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and context
Jerry Hallier and Stewart Butts 375
University of Stirling, Stirling, UK Received February 2000
Revised/Accepted
Keywords Trainers, Roles, Status, Influence, Line management, Training April 2000
Abstract While HRM has stimulated studies assessing the extent of UK training, there has
been little sustained research into trainer roles and influence. Using semi-structured interviews
with trainers in public and private sector organizations, considers the assumptions and tactics
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that trainers use to enhance their influence. Shows that, at a rudimentary level of service,
attendant approaches to build credibility with line management locks training into a subservient
position. Likewise, while shared threats can close some of the status gap between training and line
management, alliance tactics are insufficient to improve the general status of trainers. High
status training is not achieved by a progressive passage through a common sequence of mobility
stages. It develops from a supportive training culture where trainers develop new ways to assess
their organizational contribution on conventional performance criteria and from charismatic
trainers innovating training knowledge. Continually reinventing their contribution, however,
means that high status remains conditional.
Introduction
Since the mid-1980s concerns about the relationship between training and
national economic and organizational performance have brought the issue of
training to the fore in the debate about a ``human resource management
revolution'' (Ashton and Felstead, 1995). In the emphasis on continuous
development for flexible skills and on nurturing organizational cultures
responsive to changeable formal aims, training in any version of HRM was
promoted as critical to achieving both workforce commitment and hard
business success. Yet, while HRM has acted as a stimulus to studies assessing
the extent of UK training investment, interest in the activity and influence of
trainers has been less extensive. On the one hand, there has been no shortage of
prescriptions about trainers' roles and activities, but equally there have been
few empirical studies of how they set about developing their influence and
contribution to the organization.
In fact, what is known about how trainers approach their roles stems
mainly from work conducted in the 1980s. For example, Coopers and Lybrand's
(1985) study of managerial attitudes towards employee training provided
compelling, if indirect, evidence of the difficulty that trainers face in
progressing to a change-agent role given the low regard in which training was
generally held in the UK. Around the same time, Pettigrew et al. (1982)
developed a typology for describing the roles of training specialists which has
remained in use up to the present. They posited five roles performed by Employee Relations,
Vol. 22 No. 4, 2000, pp. 375-402.
training specialists, namely: # MCB University Press, 0142-5455
Employee (1) the passive provider; and
Relations (2) the provider whose roles range from course administration to running
22,4 senior management development workshops;
(3) the training manager who is in charge of a well-established training
function with several reporting specialist trainers;
376 (4) a transition role where the ``organization'' recognises the need for
training to act as an agent of change; and
(5) the established change agent.
Since then, Sloman (1994) has refined the typology by adding the internal
training consultant to the original framework.
Research into trainer roles has not progressed much beyond the formulation
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of this and similar typologies (see, for example, McLagen and McCullough,
1983; Stewart, 1996). However, recently there has been new interest shown in
the aspirations of trainers and the influence of the training function. Pettigrew
et al.'s (1982) ``role in transition'' category is currently seen as especially
important. According to Stewart et al. (1999), training, increasingly, is a
mainstay of many organizations' change interventions. Nijhof and deRik (1997)
also found that the role of change agent was chosen by the largest number of
UK trainers as their most important role. Yet, despite this talk of a higher
profile for training, there is still little hard evidence showing that large
numbers of employers accept the importance of training to organizational
success or, for that matter, that most trainers have successfully transformed
themselves into change agents (Hallier and Butts, 1999). Nevertheless, these
commentaries on the role of trainers are useful to the extent that they closely
parallel the HRM debate's wider interest in change in the personnel role
towards a more strategic involvement in organizational decision making.
Despite the fact that there has been less attention given to trainers, many of the
questions in the current debate about personnel specialists' roles could be said
to inform the type of investigations now needed to study how trainers develop
their activities and influence.
sectors. The largest public sector organizations were five local authorities that
employed between 5,000 and 15,000 employees. The private sector
organizations reflected an assortment of businesses including financial
services, manufacturing and utilities employing between 500 and 5,000
workers. Informants varied in their responsibility for training. At one extreme,
trainers were responsible for the career planning and management
development while, at the other, they performed a largely co-ordinating role
where most training was devolved to line managers. Relatively large
organizations were chosen for the study because they were likely to employ
trainers within a specialist function. Trainers were usually located at corporate
or HQ level.
To explore how attempts to advance the influence of training in different
contexts were experienced by trainers, semi-structured interviews were used.
The interviews were framed by a number of core question areas (e.g. history of
the department, structure of the function, current role and training agenda,
perceived influence and status), while also encouraging individuals to raise and
explore issues critical to how they experienced attempts to advance the training
function. Interviewees expressed their own versions of what occurred and
assigned their own emphasis. This also enabled the interviewers to probe
issues that initial hunches had suggested might be important. All of the
interviews were audio taped and transcribed. The length of interviews ranged
from one to three hours, but on average lasted about 70 minutes. Anonymity
was guaranteed to interviewees and their organizations.
