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RURAL-URBAN LINKAGES
AND
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SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA
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Rural-Urban
Linkages and
Sustainable
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Development in
Africa
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Farai Kapfudzaruwa,
Shogo Kudo,
Orleans Mfune,
Melissa Hansen &
Jackline Nyerere
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DENVER
Spears Media Press LLC
DENVER
7830 W. Alameda Ave, Suite 103-247, Denver, CO 80226
United States of America
First Published in 2018 by Spears Media Press

www.spearsmedia.com
info@spearsmedia.com
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Information on this title: www.spearsmedia.com/shop/rural-urban-linkages
© 2018 Farai Kapfudzaruwa, Shogo Kudo, Orleans Mfune, Melissa Hansen & Jackline
Nyerere
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All rights reserved.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018959408

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Typeset by Spears Media Press LLC in 11/13pt Caslon Pro

Contents
Acknowledgments ix
Chapter 1
Rural-urban Linkages and Sustainable Development 1
Farai Kapfudzaruwa, Shogo Kudo, Melissa Hansen
Chapter 2
Enhancing the Sociological Foundations of Sustainability
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Science for Better Understanding Rural-urban Linkages in Africa 14
Michelle R. Brear
Chapter 3
in Ghana
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Uneven Development: Urban and Industrial Growth and its
Environmental Implications for Rural and Urban Communities
Kwasi Adu Obirikorang, Camillus Abawiera Wongnaa,

Evans Ewald Nkrumah, Michael Ansong
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Chapter 4
Rural-urban Linkages and Impacts of Large Scale Land Acquisitions
in Africa: A Review 55
Nashiru Sulemana, Franklin N. Mabe, and Eliasu Mumuni
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Chapter 5
Urbanisation and Smallholder Livelihood Security in Africa:
A Case Study of Coping Strategies of Peri-urban Dwellers in
Tamale, Ghana 76
Nashiru Sulemana and Gerald A.B. Yiran
Chapter 6
Agricultural Markets as Drivers of Rural-Urban Interdependence:
Lessons From Selected Produce Assembly Markets in Oyo State, Nigeria 93
Olushola Fadairo, Siji Olutegbe and Favour Eforuoku
Chapter 7
African Energy Needs and Implications for the 2030
Sustainable Development Agenda 122
Alice Oluoko-Odingo and Emmanuel Mutisya
vi | CONTENTS
Chapter 8
Rural-Urban Linkages Facilitated By the Mining Sector in South Africa 152
Philile Mbatha, Edson Charikinya and Elaine Govender
Chapter 9
Post Mining Recovery and Rural-Urban Linkages: Lessons
From Zambia’s Oldest Mining Town 179
Orleans Mfune, Chibuye Florence Kunda-Wamuwi,
Tamara Chansa-Kabali, Moses Chisola, James Manchisi
Chapter 10
Social Enterprises and Social Change: The Role of Higher
Education in Rural and Urban Development 200
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Jackline Nyerere
Chapter 11
Translating Rural-Urban linkages into Practice:
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Possibilities and Challenges
Orleans Mfune, Farai Kapfudzaruwa and Jackline Nyerere
List of Contributors
Index
218
225
229
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| vii
Illustrations
FIGURES
Figure 2.1: The complex, bidirectional and multi-layered rural-urban

linkages constituting circular, rural-urban work-related migration
in South Africa 16
Figure 3.1: Degree of urbanisation (percentage of urban
population in total population) by continent in 2016 40
Figure 3.2: Patterns of urbanisation in major Ghanaian Cities
(1970-2010). 42
Figure 3.3: Burning of e-waste to retrieve metallic components at
Agbogbloshie, Ghana 47
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Figure 4.1: Defining rural, urban, and the rural-urban interface 58
Figure 4.2: Land area allocated to investors, 2004 – early 2009 60
Figure 5.1: Land use/ land cover of Tamale and its environs
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1989 to 2015
Figure 5.2: Land size (acres) owned and cropped over time (n=137)
Figure 5.3: Uncultivated land due to development activity
Figure 6.1: Women group during the focus group discussion
held at the Maya market on September 7, 2017
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96
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Figure 6.2: Male participants during focus group discussions
at the Maya market on September 7, 2017 96
Figure 6.3: Reciprocal rural-urban linkages. 100
Figure 6.4: Produce Assembly market at Odo-Oba, Oyo State,
Nigeria 107
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Figure 6.5: Produce Assembly market at Odo-Oba, Oyo State,

Nigeria 113
Figure 6.6: Symbiotic relationship of rural-urban linkages
in Maya and Odo Oba Markets, Nigeria 115
Figure 7.1: The Relationship between Regions of Resource
and Service deprivation and high concentration with sustainability 125
Figure 7.2: The Study area and Areas receiving excess
Populations from Nairobi 135
Figure 7.3: Number of Households using different types
of energy for domestic cooking (Source: Field data) 138
Figure 7.4: The Energy mix within the study area 139
Figure 7.5: The polygon of regional sustainability 144
Figure 8.1: Map illustrating the location of Richards Bay
town in relation to the Sokhulu and Mbonambi rural
areas where RBM mining activities have taken place 163
Figure 8.2: The interconnected ecological and socioeconomic
viii | CONTENTS
impacts of mining activities on local environments 166

