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The Socio-Language Perspectives on the Filipino Cultural System of the Ilocano Society, C. F.
Bueno
UNP Research Journal Volume XXII January-December 2013 ISSN 0119-3058
The Socio-Language Perspectives on the Filipino Cultural System

of the Ilocano Society
Christopher F. Bueno
ABSTRACT
The study dealt with the socio-language perspectives of the Filipino

Cultural System relevant to the terminologies of the Ilocano society. The
cultural terminologies are translated into Filipino and English language as a
standard form in the sociology, anthropology, and philosophy books without
any perspective as to its view in the Ilocano society. These were Filipino
Cultural Systems included in the contents of sociology : (1) Filipino Value
System (pamantayan, asal, diwa, and halaga); (2) Social Acceptance
(pakikisama, pakikiradam, pakikipagkapwa-tao, palakasan, pakiusap, and
sakop); (3) Cultural Reciprocity (pakikiramay, mapagmalasakit, kagandahang
loob, and mabuting loob ); (4) Non Rationalism (bahala na, tadhana, and
gulong ng palad; and (5) Personalism (lakas ng loob, maluwag ang loob, and
kagandahang loob, mapagkaloob, saloobin, tapat na kalooban, masama ang
loob and masasamang loob); and (6) Culturally Challenged Filipino Traits
(ningas kogon, amor propio, probinsiyano, and burong talangka). The
elementary and secondary school teachers, administrators, department
heads of LGUs and GOs, and instructors of Vigan City, Sta. Catalina, San Juan,
Cabugao, and Bantay, Ilocos Sur were the key informants in the descriptive
analysis of the socio-language perspectives of this study.
Keywords: Socio-Language Perspective, Filipino Cultural System, Ilocano

Translations
INTRODUCTION
In sociology, the Filipino cultural value systems provide the critical

understanding of concepts of value system, social acceptance, cultural reciprocity,
non-rationalism, personalism and culturally challenged traits. These have been the
theoretical foundations to study the genuine nature of the Filipino society that
affected the cultural values particularly in politics, economy, tradition, and social life.
In the sociological aspects, the cultural life of the Filipino society has varied language
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The Socio-Language Perspectives on the Filipino Cultural System of the Ilocano Society, C. F. Bueno
implications as the regionalistic nature has social value distinction that respond to
intercultural communication. It is crucial in anthropological studies to place local
societies within a broad historical and structural context (Kearny, 1986:341). In the
intercultural communication, Mendoza and Perkinson (2003) expounded that
differing sense of being among Filipinos consequently gives rise to a reconfiguration
of Filipino culture that is able to recover the hidden code governing Filipino cultural
communication patterns. Filipino communication scholar Melba Maggay, in her
book, Pahiwatig: Kagawiang Pangkomunikasyon ng Filipino (2002) describes the
whole complex of subtle, elaborate indirect communication found in all Filipino
cultures.
The main objective of the study is to present the Socio-Language

Perspectives on the Filipino Cultural System of the Ilocano Society.
Specifically, it sought to present the profile of the respondents in terms of

age, position/designation, and place of residence, provide the general perspectives
as to the Ilokano translations of Filipino Value System along Pamantayan, Asal,
Diwa, and Halaga; identify the Ilokano translations of the Filipino cultural system in
relation to social acceptance in the sociological perspectives along pakikisama;
pakikiradam; pakikipagkapwa-tao; palakasan; pakiusap; and sakop, cultural
reciprocity in the sociological perspectives along pakikiramay; mapagmalasakit;
kagandahang loob; and mabuting loob; discuss the Ilokano translations affecting the
sociological perspective of the other variables of the Filipino cultural system along
non rationalism on the sociological perspectives along bahala na, tadhana, and
gulong ng palad, personalism on the sociological perspectives along lakas ng loob;
maluwag ang loob; kagandahang loob; mapagkaloob; saloobin; tapat na kalooban;
masama ang loob: and masasamang loob, and culturally challenged Filipino traits on
the sociological perspective along ningas kogon, amor propio, probinsiyano, and
burong talangka.
According to Jocano (2000), the Filipino value system or pamantayan has

three elements, namely: halaga, asal, and diwa. Halaga denotes observed traits that
make the virtuous person. Jocano (2000) exemplifies the meaning of asal in the
pamantayan standards of kapwa (relational), damdamin (emotional), and dangal
(moral). While diwa represents the idea of nakem. In the Filipino philosophy,
Mercado (1994) expounded deeper meaning in the critical metaphysical analysis of
the loob, buot and nakem. It provides critical understanding about inner-self (nakem
and loob); the psychic domain of thought and interpersonal relationships with the
group. It is the intrinsic quality of self through nakem as the conscious expression of
human dignity within the ethical and moral dimension of personal thought. The
22
internal valuing process comes from the traditional culture and interrelationships of
society attributed by the ethical and spiritual values of life (Bueno, 2012).
On social acceptance and cultural reciprocity, according to Lynch (1963) , the

concept of social acceptance is gained and enhanced by smooth interpersonal
relations; its loss is guarded against by two sanctions discouraging behavior
disruptive of these relations. The first and general sanction is hiya, or shame; the
second and specific safeguard is amor propio, or self-esteem. By these positive and
negative means the lowland Filipino strives to have his fellows take him for a good
man, an acceptable member of the community. Mulders (1994) explained that the
basic moral rules are the same: conscience is located in relationships; not fulfilling
obligations, not showing gratitude cause the discomfort of shame. Disrespectful
behavior is a breach of elementary order, yet must be expected where the prize of
competition is prestige. In this area, a person can expand his networks by ingratiating
others, so becoming a patron, or by, conversely, seeking patronage. Altogether, it
remains an intensely personal, relational world, the backbone of which is hierarchy,
but where positions and the obligations they entail fluctuate.
Lewis (1971) pointed out that basic characteristics of Ilocano social

relationships observed in the daily lives of the village, which imply ‘the essential
elasticity of social ties and the stress on the situational logic of cultural themes’ with
emphasis on bilateral kinship ties within a close circle. Enriques (1992) expounded
that within the schema of Sikolohiyang Pilipino, the core value of kapwa (shared
being or identity) along with its associated values of dignity, justice and freedom, are
what constitutes the deep structure of the cultures of Filipinos. On the other hand,
the SIR complex of “social acceptance,” “social equity” (as in utang na loob or debt of
gratitude) and “social mobility” (crab mentality) are deemed merely the
reductionist/functionalist mis-interpretations of surface codes without regard for
their deeper, underlying dynamic (Enriquez, 1992).
On non-rationalism, personalism and culturally challenged this reflects the

human beliefs on fate and destiny as part of the life struggles. Mendoza and
Perkinson (2003) cited in the study intercultural communication of kapwa along
bahala and talangka that Bahala na (fatalism) as “determination and risk-taking,” “a
way of pumping courage into [one's] system so that [one does] not buckle down” in
the face of formidable obstacles (Pe-Pua 1991). Talangka or crab mentality became a
call for community members to acknowledge indebtedness to others and to work for
the good of the entire community and not just for themselves (Mendoza and
Perkinson, 2003).
23
In reaction to the universalizing pretensions of American psychology that