Before embarking on the analysis, the researchers became thoroughly
familiar with the data. This involved several readings of all interview texts,
company documents and observational notes. The audio tapes were also
listened to in order to take account of any nuances of speech, tones of voice and
other paralinguistic features. Analysis of the data adopted what Glaser and
Strauss (1967) term grounded theory. The analysis was thus cyclical in nature,
namely there was a search for meaningful themes and categories using
immersion in the data, cutting and re-arranging which was repeatedly
compared with the original textual data. Careful descriptions of the data were
made which enabled categories in which to place behaviours and processes to Attempts to
be developed. After initial organization of the data, the key themes that advance the role
emerged were interrogated for ``fit'' and interpretations refined or completely of training
reformulated where necessary. No preconceptions were imposed but through
``constant comparison'' of the data and by being alert to the possibility of
contrasts and disconfirming data, the processes by which advancement was
tackled in different contexts emerged. 381
Building value from the ground floor
Notable among our sample of organizations were training departments which
functioned at a rudimentary level of operation, influence and status. By this we
mean that they only administered the delivery of training programmes and
services. Ultimately, the way that trainers saw the problem of advancing
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training in this type of organization stemmed from the fact that training was
seen as a marginalised specialist role and not always as a credible management
function. That is to say, the training function either had been set up recently
with still much to do to develop its standing with management, or,
alternatively, it had been established for some years but was tarnished by a
poor reputation or from being seen as part of a weak or discredited personnel
department. In the private sector, a typical example was the case of a diverse
and well-established retail group we call RTG. In recent years RTG had
changed its strategy in response to falling profits by moving out of some of its
established business areas in order to concentrate upon those with most
potential for growth. Historically, the company had always been hierarchically
structured and centrally controlled with few expectations of training. Hitherto,
decisions about training courses and activities had been made on an ad hoc
basis by senior management but in the new environment there were increasing
complaints from middle managers about the relevance of what was being done
and over what was really needed at lower levels. In response to these
difficulties and calls for change within management, a training manager was
recruited to take charge of training across the organization.
Trainers in this kind of organization saw the first step to advancing their
role as requiring the development of reliable course provision. The new head of
training at RTG, for example, initially saw the task of advancing the status and
credibility of the new function as one of gaining trust with divisional and
departmental managers. Essentially, establishing line management's respect
was seen to require that managers be seen as sovereign consumers of training
products. Thus, trainers consciously adopted an attendant role in which any
and all line manager demands for courses would be met. In this sense, the
preferred initial task of credibility building was to present the function as a
``training shop'' where management customers could be assured that their
requests would be fulfilled. Trainers were placed within each division as a
liaison between operations and training to collate the training requests and
help develop the training function's agenda. Response time was seen as critical
here and so the training cycle of planning and delivery was split into three
Employee periods of four months, in order to be able to speedily process management
Relations requests. Yet, in adopting this attendant role, trainers recognised that what was
22,4 being delivered fell far short of targeting training to meet organizational
priorities. The following comments from two training staff illustrate
graphically the ``can do'' and the ``customer is always right'' rationale essential
to the training shop approach:
382
We developed a system where line managers could request any training they wanted. We
went through a year of just responding to everything, which meant that we were tearing
about. And yet it could be said that we probably weren't doing the priority training for the
business. We took the stance that, if line managers wanted it, we would deliver it and then we
would slowly get to know exactly what they needed, not what the managing director thought
they needed.
We are completely customer-driven. If they want a training course that's not in the training
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directory as well there is a system in place that they can request it. So we can do butchered
versions or combined versions of other courses. So if there is a course on communication and
one on assertiveness we can combine it. And we will just deliver basically what they want.
Among the public sector training staff who were attempting to improve the
standing of training in their organizations, a similar customer-oriented
approach to developing trust among operational managers was also detectable.
In some local authorities, for example, attitudes to training were seen by
trainers to be primarily influenced by the role of professional groups such as
teachers and social workers. Despite the fact that legislation imposes particular
qualifications and continuous professional development as essential to the
performance of certain jobs, the core agenda for professional training was still
seen to be set nationally by these powerful occupational groups. Moreover,
given an emphasis on delivering services rather than developing staff, there
had been limited opportunities to train manual and clerical employees. Like
RTG, this focus on local concerns was felt to limit the relevance that training
had to local authority strategy. In one local authority, for example, the focus
was upon delivering a long-standing menu of training courses, supplemented
with some new developments which indirectly reflected external challenges to
the organization.