Figure 9.1: Location of Kabwe and Kasanda Township (Study Area). 184
Figure 9.2: Destination of former miners after mine closure 190
Figure 9.3: Destinations of families of deceased former miners 191
Figure 9.4: Road and Rail Connections between Kabwe Urban
and Surrounding Rural Areas 192
Figure 10.1: Typology of higher education and rural-urban
linkage through social entrepreneurship skills development 204
Figure 10.2: Typology of higher education contributions
to rural-urban linkages 208
TABLES
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Table 5.1: Sample size distribution by community 79
Table 5.2: Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents 80
Table 5.3: Occupation of respondents by category (n=137) 82
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Table 5.4: Land and land cover changes from 1989 to 2015
Table 5.5: Non-farm activities engaged by respondents
Table 7.1: Populations within sampling areas in Machakos County
Table 7.2: Types of energy for domestic cooking within
Peri-urban area of Nairobi City (Machakos County)
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87
135
137
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Table 7.3: The Link between type of energy used
(Charcoal and Gas) and Income 140
Table 7.4: The Relationship between Type of energy
used (Gas and Charcoal) and Household size 140
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Table 8.1: Definitions of sustainable development in literature 154

Table 8.2: A classification of rural and urban areas in South Africa 158
Table 8.3: Summary of RBMs project that play a role in
facilitating linkages between rural and urban areas in the
wider uThungulu district 164
Table 8.4: Summary of the different stakeholders involved
in mining and their expectations. 167
Table 8.5: A summary of elements of the Mining charter 169
Table 9.1: Type of Businesses run by Kasanda residents. 189
Table 9.2: Migrant informal trader at Kabwe’s Kasanda
new market and Freedom way 193
BOX
Box 9.1: Respondent’s Views on Kabwe before and after miner closure 186

Acknowledgments
This work is supported by the African Development Bank (AfDB) through

the Japan Trust Fund as allocated by the Ministry of Finance, Japan.
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Chapter 1
Rural-urban Linkages and Sustainable Development
Farai Kapfudzaruwa, Shogo Kudo & Melissa Hansen
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Introduction
T he theme of rural-urban linkages has continuously received atten-

tion in development policy and practice as an important process in
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the socio-ecological and economic sustainability of both rural and urban
areas (Ingelaere et al, 2017; Tacoli and Satterthwaite, 2014). Over the years,
development practitioners have made several policy interventions to tackle
the sustainability disparities in rural and urban areas. Tacoli (1998, 2003)
argues that these interventions often fail due to the lack of recognition of
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the complexity of rural-urban interactions which involve spatial as well as
sectoral dimensions. The discussions in this book seek to further highlight
these inter-linkages by exploring the interrelated flow of natural resources,
people, capital, information, goods and services between rural and urban
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areas in an effort to tackle sustainability challenges in these areas.

The book critiques the generally held assumption of a sectoral divide
where rural areas are mostly agricultural, whilst urban areas engage in indus-
try and services. The rural-urban dichotomy has its history mirrored in the
challenges to manage the socio-ecological problems in growing 19th century
cities. On one spectrum, there was an anti-urban view which idealised
and regretted the disappearance of rural life, and at the other end was the
pro-urban view which considered urbanisation as the engine of progress,
innovation and modernisation (Davoudi and Stead, 2002). This has led to
policies which treated urban areas and rural areas as separate entities with
varying developmental and sustainability strategies. These views shaped
post-war urban planning in Britain which spread to other parts of the
world – mostly focused on separating towns from rural areas or the country,
restricting development within the city boundaries and protecting the coun-
tryside from urban expansion (see Munton, 2006; Ward, 2004, Hall, 2014).
Since then rural areas have been idealised as spaces dominated by agri-
culture and limited diversification whilst being socially cohesive. On the other
2| Rural-ur ban l inkag e s
hand, cities are seen as the incubators of advanced culture and repositories
of scientific and artistic knowledge and innovation resulting in diversified
manufacturing and services industries (Le Gates and Stout, 2015). Despite
the squalor and misery characterised by the working-class districts of the
19th century city in Europe and North America, and current African cities;
the pro-urban view celebrates them as the predecessors to the modern city
which is the engine of economic growth (Davoudi and Stead, 2002).
It is within this context that this book supports literature which chal-
lenges this long-standing dichotomy by promoting an integrated conception
of cities and rural areas regarding their spatial and functional interdepend-
ences. These interdependences are often complex and multifaceted with direct
impact on the socio-ecological as well as economic sustainability of these
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areas. This means the urban-rural relationship is not only characterised by
reciprocal exchanges where urban dwellers consume agricultural produce in
exchange for the cities’ industrial and commercial products. Instead, given
the evolving economies of rural areas, there is a multifaceted and dynamic
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web of interdependencies which are shaping the fortunes of cities and rural
areas alike. In some instances, rural areas in developed economies are com-
peting with cities in certain industries. This complexity has gained a new
political salience across the globe, including Africa–focused on the visible
and invisible flows of people, capital, goods, information and technology
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between urban and rural areas (Davoudi and Stead, 2002).
Rural-urban Linkages and Sustainable Development: Making