negatively framed difference in the native culture, Sikolohiyang Pilipino necessarily
was forced to construct a profile of Filipino culture and personality responding to the
negative colonial ascriptions by assigning a positive valence to the list of negative
traits and alleged core values attributed to Filipinos.
METHODOLOGY
On the research design and technique, the study utilized the qualitative and
descriptive analysis as to the Ilokano translations of the socio-language perspective
along : (1) Filipino value system;(2) social acceptance; (3) cultural reciprocity ;(4) non
rationalism;(5) personalism; and (6) culturally challenged Filipino traits. It also
utilized qualitative research method through the culture-based analysis of the
Filipino value system and cultural value system. The respondents of the study were
the elementary school teachers who were currently teaching Mother Tongue-Based
Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE).
The population sample of the study was the elementary school teachers,
secondary school teachers, administrators, and department heads of LGU and GO
and instructors of Vigan City, Sta. Catalina, San Juan, Cabugao and Bantay to identify
the social acceptability of the terminologies and concepts in culture as presented in
this study.
As research instrument, the study made use of the contextual acceptability

on socio-language perspectives of the personal views of the respondents with the
following numerical and descriptive interpretation: 1.00-1.80 (Very Highly
Acceptable); 1.81-2.60 (Highly Acceptable); 2.61-3.40 (Acceptable); 3.41- 4.20 (Fairly
Acceptable); and 4.21- 5.00 (Not Acceptable).
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Profile of the Respondents in Assessing the Sociological Perspectives in the

Cultural System of the Ilocano Society
Table 1 shows that one-third (28 or 32.94%) of the respondents have an age
range of below 25, followed by age range of 35-39 (22 or 25.88%). A total of 22
respondents also belong to two bracket ranges, 25-29 age range (13 or 15.30%) and
30-34 age range (9 or 10.59%). This means that the respondents are young with an
24
age range below 25 to 39 years old in assessing and interpreting the social
acceptability of the sociological terminologies in the Filipino culture.
The majority of the respondents are designated as elementary school

teachers (54 or 63.53%) and reside in San Juan (28 or 32.94%) and Magsingal (24 or
28.24%). These elementary school teachers are also implementing the Mother
Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) in the primary grade of their
school.
Table 1. The Profile of the respondents.
Description Frequency Percent

Age
Above 45 5 5.88
40-44 8 9.41
35-39 22 25.88
30-34 9 10.59
25-29 13 15.30
Below 25 28 32.94
Total 85 100
Designation/Position
Elementary School Teachers 54 63.53
Secondary School Teachers 8 9.41
Instructors 13 15.29
Administrators/Department Heads 10 11.77
Total 85 100
Place of Residence
Vigan City 13 15.29
Bantay 8 9.41
Sta. Catalina 9 10.59
Caoayan 3 3.53
Magsingal 24 28.24
San Juan 28 32.94
Total 85 100
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The General Perspectives as to the Ilokano Translations of Filipino Value System
Table 2 shows that the Filipino value system in this study indicates a very
highly acceptable assessment of the contextual acceptability on the Ilokano
translation of the socio-cultural perspectives along pamantayan (pagannurutan:
=4.45); asal (galad: =4.78); diwa (panunot: =4.69); and halaga (kinapateg:
=4.57). The pamantayan has the degree of contextual acceptability from the
Ilokano translation as pagannurutan ( =4.85). The pamantayan (pagannurutan)
reflected with the socio-language perspectives with very high contextual
acceptability along asal as galad ( =4.78); diwa as panunot ( =4.69) and halaga as
kinapateg ( = 4.67).
Table 2. The contextual acceptability of the sociological perspectives

of the Filipino value system.
Culture Value Mean Acceptability Rank

A. PAMANTAYAN
1. Pagannurutan 4. 85 VHA 1
2. Pagallagadan 4.56 VHA 2
3. Pagbatayan 3.78 HA 4
4. Patakaran 3.94 HA 3
B. ASAL
1. Galad 4.78 VHA 1
2. Sursuro 4.34 VHA 2
3. Ugali 4.23 VHA 3
4. Kababalin 4.20 VHA 4
C. DIWA
1. Panunot 4.69 VHA 1
2. Kalidad 4.20 HA 2
3. Kaipapanan 2.73 A 4
4. Anag/Ispiritu 3.75 HA 3
D.HALAGA
1. Kinapateg 4.57 VHA 1
2. Importansiya 4.13 HA 2
3. Presyo 2.13 FA 4
4. Gatad 3.00 A 3
According to Jocano (2000), the Filipino value system or pamantayan has

three elements, namely: halaga, asal and diwa. The socio-language perspective of
26
the value system interprets halaga as what Filipinos find most worthy and asal is
manifested in the person’s behavior, while diwa represents the idea of loob which is
relevant to the Ilocano term of nakem.
The study of social acceptance and cultural reciprocity reflects the social
interaction of individual within a given Ilocano society. The group process plays an
important role as to the social inclusion and influence based on certain cultural
values system of the Ilocano society.
Table 3. The contextual acceptability of the socio-language perspectives

of social acceptance and cultural reciprocity.

A. PAKIKISAMA
1. Pannakikadua 4.92 VHA 1
2.Panakilangen-langen 4.68 VHA 2
3. Panakinnanmayet 4.56 VHA 3
B. PAKIKIRAMDAM
1.Panakipagrikna 4.51 VHA 1
C. PAKIKIPAGKAPWA-TAO
1. Pinakilangen 4.92 VHA 1
2.Pannakikadwa 4.85 VHA 2
3. Pannaki-abrasa 4.20 HA 3
D. PALAKASAN
1. Pinnigsaan 4.87 VHA 1
2. Kapet 4.46 VHA 2
3. Baker 4.23 VHA 3
E. PAKIUSAP
1.Panagpakpakaasi 4.69 VHA 1
2.Pannakipatang 4.50 VHA 2
3.Panakikadwa 3.39 A 4
4. Panangidawat 4.42 VHA 3
F. SAKOP
1.Sapasap 4.87 VHA 1
2.Seknan 4.00 HA 2
3.Lakon 2.30 FA 4
4. Karaman 3.00 A 3
The social acceptance in this study shows very highly acceptable assessment
of the contextual acceptability on the Ilokano translation of the sociological
terminologies and concepts along pakikisama (pannakikadua: =4.95);
pakikiramdam (panakipagrikna: =4.51); pakikipagkapwa-tao (pinakilangen:
=4.92); palakasan (pinnigsaan: =4.87); and sakop (sapasap: = 4.87).
27
In the study of MTB-MLE in the Ilocano society, the socio-language

implications of the term pakikiramdam means panakipagrikna has included
pannakisimpatiya and pannakisakit as the sympathetic attitude for those person
who suffered deep emotional trouble in life. Lynch (1963) pointed out that the
concept social acceptance is gained and enhanced by smooth interpersonal relations.
Likewise, Lewis (1971) similarly explained the basic characteristics of Ilocano social
relationships observed in the daily lives the village, which imply ‘the essential
elasticity of social ties and the stress on the situational logic of cultural themes with
emphasis on bilateral kinship ties within a close circle.
While the Ilokano term palakasan included interesting Ilokano word as

panagsipsip by giving good impressions about the person which deeply result to
destroying the image of someone he/she does not like. This is also a negative public
relation for personal motive or interest of giving something favorable to a person.
The pakiusap meant more on the humble action as panagkumbaba when you want
something as favor to another person. While term sakop has a very highly acceptable
socio-language implication on the Ilokano philosophy as turay. According to Mercado
(1994) the value ranking relevant to sakop provides a cluster of values which are
related to the in-group (sakop) and its equivalent like the extended family. Based
from in-group analysis on the parents or superior there are values of authority,
power, honor and benevolence.
Table 4 reveals that cultural reciprocity study shows very highly acceptable
assessment of the contextual acceptability on the socio-language perspectives along
pakikiramay (Panakipagladingit: =4.87); mapagmalasakit (Manakipagsakit: =4.73);
kagandahang loob (Kinasayaat ti ugali: =4.58); mabuting loob (nasayaat a tao:
=4.86).
There is a consistency as to the contextual acceptability based on the

framework of the study identified MTB-MLE study except the Ilokano term
pakikiramay was more acceptable to use the term panakipaladingit, panakipagrikna,
panakitulong, and pannakisaranay. On the otherhand, the manangrikna
(panakipagrikna is acceptable to pakikiramay) may not be highly acceptable term in
mapagmalasakit. The acceptable terms are manakipagsakit, manangaasi and
mannakitinnulong.
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Table 4. Assessment of the contextual acceptability of the socio-language

perspectives of the cultural reciprocity.