We have a short course programme, which is not the central focus, but the bottom line is that
there is a demand for it. So we run a wide range of courses from basic management skills
through to how to run meetings, telephone skills and financial controls. Quite a few at the
moment on Best Value. Other key areas at the moment are working towards IIP. That's about
saying ``have we got the various bits and pieces in place that would be required to satisfy the
requirements?''
position:
They're too busy. Have too much work to do. If it's the employee the excuse is ``My manager
has given me something important to do'', which is usually urgent, and if it's the manager
``They are much too busy, so and so is off sick and has been for the last six weeks''. Of course,
nobody thought to tell us until the day before because someone has just decided to open that
particular piece of mail, somebody else is off sick and they have to cover so it's almost the
employee taking responsibility for management decision because the managers, themselves,
haven't made it.
In the public sector especially, the outcome of this unequal relationship was
that trainers felt insecure much of the time and possessed a somewhat
beleaguered view of their world:
The easy option when one is looking for cuts, is the training budget. Being local government
there is always cost cutting because there is the perception that we sit in here with our feet up
on the desk, drinking tea, spending public money and generally messing around. So there is
constant pressure from the public, there's constant pressure from the Scottish Office and
Government to cut costs and we are an easy option, because there is not a public output for
training.
In both the case of RTG and these local authority examples, what these
accounts highlight is the fact that once the attendant tactic has become
embedded, it may become difficult to re-cast the essentially subservient picture
that management now has of the training function. Leduchowicz (1984) has
called this situation a role lock. This means that while the forging of a
customer-attendant relationship is widely seen by trainers as essential to
negotiating credibility from the ground floor, not least because line managers
are the primary customers for training product, the training function's
reputation can actually become tied to the delivery of courses on demand.
Critical to the role lock, here, is the fact that line managers have a limited notion
of what training should do and expect it to be confined to scheduling course
delivery. Having no real input into determining training priorities means that
this attendant tactic acts as a barrier to the type of negotiated redefinition
necessary if the function is to advance further.
Employee Legitimate extension tactics
Relations Any attempt by trainers to evolve their role and make their activities more
22,4 effective and more closely linked to delivering appropriate services was seen as
dependent not only on eliciting the co-operation of line managers, but also on
convincing them that they have new responsibilities towards developing staff.
But in trying to tackle the question of how they might break away from the
384 attendant role, trainers often faced a host of unexpected problems. Prominent
among these was the question of how long they should wait before attempting
to innovate. Trainers felt that before they could feel confident enough to launch
interventions to shift management perceptions, some considerable time had to
elapse for the basic ``shop service'' to become accepted. The assumption here
was that the function would need time for the respect for course delivery to
build up before they would appear credible enough to attempt a more
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interventionary role. This reluctance to test the function's credibility too early
is once again well illustrated by the case of RTG. Here, taking the first step to
advance training beyond its conventional shop service was put off for several
years and, in representing a fairly modest initiative, reflected trainers' caution
about initiating a proactive role.
It is slow to move but it is moving. The training function for the group as a whole is very new,
it has only been on the go for about five years ± and it was only last year, that we did
supervisory development training. We had supervisors supervising 50 people and they had
no formal training.
In both private and public sector settings we also found that trainers' initial
attempts to develop a step beyond the attendant role were confined to the type
of intervention that extended the shop service already established rather than
negotiating challenges to management's existing training perceptions. These
extension efforts were characterised by unsolicited interventions, but ones in
which trainers believed that their involvement was inherently legitimate. Thus,
they highlighted glaring skills omissions which they felt managers would
readily support, or made offers of help to the line where training might solve
particular ``one-off'' problems facing individual managers. RTG's lack of formal
supervisory skills, for example, was seen as just such an issue where they
might legitimately claim to intervene. Yet, despite identifying supervisory
training as a ``safe'' issue, trainers soon found that many managers interpreted
what they were doing as something which challenged their status and
authority. Many of their supervisors had no formal training and felt threatened
and apprehensive. Nor were they convinced of the benefits that training could
deliver. Together, these worries caused some managers to become openly
resistant to the programme. With the possibility that the whole project could be
undermined, trainers were forced to take elaborate measures to alleviate these
concerns.
We sent out an information pack to the line manager, detailing all the days that the person
would be away, which they should know but occasionally didn't, and that was annoying to
them . . . We tried to pitch it in such a way that they weren't going to be asked to do anything
silly. It was all going to be applicable to the job. We would certainly devote time to listening
to them. And on a couple of occasions, because we felt that they were nervous or a little bit Attempts to
unsure as to why they were there ± they may not have had a chance to have a chat with their
line manager ± we would sit down and do one to one sessions with them. We would get the advance the role
rest of them to do an activity and the two trainers would work round them doing one to one of training
just talking about the problems and where they particularly wanted to develop over the
weeks ahead.