the Connections
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The complex interrelationship between rural areas and urban areas has
considerable ramifications for the sustainability and development of both
spaces. In particular, the flow of natural resources, goods, people, informa-
tion and capital between rural and urban areas is linked to three core issues
which affect the socio-ecological and economic well-being of communities:
(i) changes in land-use; (ii) migration and mobility; and (iii) rural transfor-
mations (Agergaard and Ortenbjerg, 2017).
Rural-urban linkages and changes in land-use

The key characteristic of rural-urban interlinkages is the change in
land use mostly associated with rapid urbanisation and globalization to a
lesser extent. The World Bank (2015) projects that the share of Africans
living in urban areas is going to grow from 36% in 2010 to 50% by 2030
– the highest rate of urbanisation in the world. The rapid urbanisation has
led to an increasing demand for urban land, particularly for housing and
expansion of industries to serve a growing population (Aguilar et al, 2003).
This increasing demand for land is affecting peri-urban areas where urban
C h ap t er 1 |3
areas are encroaching into rural agricultural land. The peri-urban areas
which are often at the boundary of rural and urban areas are transitional
in nature, that is, they become progressively more agrarian as one recedes
into the rural areas (Thuo, 2010). These rural-urban fringes are comprised
of diverse groups of people including farmers, migrants, recreational land
users, industrialists, and building developers which often creates complex-
ity and conflicts in managing the land use. It is apparent that as the rate
of urbanisation gains momentum in Africa a changing land use pattern is
emerging from predominantly agriculture to mixed land-use.
The reduction in the quantity and quality of land available for farm-
ing to rural residents has direct effects on their livelihoods. Thuo (2010)
revealed that due to increasing populations encroaching into rural land in
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Kenya, coffee farmers have been left with small portions of land for cul-
tivation. Therefore, growing such crops which require large tracks of land
is becoming unviable and thus farmers are switching to high value crops
that require small pieces of land. In many instances, these “cash crops” are
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capital intensive – a burden for the already poor rural farmers. More so, the
transition from traditional crops and farming to other modes of intensive
farming is even more challenging for the poor rural households because of
lack of knowledge and equipment on new farming methods. Due to the
demand of land for residential and industrial purposes rural farmers often
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end up selling their commercially unviable land to property developers.
The changing of land-use also reshapes work and sources of income for
the predominantly rural farming households. As the rural areas transform,
sometimes into small towns, rural households will seek non-farm jobs in
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emerging industries or they will migrate to surrounding towns and cities

(Haggblade et al, 2010). Given the nature of non-farm jobs and the labour
intensive requirement in practicing farming, rural agriculture is slowly dimin-
ishing as a viable livelihood activity for many rural households in Africa and
becoming secondary to other economic activities (Haggblade et al, 2010;
Reardon et al, 2000; Start, 2001). According to Satterthwaite et al (2010),
one of the key issues in this changing land use patterns as a result of these
rural-urban interconnections is “whether the growing and changing demands
for agricultural products from growing urban populations can be sustained
while at the same time underpinning agricultural prosperity and reducing
rural and urban poverty” (p. 2809).
Furthermore, the land use changes also have implications in the social
fabric of displaced rural households. The family and kinship networks pro-
vide the basic support network for most rural communities (Ellis, 1998).
These social networks are responsible for building social cohesion and sup-
port networks to vulnerable members of society as well as shaping the
culture. The changes in land use always invite migrants not familiar with
local customs and norms to join indigenous farmers and residents often
resulting in breakdown of communal kinships and family ties (Ellis, 1998).
However, as traditional institutions breakdown, “new modes” of interactions
will emerge among residents which will provide opportunities for promot-
ing collective action to societal challenges in these areas (Thuo, 2010). For
example, Campbell et al’s (2011) study of church groups in Sub-Saharan
Africa has revealed that following changes in social fabric of the rural com-
munity which was mostly shaped by African traditions, new faith groups
have emerged in partnerships to tackle HIV-AIDS related stigma.
The increased population density and emergence of peri-urban areas also
often puts pressure on natural resources such as water and land, resulting
in environmental degradation. Many rural communities in Africa exposed
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to the rapid urbanisation had to adapt to the changes in land tenure and
governance systems (Cotula et al, 2004). In particular, traditional leaders
who often possess the power to regulate access and management of natural
resources such as land and water now have to coexists and at times compete
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with modern tenure systems associated with title deeds.
The Impact of Migration on Rural and Urban Households