A. Pakikiramay
1.Panakipagladingit 4.87 VHA 1
2.Pannakipagrikna 4.75 VHA 2
3. Pannakaliday 2.25 FA 3
4.Panakitulong 4.75 VHA 3
5.Pannakisaranay 4.25 VHA 4
B.Mapagmalasakit
1.Manakipagsakit 4.73 VHA 1
2.Manangaasi 3.77 HA 2
3. Mannakitinnulong 3.31 A 3
4. Manangrikna 2.58 FA 4
C.Kagandahang Loob
1. Kinasayaat ti ugali 4.58 VHA 1
2. Kinaimbag ti nakem 3.62 HA 2
3.Nasayaat a Sursuro 3.28 A 3
D. Mabuting Loob
1.Nasayaat a tao 4.86 VHA 1
2. Kinaimbag 4.72 VHA 2
3.Nalaing a tao 4.23 VHA 3
Table 5 reveals that non-rationalism shows a very highly acceptable

assessment of the contextual acceptability on the Ilokano translation of the socio-
language perspectives in tadhana (gasat: =4.35) and gulong ng palad (pinagtulid ti
gasat: =4.68). The respondents may not seem to accept the sociological translation
of bahala na into the Ilocano terms as makaammo ditan ( =1.47) and Uray aniat
mapasamak ( =1.70). However, some of the respondents suggested makaammo ti
Dios ditan. They also suggested other Ilokano term for tadhana as suerte and gulong
ng palad as panagbaliw ti rupa ni gasat and panagbaliw ti biag.
29

perspectives of the non-rationalism.

A.BAHALA NA
Makaammo ditan 1.70 NA 1
Uray aniat mapasamak 1.47 NA 2
B. TADHANA
Gasat 4.35 VHA 1
C.GULONG NG PALAD
Pinagtulid ti gasat 4.68 VHA 1
Table 6 reveals that cultural reciprocity shows a very highly acceptable

assessment of the contextual acceptability on the Ilokano translation of the
sociological terminologies in lakas ng loob (kinatured: =4.75); maluwag ang loob
(nalag-an ti rikna: =4.54); kagandahan loob (kinasayaat ti ugali: =4.77)
mapagkaloob (managparabor: =4.78); saloobin (karirikna: =4.69); tapat na
kalooban (napudno a rikna: =4.67); saloobin (karirikna: 4.69); tapat na kalooban
(napudno a rikna: =4:67); masama ang loob (nasakit ti nakem: =4.47); and
masasamang loob (managdakdakes: =4.50).
Majority of the respondents similarly accepted the Ilocano translation of the

socio-language perspectives of this personal value as managparabor, manangited,
and managsagot. There are Ilocano terms suggested by the respondents as to the
items of personal value such as maluwag ang loob as kinalukneng ti puso;
kagandahan loob as nasayaat a sursoro; mapagkaloob as nalukay iti imana; tapat na
kalooban as napudno nga panagpuspuso; and an interesting translation of
masasamang loob as tulisan.
30

perspectives of the personalism.

A. LAKAS NG LOOB
Kinatured 4.75 VHA 1
Napigsa a pakinakem 3.66 HA 3
Tured pakinakem 4.07 HA 2
Kinatibker ti rikna 3.60 HA 4
B.MALUWAG ANG LOOB
Nalag-an ti rikna 4.54 VHA 1
Mannakaawat 4.37 HA 2
C. KAGANDAHAN LOOB
Kinasayaat ti ugali 4.77 VHA 1
Kinaimbag ti nakem 4.54 VHA 2
Kinadalus ti kaunggan 4.46 VHA 3
D. MAPAGKALOOB
Managparabor 4.78 VHA 1
Manangited 4.10 HA 3
Managsagot 4.71 VHA 2
Manakipagrikna 3.20 A 4
SALOOBIN
Karirikna 4.69 VHA 1
Nakem 4.57 VHA 2
TAPAT NA KALOOBAN
Napudno a rikna 4.67 VHA 1
Nadalus a panagpuspuso 4.45 VHA 2
MASAMA ANG LOOB
Nasakit ti nakem 4.47 VHA 1
Madi ti rikna 4.23 VHA 2
Nadagsen nga karirikna 4.00 HA 3
MASASAMANG LOOB
Managdakdakes 4.50 VHA 2
Dakes a tattao 4.72 VHA 1
31
Table 7 reveals that culturally challenged Filipino Traits shows a very highly
acceptable assessment of the contextual acceptability on the Ilokano translation of
the sociological terminologies in ningas kugon (nalaing laeng iti damdamo: =4.82);
amor propio (panangipateg ti bagi: =4.52); probinsiyano (tagaaw-away: =4.75);
and burong talangka (manangidadanes: =4.42).
Majority of the respondents similarly accepted the Ilokano translation of the

sociological terms of culturally challenged Filipino traits, however, the non-
acceptable terms of makaamo ditan (as applied in bahala na) in ningas kugon. The
respondents interpreted the burong talangka mentality more on the Ilokano term
panangipababa ti pada a tao.

perspectives of the culturally challenged Filipino traits.

A. NINGAS KUGON
1. Nalaing laeng iti damdamo 4.82 VHA 1
2. Nasayat iti rugi 4.27 VHA 2
3. Agpangpang-Laing 3.23 A 4
4. Makaamo ditan 2.38 FA 5
5. Apagbiit a regget 4.08 HA 3
B. AMOR PROPIO
1.Panangipateg ti bagi 4.52 VHA 1
2.Ayat ti bagi 4.23 VHA 2
C. PROBINSIYANO
1.Tagaaw-away 4.75 VHA 1
2.Taga-baryo 4.60 VHA 2
3.Taga-probinsiya 4.40 VHA 3
D. BURONG TALANGKA
1. Manangidadanes 4.42 VHA 2
2. Panangipaba ti pada a tao 4.80 VHA 1
3. Panagapal 4.16 HA 4
4. Madi nga apal 4.30 VHA 3
Lynch (1963) defined the context of the enhanced smooth interpersonal

relations in relation to its loss as guarded against by two sanctions discouraging
behavior disruptive of these relations. The first and general sanction is hiya, or
32
shame; the second and specific safeguard is amor propio, or self-esteem. By these
positive and negative means the lowland Filipino strives to have his fellows take him
for a good man, an acceptable member of the community.
CONCLUSIONS
On Filipino Value System, pamantayan represents three elements, namely:

pagannurutan as pagbatayan, asal as galad, and halaga as kinapateg. The socio-
language perspective of the value system interprets halaga as what Filipinos find
most worthy and asal is manifested in the person’s behavior, while diwa represents
the idea of loob which is relevant to the Ilocano term of nakem.
On Social Acceptance. The respondents added sociological terminologies

