way there is implacable conflict. Both views are correct. They
merely stress different aspects of the relationship. Let us discuss each in turn.
The no-conflict view points out that, religious beliefs refer to the world
beyond the senses. Therefore if they cannot be proved by the methods of science,
neither can they be disproved. Another way of expressing it is that religion deals with
first causes, science with immediate ones. A scientist can believe in God and yet be
a perfectly good biologist; he merely sees the facts and principles of biology as so
many manifestations of God's handiwork. His behavior in the laboratory can be
appropriate to the scientific situation and his behavior in church appropriate to the
religious situation with no feeling of incongruity.
This is all right as far as it goes, but we know in fact that although many
great scientists have been pious men, many others have been atheists; and we know
too that many of them, both pious and impious, have had serious trouble with
organized religion because of their scientific views. The root of the difficulty is in
part this- The boundary between the unknown and the known is a shifting one. What
was unknown yesterday is known today. Only a short while ago the origin of man on
the earth was unknown to the human intellect. Religious belief filled in the gap by
giving a very precise account of man's origin. The account was believed because it
was thought to be divinely revealed. Eventually, however, scientific investigation
began to bring the earthly origin of man into the factual domain. Here, then, there
was serious conflict. The scientist could not accept the religious account as literally
true and still be true to his science. Furthermore, he lived among people who were
not scientists and who consequently held tenaciously to the old view long after
science had disproved it. This situation created tension between him and the
ordinary layman or the religious official. So long as the frontier between the known
and the unknown is a shifting one, so long in other words as science is expanding,
there will be conflict between religion and science. Neither one will be vanquished
by this conflict, for as religion loses the battles, it merely retreats to higher levels.
The religious ideology grows more and more vague, more and more philosophical,
and less and less anthropomorphic, it changes from fundamentalist
to liberal, from dogma to philosophy.

Another root of conflict lies in the fact that science, like any other
organized pursuit, possess a faith of its own. It develops habits of mind and ethical
attitudes different from those prevailing in the traditional religions. The scientific
pursuit of empirical truth as the highest goal is exactly the opposite of the religious
pursuit of non-empirical truth. The scientist develops an ingrained skepticism
about existential propositions, by whoever made. He is thus likely to view with some
skepticism statements about the nature of heaven, the life after death, the
harmfulness of sin, the occurrence of miracles, and the revealed character of the
Bible. Religion retreats from such skepticism by reinterpreting its propositions,
making them symbolic and allegorical rather than literal. It also retreats by
emphasizing the importance of religious sentiments as against religious beliefs. But it
never surrenders.
The sharpest conflict between religion and science comes when religion
itself is subjected scientific analysis. Thus the man who, goes t o c h u r c h not with the
idea of worshiping but with the idea of analysing the causes of the behavior he
observes, will not find himself in tune with the occasion. He is similar to a man who
goes to a football game not with the intention of watching the play but with the
intention of watching the strange cries and antics of the crowd. If everyone in the
crowd takes the same attitude there would be no enthusiasm, no spirit to the thing.
Systematic analysis is opposite of crowd enthusiasm. If the public in general
undertake an analysis of religious behavior, using systematic research tools, it would
be the death of religion. Needless to say, such eventuality is not likely. Most
scientists will attempt to analyze everything else before they will ever tackle religion
and most laymen cannot even understand the statement of the problem.

RELIGION IN THE FACE OF CHALLENGE OF SCIENCE
The development of science and technology, communication and media has given
birth to the modem industrial capitalist society. This society possesses some distinctive
features such as high division of labour, individualism, specialisation, rationality,
urbanisation, secularisation of religion etc. According to Durkheim this type of society is
characterised by organic solidarity. One of the important sources of the collective
conscience is religion. The collective conscience, says Durkheim, has become very poor
or weak with the emergence of science and technology. The religious belief, practices and
rituals are being objectively observed which result in the displacement of the dogmas and
mythical traditions from the society. One o f the important functions of religion in the
traditional society is to establish interaction and harmony m society.
The scientific temperament and rationality have promoted the values of

secularism. Secularism refers to the faith, which is not associated with a particular
religion such as Hinduism, Christianity, Islam etc. The adherents of all religions are
respected equally and their faith and practices are objectively evaluated. Though Hinduism
is the prevalent religion of India, its Constitution maintains secularism. Thus, science and
technology is gradually enhancing the secular tradition of the society.
Max Weber in his doctoral thesis, "Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism" has
assumed that it is the religion, which has brought capitalism in the western society.
The industrial revolution of the European society was mainly based on this capitalistic
doctrine. Referring to India and China, he said that the Hinduism and Buddhism, the religion
of India and China respectively do not contain the basic ethos of capitalism. That is the
reason why they didn't progress in this direction.
Karl Marx has pointed out that the 'industrial mode of production' with its
association with the existing religion is a device of the Bourgeoisie to exploit the
Proletariat. According to Karl Marx religion is functional for the Bourgeoisie whereas it is
dysfunctional for the Proletariat. The religious ideology and belief are created by the
ruling class to harness and exploit the labour power of the working class.
The modem values and democratic political system have emerged as a result of
the growth in Science and technology. The religion is being misused by the politician
to win election, which is resulting in religious conflict and tension in the society. The party
system, to a great extent, is based on religious and communal ideologies which are not
conducive for the growth and development of the society like India.

Religion has been considered as one of the important mechanisms of the social
control. Now the degree of social control by religion has decreased with the rapid
spread of science and technology and formal organisation.
The functionalist thinkers like Talcott Parsons, Willbert Moore, Melvin Tumin, etc
assume that religion is still performing crucial roles in the integration, organisation
and solidarity of society. It is functional for the society. Merton has refused the
views of functionalists and has argued that, in the modem industrial society religion
acts as a divisive rather than the integrative force in the society.
Conclusion:
The religion is the inheritance of the society. It has been our tradition, which
cannot be easily ignored. Though with the emergence of science and technology some
aspects of it has become dysfunctional, it is still performing integrative roles. The
importance of religion cannot be totally abolished by the science and technology.
Religion and science are mutually correlated They together ensure the growth and
integration in the society. It is the two sides of the same coin.