In the local authorities, too, trainers spoke of launching similar, but perhaps 385
less ambitious, attempts to extend training's remit around basic task
alignments. Attempts here focused on single-issue extension tactics that aimed
to systematically identify training with the needs of particular services. As
elsewhere, this basic alignment required service managers to accept increased
responsibility for the development of their staff. What was chosen as a
legitimate issue varied between different local authority training departments
and depended either on modifying popular strands from existing courses or
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attempts to secure interest and support from specific service managers for a
particular intervention.
Like RTG, moving beyond the training shop approach became problematic
here because even where managers appeared broadly supportive of more
operationally-oriented training interventions, they would often be reluctant to
accept increased personal responsibility for developing their subordinates.
Typically, trainers wanted to negotiate a redefinition of their role to include
helping line managers to develop their subordinates. In practice, however,
trainers found that line managers were reluctant to co-operate with this new
alignment of their respective roles. Trainers quickly found that while, in
principle, some managers were willing to consider a more operational emphasis
to training, they were not prepared to accept any change to the established
attendant-customer relationship. An illustration of this is provided in one
authority where the head of a particular service approached the head of
training about designing and delivering a programme to solve certain
problems:
When I started saying to this person that he had a part to play in terms of setting standards
and communicating, it was a complete back-off, toys out of the cot. He said ``That's what we
employ you for''. In the past these things have happened. ``Oh yes we'll come and run this
programme'', and when there was no behavioural change the head of service was able to
explain it as the trainer's fault.
The possibility of alienating managers in this way meant that negotiating a
more equal relationship was seen as a high risk strategy, especially in local
authorities. This was because the penalty for failing to satisfy managers in
these new efforts was perceived to be far greater than in most of the
corresponding private sector companies:
The line manager's support is integral because if they are not satisfied with what we do, we
are out of business.
While the attendant role is, therefore, seen by trainers as a preferred vehicle
from which to kick-start the process of building the training function's
credibility, it fails to develop management respect for trainers when they later
Employee wish to adopt a more interventionary stance. This occurs because trainers
Relations overestimate the value of a dependable service based on routine contact with
22,4 managers. They mistakenly assume that by providing a dependable,
responsive service, managers will gradually learn that their stereotypes about
the training function are unjustified. Such dependability will, they believe, then
elicit increased respect for themselves and the function and, ultimately, allow
386 the negotiation of a more substantial role.
However, for a regular contact tactic to improve inter-personal relationships
between trainers and middle managers, the very conditions of equal status, and
social and institutional support lying at the heart of trainer goals already need
to be present. Attitude change studies have routinely shown that a contact
approach to reducing the salience of stereotypical categorizations between
groups is most likely to succeed if the two groups enjoy similar status, and
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where social and institutional supports are present outside of the contact
initiative (Sherif, 1966; Turner, 1981; Worchel, 1986). It is only where these
conditions apply that the parties become willing to inter-relate voluntarily on a
broader front than before and the salience of category membership perceptions
can then reduce. Without these preconditions, even in apparently legitimate
extension projects like supervisory training, managers will see trainers no
differently from before and allow them little slack to negotiate a more proactive
role. Because the attendant role remains intact even in the act of trying
something more ambitious, any doubts or mistakes associated with these
unilateral alignment initiatives will still tend to be disowned by managers as
they revert to blaming the trainers and the function.
And:
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We had a supervisory programme with a total of eight days in modules where people come in
who had been supervisors in other companies and yet they would be going through the sheep
dip, spending time on the course, getting a certificate at the end, but basically repeating stuff
they already knew. So there was an awareness that we weren't identifying needs, we were
just running the courses and people would come on them because that was the way it went.
The question before us, then, is, what provided trainers with the opening to
negotiate a more interventionary role? In the wake of takeover, the organization
entered a much more competitive environment. Over the following months
trainers saw that senior management was committed to making every function
demonstrate its value. This was seen as an opportunity to enhance the training
function's centrality by building a new activity around this initiative. Senior
management's decision to use the appraisal system to assess line managers'
effectiveness in developing subordinates was seen as the key issue of common
threat and interest for both training and line managers. This increased scrutiny
of line performance provided a training issue that responded closely to the new
strategic priorities and the concerns of managers. At the same time, this type of
initiative was also seen to genuinely assist the cause of training because it
represented a goal that could not be met by line managers or trainers alone. In
recognising that to continue to deliver standardised courses would neither
serve the interests of line nor training managers, trainers suddenly found it
relatively easy to assemble a group of managers from the business as well as
HR staff and to develop support for a new and radical approach.