Another important aspect of the rural-urban linkages is the mobil-
ity of people in both directions. Whilst the literature and planning policy
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has mostly focused on rural-urban migration, this book also discusses the
movement of people from urban areas to rural areas (see discussion on rural
transformations below). As highlighted above, rural-urban migration is on
the rise in Africa, and currently accounting for 40-50% of the total urban
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population. Growing literature on rural-urban migration has identified

pull and push factors which include perceived better life and economic
opportunities, improved basic sanitation in urban areas and uneven spatial
development of rural and urban areas, unprofitable agriculture, limited liveli-
hood options and poor infrastructure in rural areas (Rosado, 2008; Turok
and McGranaham, 2013; Redman and Jones, 2005).
There has been no consensus in the literature on whether urbanisation
in Africa is beneficial to the sustainable development of either rural or
urban households (see Bloom et al, 2008; Bloom & Khanna, 2007, World
Bank, 2000 for these discussions). There are several authors who recognise
Africa’s urbanisation as a driver of economic development, industrialisation
and long-term structural transformation through the creation of cities which
serve as hubs of economic growth (Dorosh and Thurlow, 2014; Turok and
McGranahan, 2013). However, this is mostly dependent on infrastructural
and institutional efficiencies (Turok and McGranahan, 2013). According to
Songsore (2009) the growth in African cities is mostly characterised by econ-
omies of agglomeration that promote high levels of industrial productivity
C h ap t er 1 |5
which ultimately creates good quality jobs resulting in improved standards

of living. Urbanisation is also linked to the integration of skills, knowledge,
and financial resources which drives entrepreneurship and innovation result-
ing in low production costs and high incomes. Whilst several African cities
are experiencing economic growth and improved living standards, the level
of inequality is also increasing. As a result, the urban poor in many African
countries have poor sanitation in informal settlements coupled with low
quality of life linked to rising unemployment (UN-HABITAT, 2014).
In Accra, Ghana – one of the fastest growing cities in Africa, the pro-
portion of people living under the poverty line ($1) is 10.6% compared to
37.9% in rural Ghana (Cooke et al, 2016). This case of Ghana illustrates the
negative effects of urbanisation on rural areas. The “brain drain” of talent and
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productive labour from rural areas entails that the spaces are devoid of any
innovation and industrial productivity. This tends to undermine economic
growth and social wellbeing on rural households, mostly the vulnerable
elderly and children who are not capable of migrating. Studies have shown
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that these vulnerable rural groups often survive on remittances from relatives
working in urban areas – this is particularly the case for rural areas which
haven’t been able to transform from agriculture to non-farm economies
(Azam and Gubert, 2006; Gupta et al, 2009; Taylor, 1999).
As highlighted above, urbanisation is mostly characterised by outward
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spatial expansion which encroach into rural areas and changing land use
patterns that alter the livelihood of rural households. Making matters worse,
this spatial expansion has a negative impact on environmental sustainability
and resiliency of the cities. According to Nwokoro and Dekolo (2012) the
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built-up space in Lagos, Nigeria has increased from 397 km2 to 610 km2 –
an increase of 54% in less than two decades. There is a risk of such African
cities “breaking”, in terms of their ability to absorb more migrants and
managing socio-ecological challenges such as congestion, GHG emissions
and pollution. There is also a threat on whether these cities will be able to
meet the desires of city dwellers for recreational and social services (Cob-
binah & Amoako, 2012).
Rural Transformations
Due to the rapid urbanisation in Africa, policy makers have been encour-
aging the increased role of urban areas to support surrounding peri-urban
areas and rural areas. Decentralisation processes are underway in many Afri-
can cities to improve governance and accountability as well as provision of
public goods to communities. This has shifted governance responsibilities to
small towns and peri-urban areas surrounding rural areas. The public funding
and investment in infrastructure for the local municipalities allows for the
provision of essential services such as health and education that would be
beneficial to households residing in rural areas. More so, decentralization

opens employment opportunities in local municipalities for adjacent rural
communities. The chapters in the book highlight these vibrant synergies
between rural and urban areas which are key to the socio-ecological and
economic sustainability of the affected communities.
The vibrant synergies between rural and urban areas in Africa, partly
driven by the decentralization process and urbanisation, is an integral part of
rural transformation resulting in the establishment of small towns (Lazaro
et al, 2017; MacMillan and Headey, 2014). The continuous interconnections
between rural and urban areas over the years through the flow of people,
capital, resources and information has resulted in rural transformations
“whereby the sharp economic, social, and cultural differences between rural
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and urban gradually blur and bleed into each other along a continuous
gradient” (Berdegue et al, 2013: 7). This transformation has resulted in
the spatial reorganization of rural space characterised by lower population
density, changes in land use from agriculture.
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According to Lazaro et al, (2017) there are several processes which are
transforming rural areas into small towns. The first process relates to the
changes in the rural agricultural systems as a result of globalization. Market
liberalisation since the 1990s has introduced new economic actors to the
rural agricultural sector resulting in the economies increasingly becoming
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diverse rural non-farm economies (Hazell and Reardon, 2010). Tradition-
ally, rural areas were mostly responsible for the first stage of the agricultural
value chain dedicated to producing agricultural raw materials. However, in
recent decades, the flow of information, technology and capital combined
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with decentralisation processes which improved rural infrastructure have