SECTS (INDIAN CONTEXT)

As a religious group, sect stands for those who dissent from the interpretation of
the doctrine from an established Church and (the united work) as a communion of
religious brotherhood with a well defined creed. Its ideal type is a contrast to that of the
Church, though it may share some traits with the latter. Unlike the Church, the
membership of the sect is not compulsory. It is voluntary, relatively exclusive and often
qualified ritually.
The sect does not stand for unqualified universal conversion. God's grace is not
for all, nor is it bestowed automatically. It is owned by the individuals, personal faith
and ethical behaviour. Therefore, the sects have a disdain for the retained verbal spinning
of ecclesiastical theologians (Johnson).
The sect is often intolerant towards the religious group. It may or may not
proselytise. Obliteration of distinction between clergy and the laity is its chief
characteristic. In its organization, the sect is usually democratic. It may be this worldly as
well as the other worldly.
The sect takes birth in protest and rebellion, its relation with the political
authority mayor may not be smooth. If rebellious, the sect may be prosecuted.
Sectarianism has been quite pronounced in Christianity. Its cause is said to lie partly
in the Christian tradition itself. Christianity grew in protest so does the sect. The
Christian sects arose mostly to uphold the value of radical individualism, the ideal
of love and brotherhood, conscious concern for the poor.
Protest against the Church's view that religious authority inheres in the office and
a set of ritual ordination and not in the individual, has been another cause of
sectarianism in Christianity. A third cause is resentment against social institution the
Church supports. The sect is an explanation of social justice. The question relating to the
neglect of the poor and purely the Gospel often precipitated a sense of injustice,
discontent and dissatisfaction.
A sect encompasses not the whole but a part of society. Attaining identity easily it
tends to provide a sense of greater self-esteem to its members and thus it derives its
relevance. The greater the rebellion, the greater the criticism, the more is the sect's self
esteem and inner utility. Persecution of a rebellious sect all the more enhances its self
esteem and inner unity.

CULTS (INDIAN CONTEXT)

Cults are a special type of religious organization, characterized by a very
amorphous, loosely textured structure. They generally lack rigid, sharply defined
creeds and well-formulated criteria for membership. They are "open" rather than
"closed" groups-inviting all to come freely rather than admitting only a select few
who can pass strict doctrinal tests. Further, they lack tight discipline imposed by
rank-and-file members who are preoccupied with holding one another "up to the
mark." Cult leadership is informal and often built about the considerable
emotional appeal of a leader. Generally, cults are primarily concerned with the
problems of individuals, appealing to people who are confronted with loneliness, fear,
inferiority, tension, and kindred troubles. Some cults are built, about a single
function such as spiritual healing or spiritualism. Others, like various "New Thought"
cults, attempt to combine elements of conventional religion with ideas and
practices that are essentially nonreligious. Still others direct attention toward the
attainment of "self-awareness" or "self-realization," wisdom, or insight, for
instance, Vedanta, Subud, Soto Zen, the Human Potential Movement, and
transcendental Meditation.
Whereas church and denomination embody culturally approved forms of

religious belief and organization, cults, and sects are deviant when viewed against
churchly and denomenational respectability. However, cults differ from sects in
that cults are conceived by their members to be pluralistically legitimate, one of a
variety of paths to truth or salvation. In this respect, cults resemble denominations.
In contrast, the sect, like the church, views itself as being uniquely legitimate, it
alone possessing access to truth or salvation (Wallis, 1975).
The social reality of cult is essentially rooted in heretic act. This act is a
system of worship, a complex of feeling and attitudes, symbol (gestures, words,
rites and rituals) and primarily a relationship with sacred object and the world
beyond. It involves co-activity and a social boundary. In it the relationship
between the laity and clergy is not negligible but secondary.
The cult is a voluntary organisation open to all who wish to join or participate
in it. But where secretive, it tends to be highly exclusive. According to Johnson, 'In
general the cults are not strict except in financial matters'. Yet it tends to regulate
its members as per its doctrine and system of rituals which are well defined. A cult
emphasizes one doctrine (above all others) or it focuses upon a God or Goddess with
certain definite characteristics.
Cult seems to flourish in metropolitan centres where culturally heterogeneous

populations are thrown together and they widely feel the impact of most rapidly
impinging social change. It crates situation of contingency and powerlessness and
thus the problem of adjustment. The cult helps to meet that situation.

MONISM
Monism is a doctrine that there is only one supreme being rather than more
than one. The term was coined by Christian Woiff and was used by him to denote the.
philosophical theories which recognised only a single kind of reality. It is easy to
understand why the world in this artificial sense should never come into general use,
and in fact it was so employed only by individual thinkers of 18th century. It first found
a place in current speech as 'designation of a philosophical movement closely related
to the modern theory of biological evolution. In Germany the philosophical
movement referred to has found concrete expression in a monistic society
(Monistenbund), which has drawn to itself a considerable body of adherents.
Nevertheless, certain other applications of the term still maintain their ground. In
especial, the name 'monism' is given to the philosophical theory which instead of
subordinating the soul-to the body, or the body to the soul, interprets them as equivalent
aspects of a single fundamental process.
The classical period of German literature was dominated by an

idealistic monism and i n particular, in the philosophy of the period this type of
idealism found powerful support in Schelling's philosophy of identity. Yet, while in art
and philosophical thought the outer and inner worlds were made closely dependent
upon each other and were firmly interlinked, they were not regarded as of co-ordinate
authority, on the contrary the universe of reality seems here to be pervaded by an
inner life, and the union of the visible and the invisible world is brought about upon
the basis of the spirit. It was, however, strongly insisted upon that the inward life
cannot come to its own, or realize itself perfectly, without in some way embodying
itself and taking perceptible form in the external. Contrary to this the monism
frequently associated with the modern theory of evolution which was a naturalistic
tendency. It regards the physical world as the essential substance of the real and
differs from materialism only in the circumstance that conceives the psychical, not as
derived from physical processes, but as present from the first even in the most
minute elements of the material world and as forming an essential constituent therein.
Even so, however the psychical is not thought of as attaining to independence and
spontaneity; it has no powers or laws peculiarly its own, but is in every respect
subordinate to and wholly interwoven with external nature, nor again, on this theory,
is human life endowed with any special significance or accorded any distinctive
vocation. The naturalistic monism, in its theory of practical life, recognizes the ideal
ends of the Good, the True and the Beautiful undertakes the task of furthering them.
But it can do so only by contravening its own naturalistic principles and thus it comes to
exhibit the fatal inconsequence of theoretically recognizing unity as its supreme aim
while in practice falling into an absolute contradiction between thought and action.
Christianity itself is a monism- a spiritual monism-since it traces all reality to the divine
spirit. Monism has the advantage of providing a solution of the simplest kind for a
problem- the problem namely, of the interaction of soul and body; for, in this theory,
according to which the two series of fact proceed side by side quite independently
and yet remain ever in mutual harmony, there is no interaction at all, the specific,
data of either series being explained by the relations of that series alone.