relevant to this study that the pakikiramdam with one Ilokano meaning
panakipagrikna has included pannakisimpatiya and pannakisakit as the sympathetic
attitude for those person who suffered deep emotional trouble in life. The palakasan
included interesting Ilokano words as panagsipsip by giving good impressions about
the person which deeply result to destroying the image of someone he/she does not
like. This is also a negative public relation for personal motive or interest of giving
something favorable to a person. The pakiusap added the humble action as
panagkumbaba when you want something as favor to another person. Finally, the
sakop included weird but acceptable Filipino philosophy of term turay.
On Cultural Reciprocity. There is a consistency as to the contextual

acceptability based on the framework of the study identified MTB-MLE study except
the Ilokano term pakikiramay with low level of acceptability on pannakaliday. It is
more acceptable to use the term panakipaladingit, panakipagrikna, panakitulong,
and pannakisaranay. On the otherhand, the manangrikna (panakipagrikna is
acceptable to pakikiramay) may not be highly acceptable term in mapagmalasakit.
The acceptable terms are manakipagsakit, manangaasi and mannakitinnulon.
On Non Rationalism. The respondents may not seem to accept the

sociological translation of bahala na into the Ilokano terms as makaammo ditan and
Uray aniak mapasamak. However, some of the respondents suggested makaammo ti
dios ditan. They also suggested other Ilokano term for tadhana as suerte and gulong
ng palad as panagbaliw ti rupa ni gasat and panagbaliw ti biag.
On Personalism. Majority of the respondents similarly accepted the Ilocano

translation of the sociological terms of personalism, except the slight changes in the
33
rankings of culture. The respondents have the lowest assessment as to the

mapagkaloob with manakipagrikna. The favorable Ilokano translations of this
personal value are managparabor, manangited, and managsagot.
On Culturally Challenged Filipino Traits. Majority of the respondents similarly

accepted the Ilokano translations of the sociological terms of culturally challenged
Filipino traits, except, the non-acceptable term of makaamo ditan (as applied in
bahala na) in ningas kugon. The respondents interpreted the burong talangka
mentality more on the Ilokano term panangipababa ti pada a tao.
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The Effects of Local Entertainment Industry in the Health, Emotional,

and Sociocultural Lives of Women
Luzviminda P. Relon
Leilani R. Raquepo
ABSTRACT
This study dealt with the effects on health, emotional and socio-
cultural lives of women working in entertainment places and those women
whose husbands are bar goers in selected communities of Sto. Domingo. The
research is descriptive in nature, used a questionnaire and employed
observation and interview in gathering data. Purposive sampling was done
in determining the sample.
Majority of the workers had experienced varied negative effects

working in the bars along health, are proud of their work, but have fears
over abusive customers. The wives tend to develop fear for the safety of
their husbands, would develop hatred among bar workers, and tend to lose
their self-confidence. Though the workers feel that people have accepted the
presence of bars due to work opportunities, they believed that folks have
negative feelings against videoke bars. The wives perceived that bars may
cause community troubles and may destroy family relationships.
Based on the findings, the researchers concluded that women are

indeed vulnerable to different health, emotional, and socio-cultural
conditions. It is recommended that the Local Government Units design
programs that would cater to the needs and welfare of both the workers and
the wives of bar goers.
Keywords: local entertainment industry, health, emotional, sociocultural, Sto.

Domingo
INTRODUCTION
The Filipino society has tremendously changed in the last few decades. This
societal change is very evident in terms of material and non-material elements of
culture, both in the rural and urban areas. The advancement of technology has
36
penetrated the houses from the cities to the remotest barangay, so long as there is
electricity.
The change in how people live nowadays has been very eminent and the
women sector has been greatly affected. Bhuvan (2009) cited in his study on the
changing role of women in the society that standard of living has undergone drastic
transformation. For matching today’s standard of living and leading a dignified life, it
became imminent for both men and women to collectively earn income for the
family. Gone are the days when women used to sit at home, managing home and
looking after the children. Moreover, even the form of relaxation of the people has
already changed. Gatherings nowadays became noisier, not because of the number
of people present but due to the entertainment portion, the singing portion.
Videoke bars mushroomed, both in the rural or urban areas, in the barangays,
poblacion, or cities. It became even an opportunity for people to engage in business
or get employed, especially for women entertainers.
Sto. Domingo, the place of study, is a witness of the escalating number of

business establishments along the local entertainment industry. Most of the people
are engaged in farming, while other residents, especially those within the shoreline
of the West Philippine Sea, depend on fishing. Other than these traditional
industries, some residents have engaged into small-scale businesses like sari-sari
store, buy and sell, videoke unit renting, and operating videoke bars. These videoke
bars are registered and classified as club by the municipality’s licensing unit. There
are three well-known videoke clubs within the municipality. These clubs offer
entertainment to videoke bar goers of Sto. Domingo and to nearby municipalities.
The three barangays under study are found in the different parts of Sto. Domingo.
Barangay Calay-ab, the first community, is a coastal barangay. It has a resort, the
Puerto Beach resort, which has videoke bars where beach goers can have singing
spree while swimming. There is also a videoke bar or club which is operating day and
night just before the beach. The bar is surrounded by rice fields and hundreds of
meters away from the nearest house. A mini-hotel was also built within the vicinity
catering to the needs of people who would like to stay overnight or on a short time
basis. The second place of study is situated within the heart of the municipality. It is
open and more frequented by videoke goers at night time. The third videoke bar is
at the boundary of Sto. Domingo and Magsingal, Ilocos Sur. Though it is registered as
a club in the municipality of Magsingal, its proximity to the place of study directly
affects the lives of the women, for it is frequented by men within the vicinity. All
these bars are intended for relaxation, singing while drinking, and the presence of
women workers as servers and/or entertainers.
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This study aimed to assess the local entertainment industry in these selected
barangays of Sto. Domingo, focusing on the effects to health, emotional, and socio-
cultural lives of the women working in these entertainment places and those women
whose husbands are videoke bar goers. Specifically, it sought answers to the
questions on profile of both the women workers and the wives; the work-related
conditions of the women workers of videoke bars; the videoke-related factors which
are experienced by the women whose husbands are videoke bar goers; the common
reasons of the women for working in videoke bars; the effects of videoke bars to
both women along their health, emotional, and socio-cultural lives; the common
problems met by the respondents in connection to the videoke bars; and coping
mechanisms of women with the problems met related to the videoke bars.
There are various factors that have affected the changing lives of people in
the communities especially among women in different countries across the globe.
There are some personal factors which can be attributed to these as found out in
numerous studies.
According to the study, “How Healthy are Rural Canadians?” by Des Mueles,
et. al. (2007), persons living in rural locations had lower rates of secondary school
graduation. In Australia, similar results were reported with only about 30 percent of
adults in rural areas having completed secondary school in comparison to about 48
percent in major cities. Rural persons also reported higher percentages of low
income status as found out by the same study, likely a result of their lower education
levels. As emphasized by Bhuvan (2009) in his study the contribution of women in
generating income for their families increased drastically. Women started earning
income almost at par with their male counterparts. Men did not provide enough
support to their female counterparts in managing home and children. It became a
challenging task for women to manage both spheres of life, home front and their
careers outside home.
For women who choose to work in the entertainment sector there are
several reasons. In a study of Sokhom (2002) on women working in the
entertainment sector in Cambodia, most of the women interviewed reported that
they did not really want to be sex workers, as this is frowned upon in Cambodian
culture. However, they were obliged to enter this work because of limited
opportunities. A report on KTV Clubs by Philippines Strippers (2008) of an American
Expat in the Philippines states that his study found out that most KTV clubs have
take-out policies which is commonly called “bar fine”. This means that the woman
would be expected to earn money for the establishment if she remained there, but
by her leaving with the customer, the establishment is deprived of some earnings,
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therefore, the customer pays a bar fine for bringing her out. Furthermore, in the
study of Sokhom (2002) the women bar workers received a payment from the
business owner for keeping clients company during drinking and singing time.
Those women who were new to the establishment, younger or more beautiful,
could charge more for sex. Income from sex work varied from day to day. Regular
clients who loved the women provided a more consistent income.
The study of Manalo (2000) on the Correlates of Wife Abuse Among Ever
Married Males In Selected Regions In The Philippines described the marital, social-
psychological, social-structural, and social location actors associated with wife abuse
among married men in selected regions in the Philippines. About eight percent
(8.4%) of married men in their sample of 5,507 reported wife abuse. Men who
predominantly handle the household budget are more likely to beat their wives,
though the association is not significant.
As stressed by Manalo (2000), based on the Philippine National Police (PNP)