allowed the rural areas to participate in other parts of the agriculture value
chain such as agro-processing, packaging and retail. This has also attracted
other industries such as banking, trade and construction further diversify-
ing rural economies.
The second process in the transformation of rural areas to small towns
relates to the various non-farm occupations which are attracted to rural
economies. These occupations considerably vary across regions due to a rich
array of path dependent historical features linked to natural resource endow-
ment and placement of government and administrative services (Lazaro et
al, 2017). For example, rural areas in southern Zambia exponentially grew
into small towns due to exploration in copper mines in the 1950s. Whilst
farming was the predominant economic activity, the discovery of copper
attracted occupations linked to mining which allowed for the diversification
of the “Copperbelt” rural economy and its transformation into small towns.
Migration to small towns, as a third process adds to the dynamics
of transformation of rural regions. Ingelaere et al’s, (2017) analysis of the
C h ap t er 1 |7
Kagera Health Development Survey (KHDS) in Tanzania in 1991 and

2010 revealed that migration to secondary towns contributed much more
to the overall income growth and poverty reduction than migration to cities
during the period under study. This suggests that most people migrating out
of agriculture end up in secondary towns because they face less obstacles
to migrate and due to the binding nature of life and livelihood choices.
Given that transforming rural areas are participating in various parts of
the agricultural value chains and they are increasingly becoming attractive
locations for investors, growing villages tend to become centres of attraction
for a diverse group of migrants (Steel and van Lindert, 2017).
Wealthier groups are also being pulled by the new opportunities and
spacious environments in peri-urban and rural areas. The arrival of the
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upper middle class is also drastically changing the occupational patterns
in both rural and urban areas. As vulnerable rural households move to the
urban areas in search of jobs after being displaced, wealthy middle-class
households will transform these rural areas to economic hubs catering for
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skilled and educated individuals (Champion, 1999). According to Tacoli
(2003), these “push” and “pull” dynamics will ultimately be determined by
gender, age, education, skills, and presence of social networks which support
specific economic activities.
Wealthier groups are also being pulled by the new opportunities and
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spacious environments in peri-urban and rural areas. The arrival of the
upper middle class is also drastically changing the occupational patterns
in both rural and urban areas. As vulnerable rural households move to the
urban areas in search of jobs after being displaced, wealthy middle-class
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households will transform these rural areas to economic hubs catering for
skilled and educated individuals (Champion, 1999). According to Tacoli
(2003), these “push” and “pull” dynamics will ultimately be determined by
gender, age, education, skills, and presence of social networks which support
specific economic activities.
Objectives of the Book

This book is produced as an output of Next Generation Researchers
(NGR) under Education for Sustainable Development in Africa (ESDA).
NGR is a group of researchers based in eight universities in five African
countries namely Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya, and Zambia. All
NGR members are either in their early age below 40 or early stage in their
academic career. The group is formed to enhance joint interdisciplinary
research focusing on sustainable development to complement the ESDA
Master’s programs and contribute to the current sustainable development
policy debates in Africa. NGR also serves as a platform for knowledge
exchange not only among NGR members but also between NGR and
senior researchers of ESDA member institutions. ESDA stresses the role

of young researchers in responses to sustainability challenges that African
countries are facing because this will be the group of researchers who will
spend their career in academia with the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) and the future sustainability agendas.
This book examines rural-urban linkages which is one of the key per-
spectives in sustainable development in African contexts. By compiling the
work of NGRs on sustainability both in urban and rural contexts of eight
African countries, the book aims to delineate rural-urban linkage perspective.
The rural-urban linkage perspective is imperative to gain a comprehensive
understanding on the sustainability challenges related to rapid urbanisation.
The editors and authors hope that this volume is used as a textbook on rural
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and urban sustainability challenges in three Master’s programs in ESDA
and university education programmes, as well as the policy discourse on
rural-urban linkages and sustainable development in Africa.
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Outline of the Book
In chapter 2 Brear argues for the greater use of the concept of sustain-
ability science – as a transdisciplinary approach which can be utilized to
study rural-urban linkages and achievement of sustainable development in
Africa. Brear provides a critical appraisal of the sociological foundations of
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sustainability science in relation to the theoretical conceptualization and
empirical instigation of rural-urban linkages and highlights the salient
limitations which prevent sustainability science from fulfilling its emanci-
patory, transdisciplinary and sustainable goals. For example, she discusses
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how failures to theoretically conceptualize “sustainable development” and