PLURALISM
Pluralism implies the existence of many forms of belief systems. There are
many possible forms of pluralism. But the most significant ones are.those of materialistic
pluralism and spiritualistic pluralism .The possible forms which pluralism may take are
therefore many. It is not important, however, either to attempt to classify them or to
discuss them, because only materialistic pluralism and spiritualistic pluralism have had
any significant presentation in the history of thought.
1.Materialistic Pluralism(structural)
The atoms are very small particles of matter, so hard that they resist division
or change. They are qualitatively alike, but differ in size and shape, i.e. in their
geometrical properties. They have always existed and are indestructible. They move
freely in space by their own natural motion. Space is mere emptiness, the void, and
consequently offers no resistance to the movement of the atoms. The motion of each atom,
if left to itself, would be rectilinear, but, since the atoms differ in size and shape, they
collide with one another, and the motion of the whole mass is consequently turbulent.
As a result the geometrically similar atoms tend to congregate and form selected and
ordered systems, first the 'worlds' in space and then the particular things of each world.
But the general instability of the whole mass keeps any particular combination of atoms
from persisting indefinitely. There is consequently, perpetual combining and
recombining among the atoms; and on account of the many geometrical differences
between the atoms, the number of permutations and combinations is practically limitless.
With Democritus, as with t h e r est of his followers, this view of the atomic structure of
all things seems to have resulted from the attempt to generalize, solely in terms of the
geometrical properties involved, the empirical fact of the divisibility of concrete mass of
matter. The qualitative diversity which the world obviously presents is usually either
disregarded or viewed as a consequence of our way of perceiving.
2.The Spiritualistic pluralism(ethical)
At the core of this theory lies the belief that all things are made up of
monads in which the properties are spiritual or psychical such as appetite, desire,
perception.The highest monad in the body is the soul, and the highest monad in the system
is God. But God in relation to the other monads is not always clear. At times he is one of
the monads, at times their creator, at times the unity in the system. Among the monads
there is no spatial motion, for their life is not that of physical movement; but that of

purposeful development, it is their extemality to one another combined with their

conceited life that gives us the phenomenon of physical movement in physical space. The
clan worship system among the Australian Aborigines studied by Emile Durkheim
assumes pluralism. Hinduism also provides as the best example of pluralism. Thus
pluralism maintains that there is no absolute unity in the universe.

SECULARIZATION (INDIAN CONTEXT)
Secularization is the process by which traditional religious beliefs

and institutions lose their influence in society. As industrialization advances, the
general historical tendency is for societies to become increasingly secular or worldly
in their values, beliefs and institutions.
The principal cause of secularization is to be found in the complexity

of modem urbanized, industrialized society. In small-scale, simple societies,
religion extends to every aspect of experience. It suffuses all social institutions-
- law, family, art, politics, economic activity. Everyday routines such as eating,
hunting, or caring for the sick, all surrounded with religious ritual. Most people have
much the same kind of daily tasks and experiences and they share readily in a
common, unchallenged belief system.
In a complex modem society, however, many new specialized

institutions are present--- Medical institutions take care of the sick, welfare agencies
aid the poor, legal institutions handle deviant behaviour, educational institutions
transmit knowledge, scientific institutions explain the universe, economic
institutions organize the production and distribution of goods, political
institutions oversee society. Religion becomes a separate and distinct institution
with a limited field of influence and may even find itself in competition with other
institutions such as science or government. People play highly specific occupational
roles and follow different life styles and their varying experiences lead them to view
the world in different ways. Religious belief is no longer self evidently true.
Religion loses its monopoly of faith and has to compete with alternative belief
systems including even atheism. For the first time, people have a measure of
shock about what they will believe and many opt for different interpretations
of reality. Religious values, which once seemed relevant to every area of experience,
may appear to have little relevance to many aspects of daily life. Religious
commitments, if it exists at all, tend to become part-time rather than total.
A complex modern industrial society is necessarily based on a

scientific, rational view of the world. In many areas of knowledge, science offers a
more plausible explanation than traditional religion. The natural sciences have cast
in doubt many scriptural teachings, such as the account of God's creation of the
earth. The social sciences have also undermined religious belief, by revealing
possible sociological and psychological explanations of religion and thus
suggesting that religious doctrine is a human and not a divine product. The
educated citizen of a modern society, who has access to an unprecedented quantity
of historical and cross-cultural information is much more likely than the inhabitant
of a simple, preliterate society to see religious belief in realistic rather than
absolute terms.
The process of secularization may be measured in several ways. One is

the extent to which religion becomes a separate and distinct institution with a
limited role in society. As religion loses its earlier control over other areas of
social life, it becomes a marginal rather than an all encompassing institution.
This process is occurring in all industrial societies. A second measure of
secularization is the extent to which the churches have adapted their teachings
and rituals in order to come to terms with secular society, The modern church
faces a hard choice, it can either stick to traditional doctrines at the risk of losing
members and becoming a sect or it can modify its teachings and practices and
thus become secularized from within. Many churches attempt to become more
"relevant" to the modern world by establishing youth centers or by becoming
politically active, for example they lose many of their traditional and most distinctive
features in the process. Peter Berger (1979) suggests, the. churches and secular
society are engaged in a bargaining process, but the compromise inevitably
favors the stronger party- secular society. The churches may thus become more
concerned with preserving themselves than with their original mission.
A third measure of secularization is the declining m e m b e r s h i p of the

churches and the attendance at worship and other rituals. This p r o c e s s is in fact
difficult to measure and interpret. Figures for church membership are highly
unreliable. For many years it was widely felt that as science progressively provided
rational explanations for the mysteries of the universe, religion would have less
and less of a role to play and would eventually disappear, unmasked as nothing
more than superstition. No serious thinker accepts that view today. There are still

gaps in our understanding that science can never fill. On the most relatively
important questions of the meaning and purpose of life and the real nature
of morality, science is utterly silent and by its very nature, always will be. We can
probably anticipate a continuing decline in allegiance to traditional, church-oriented
religion, for these belief systems will have to compete with an increasing number
of other systems that many people will find at least as rationally or emotionally
satisfying. But this does not mean that there will be no place for a belief in the
sacred and supernatural. Few citizens of modern societies would utterly deny the
possibility of some supernatural, transcendental realm that lies beyond the
boundaries of ordinary experience, and in this fundamental sense religion is
probably here to stay.
Bryan Wilson (1966) defined secularization as the process in which

religious thinking, practice an institutions lose social significance. In Europe
secularization is held to little consequence of the social changes brought about by
urban, industrial society. Critics of this account argue:- (1) it has to assume the
existence of a 'golden age' of RELIGION, when religious institutions did have
widespread social significance; (2) it exaggerates the presence of rational,
secular belief in modem society, ignoring the evidence of superstition and magic;
(3) it cannot account for the prevalence of cults among the young, especially
those deriving from Oriental religions such as Hare Krishna, Divine Light Mission
and the Meher Baba movement; (4) i t underestimates the importance of organized
Christianity as a political force in Europe and North America; 5) in a comparative
perspective, the vitality of Zionism, militant Islam and radical Catholicism in Latin
America suggests that there is no necessary connection between
MODERNIZATION and secularization; (6) by adopting a narrow definition of religion,
it equates secularization with de-Christianization; (7) there are processes in
modem societies which ascribed a transcendental or SACRED significance to the self;
these processes constitute an INVISIBLE RELIGION.
While these criticisms have not been adequately overcome, it can be