reports, prevalence rates of physical violence against women aged 18 years old and
over were at 28 per 100,000 women in 1999 and it increased to 35 and 39 per
100,000 women in 2000 and 2001, respectively. Highest prevalence rates of violence
against women were in CAR, Western Mindanao, Northern Mindanao, and Southern
Mindanao. Central Visayas, Southern Mindanao, Eastern Visayas, and Cagayan
Valley have the highest prevalence rates of domestic violence. The large discrepancy
in the prevalence estimates from the Philippine National Police in 2000 reports and
the Safe Motherhood Survey seems to imply a gross underreporting to the police
about of cases of violence against women.
There also appears to be strong urban-rural differences in several health

behaviors. According to Des Mueles, et. al. (2006), persons from rural areas report
higher rates of smoking, higher exposures to second-hand smoke, higher
overweight/obesity rates, and lower rates of fruits and vegetable consumption.
Suicide rates, injury, and poisoning were also important contributors to the higher
mortality rates found in rural areas. In addition, there are reported substantially
higher rates of interpersonal violence (i.e. homicide) in rural areas when compared
to major cities. It should also be noted that lower levels of stress and a higher sense
of community belonging were found as levels of rurality increased.
It was found out that there are benefits as well as drawbacks of karaoke or
videoke singing. It was found out in an article written by Sarmiento (2008) on
“Conquered by Videoke” that unfortunately, “not a few murders have occurred
because the hapless videoke singer was hopelessly offkey. Last year, it was even
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reported that local videoke bars had taken Frank Sinatra’s “My Way” off their song
catalogues because this often led to serious fistfights, if not outright murder
attempts.”
The Ilocos Times dated October 11, 2006 also reported about the killing of an
ISAFP agent by a barangay chairman. It was quoted that the investigations showed
that while the victim was waiting for his order in a videoke bar in Barangay Manayon,
the suspect arrived with four other men and killed the victim. It was further
established that an old grudge was the primary motive in the killing.
According to Roger Dobson’s study (2003), researchers have confirmed that

videoke singing can have adverse effects on health. Strenuous singing can damage
the voice and increase the risk of noise-induced hearing loss. People who sang
continuously without water or rest, showed significant changes in their singing ability
and were no longer able to hit the high notes after a time.
It can also be noted that women have been exposed to dangerous situations
or abusive experiences due to their work. In an article published in The Ilocos Times
dated October 11 2006, a woman working in the videoke bar filed a rape case against
two cops. In a sworn statement of the complainant, she claimed that the policemen
forcibly took her from the videoke bar where she works. They even used the police
patrol car and brought her to the police station where the alleged rape happened.
Truly, there is a basis for this fear of women working in the bars. In a similar case
written by Molina (2011) all videoke bars in Marcos town in Ilocos Norte were
ordered padlocked. Marcos Vice Mayor Junel Rosqueta said the municipal council
passed a resolution calling for the closure amid complaints that minors are being
hired as guest relations officers (GROs). At least six minor GROs were recently
rescued in videoke bars in Barangay Lydia.
All the studies presented pointed out that there are personal and health
factors which have affected the lives of women in the community, as well as on
emotions like the development of some illnesses due to exposure to the bars or
through singing or development of fears.
METHODOLOGY
This research is descriptive in nature. Unstructured interview was also

conducted among the women working in the videoke bars as well as the wives of
videoke bar goers in order to elicit more responses from them about the nature of
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the work and the effects of the presence of the local entertainment industry. The
researchers also employed unstructured observation to validate the responses of the
respondents.
There were 22 women workers and 30 wives who comprised the sample of
this study. These respondents were chosen through purposive sampling.
Questionnaires were used in gathering the needed data. The data gathering
instruments were prepared by the researchers and were subjected for validation.
Unstructured observation was also employed in this study especially to the target
communities where the bars are located.
The researchers sought permission from the local government officials

before the actual data gathering. Four research assistants were employed due to the
coverage of the study. The researchers and assistants went personally to the target
communities for observation purposes and to establish rapport with the
respondents. The researchers met difficulties in getting respondents because the bar
managers had apprehensions in presenting the women workers. It was explained to
them, however, that whatever information that could be elicited would be used for
research purposes only, and that their identity and the names of the bars would be
kept with utmost confidentiality. As a result, only 22 workers positively responded,
answered the questionnaires, and were interviewed during the daytime set by the
women.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Profile of the Respondents
On Women whose Husbands are Videoke Bar Goers
On Age. One-third (30%) of the women respondents whose husbands are

videoke bar goers belong to the age bracket 38-43.
On Civil Status. Majority (93.33%) of the respondents are married and two of
them are living together but not yet married.
Place of residence. Of the 30 respondents 29 reside in the barrio and only

one resides in the town proper. This would mean that people from the barrio are
more interested or have more needs of this kind of entertainment than those in the
41
town proper. Further, this might suggests that they want a different ambience away
from their quiet residence.
On Religious Affiliation. Majority (90%) are Catholics and only three (10%)
are non-Catholics. Aside from the fact that there are more Catholics in the
Philippines, this figure may also point to the fact that some religions have more
restrictions and greater control over their members’ behavior and activities than the
Catholic Church.
On Educational Attainment. Many (36.67%) of the wives of the videoke bar

goers are high school graduates. This could mean that very few were privileged to
earn a degree.
On Educational Attainment of Spouse. Eleven (36.67%) of the husbands of

the women are high school graduates like them. This finding supports the
observation that in choosing a partner most who end up together as couples are of
the same level and one aspect considered is the level of education.
On Monthly Income. Most (66.67%) of the respondents have monthly

income of five thousand pesos and below. This result implies that most people who
patronize videoke bars have lower income. Moreover, this concurs with the findings
that rural persons also reported higher percentages of low income status, which is
likely a result of their lower education levels (Des Mueles, et. al.).
On Occupation. Majority (93.33%) of the wives of the goers are non-working

and only two (6.67%) are working. This means that most of the respondents are
financially dependent on their husbands. Since most of them were not able to finish
college, this explains why most are plain housewives.
On Women Workers of Videoke Bars
On Age. Most (54.54%) of the women working in videoke bars belong to age
bracket 25 and below; and only one belongs to the age bracket 32-37. This shows
that younger women are preferred as entertainers over those who are older. In
addition, this indicates that as women age, their value and their ability to charm
people, especially men, decreases.
On Civil Status. Eighteen (81.82%) of the workers are single and four are
married. This result implies that single women are freer to work in entertainment
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places of this kind than married women. Married women are expected to have more
responsibilities over their spouses and children that they have to live up to.
On Place of Residence. Of the 22 respondents, a greater number (77.27%)