“rural-urban” constrains methodological innovations, inter-study comparison
and monitoring change over time. Brear highlights how empirical studies
can both contribute to and be enhanced by the development of robust
sociological foundations of sustainability science, using examples focused
on rural-urban migration in South Africa.
In chapter 3, Obirikorang, Wongnaa, Nkrumah and Ansong use the case
study of Ghana to explain how urbanisation as a key phenomenon in rural-
urban linkages is constraining the productivity of urban cities, reducing the
extent to which they effectively perform their role in national development.
The authors highlight how rapid urbanisation in Ghana since the 1980s has
caused serious negative environmental impact, particularly the quality of
drink water, fisheries and the productivity of agricultural land. The authors
argue that to ensure sustainable urbanisation and industrialization with
minimal impacts on the environment and rural livelihoods, it is important
to reconcile economic development with conservation and promote the
sustainable use and maintenance of Ghana’s natural resources.
C h ap t er 1 |9
In chapter 4 Sulemana, Mabe, and Mumuni further explore the effects

of urbanisation in Africa by focusing on large scale land acquisitions and
their impact on the livelihoods of indigenous rural people. The authors argue
that a rural-urban linkages perspective of large-scale land acquisitions in
Africa will help develop synergies within the rural-urban interface through
income and occupational diversification, mobility and migration, and the
formulation of plans and policies to enhance the achievement of the UN
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This is especially so for SDGs 1
and 2 which focus on ending hunger and poverty respectively. In chapter 5
Sulemana and Yiran also explore the effects of land-use changes as a result
of urbanisation – focusing on smallholder food security in Tamale, Ghana.
Specifically, the paper explored the extent to which urbanisation in Tamale
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has deprived peri-urban dwellers fertile land for agriculture and how the
households are developing strategies in response. Results from the study
indicate that the rate of physical growth or urban sprawl of Tamale into
its surrounding communities is 3.3 Km2 per annum, with the implication
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that land available for farming which is the major activity of indigenous
people within the peri-urban area of Tamale and its environs is dwindling.
Survey results on landholdings trends and actual cropped land confirmed
this observation of dwindling land availability for farming. Farmers who
have lost farm lands due to urbanisation seek land in other communities
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to make up for the shortage while others engage in off-farm activities as
alternative sources of livelihood.
In chapter 6, Fadairo, Olutegbe and Eforuoku explore the role of assem-
bly markets Oyo state, southwest of Nigeria in facilitating and sustaining
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rural-urban linkages. In particular, the chapter examines the local factors

influencing the dynamics of exchange in assembly markets between rural
areas, peri-urban areas and urban areas and related impacts to the overall
wellbeing of rural and urban populace. The chapter argues that the positive
impacts of assembly markets on rural and urban households confirms the
enormity of contributions an agricultural market can make towards reduc-
ing the rural-urban divide. Though the interrelationship can be described as
symbiotic, it is however skewed in terms of impacts/gains towards the rural
people than the urban residents. In chapter 7, Odingo and Mutisya use the
case study of Machakos, a peri-urban area in Nairobi, Kenya to explore the
energy needs of households in spaces between rural and urban areas. The
authors argue that the peri-urban spaces are regions consisting of growth
centres and areas of deprivation, which with availability and equal access
to clean and secure energy sources can enhance more equitable landscapes
in terms of human settlement and development.
In chapter 8, Mbatha, Charakinya and Govender focus on the role of
the mining sector in South Africa in facilitating rural-urban linkages. The
10 | Rural-ur ban l inkag e s
mining industry in Africa has always played a critical role in the sustain-
able development of the communities that surround their operations. As a
result of this, mining companies are often encouraged to engage in regional
cooperation and development whilst promoting the synergies between
rural and urban regions. To promote cluster development that would see
the realization of economies of scale. Using the case study of the Richards
Bay Minerals in South Africa, the authors reveal that mining companies
operating in rural host communities can improve rural communities’ access
to finance, infrastructure and capital. The improved infrastructure can be
used by the rural communities to link to markets in urban areas. Given the
high levels of inequality in South Africa, the authors reveal that mining
companies are often encouraged to promote the sustainable development
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through benefit-sharing partnerships and aligning with local communities.
However, the evidence in Richards Bay indicates that the benefit sharing
mechanisms are still inexistent due to factors associated with institutional
asymmetries, power struggles between actors and legal pluralism.
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In chapter 9, Mfune, Wamuwi, Chansa-Kabali, Chisola and Manchisi
also focus on the mining sector, with more emphasis on post-mining recov-
ery in Zambia and how it affects livelihoods of households. The purpose of
this chapter is to contribute to the debate on mine closure, particularly as it
relates to the recovery of mining communities. In particular, the chapter uses
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the case of one of the oldest mining towns in Zambia, Kabwe, in order to
examine how rural-urban linkages can provide a framework for post-mining
recovery. Thus, the central question in chapter 9 revolves around the issue of
how a rural-urban linkages perspective can be used to develop interventions
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to aid the recovery of mining towns affected by mine decline and closure.
The authors explore, in this regard, the role of rural urban linkages in mining
towns and the extent to which policy interventions for post-mining recovery
have attempted to draw on rural-urban linkages.
In chapter 10, Nyerere explores the role of higher education in rural
and urban development, focusing on capacity training of social enterprises.
The author argues that university education is a major vector in society that
can bring social equity. As a result, African universities have great potential
to play more proactive role as agents or instruments of social change and
social development which could be harnessed to create the link between
rural and urban segments. In this regard, Nyerere’s chapter looks at social
enterprises skills development opportunities and prospects, and the role of
university education in the rural and urban development.
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Chapter 2
Enhancing the Sociological Foundations of
Sustainability Science for Better Understanding Rural-
urban Linkages in Africa
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Michelle R. Brear
Introduction
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he defining features of sustainability science suggest it has great potential
to advance the investigation of rural-urban linkages and sustainable
development in Africa. Sustainability science is an explicitly political ori-
entation to researching the “fundamental character of interactions between
nature and society … [and] society’s capacity to guide those interactions
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along more sustainable trajectories” (Kates et al., 2001: 641). It has established
a prominent profile in the literature since the 1980s, as an orientation to
creating rigorous knowledge to support sustainable development (Steel-
man et al., 2015). The defining features of sustainability science are: (1)
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transdisciplinarity (Scholz and Steiner, 2015); (2) a focus on human-nature