argued that the diversity of religious cults and practices in modem society
demonstrates that religion has become a matter of personal choice rather than a
dominant feature of public life. It is further suggested that; while religion may play
an important role in fundamentalist struggles against modernization.
The process of secularization is, however, highly variable between

different industrial societies and in some European societies (such as France, Ireland,
Italy and Holland), Christianity still has an important social role. Understanding
secularization is thus necessary for any analysis of the culture of capitalist societies.
Finally, some theorists of GLOBALIZATION suggest that religion contributes in
significant ways to the emergence of global cultures.
Conclusion
Secularization is taking place in all industrial societies as they become more

diversified and the influence of the religious institution shrinks. The role of
organised religion in a heterogeneous modern society may continue to decline, but
religion still addresses important problems that other belief systems ignore.
SECULARISATION (CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECT)
Constitution of India has made India a secular state. Though this has
been repeatedly said in the Constitution, yet to make that more specific the word
secular was added to the preamble of the Constitution when it was amended with
the passing of Forty-Second Constitution Amendment Act. India is of course the
land of people having faith in different religions but the country as a whole will not
have any religion as such. Each and every religion shall have full right to develop and
grow, without hindrance to any other religion.
What is a Secular State?
Before we proceed further as to whether India is a secular state or not,

let us first know as to what is a secular state. A secular state does not mean an
irreligious state. It also does not mean a state in which morality will have no
meaning or in which basic principles and faiths of different religions of the world
will not be taught. It will not mean state in which religion will not be respected. All
that a secular state means is that it will be a state in which the state a s such will
have no religion of its own. It will allow all its citizens freedom of conscience and
practise religion of their choice, but their religion will neither be a hindrance nor a

factor responsible for retarding progress, development and advancement of anyone.

In the words of Dr. Ambedkar, "All that a secular state means is that the
Parliament shall not be competent to impose any particular religion upon the rest
of the people."
If we observe the lives of labourers in the factory, the clerks in offices;

shopkeepers, medicos, lawyers etc. in modern India, we shall find that though
India is considered to be religion- dominated land; there is little religion in the day-to-
day activities of an average Indian. The lives of most of the educated Indians are
governed not by any religious consideration but scientific facts and utilitarianism. Even
their adherence to some old traditions is due not to religion but to some practical
utility which they are able to find in it. They would justify their adherence to
tradition not by religious authority but by its being useful to the society. Not only
the educated but even unlettered now show less respect for religion. Though the
secularization of life is more in evidence in the urban areas and among the
educationally more advanced persons. The winds of secularism are now blowing
all over freely and the religious bigotary is retreating everywhere.
In India secularization is more in evident among Hindus than persons of

other religions. There is much less secularization among Jats, Sikhs and Muslims.
They follow the religious traditions more strictly than the Hindus.
Definition of Secularisation
Defining secularization, Dr. M.N. Srinivas writes, "The term

'secularization' implies that what was previously regarded as religious now ceasing
to be such, and it also implies a 'process of differentiation which results in the
various aspects of society, economic, political, legal and moral, becoming
increasingly discrete in relation to· each other. Thus the process of
secularization is non-religious. In other words as secularization increases religion
loses hold. As we have mentioned earlier in India secularization is fast progressing,
particularly among Hindus, better-educated and urban classes.
Briefly following are its characteristics-
1. Decline of Religion

More secularization, less religion, this is a universal.. social law.

Wherever the forces of secularism are strong, the forces of religion lost hold and
become weakened. Among Hindus, in various walks of life, the importance of
religion is nominal, and the course of things is decided by reason and pragmatism.
2. Process of Differentiation
The increase. of secularism leads to an increase in the differentiation of

various aspects of society. Thus in modern times an educated Hindu considers
the economic, the political, the legal and moral issue separate and does not allow
their mixing up as this unnecessarily confuses the issues. The matters pertaining
to law cannot be decided on moral basis and the economic issues cannot be
resolved politically. Therefore with secularization clubbing of diverse issues
together ceases as is the case with the religious interpretation.
3.Reasonableness
An outstanding feature of secularization is the rule of reason and
discarding of superstition. A secular person considers every issue at the par of
reason and is not swayed by the authority of religious scriptures. The personal life of
a secular person guided by reason and intelligence. He is critical of accepting
anything on faith and therefore analytically examines each and every issue.
4. Scientific Attitude
The adoption of scientific attitude towards life is an important
characteristic of secularism. According to Freud as the influence of science grows
on man, the influence o f religion declines. The expansion of modern education also
reinforces the values of secularism and militates against religion.
Changes Due to Secularization
The above discussion makes clear the nature of secularism. The process of
secularization started with the advent of British rule but it got accelerated with
industrialization and urbanization. Before going into causes of secularization it will
be well worth as to examine how it has affected the various aspects of life.

The areas most affected by secularisation are caste system, family and rural
community. A brief study of these influences in the areas will be made below-
(1) The Impact of Secularization on Caste system :

The Distinction of Pure and Impure.
In Indian society the influence of Hindu religion is to be seen in
distinction of pure and impure. From the religious point of view many actions are
regarded as impure, in particular if a high- caste person does action reserved for
the low castes he will get tainted by impurity. For example, the activities reserved for
the Shudras, if done by the high caste person, he will become impure. The sentiment
of untouchability is linked with this feeling of impurity. The high caste individual was
not supposed to have any touch with the low caste or an untouchable, even the
shadow of an untouchable was sufficient t o soil him. A food touched by the low
caste is not eaten by the high caste, because it is considered to have become
impure and unfit for consumption by high carte. The removal of night soil,
scavenging etc. are considered to be impure actions. On a number of occasions
woman was considered impure. For example, woman is considered impure
while menstruating, the food cooked by her was considered impure.
Under the impact of industrialization there is great change in Hindu

society regarding purity and impurity. In the past the high caste person would rather
starve than take to the profession of lower caste; but now even Brahmins sell
shoes. Now-a-days a menstruating woman freely moves everywhere and does
all household duties. She is no longer considered impure, requiring quarantine.
Now-a-days the feeling of untouchability is declining. A Brahmin and Chamar in
leather trade share not only business but also eat together. The English educated
young men are averse to considering anything pure or impure merely because of
religious sanction. Now, on account of enlightenment, the criterion of pure and
impure is not religious scripture but the rules of hygiene. A number of traditional
actions are still considered valid and adhered to, but this adherence is not on
account of religion but the principles of good health and hygiene. Thus now the
distinction between pure and impure is no longer based on religion, its basis has
become secular.
(2) Change in Samskaras