We stopped the machine ± we stopped running the courses. We told people why we were
doing it and then we spent that time developing how we were going to move forward towards
a consultancy approach. We put in some training on training needs analysis and started
working with the business. We built up files on dealing with departments and the interactions
we were having with our customers and generally tried to be more customer-focused. It
worked up to a point, but what tended to happen was training stopped.
This did not mean that at the beginning all line managers fully understood
their role within this new approach or were committed to making it a success.
During attempts to build their role, trainers became aware that many managers
retained their established attitudes and expectations about them.
Employee We probably spent two or three uncomfortable years doing courses and things in a more
ad hoc way. We talked to customers, organized training and tried to discover the needs across
Relations different departments in order to get some economies of scale.
22,4
What was crucial here was that the sustained support of this powerful
management group protected trainers from other managers' attempts to
undermine this new approach. This support was repaid by trainers helping to
388 convince senior levels that line managers were making progress towards
developing staff capability in line with organizational needs:
We have a training plan for the first time. At budget time last year we worked with the
business managers to identify and prioritise their key training needs. We looked to see where
there were common needs across the company and then talked to corporate management to
check that it fitted with their plans for the company.
A similar pattern of exploiting common threats was also detected in some parts
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of the public sector. While the culture of local government has made change
difficult, in recent years re-structuring and new financial pressures have acted
as a stimulus to some authorities to consider ever more radical solutions.
Closely following the 1996 local government reorganization, one authority
reduced the number of its manual and clerical employees by about 10 per cent.
Despite these reductions the council remained top heavy and there was
considerable anxiety throughout middle management about the future. Given
these common threats, the head of training put together a management support
network with two other heads of service that created a broader influence base
within the organization.
We decided that we needed something that allowed us to talk to each other because normally
we only met each other during meetings. A lot of people were struggling . . . I didn't want it to
be seen as an HR thing. We would meet about once a month. Usually somebody makes a very
informal presentation so it gives us an opportunity of finding out about something that
somebody is working on and we get a better view than through the committee papers . . .
There are some people who never come and there is a sort of basic group that changes but
that has been very valuable. In fact it stopped, it just sort of fizzled out and it has been re-
started by public demand, which I think is quite good.
Such superordinate goals, thus, built common identifications that weakened the
salience and inequality of previous constructions of training. Nevertheless, it
would be wrong to conclude that all successful collaborations relied on
exploiting the personal anxieties of line managers under pressure from top
management. One training function improved its status relative to line
management by being seen to step outside its usual remit in a public role, quite
separate from the local authority. Here a training service under threat of closure
successfully organised a series of public management conferences. Ostensibly,
these were run for council staff but by marketing the conferences among local
businesses and other parts of the public sector they were able to attract
influential speakers. The ensuing publicity was so successful in raising the
profile and valuation of training that the head of personnel's offer to cut the
training budget by 50 per cent at the next budget review was rejected. The
effect of this was to create some dissonance in the received management view.
Some realignment of management's internal attitude took place because the Attempts to
longstanding attendant role was set against the current public proactivity and advance the role
success of the management conferences. Unlike the use of unilateral extension of training
tactics, therefore, the force for change here stemmed particularly from
management's voluntary participation. In choosing to participate in the
conference, managers not only did not feel threatened by this initiative, but also
the cause of their dissonance was attributed to misplaced views about the 389
training function.
Consequently, while these organizations lacked a mature development
culture, alliancing on issues of common uncertainty and threat still became
possible because these superordinate problems reduced the traditional
inequality of status between training and middle management. For these
trainers, shared threats, in particular, helped to close some of the status gap in
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the established relationship with the line. Under these conditions trainers could
find a more receptive audience among managers who until then had asserted
their superiority and independence over the training function. As one senior
trainer put it:
We had a very suspicious organization. We tapped into people who we knew had the
potential to be change agents. We started talking to them about the fundamentals of their role
and that was the first time in many cases that anyone had ever said ``Oh this is what your role
is, this is where you fit in''. We weren't telling them, ``this is the only way, this is the right way,
there are options''. And I think it was such a different approach. It really hit a wave of
optimism. And people were going back and doing a sales pitch for us . . . The critical mass
that has built up has given me the influence to get a senior management programme in. I
know it's devious but it works.
But while trainers felt some progress had been made, they were also well aware
that their achievements did not, by themselves, constitute a transformation of
the function's position. They acknowledged that their successes so far had only
established a few common projects from which to build their credibility. Basing
the function's mobility around single concerns was thus recognised as a fragile
foundation for advance, not least because in all of these scenarios key features
and assumptions of the training shop approach persisted in parallel with the
new initiatives. There is, therefore, a crucial limitation here; namely that
alliances of this sort may only stimulate dissonance, which elicits a change in
one aspect of management attitudes to training. Although optimistic that they
could build further, doubts about the extent of change to line attitudes were
echoed by many trainers:
It's a basic attitude towards training and development; you're part of the ivory tower that sits
up there and doesn't actually know ``what we do here''. And we are trying to get better at that
and actually know more what the business is doing and are making some efforts to do that. I
would say that people who have been pretty anti are actually coming around and there is
much more of a feeling of partnership beginning to develop.