interactions (Salas-Zapata et al., 2017) within “coupled social-ecological
systems” (Miller, 2014); and (3) emancipatory, decolonising aims and the
use of participatory processes for achieving them (Chilisa, 2017). Sus-
tainability science is informed by critical, post-positivist ontological and
epistemological perspectives ( Jerneck et al., 2011) and aims to produce
knowledge that can inform solutions to the “grand challenges” or “wicked
problems” of sustainable development. These problems, caused as much if
not more, by socio-political factors as ecological processes (Miller, 2014), are
“life-threatening and urgent, have long-term impacts, are highly complex
(systemic), and cannot be solved by simple remedies” (Wiek et al., 2012: 7).
Sustainability Science, Sustainable Development and

Sociology
Defined in 1987 as “development that meets the needs of the present
without compromising the needs of future generations” (WCED, 1987),
sustainable development has an explicit focus on social justice (Miller,
C h ap t er 2 | 15
2014). However, the equitable sustainable development the WCED report

envisioned remains elusive. For example, in Africa social and economic
inequalities persist, both within and between the “urban” centres of mod-
ernisation and traditional “rural” periphery. These rural and urban spaces
have typically been theorised in terms of their separateness and difference,
for example as socially and economically distinct (Lohnert and Steinbrink,
2005). Rural spaces are often theorised to be fundamentally different from
(and typically as primitive and poor, compared to) the (rich, developed) urban
“ideal” (Quijano, 2007). This conceptualization defies empirical evidence from
South Africa, suggesting complex rural-urban linkages, and sociocultural
and economic heterogeneity within rural and urban spaces. It constrains
the design of interventions to enhance rural-urban linkages for sustain-
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able development (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005) because it suggests that
development can only be achieved through urbanisation (Quijano, 2007).
This invalid conceptualisation of rural-urban epitomises a broader lack
of robust sociological foundation, which I argue seriously limits the poten-
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tial of sustainability science. Sociology is the study of society, including
the theoretical and methodological devices employed by sociologists. Like
sustainability science, it is an umbrella term which groups together diverse
and sometimes conflicting ontological and epistemological traditions. My
aim in this chapter is to contribute to advancing the sociological foundations
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of sustainability science by critically appraising its defining theoretical and
methodological features and discussing how these variously limit or enable
understandings of rural-urban linkages, using examples of migration research
from South Africa. I then outline future theoretical and methodological
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directions that can enhance the sociological foundations of sustainability

science, and contribute to fulfilling its emancipatory, decolonising potential.
Theoretical Underpinnings of Sustainability Science

Theoretically, sustainability science is a post-positivist approach to
research which problematizes, and calls for reflective scrutiny of, traditional
methods of generating scientific knowledge (those grounded in positivist,
linear and reductionist epistemologies). Each of sustainability science’s key
theoretical influences, transdisciplinarity, complex systems thinking and
de-colonial studies, recognise the complex and socio-historically situated
nature of wicked problems like rural-urban circular migration in South
Africa (Figure 2.1). For example, each of these theoretical approaches would
consider “rural” and “urban” as socially constructed and contested spaces, and
recognise the plural meanings people attach to rural-urban societies and
their experiences within them. In the African context, all would consider
how colonisation has shaped a complex system of (unequal) rural-urban
linkages through which social, cultural and economic resources and needs
flow amongst rural and urban societies (Figure 2.1). These linkages and the
ways in which they affect interconnected rural and urban societies, influ-
ence diverse (e.g. Black and White, male and female) individuals’ varied
experiences of rural-urban life. For example, knowledge (a cultural resource)
about rural or urban lifestyles and opportunities moves with people when
they migrate. Migration also establishes new, and changes the nature of
existing, social relationships (social resources). These rural-urban linkages
influence the abilities and aspirations of rural people to migrate, and the
rate of rural-urban migration (Figure 2.1) (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005).
Once migration links are established between rural-urban societies, cultural
resources like knowledge and economic resources like money may also move
independently of people’s movement (e.g. if knowledge is exchanged by
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telephone or money remitted via a bank) (Figure 2.1). The theories which
inform sustainability science aim to understand the complex, bidirectional
and multi-layered nature of factors that underpin and result from, phenomena
like migration (Chilisa, 2017, Scholz and Steiner, 2015).
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Figure 2.1: The complex, bidirectional and multi-layered rural-urban linkages constitut-
ing circular, rural-urban work-related migration in South Africa
Transdisciplinarity
Transdisciplinarity is both a tool and an elusive goal of sustainability
science. It has been described as a “meta-structure” for the integration of
scientific disciplines and society (including indigenous knowledge hold-
ers (Chilisa, 2017), and the creation of robust evidence that unifies these
knowledges (Scholz and Steiner, 2015). Transdisciplinarity is more than
simply a new discipline or super-discipline. It is a fundamentally different
C h ap t er 2 | 17
ontological and epistemological orientation to research, grounded in more