Samskara is a chief characteristic of Hindu society. For different castes,

different types of samskaras are essential on different occasions. For example -
without the Upanayan Samskar no Brahmin could be considered twice-born. In
ancient times Upanayan Samskar was ceremonized some time after the child
went to the school. For Hindus there are numerous samskaras for all the life;
the chief among these are Garbhadhan (conception), Punsavan,· Jatkanna,
Namkaran (Baptization), Upnayan, Samavaiian (marriage and funeral). For all
of these there is prescribed elaborate rituals. Now under the impact of
secularization there is great change in the performance of these samskaras, For
example, the sanskaras like Gathhadhan, Jatkarina are now almost extinct. Now
no educated Hindu performs them. Now the first Sarnskara still prevalent is
Nainakaran and this too has lost its religious significance and has now become an
occasion of social get together in which people collect for feasting and
.expressing happiness over the birth of the child. Even now. there is a priest to
ceremonize the samskaras but now people pay less attention to him than to plates
filled with dainties. The Upanayan samskara is now linked with marriage. Majority
of persons prefer, to do the sacred thread few days before the marriage. Maximum
change ill rituals has taken place in the case of marriage, Nov'! only going round
the fire and kanyadan are held as necessary. Even these are done perfunctorily and
little attention is paid 'to the recitation of the priest. Thus secularization has taken
the religious string out of samskaras.
(3) Secularization of Family

Family and marriage are the primary institutions The impact of
secularisation on marriage has already been discussed The 'provision of divorce
and civil contract have greatly secularized the institution of marriage. In family
also the impact of secularization is to be felt 1TI8st in the day by , day of the persons
In Hinduism the day by day- life of various activities are fixed. For Brahmins worship,
scriptural reading and yajna etc are the must. But consequent upon secularization
very few Brahmin families today stick to this routine. The secularization has
revolutionized the kitchen and the distinction of pure and impure is now virtually
non-existent. In matter of food- also there is little religion now. The festivals are
still celebrated but now they have become more a social affair than reilgious Now
people celebrate Holi, Diwali etc, not so much for their religious significance as
for their entertainment value Some festivals are now celebrated on larger scale
but this is not due to any realization of their religious significance Rather there are
psychological causes for it Now more people are going to places of pilgrimage
but the main reason is not earning of merit as sightseeing and whiling away
time Now people' going to religious places on altitude and to places not easily
accessible are not strictly motivated by the religious spirit. There is more sense
of adventure and a curiosity to know our country which again is there result of
our education. Now-the respect for Sadhus and mendicants among householders
is much less. In urban areas the place of religion in family is now becoming
extinct.
(4) Secularization in Rural India
In the urban areas the impact of secularization is quite obvious, but the
rural India also is not immune to this influence. In villages the effectiveness of
Panchayats is declining, and wherever there are Panchayats these are now organized
on political rather than religious basis. III the rural India also, now a person is not
respected so much for his religion as for his money. That is why in the rural India
money-lender is respected more than a Brahmin. If a member of a low caste has
more money he is respected more than a poor high caste. The influence of religion
on the family system in the villages is also declining. The changes parallel to those
jn the urban families have occurred in the rural families also. Even then the
secularization in rural India is on a lesser scale than in the cities. Though inter-caste
marriages are rare in the village some stray cases can be seen. In Panchayats
now the problems are discussed from the socio-political angle rather than, religious.
The festivals have turned into social occasions. In villages the persons of all castes
can be seen to be engaged in the profession of secularization
Causes of Secularization--
(1)Education--The most important reason of secularization is modern education which

came to India with the British. With the knowledge of English, science and modem socio-
political thinking the thinking of people inclined towards secularism. The educated
intelligentsia abandoned all the 'superstition and false beliefs and put the entire tradition
to critical analysis and accepted those parts of the tradition which can stand the test of
reason. With the co-education the tendency to inter-caste marriage received a fillip. The
educated person. is more pragmatic and utilitarian in his thinking and ideas and this
encourages secularism. The members of different castes met in the educational institutions
and this helped to discourage untouchability and caste feelings.

(2) Development of Means of Transport and Communication The development of the

means of transport and communication has helped a lot the process of secularisation.
The train, bus and taxi have helped people to come together easily and frequently. This has
encouraged catholicity of outlook. This gave a blow to caste-system and helped reduce
the feeling of untouchability. The development of means of transport and communication
helped the villagers to come to towns and take the message of liberalism back to their
homes.
(3) Social and Religious Reforms

During the British rule Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Keshav
Chandra Sen, Mahadev Govind Ranade, M.K. Gandhi, Swami Dayanand etc. led a
number of social and religious reform movements which greatly encouraged rational
and critical thinking. Naturally this helped the movement of secularism.
(4)Legal Reforms
In modem time Hindu Code Bill greatly modernized and secularized the Hindu
society. The various laws enable women to seek divorce, recei ve alimony. Property
succession provisions, . adoption provisions etc have helped to liberate and emancipate
women. This made the marriage and family a non-permanent affair. The 1955
Untouchability Eradication Law gave blow to untouchability and the distinction of pure
and impure. In modern times all adults arc equal before law. Besides the constitutional
provision of equality before law, Indian Constitution declares India to be a. secular
democratic republic. All this has of course encouraged secular forces in India.
(5) Contribution of Political Organization

Some political organizations like D.M.k. have. directly attacked the
Hindu society and thus encouraged secularism. On the other hand, pro-Hindu
organizations like R.S.S. & Hindu Mahsabha also helped secularization by calling
for reforms in the Hindu society ..
(6)Urbanisation --In cities the separateness of caste is impossible. This indirectly

encouraged secularism
(7) Lack of Hindu Organization
From the religious viewpoint, the Christians, the Muslims, the Jats and Sikhs
are more organized than the Hindus. In Hinduism there are more sects than in any
other religion. Though these sects are nominally Hindu values common among them.
Therefore the sectarian organization are not helpful to Hinduism as a whole.