It won't come as any great shock that whenever budgets are being looked at, or if there is a
need to cut back, the first two areas that go are marketing and training. That is always an
Employee uphill battle. By and large we have been very well supported by our executive but there are
times, when the chips are down, when it is very difficult to defend your position and we don't
Relations like that too much.
22,4
In this respect, this form of advance is best seen as a partial and possibly
tenuous adjustment to specific problems which could easily fall back once the
salience of these issues fades.
390
Maintaining and enhancing high status
We were unable to find any public sector organization among our sample
where the training department currently claims to have a key role in forming
the organization's strategy. However, there were examples of private sector
training functions where trainers felt that they occupied a key role in the
management and direction of the organization's business. Nevertheless, even
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here it may still be difficult for training to maintain its standing over the long
term. Private sector businesses have the independence to decide how to deploy
their resources, though this is constrained by the need to maximise
profitability, retain the confidence of shareholders and address the concerns of
other key stakeholders. Given the requirement to be profitable it is relatively
easy to assess the effectiveness of core operational activities by the use of
management accounting systems. This is less so in the case of training where it
is difficult to establish its contribution to key financial performance criteria.
Private sector training may also be more important at certain times in an
organization's life than at others. For example, an organization with a modest
or poor performance record may decide to re-invent itself with a major
investment in products or productive processes. This frequently means
changes in the size of the workforce and the jobs they perform. If, as we have
seen, these scenarios lead to quite narrow and fragile advances, the question
arises as to what features are necessary for trainers to feel that high status has
become relatively widespread in the organization and embedded as a long-term
feature. We thus turn now to examining how trainers account for the long-term
widening of the training function's status.
Where trainers felt that they had been able to establish a widespread status
and influence, three conditions were thought to be crucial. To begin with,
establishing high status was believed to be assisted by a high-profile set of new
organizational circumstances that favours training. That is, training becomes
what Salencik and Pfeffer (1977) call a strategic contingency or, put differently,
an activity that is seen as essential for attaining organizational goals. Here,
training's new influence is seen to emerge in part as a response to new
management priorities and values which have spread to everyday routines in
the organization. Unlike the single or narrow threats examined in the previous
section, a particular training vision is sponsored by senior management and
becomes widely promoted as crucial to the success of the organization. In these
organizations much of the centrality of training was reflected in the passing
down of a common vocabulary and perspective on its role in the organization.
Support from top management was always seen as a precondition for high
status, but, more importantly, training was seen to have become a relatively Attempts to
permanent priority that was now crucial to the way the organization should advance the role
operate. Routinisation of high status was, therefore, conditional in part on of training
senior and line management's belief that a skills revolution among the
workforce was now essential to the attainment of high organizational
performance.
One example of this shift in formal values was provided by trainers in a high 391
technology manufacturing organization we call TechCo. Despite a long
tradition of business success, in recent years TechCo had started to face
increasing competition and, in particular, experience difficulties because of the
Asian ``downturn''. As a result there was an extensive re-organization and
senior management applied greater pressure to all parts of the business,
including training, to contribute more to overall success.
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If you go back ten years ago, when I first joined, demands on people's time were not as great
as they are now. So the training manager at the time used to say it was the warm bath
syndrome. People used to sign up for two or three days so it was just away from the desk. It
was so relaxing to be away and meet some people you haven't seen for a while and you get a
free lunch thrown in and somebody will be telling you something that might be of interest.
This organization's new emphasis on developing skills for the business has
done much to bolster the position of training. It has allowed the formulation of
policies and procedures that emphasise the contribution of training to key
activities of the organization. There is also greater coherence between training
and business objectives through the use of divisional and departmental
training plans.
But however important this senior management support was to ensuring a
broad support for training issues, trainers in this type of setting were
convinced that the continuance of a high status training culture relied on two
other factors. The first was the need for trainers to continually search for ways
to visibly demonstrate how their activities contribute to the organization's core
strategy and performance. Irrespective of the type of business they were in,
trainers commonly adopted a conservative innovation strategy akin to the
equivalent strategic role among personnel specialists identified by Legge
(1978). That is, this type of innovation was conservative to the extent that it
mainly sought to assess training performance against financial performance
criteria.