come from the barrio while 27.72 percent comes from the town proper. Most of the
women workers interviewed do not come from the locality. Some reported to have
come from the other regions in the Philippines and their family members do not
even know that this is the kind of job they do to earn a living.
On Religious Affiliation. Majority or 20 of the respondents are Catholics and

only two are non-Catholics. This finding coincides with those women whose
husbands are videoke bar goers. It affirms that really, some religions or sects have
more restrictions and control over their members’ behavior and activities unlike the
Catholics.
On Educational Attainment. Seven (31.82%) of the women are high school

level and none of them finished any vocational or bachelor’s degree course. This
again concurs with the women respondents whose husbands are videoke bar goers.
Indeed, empowerment in women is still limited to few who have the means.
On Educational Attainment of Spouse. Of the four women who are married,

two reported that their husbands are high school level, one reported that her
husband reached college level, and the other one did not have an answer. This result
implies that their husbands could not adequately provide for them that is why they
are compelled to work in entertainment places. Further, this conforms to the
observation that the needs of people have become enormous and in this way,
working for sufficient income for maintaining a decent life has emerged as the top
priority.
On Monthly Income. Most (68.18%) of the respondents have family income

of Php 10,001.00-15,000.00 and none of them is earning Php20, 001.00 and above.
On Occupation. The four married women workers did not have any answer
on the occupation of their husband.
On the work-related conditions of the women working in videoke bars, it was

disclosed that half of the 22 women workers (50%) are working in one videoke bar,
45.45 percent are working in two bars, and one is working in 3 bars. This figure
means that many of them are really taking this job seriously as they do not stick in
one bar.
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Most of the women (63.63%) have been working in videoke bar for 1-2 years
and two each (9.9%) worked for 3-4 years and 5-6 years. This could imply that
workers do not stay there for long because as they age they may be replaced by
younger women. It could also be that after working in one videoke bar for some
time, they would transfer to another bar.
Almost all (90.91%) of the respondents drink with their customers and only
two of them reported not drinking with customers. This suggests that to sit with and
join in the drinking spree of the videoke bar goers is part of their work except for
those who perhaps do not really drink.
It could also be gleaned from the results that fourteen (63.64%) of the
women workers drink more than eight bottles with the customers and only one
(4.54%) can drink 1-2 bottles only. This clearly shows that that they have been used
to drinking.
Fifteen (68.18%) of the respondents smoke and only seven (31.82%) do not
smoke. This finding suggests that women workers are not much different from men
goers since they can drink as much and even smoke like some men do. Further, this
could mean that this has become the lifestyle of women in this kind of workplace.
A greater number (72.73%) of the women workers go out with customers

when asked and only six (27.27%) said they are not going out with customers. This
implies that men goers are not only after the entertainment and relaxation that they
experience in the videoke bar but are also interested in dating these women workers
outside their workplace. In addition, these women do not only offer entertainment in
the videoke bars but they could also be willing to offer more than what customers
ask. A report on KTV Clubs (Philippines Strippers) by an American Expat in the
Philippines, in his study found out that most KTV clubs have take-out policies which is
commonly called “bar fine.” Thus, if a customer likes a girl to go out with him, he
can pay a bar fine and take her out of the place for the night.
Videoke-Related Factors as Experienced by the Women whose

Husbands are Bar Goers
Majority (96.67%) of the wives of the goers reported that their husbands go
to videoke bars at night-time and only one goes during the day. Fifteen (50%) of the
wives of the goers said that their husbands go to videoke bars once a week. This
indicates that going to videoke bars have become a part of the weekend of the goers
as a form of relaxation. More than half (53.33%) of the women said that their
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husbands stay in the videoke bars for 6-8 hours. This shows that their husbands
come home beyond midnight or even at the crack of dawn. Further, this implies that
their husbands sacrifice their time for sleep and for their families for the videoke
bars.
Common Reasons for Women Working in Videoke Bars
Based on the responses of the workers in terms of their reasons in working in

a videoke bar, many answered “I want to provide entertainment and relaxation to
people” (14 or 31.1 %), followed by “It is an easy job” (17.7 %), “It does not need a
high educational qualification (15.5 %), and “The pay is good” (13.3%). The least
choices are “It is accessible to my place” and “It is an opportunity to meet friends
and other people” (2.2% each). This is also affirmed by Sokhom (2002) who reported
that most of the women respondents did not really want to be sex workers, as this is
frowned upon in Cambodian culture. However, they were obliged to enter in this
work because of limited opportunities. Some of the women also previously worked
by selling rice or as promotion women but started working in the entertainment
sector to increase their incomes. They reported that their previous work required
heavy work for a small income.
Common Reasons of the Women’s Husbands in Going to the Bars
It was disclosed that husbands patronize videoke bars “to drink” (39%) and
“to relax and be entertained” (19.5%). Other reasons include “to meet new friends”
and “It has become a habit or a past time” (2.4% each). This was further validated
by the observations made by the researchers. Almost all men going to the bars go
home drunk and tipsy. This can be attributed to the common scenario in the rural
areas that if men are grouped together, liquor is always present.
Perceived Effects to the Health of the Women Workers
When the women were asked about the effects of their work in the videoke
bars to their health, some of them admitted that they usually “suffer from hoarse
voice” (10 or 15.6%) due to lengthy singing time to entertain club goers while
drinking cold ladies drink at the same time. Moreover, other women responded that
they suffer from dizziness and a change in sleeping time (9 0r 14%) because their
work is more inviting at night causing them not to get a good night sleep almost
every day. Normally, they sleep during the day to make up for the lost time of
sleeping. Drinking ladies drink have caused some women to suffer from stomach
45
ache either ulcer or hyperacidity while others have noticed that they have gained
weight since they started working in the club (7 or 10.9 %)
Perceived Effects to the Health of the Women Whose Husbands are Bar Goers
Among the wives whose husbands are bar goers,many of them admitted to
have suffered from dizziness (18 or 25.7) as well as “suffered from stomach ache.”
When probed further, sleepless nights have been a primary reason because they
could not sleep if the husband is not yet home and they have to wait for him for
dinner. Their eating late could have caused their ulcer or hyperacidity. This is a
common picture among Filipino families so that even in eating, the husband should
eat together with the wife and be served by the latter while eating. Due to
prolonged waiting for eating, some women (7 or 10%) accepted that they suffer from
“lost appetite” followed by “over fatigue,” “weight loss,” and “palpitation” (6 or
8.5%). One of them accepted that she got infected with a sexually transmitted
disease which she got from her husband.
It can be noted from the perceived effects along emotional aspect among
the women workers that some women “feel proud” (12 or 22.2%) of their job. This
can be attributed to the good pay that they received from working in the club and
this is validated by the hefty income every month. However, some answered
“envious to women having more gainful employment “ (7 or 12.9%) and “envious to
women who have professional job” (5 or 9.2%). Though some accepted that they
like their job, it came out also in the interview that if only they have a choice, they
would like to be a professional and have a stable job. The women answered, on the
other hand, “fear of getting attack by the family of the men,” insecurity towards
women,” and “feel unhappy” (1 or 1.85%). Seven workers (12.9%) also admitted
about their fear in experiencing customers who abuse or malign them verbally or
sexually due to the customers’ drunkenness or simply abusive due to the nature of
work and to manifest their superiority for their masculinity or for their being a rich
man. The presence of abusive customers was affirmed by an article which came out
in Ilocos Times (2006) about the rape incident charged by a GRO against two cops. In
a sworn statement of the complainant, she claimed that the policemen forcibly took
her from the videoke bar where she works. They even used the police patrol car and
brought her to the police station where the alleged rape happened. Truly, there is a
basis for this fear of women working in the bars.
The item “fear that my husband will get involved in trouble and gets hurt”
tops the list of reasons among women whose spouses are frequently going to the
bars along perceived effects on the emotional aspect among the women whose
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husbands are bar goers. The wives (10 or 15.3) admitted also that they have
developed “hatred to women working in the bars” and “easily gets angry.” During
the interview, it came out that angry feelings may develop whenever the spouse
forgets his sexual obligation. It can be noted that the women worry a lot (8 or
12.3%) due to husband’s going to the bars. The husband’s involvement in trouble or
accidents came out as reasons of worrying. Furthermore, they also undergo
“daydreaming” and “envious to women whose husbands are not going to the bars”
as responded by five (8.3%) out of the 30 women respondents. “The lack of self-
confidence,” “feel that my husband is not happy with me anymore,” “Want to
establish more intimate relationship with my husband,” “feel that my husband does
not love me anymore,” came out as the least answers (1 or 1.6%) given by the
women.
On perceived effects along socio-cultural aspect among the women workers,