Hinduism is indeed so catholic a religion the anybody, believing in any God and
having any life style, may be considered Hindu. On account of this loose
organization the influence of Hinduism today is waning. Because of its loose
character and organization Hindus are not strict about their religious duties and
performances. Because of this Hinduism is more vulnerable to secularization than
other religion.
(8) Secularization of Indian Culture
Though the Indian culture is known as being religion dominated, it is becoming

progressively secularized In this process of secularization, modem education, cinema,
radio, newspaper are important factors. In modem times the foundation of many
cultural beliefs are found in secular matters rather than religious. In this way in the
spheres of literature, art, music etc the influence of religions is declining and the
influence of democratic, rational and scientific thinking is increasing. India, being
a secular country, its publicity department tries to spread secularism
(9) Secularization of Professions
In ancient India the choice of profession was made on the basis of religion.
The religious scriptures had fixed the professions of different castes. Now the
members of modem generation do not consider it obligatory to choose their
professions on the basis of religion but are guided by practical and pragmatic
considerations in this respect.
(10) Lack of Political Support
In ancient times Hindu Kings used to support the Hindu religion and this helped it
to maintain itself. In the British times also the states like Travancore-Cochin,
Mysore, Baroda, Jaipur, Jammu & Kashmir, where Hindu Rajas were ruling were
citadals of Hindu Dharma because these kings were supporting the Hindu Dharma.
After the independence when the states merged into federal India the support to
Hindu Dharma came to an ends. Now-a-days Nepal is the only country where
Hinduism is receiving royal patronage. Of course, the overwhelming majority of
Hindus live in India. The withdrawal of government support has dealt a blow to

spread and maintenance of Hinduism. As the Hindu institutions are .denied the
financial help from the government they have become weak and unviable. Even
the -property of Mathas is coming under state control. On account of decline in the
prestige, power and influence of monastries, the heads of these monastries have
begun taking interest in politics. All this has given a fillip to the process of
secularization.
The above discussion of the process of secularization makes it clear that in
the near future there is no possibility of this process slowing down. In the.recent
past an organization entitled 'Vishva Hindu Parishad' is trying to consolidate the
Hindu interests at an international level. The efforts of this organization may help
Hindus to organize politically but it is not expected that this will halt the process of
secularization. Indeed the spread of secularization is due to the reason that in
order to be a Hindu it is not obligatory to perform any rituals and carry out any
religious observances. For example, a Hindu may or may not go to a temple, or
observe fast on a particular day etc. A Hindu is left to his own discretion to
chalk out his way of life. This liberalism has certainly encouraged secularism. If
the spirit of revivalism overtakes Hinduism and under its influence a certain
minimum code of conduct becomes obligatory for every Hindu, the process of
secularization may slow down but it cannot be altogether halted. Indeed except
Hindu the followers of all other religions are under obligation to follow certain rules
of-conduct and perform certain religious observances. For example, a Mohammadan
must have innate faith in the prophethood of Mohammad and the unity of God and
besides perform 'namaz' five times a day. That is why process of secularization
.is slow among Muslims. If Hinduism wants to maintain its separate entity it
must make it obligatory upon its adherents to compulsory perform certain actions.
This would, on the one hand encourage a sense of unity among Hindus and on the
other, distinguish it from other religions.
RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN INDIA

[Refer to INDIAN SOCIAL SYSTEM and SOCIETY IN INDIA by RAM AHUJA]
COMMUNALISM (INDIAN CONTEXT)

At present India is facing several society-destructive tendencies i.e. terrorism,
separatism, and communalism, etc. First two tendencies are of recent origin whereas last
one is centuries old phenomenon. The communalism or communal ideology consists
of three basic elements or stages, one following the other. First it is belief that people
who follow the same religion have common secular interests i.e. Common political,
economic, social and cultural interest. This is bedrock of communal ideology.
The second element of communal ideology rests on the notion that in multi-
religious society like India; the secular interests i.e., the social, cultural and economic
and political interests of the followers of one religion are dissimilar and divergent from
the interest of the followers of another religion.
The third stage of communalism is reached when interest of the followers of

different religions or different communities are seen to be mutually incompatible,
antagonistic and hostile. Thus the communalists assert that Hindus and Muslims or
Hindus or Sikh cannot have secular interest and that their secular interests are bound to
be opposed to each other. Communal violence is a conjectural consequences of
communal ideology. Similarly, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh & Christian communalism are not
very different from each other, they are varieties of the same communal ideology.
Growth of communalism in India is a relatively recent development.

Communalism emerged as a consequence of the emergence of modem politics which
marked a sharp break with the politics of medieval of pre- 1857 period.
Traditionally, Hindus, Muslim and Sikhs constituted three important religious

communities in India. All through the Indian History, the average members of Hindu and

Muslim or Hindu and Sikh community believed as good neighbours and maintained' cordial
relations. Although in case of Hindus and Muslims there did exist restrictions on
commensality and inter-marriage. But such restriction did not come, in the way for co-
operation for common economic, political or social objectives.
However, the situation started changing after 1857. The defeat of the
Mutineers and the establishment of British rule throughout India after 1857 was a
disastrous blow to the position of Muslim in the country, They fell from the privileged
status of ruling class and rapidly sank into poverty and backwardness. The deliberate
British policy of discriminating against the Muslim hastened their decline.
After the end of 19th century, the policy of British towards the Muslims changed.
They adopted the policy of organising Muslim community as a counter-weight to Indian-
Nationalism. Thus, the further growth of Hindu and Muslim communalism was to a
large extent, the result of the deliberate policy of 'Divide and Rule' followed by the
British. As Mahatma Gandhi declared, "the problem of communalism was co-evil with the
British advent".
Later on the constitutional reforms were introduced in 1909 and Lord

Morley, the viceroy repeatedly insisted that separate electorate would alone satisfy Muslim
interests, Thus the second ft stage of communalism whereby different religious
communities view their secular interest as mutually exclusive, was reached by the time
separate electorates were awarded by the Morley- Minto Reforms. In the words of
Ashok Mehta and Achyut Patwardhan, the communal and separatist tendencies were
sedulously cultivated and adroitly exploited to ensure the safety of British Raj. Other
factors which contributed to the rise of separatism included absence of an educated
middle class among the Muslims with modem secular outlook.
Some of the nationalist leaders like Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Aurobindo Chosh
and Lajpat Rai also contributed to the' growth of. communalism. The "Shuddhi
Movement" launched by Arya Sarnaj with which Lala Lajpat Rai was closely associated
also antagonised the Muslims. The communalism was also an expression of the interest
and aspiration of the middle class in. social situations in which opportunities for them
were grossly inadequate.The Hindu-Muslim conflict was frequent with the matter of
landlordism and peasantry.