Knowing the impact of training on business results, for example, was seen to
allow better decisions to be made about the investment of resources. There was
accordingly an emphasis upon continuing to demonstrate the contribution of
training to business performance. This was associated with finding more
Employee effective ways of providing the training service, such as minimising training
Relations time away from the job, as well as finding ways to provide all this with fewer
22,4 trainers. The head of training in FBG, a large and successful finance and
banking group, put it like this:
Business is all about priorities. That is the world we are in, we can give them better
information. If you were to put the spend in this direction ± the likely outcome in terms of
392 results is X ± but if you were to put it in there ± it is X plus whatever.
Trainers at FBG have devoted considerable resources to this problem and for
some interventions have been able to show impressive correlations with
business performance. Much has depended upon having precise training
targets. One of the difficulties they initially faced was how to make effective
use of the bank's existing information system. By pressing the commitment of
top management's support, trainers have been successful in getting more
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Also, in working closely with line managers, the assessment of training has
improved following the introduction of a new training structure that is
supportive of the business:
The structure before was that we had a number of different training departments through the
different banks . . . We have centralised that process so that instead of being responsible for
an entire training centre my responsibilities lie with the administration of all the training Attempts to
functions of our group, the design and development of all core materials to support the
delivery people and support for the distance learning programmes. That's a massive change advance the role
in terms of how we deliver and the real driver behind that is to get closer to the customer. of training
Although training is given a high priority in FBG, it can be seen that training's
right to a key role is still in part dependent on offering ``hard'' evaluations of
their activity. Yet, however innovative such evaluation methods appear to be, 393
they nevertheless still focus on financial criteria like cost efficiency rather than
on demonstrating the unique contribution of training. The trainers in high
status functions recognised this problem and did not rely exclusively on these
financial assessments of training value. The third and final factor they
identified focused on this need to demonstrate their value in other ways. This
task was tackled by tailoring their innovations to socially reconstruct the place
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of training. Thus, even where business value had become identified with the
role of training, the maintenance of this status was perceived by senior training
practitioners to also be contingent on a continual launch of initiatives which
attempted to shift the ways in which training's value was understood in the
organization. The development of training initiatives, therefore, was not merely
about providing fixed solutions of proven content, but also about attempts to
embellish and enhance the construction of key trainers' activities and skills. In
this sense, the transformation to high status and influence was always closely
linked to the perceived charisma of particular training leaders. This type of
personal charisma was seen to be enacted through the introduction of a
succession of high profile innovations which tried to influence the way the
organization operates.
At FBG, for instance, two senior trainers work as performance improvement
consultants in the business. Their task is to help determine what new products
and processes will take the business forward and to embed training in their
realisation. Practitioners here attempt to promote training not merely as a way
to improve the management of functional performance but also in terms of how
it can shape change in perceptions about the employment relationship. In this
respect, training staff have been key influencers on the way that training
delivery has changed in recent years from face-to-face to distance learning.
Given new cost and market pressures, the problem of releasing employees from
their normal jobs to go on courses became more acute. Distance learning
materials were written internally in conjunction with subject experts and they
produced over 90 workbooks covering most areas of banking as well as some
management skills. In the last three years about 35,000 workbooks have been
issued to staff. This shift has not only provided a more efficient way of
delivering training but is also seen to assist in legitimising the notion that
employees have a responsibility to develop themselves. In this sense, these
charismatic leaders of training see their role as creating a climate of change.
I think for the first time people are able to identify their needs through the performance
management system and get, if you like, an instant fix to that. Instead of requesting a course
Employee and waiting until the next one comes up they can access it immediately. They can learn in a
way that suits them best and it is working very well; people are really taking control now
Relations over their own learning for the first time.
22,4
Corresponding steps to deploy training to change the employment relationship
were also noticeable in TechCo. While the espoused corporate culture
encouraged individuals to take responsibility for their own development,
394 uncertainty about the future in recent years provided greater incentives for
employees to take this message seriously. Like the situation at FBG, trainers
have taken a leading role in the attempts to foster this new employment and
work ethos.
There's been a lot of work done on career self reliance, saying to people that there is nobody
more interested in your well-being and your development as a person or a career than
yourself. That's the big message that's been going on for a long time.
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Conclusion
The findings presented here advance thinking about how trainers choose and
deploy tactics to develop their influence in work organizations. But, in being
exploratory, these findings cannot offer conclusive evidence. The conclusions
accordingly take the form of propositions that have emerged from our
grounded approach. In being tentative at this stage, the interpretations
presented here then need to be studied further, leading to more systematic
testing methods and including factorial evidence from questionnaire research.