the women workers believed that videoke bars are accepted by the people in the
community “due to work opportunities” (11 or 31.4%). The researchers have
observed that other than the women working in the bars, some people especially
men in the community have landed in jobs by becoming bouncers, waiters, or
janitors. However, it was observed that in one of the bars, teenagers were seen
doing janitorial works and acting as waiters. Though they provide work
opportunities, the women believed that the people in the community think that
“workers in the videoke bars are not decent” (6 or 17.4 %). Videoke bars are also
“accepted because these are forms of relaxation” but they also mentioned that these
“cause fights and troubles” (5 or 14.2%).
Perceived Effects along Socio-Cultural Aspect among the

Women whose Husbands are Bar Goers
Most of the wives (22 or 27.5%) believed that videoke bars “cause
fights/troubles” in the community. They further mentioned that when their
husbands or other men come home drunk, they usually provoked a fight with other
men or fellow bar goers. They also perceived that videoke bars “destroy good family
relations” with 20 (25%) who mentioned this item. This could be attributed with the
presence of women in bars with whom their spouses got involved with intimately or
sexually. Some women also answered that workers in videoke bars are not decent
(12 or 20%) and that videoke bars are not well accepted due to the noise created (11
or 13.7%).
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Common Problems Met by the Women Workers in Videoke bars
The study revealed several problems that the workers have experienced in
the bars. “Customers who take advantage” tops the list (11 or 26.2%) of responses.
Their customers, usually those who are drunk, touch the sensitive parts of their body
especially when they are seated with them in a dark corner of the bar. Some also
answered that “family members of customers feel jealous of me” (5 or 6.9%) while
four (9.5%) replied “frequent fights/arguments among drunk customers,” “got
involved in the fights of customers,” “a feeling of low regard by the people in the
community.” It can be noted that three (7.1%) women accepted of being
impregnated while working in the bar. During the interview, it came out that they do
not know who the fathers of their babies are. This situation shows that they do not
only provide singing entertainment to their customers but also sexual pleasure.
Hence, they are not also protected due to their experiences of getting pregnant.
This situation also affirms that the videoke women workers earn money through sex
work as also validated by the study of Sokhom (2002) among Cambodian Women
Working in the entertainment sector. He found out that nearly all women in the bars
had sex with clients for money. Those who initially refused to have sex with clients
eventually changed their minds.
Common Problems Experienced by Women Whose Husbands are Bar Goers
Most of the women answered that their spouses usually “come home late at
night” (23 or 38.3%). Some (8 or 13.3) of the men “spend the money intended for
the family in the bar.” Their hard earned money from farming or working from
construction is just spent overnight in the bar for drinking or singing with the
women. After drinking, they go home (6 or 10%) and some of them provoke fight at
home (5 or 8.3%) or within the neighborhood (3 or 5%). Four (6.67%) also got
involved in vehicular accidents because of getting heavily drunk in driving home.
Ways by which Women Workers Cope with Problems Related to their Work
All of the 22 respondents gave common answers in terms of the problems

which they usually encountered. First in the list is on financial aspect, especially
when they badly need money like after receiving a call from their families in need of
money. They may use some tricks in order to convince their customers that they are
appealing, very handsome and macho, for them to get higher tips. They also consent
to go out with their customers for sexual intercourse, either within the vicinity of the
bar or outside. They usually get higher pay and tip with this kind of service. It was
observed in all the bars that there are spaces within the vicinity like extra rooms or
48
built nipa huts for sexual intimacy purposes. It was also admitted by the bar
managers that these places are for these purposes. This scenario validates an article
regarding KTV bar working (2009) that most adult KTV clubs have take-out policies,
what’s commonly referred to as a “bar fine”.
To avoid getting afflicted with diseases especially with sexually transmitted

diseases, the workers submit themselves for a health check up at the rural health
unit. It was also explained by the bar managers that such is mandatory by the local
government unit where the bars are situated and this has to be done once in every
six months. After the mandatory check up, each worker is issued a health certificate.
Furthermore, the women also admitted that at times, some abusive or heavily drunk
customers asked more services that they could not afford to pay. It could end up on
customers provocation, however, the club’s security, termed as bouncers, are always
on guard. If the situations would go uncontrollable, especially for armed customers,
the law enforcers’ visibility is sought. It was also admitted by the women workers,
that they have become very religious in using contraceptives because of their fears
of getting pregnant. Three had admitted that they were impregnated by their
customers before due to non-usage of contraceptives.
Very few women have openly accepted that they hide their true age, either
younger or older than their actual age. The bar managers were silent on this aspect.
It could be a way of protecting themselves or the establishment. However, it was
observed by the researchers that based on their physical appearance some women
working in the bars were very young. This observation was also validated by the
article written by Teddy Molina in the The Philippine Star (2011) about the Videoke
Bars being Padlocked due to the hiring of minors as GROs in Laoag City.
Ways by which Women whose Husbands are Bar Goers have sought
to Cope with the Videoke-related Problems
Most women admitted that they chose to keep quiet and avoid nagging
especially when their husbands come home late and heavily drunk. Doing this could
prevent heated arguments, which could end up with physical fights. Some openly
admitted that they were physically abused by their spouses whenever they were
provoked. Furthermore, if the house situations become uncontrollable, they would
run out and seek help from family members or the barangay officials to pacify the
spouse. Six women have accepted that their relationships with their husbands were
once on the rocks and almost led to separation. However, whenever they come to
ask for forgiveness, they usually would give in for the sake of their kids. It was
49
noticed that all of these women are very much dependent of their husbands for they
are all plain housewives.
On the other hand, a few also mentioned that they usually fight back either
verbally or physically. This may usually happen if the spouse would go to the bar
very frequently and neglect his financial obligation to the family. They also admitted
that to augment the income of the family, some women would accept services like
washing clothes, clothes ironing, or doing some errands for well-off families within
the neighborhood.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the results, the researchers concluded that women are indeed
vulnerable to different health, emotional, and socio-cultural conditions brought
about by their changing roles in the community vis-a-vis with the changes in
entertainment, family life, and lifestyle; women’s empowerment and protection is
still limited especially in rural communities; majority of the women involved in the
study are financially dependent on their husbands; there is prostitution in videoke
bars though it was originally thought to offer entertainment and relaxation. The
following then are highly recommended. The Local Government Unit should design
relevant programs for the welfare of the women that will cater to their specific
needs to include health and other relevant programs for their empowerment. Law
enforcers and barangay police should strengthen their collaboration and visibility to
monitor the activities inside the videoke bars and the implementation of ordinances
pertaining to their operation must strictly be implemented for the regulation of their
operation. A regular medical check-up should be strictly made and monitored to
ensure the protection of the workers and the goers since there were reported cases
of sexually transmitted diseases.
LITERATURE CITED
American Expat in the Philippines KTV Clubs ( Philippine Strippers). May 1, 2007
Andal, V. (2009). ISAFP agents shoots barangay chair. The Ilocos Times October 1,
2006
50
Bhuvan, The changing role of women in the society .Retrieved from the worldwide
web on October 20, 2012 http://www.scribd.com/doc/61985005/Correlates-
of-Wife-Abuse-in-the-Philippines
Des Mueles, et al. (2007). “How healthy are the Canadians?” Retrieved in the
worldwide web on
September2,2007.http://www.newcastle.edu.au/Resources/Research%20Cent
res/ArtsHealth
Dobson Roger. (2003). British Medical Journal BMJ Publishing Group Retrieved from
the World Wide Web on August 23, 2012
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1150966/
MacLean, Tamara. "Choral singing makes you happy: survey." Sydney Morning
Herald. July 10, 2008.http://news.smh.com.au/national/choral-singing-
makes-you-happy-survey-
Manalo Maria Fidelis (2012). Correlates of wife abuse Among ever married males In
selected regions In The Philippines. Retrieved from the Worldwide Web on
October 25, 2012 http://www.scribd.com/doc/61985005/Correlates-of-
Wife-Abuse-in-the-Philippines
Molina, Teddy. Videoke bars in Ilocos town padlocked. The Ilocos Times. October 9,
2011
Sarmiento, Prime Conquered by Videoke March 25 2008 "Singing to females makes