During this period, a number of communal organisation had come-into

existence among Hindus and Muslims e.g. the first session of All India Hindu Mahasabha
was held in 1915; while. All India Musum League had already been founded in 1907 under
the leadership of Zamindars, ex- bureaucrats and upper class Muslims' like Agha Khan,
the Nawab of Dhaka etc. The Hindu as well as Muslim communalists tried to create the
psychological fear among Hindus and Muslim - the fear of being deprived, threatened and
even exterminated. Even after independence, the virus of communalism did not die and
the post independence development of last 50 years has shown that the problem of
communalism continues to remain in India and is growing day by day. In fact the
instances of communal riot in Meerut, Delhi, Moradabad, Ahgarh, Ahmedabad, Bombay,
Hyderabad and recently in Gujarat are far too many to be counted and described The new
faces of communalism is showing itself in the growth of separatist movement among
the Sikhs leading to continuing terrorist violence over last 10 years in Punjab and along
with religious communalism, caste-based communalism is also becoming a recurrent
feature of Indian society.
The reason for continuation of communalism after independence and its new
manifestation can be traced to the nature of Indian polity, economy and society.
Functioning of modem democratic political system in a traditional society divided
among castes and religious communities has contributed to the growth of communal
politics. The precondition for the smooth functioning of liberal democratic system is
secularisation of social life and liberation, of individuals from the hold of corporate
groups like caste, family, state or religion as it manifested in the ideology of
individualism. In India, the democratic political system was adopted because of the
preferences of the westernized political elite represented by Nehru, without
corresponding, modernisation of social life as manifested in the principle of
individualism and secularism and the growth of political parties based on secular
ideology and participatory civic culture. The competitive electoral- politics forms the
legitimate means for access to political power in a democratic system. However, in the
absence of effective party machinery for the political mobilization of the masses, the
political leadership has often appealed to the caste and religious sentiments of the people
to gain electoral support. Thus religion and caste have become new means for political
mobilisation and has acquired a' new lease of life. As can be seen from the politicisation
of Ram Janina Bhumi vs Babri Masjid issue or the policy of reservation for Backward
classes. Moreover rapid and uneven economic development and disproportionate growth of
cities, has! to the growth of religious fundamentalism among the all religious
communities The uneven development of cities has led to growth of mass poverty on
one hand and unprecedented affluences among a small section of the elite Often, the

economic grievances of the poorer section of the majority communities are given a
communal interpretation by political leadership to further their own political interest Thus
compulsions of electoral politics in an unevenly grown economy and traditional society
has contributed to the continuation of communalism among various religious and caste
communities.
To conclude, it may be assumed that communalism is a major disintegrating force

in Indian society. It has its long history and now its face is changing with the lSI backed
Muslim terrorists who are involved in spreading communal conflict. On the other side,
the Christian's policy of converting the tribal and other communities has also led to
tension in the society. Hindu Godmen, cult and sects are generally politically backed and it
is the political interest for which religion is used. This ultimately leads to communal
conflict. India is a secular country where there has been the existence of multi-religious
communities in the country therefore, we should ensure our rich tradition of peaceful co-
existence.

CONVERSIONS
The problem of conversion is late development in the Indian society. For a number
of centuries, no one heard about conversion into Hinduism in India, since there
was no recognised practice of conversions in Hinduism just as in other religions After
foreigners settled in India and gradually accepted the habits, practices and then the norms
and values, they came to be absorbed into the Hindu fold with help of the Jati structure.
Some of the tribal communities who were absorbed in the caste hierarchy,
became Hindus and also carried out the attempt to Sanskritise without ever being
converted to Hinduism by any agency or otherwise. N.K. Bose, in one article entitled
"Hindu Methods of Tribal Association" states that village Hinduism never made any
attempt to convert tribes, except perhaps, the Shuddhi in Arya Samaj. Hinduism as a
whole does not prescribe either institutional and other methods for converting people to
its faith. At example of Hindu method of absorbing tribes is that of economic problems.
In the Hindu caste system, they were evaluated by their occupation and habits and since
their occupation was agriculture and habits include liquor consuming, they were ranked
at the low level of caste hierarchy. Thus, the absorption of Juangs in the Hindu
hierarchy shows that Hinduism, a pluralistic, tolerant all pervasive and syncretic religion
engulfs small tribal communities without any institutionalised attempts of conversions.
It was the coming of Muslim in India which figured with problem of conversion.
During the Muslim periods converts to Islam were drawn from the lower, strata of the
society. Very few from the higher strata joined Muslim ranks since they were not given
equal treatment along with the original Muslims. Apart from this discrimination that
was followed in Indian Islam despite the principle of equality in Islam, some Hindu
converts chose to continue their, old lifestyle just like Rajput Muslims.
With the emergence of Arya Samaj under which the conversion was
incorporated as a principle of Hinduism, the Shuddhi practice as laid down by Dayanand
Saraswati became the means by which the non-Hindus can be converted into Hinduism.
Although, this principle was laid down, it was never vigorously pursued. It is only in the
recent time, after the mass conversions of Harijans into Islam at Meenakshipuram in
Tamilnadu that Hindu missionaries became active for winning converts to their fold. A
few year earlier, they started playing on active role in Arunachal Pradesh, all as a
competitor for Christian missionaries there. At that time also, we heard of certain
clashes among these competiting group of religions.

Furthermore, the coming of Christian missionaries also brought into focus the
practice of conversions, particularly, as Christian missionaries, made it point of civilising
the "barbarians". Indeed their activities were not so condemnable as those of Christian
missionaries in China, Africa and some other areas of the world. The Christian Mission
succeeded in winning low caste people as well as tribes, mostly because of their zeal,
their sense of discipline and the financial resources at their disposals. Every time when
a Christian missionary succeeded in converting non-Christians into Christian fold, they
invariably won over the converts by providing welfare amenities like medical care,
educational facilities and even some financial help. Most of the deprived in
society who went over to Christianity were tempted by these small benefits that
came in the wake of conversion to Christianity.
If at all conversion do pose any sort of sociological problems, it is
primarily in the form of harmony between the group ad group. Whenever
tension arise between the one group and another because of religious
differences, they are of very minor nature except in the cases of Muslims
Moreover, it has to be constantly kept in mind that whenever conversion occurs
from Hindu community, the persons who are converted invariably carry a number
of structure with their normative values into their new. folds In brief, conversion do
not pose any major challenge, either at structural or cultural level, to the majority
community, and more so because the majority, community's structural and
cultural features are in the process of transformation because of modernisation.
However, in post-independence India with the adoption of policy of

protective discrimination for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Backward
classes, conversion as a means of gaining social mobility has lost its appeal
Conversions of Mahar to 'Buddhism' in Maharashtra. And the recent
Meenakshipuram incident in Tamilnadu are the only cases. Further, the expansion
of opportunities for economic and social advancement due to economic
development and modernisation have discouraged people from resorting to
religious conversions
Meenakshipuram Event-- The recent incident of Harijan conversion to Islam

mainly in South India- has great importance representing both a challenge and
an opportunity to Hinduism. Meenakshipuram made a dramatic entry into Hindu

consciousness. Meenakshipuram is a symbol of the Harijans quest for equality, not

a Muslim challenge to Hindu India These conversion will not change the face or
the reality of India, but Muslim Indians should not be asked to slam the doors of
the mosque in the face of the Harijans who may wish to enter it. The conversions
to Buddism led by Dr. Ambedkar did not really solve any problem and the
conversion to Islam is even less likely to do so. But the present mass conversion
can by no stretch of imagination be looked upon as a conscience change and
the dangers that they pose to harmonious relations between various
communities cannot be ignored. Nor can the possible reaction be
underestimated.
To conclude, it may be said that religion is a matter of personal choice
and in the secular country like India everybody has right to choose the religious belief. If
the scheduled. Castes are satisfied and enjoy higher status in terms of social and
economic by adopting Buddhism, then nothing is wrong in it. But as far as conversion
of tribes by the Christian missionaries is concerned, it may be observed that the
missionaries try to impose values against Indianness. which is wrong. The tribal identity
and cultural values are also being crushed by it. Therefore this sort of conversion
should be checked. The forced and persuasive conversion is also not apt in Indian
context.

RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM (INDIAN CONTEXT)
The very mention of the word "fundamentalism" conjures up an image which came
to characterise an especially militant brand of anti-modernism, anti-liberalism and anti-
secularism.
Fundamentalism or revivalism is an effort by religious adherents who like to go
back to what they believe to be, pure and having original values and behaviors. The forces
of social change are important for the emergence of fundamentalism. Whenever there
are drastic changes in society and pace of change which disturbs community life, very
often there is a loss of identity and rootlessness among people. In such a situation
people clutch any support for solace. Fundamentalism promises certitude and
restitutions of an earlier better age. The psychological appeal of this is difficult for
people to resist.
To achieve and restitute this earlier better age, fundamentalism evolves a
comprehensive and absolutist, rigid belief system and practices. This belief and practices
which promises to bring happiness is capable of motivating intense commitment among
its followers. So much so non-believers are denied their rights. That is why fundamentalism
very often takes on a rather aggressive, militant form where killing and terrorism are
justified since the end - usually the establishment of homeland justifies the means.
T.N.Madan has pointed out that the word fundamentalism has gained wide
currency in the temporary world. According to him it refers to a variety of norms,
values, attitudes which either judges the fundamentalists or condemns them outright.
This word is sometimes erroneously used in place of communalism. In fact the word
fundamentalism has become a blanket term. That is to say that various fundamental
movements across the world are not identical but differ in various ways. But they are linked
by a family resemblance.
Fundamentalist movements are of the collective character. They are often led
by the Charismatic leaders who are usually men. Thus in 1979, Iranian movement was
led by Ayatollah Khomeini, and the Sikh fundamentalist upsurge by saint Bhindranwale
Fundamentalist leaders need not to be religious leaders. Thus Maulana Maududi, founder
of Janiati Ismati in India was a Journalist, K B Hedgewar , founder of Rashtriya Sewak
Sangh, was a physician.
Fundamentalists are a practical people and tried to p urge the way of life of all
impurities. They reject all corrupt life styles. An example of this is Dayanand's critique of
the traditional superstition filled way of life. Thus Maulana Moududi characterised the

present Muslim way of life as ignorant and Bhindranwale talked of the fallen Sikh who
shave off their beards, cut their hair and do not observe the traditional Sikh way of life
Thus fundamental movements are not only about religious beliefs and practices, but
lifestyle generally.
Thus fundamentalist movements are reactive and a response to what the
persons involved - the leaders and participants-consider a crisis. The crisis calls for urgent
remedies. The basic programme is presented as a return to the original tradition.
That is to say, the contemporarity redefined fundamentals, which cover the present day
needs. This usually involves a selective retrieval of traditions. It may even be an invention of
tradition. The case of Dayanand illustrates this very well. He tried to evolve a semitised
Hinduism in response to the challenge for conversion by Christian missionaries. He
claimed that the Vedas were the only true form of Hinduism and his call was to back to
Vedas.
The pursuit of political power is very important to fundamentalists. The Arya

Samajists were ardent nationalist in North India and the movement had its political
overtones. Again the RSS which has been described as a cultural organization, has had
close links with the political parties, and contemporarily with the Sangh Parivar. This covers
both the cultural and political aspect of Hindu nationalism. This explains why
fundamentalist movement often turns violent and the ideology of secularism is rejected.
They are totalitarian and do not tolerate dissent. However these movement also perform
particular role in modern society which cannot be ignored.
Thus, an objective intellectual analysis should consider fundamentalism as a

distinctive category. It is not theocracy or backward communalism.

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THE PUNE INSTITUTE FOR ADMINISTRATIVE CAREERS

RELIGION AND SOCIETY

1) SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF RELIGION

2) TYPES OF RELIGIOUS PRACTICES- ANIMISM, MONISM,

3) RELIGION IN MODERN SOCIETY-

1) RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN INDIA

2) PROBLEMS OF RELIGIOUS MINORITIES

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A common approach to a substantive deﬁnition of religion is to deﬁne it in terms of

The problems of deﬁnition should not, however, be exaggerated.The disputes tend to

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RELIGION — A FUNCTIONALIST PERSPECTIVE

The functionalist perspective examines religion in terms of society's needs. Functionalist

The sacred and the profane

It is important to realise that:

Religion and the ‘collective conscience’

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Durkheim emphasised the importance of collective worship.The social group comes

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Dawson concludes that Durkheim's: theoretical approach is criticised for both

Religion and life crises

Religion, prediction and control

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Fishing is an important subsistence activity in the D Trobriands. Malinowski observed"

Therefore, we can summarise by saying that Malinowski’s distinctive contribution to the

Religion and value consensus

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In a Christian society theTen Commandments operate in this way.They demonstrate

Religion and social order

The second problem area is that of ‘uncertainty’.This refers to endeavours in which a

Religion and meaning

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Criticisms of the functionalist approach

The functionalist perspective emphasises the positive contributions of religion to

The Marxist perspective on religion, which we consider below, provides a contrast to

RELIGION — A MARXIST PERSPECTIVE

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Religion as ‘the opium of the people’

In Marx’s words,‘Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a

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The rich man in his castle

The poor man at his gate,

God made them high and lowly,

And ordered their estate.

Religion and social control

By offering an illusion of hope in a hopeless situation, it prevents thoughts of

Because religion was an instrument of oppression, it followed that if oppression came

Evidence to support Marxism

morally conservative views during his presidency.

According to Bruce,the New Christian Right support ‘a more aggressive anti-communist

ENGELS AND NEO-MARXISTS - RELIGION AS A RADICAL FORCE

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Engels - Christianity and social change

Roger O'Toole (I984), commenting on the Marxist sociology of religion, argues:‘Beginning

OTTO MADURO - THE RELATIVE AUTONOMY OF RELIGION

Maduro is a neo-Marxist.WhiIe accepting many aspects of Marx's analysis of religion, he

ln concluding her discussion of Marxist theories of religion, Meredith B. McGuire (2002)

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and unpredictable than Marx claimed. She says,

GENDER, FEMINISM AND RELIGION

RADICAL FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON RELIGION

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