In terms of the different tactics displayed by training departments at various
levels of influence, the findings provided no indication of a stage process of
functional mobility. Where high status features were present, there were no
signs that these were attained by a progressive passage through the attendant,
extension and superordinate goal approaches. Rather, our data suggest that,
faced with different situations, trainers draw upon an array of tactical
responses to their low status. In particular, the attendant, extension and
superordinate goal tactics represent quite separate attempts to read and
transform the function's standing. What they reflect is trainers' varying
abilities to accurately read the organizational context and to choose tactics that
can influence their status. The popularity of the attendant and extension
approaches, especially, suggests that some trainers can easily fall prey to
fundamentally flawed ``theories in use''.
Moreover, the success of any tactic was not found to be just about the
soundness of trainers' approach to negotiating advances with senior and line
management, but also about their ability to read and respond appropriately to
supportive contexts. Training functions that had made either modest or
significant advances in influence only did so where there was some
Employee management mandate for narrowing the existing status gap between
Relations management and the training function. Typically, supportive climates were
22,4 created by threats to existing line management assessment or more widely to
the organization itself, which focused on the need to improve the
competitiveness of the workforce's skills.
Nevertheless, while support for training renewal was crucial to the
396 launching of innovation projects, this was insufficient by itself to advance and
sustain the respect of the function. Competitive threats that highlighted skills
and performance deficiencies provided training with the foundation for some
much needed authority, but trainers also had to win management's cooperation
for particular innovations if they were to build their credibility. Workable
influence, therefore, was ultimately reliant on engendering a line management
dependency on training practitioners, rather than on instances of vertical
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authority.
The key determinant of such dependency was seen to be the emergence of
special individuals within the training function who were not only capable of
nurturing reciprocal power through appropriate horizontal exchanges with the
line, but also of continually re-charging their role as experts in the change
process. In this respect, the findings suggest that there are drawbacks to
fostering this type of dependency. Unlike other forms of expert power, the
expertise of such trainers may put the high status of the function at risk in
several ways. For example, because technical expertise and personal power
become fused together to form this version of charisma, high status is reliant on
the emergence of quite gifted individuals within the training department. It
may not always be possible to identify such individuals within the training
department or, for that matter, from the wider organization. By the same token,
the status of this expertise was found to need regular renewal. Even in
functions where training possessed some strategic status, the necessity to
update the skills of charismatic trainers quickly surfaced. This was partly
because of the perceived need to progressively innovate, but also because the
nature of this type of knowledge requires that it be shared both with line
managers and the organization. Given this need to publicly donate aspects of
their knowledge, trainers risk losing their exclusive claim to particular forms of
expertise, unless they pursue a policy of replenishment. Because such charisma
is likely to be rare, we might add that this problem will be exacerbated at times
when such trainers quit the organization. The contingent and reciprocal
features of this form of dependency, therefore, suggest that trainers' power is
less protected and re-usable than in functions like accounting, production and
engineering. In having to continually identify and replace this type of
knowledge, managerialist writers like Handy (1990) are incorrect to suggest
that all types of expert power represent power bases with inherently lasting
features.
A final issue concerns whether or not training influence is associated with
carrying multiple roles similar to those found in personnel departments. The
findings suggest that it is less feasible to argue the case for multiple role
choices in the training function. This is, in part, because training is perceived to Attempts to
be a less varied sphere of activity and not necessarily essential to the running advance the role
of the organization. Yet, ultimately, the room available for trainers to adopt a of training
multiple-role approach may be limited by the project orientation of much
training activity. The capacity for personnel functions to operate within a
multiple role agenda is premised on the on-going provision of necessary
services, some of which are capable of being raised to a strategic level of 397
importance. However, outside of routine course delivery, project work
represents the main avenue for training innovation, and this in itself provides
both advantages and disadvantages to widening the function's influence. Given
a supportive climate, the present research found that single-issue projects were
sometimes an effective means by which to widen influence. But the findings
also showed that trainers are often left with some unease that any gains made
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will falter or regress once the current problem is resolved. In high status
training departments too, the contingent character of project work means that
staying successful depends on the ability of trainers to demonstrate value and
replenish their stock of projects to meet shifting management priorities. The
result is that training's role is likely to be more unified than in personnel, and
also more polarised between administrative delivery and a strategic solutions
approach.
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Abstracts from the wider Attempts to
advance the role
literature of training
which training methodologies are most effective, and a lack of attention paid to
the practical implications of strategic human resource management/
development for organizational decision makers. Summarizes research that
backs up this assertion. Underlines the need for these frameworks and
methodologies if human resource development is to be able to take on the
strategic role of creating an environment and structure which will promote
learning within the organization. Believes that this learning is critical for
performance improvement and organizational competitiveness.
Wholly theoretical
Indicators: Research implications: *** Practice implications: ** Originality:
** Readability: ** Total number: *********
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Reference: 29AJ117
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