male birds' brains happy." EurekAlert. Oct. 3, 2008.
http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2008-10/plos-stf100308.php
Sokhom Hean (2002). Survey on health seeking behavior of women working in

entertainment sector in Phom Penh Retrieved from the worldwide web on
October 28, 2012 http.www. cascambodia,org./karaoke.htm
51
The Public Policy Analysis on the Program Implementations of the Delivery of Basic Services, C. F.
The Public Policy Analysis on the Program Implementations of the Delivery

of Basic Services in the Local Government Code of 1991
(Republic Act No. 7160) in the Province of Ilocos Sur
Christopher F. Bueno
ABSTRACT
For more than two decades the implementation of Republic Act

No.7160, otherwise known as the Local Government Code, has been
exclusively assessed by local governance experts (particularly the Local
Government Operation Officers) of the decentralization policy within the
context of basic services and facilities (Section 17) in the Local Government
Units (LGUs). The Local Government Operation Officers (LGOOs) assessed the
experience in the field as to how the Local Government Units provides the
support of the local executive and legislative body including the national
programs along the devolved functions of agriculture and environment
services, health services, social welfare services, education services, peace
and public safety, and infrastructure facilities . The objective of this study
was to assess the public policy on the program implementations of the
delivery of basic services in the Local Government Code of 1991 (Republic Act
No. 7160) through the extent of effectiveness and responsiveness in the
implementation along the devolved areas (the transfer of power from the
national government agencies to the local government units devolved) on
education, health, social welfare, and environment.
INTRODUCTION
This research study provides the application of the local governance model
provided the public policy analysis as to the implementation of the decentralization
policy along Republic Act No. 7160 Section 16-17:
I. Section 16. General Welfare - Every local government unit shall

exercise the powers expressly granted, those necessarily implied
therefrom, as well as necessary, appropriate, or incidental of its
efficient and effective governance, and those which are essential
to the promotion of general welfare. Within their respective
52

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The Socio-Language Perspectives on the Filipino Cultural System of the Ilocano Society, C. F.

The Socio-Language Perspectives on the Filipino Cultural System

The study dealt with the socio-language perspectives of the Filipino

Keywords: Socio-Language Perspective, Filipino Cultural System, Ilocano

In sociology, the Filipino cultural value systems provide the critical

The main objective of the study is to present the Socio-Language

Specifically, it sought to present the profile of the respondents in terms of

According to Jocano (2000), the Filipino value system or pamantayan has

On social acceptance and cultural reciprocity, according to Lynch (1963) , the

Lewis (1971) pointed out that basic characteristics of Ilocano social

On non-rationalism, personalism and culturally challenged this reflects the

In reaction to the universalizing pretensions of American psychology that

As research instrument, the study made use of the contextual acceptability

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Profile of the Respondents in Assessing the Sociological Perspectives in the

The majority of the respondents are designated as elementary school

Table 1. The Profile of the respondents.

Description Frequency Percent

The General Perspectives as to the Ilokano Translations of Filipino Value System

Table 2. The contextual acceptability of the sociological perspectives

Culture Value Mean Acceptability Rank

According to Jocano (2000), the Filipino value system or pamantayan has

Table 3. The contextual acceptability of the socio-language perspectives

Culture Value Mean Acceptability Rank

In the study of MTB-MLE in the Ilocano society, the socio-language

While the Ilokano term palakasan included interesting Ilokano word as

There is a consistency as to the contextual acceptability based on the

Table 4. Assessment of the contextual acceptability of the socio-language

Culture Value Mean Acceptability Rank

Table 5 reveals that non-rationalism shows a very highly acceptable

Table 5. Assessment of the contextual acceptability of the socio-language

Culture Value Mean Acceptability Rank

Table 6 reveals that cultural reciprocity shows a very highly acceptable

Majority of the respondents similarly accepted the Ilocano translation of the

Table 6. Assessment of the contextual acceptability of the socio-language

Culture Value Mean Acceptability Rank

Majority of the respondents similarly accepted the Ilokano translation of the

Table 7. Assessment of the contextual acceptability of the socio-language

Culture Value Mean Acceptability Rank

Lynch (1963) defined the context of the enhanced smooth interpersonal

On Filipino Value System, pamantayan represents three elements, namely:

On Social Acceptance. The respondents added sociological terminologies

On Cultural Reciprocity. There is a consistency as to the contextual

On Non Rationalism. The respondents may not seem to accept the

On Personalism. Majority of the respondents similarly accepted the Ilocano

rankings of culture. The respondents have the lowest assessment as to the

On Culturally Challenged Filipino Traits. Majority of the respondents similarly

Bueno, C. F. 2010. The basic phenomenological experience on the values of cultural

Bueno, C. F. 2012. The phenomenological account of the “naimbag-a-nakem”along

Enriquez, V. G. 1992. From colonial to liberation psychology: The Philippine

Lewis, H. T. 1971. Ilocano Rice Farmers. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press

Kearney, M. 1986. The invisible hand to visible Feet: Anthropological studies of

Mendoza, L.S and Perkinson J. 2003. Filipino “kapwa” in global dialogue: A

The Effects of Local Entertainment Industry in the Health, Emotional,

Majority of the workers had experienced varied negative effects

Based on the findings, the researchers concluded that women are

Keywords: local entertainment industry, health, emotional, sociocultural, Sto.

Sto. Domingo, the place of study, is a witness of the escalating number of