systemic (holistic) conceptualizations of problems ( Jerneck et al., 2011).
Transdisciplinarity defies the tradition of scientists (typically urban-
dwelling White people) assuming the role of experts who create knowledge
on behalf of people affected by, and with direct experience of, the problems
(e.g. migrant workers) ( Johnson et al., 2016). Sustainability science assumes
that superior understandings of wicked sustainability problems can be devel-
oped by combining knowledges (Miller, 2014). This may seem apparent.
However, transdisciplinarity defies traditional approaches to science, in which
specific disciplines (e.g. Physics, Chemistry, Biology, Psychology, Sociology,
Anthropology) and fields (e.g. natural and social sciences) have developed
and continue to operate, largely in isolation from, and to a certain degree
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in opposition to, each other ( Jerneck et al., 2011, Olsson et al., 2015). For
example, the flows of resources between rural and urban areas have tradition-
ally been conceptualized primarily in economic terms. In migration studies
this has manifested as a focus on migrant worker remittances and their
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contribution to economic development of migrants’ communities of origin
(Mendola, 2012). In a transdisciplinary approach these economic transfers
would be considered as one amongst many complex and durable linkages
between geographically separate rural-urban spaces (Figure 2.1). Economic
resource flows from rural to urban societies, for example start-up funding
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(often sourced at the household level) would also be considered (Collinson,
2010). The bidirectional flows of social and cultural resources and needs
would be conceptualized in terms of their broader influence in the rural
origin community, including how the migration influenced the migration
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practices of other community members (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005)

(Figure 2.1). For example, migrant workers often remit money back to the
rural community. These economic resources may increase the ability of other
rural people (often members of their household) to migrate, for example
if they are used as start-up funds, or influence the willingness of (typically
female) non-migrants to provide care for a migrant worker’s children (De
Haas, 2010) (Figure 2.1). These “feedback effects”, neglected by traditional
scientific approaches, are characteristic of the complex systems in which
sustainability problems arise (Scholz and Steiner, 2015).
Complex-systems
Understanding complex socio-ecological systems in transdisciplinary
ways, requires complex approaches to thinking about, describing, and ana-
lysing interactions between parts of a system. Conceptualizing rural-urban
spaces as “trans-local” (interconnected parts of a single system with internal
feedback effects) reveals deeper layers of complexity, compared to treating
rural and urban as distinct spaces (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005). This
approach, referred to as “complex systems thinking”, is at the core of both

transdisciplinarity and sustainability science (Wiek et al., 2012). It employs
tools like systems dynamic modelling (Figure 2.1) to visualise the complex
network of intersecting social, cultural and economic factors that give rise
to problems like migration.
The need for complex-systems thinking about wicked problems might
seem self-evident. Both the social and ecological worlds are characterised
by complexity, non-linearity, self-organisation and strong interlinkages.
Effectively, changes to any one part of the social-ecological system, will cause
(often unintended) changes in other parts. Complex-systems approaches
aim to reveal these interactions, which traditional positivist science typi-
cally either neglects or controls for (Scholz and Steiner, 2015). For example,
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by focusing migration studies on a constrained set of economic cause and
effect variables, traditional science neglects proximal and distal effects of
rural out-migration like reduced agricultural productivity and food security,
associated with the outflow of labour power (Figure 2.1) (Mendola, 2012).
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An economic focus would also mask the ways that work-related migration
concentrates the burden of unpaid care-related labour in rural societies,
typically with women. This has the distal effect of perpetuating the discrimi-
natory gendered norms and expectations regarding women’s work (Brear et
al., under review, Camlin et al., 2014) (Figure 2.1).
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Understanding a complex system requires considering its socio-historical
context (Figure 2.1), because societies are structured by historic events and
people’s knowledge of these. The complex systems that support work-related
migration in South Africa are markedly influenced by historic patterns of
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work-related migration. People’s knowledge of the types of migration-

related behaviour historically considered normal, and social expectations
regarding who should (and who should not) migrate influence individual’s
migration-related aspirations (De Haas, 2010). Normal patterns of migra-
tion in South Africa were established during the colonial era, simultaneous
to the transformation of subsistence agricultural economies to capital-
industrial economies. This transition established previously unknown types
of (wage-labour) work, without which work-related migration would not
exist. Understanding work-related migration in this manner, as a culturally
and historically situated practice, is the essence of (Madhavan, 2004, Núñez
Carrasco et al., 2011) a de-colonial approach (Mignolo, 2007).
De-colonial and post-colonial

De-colonial and post-colonial approaches are niches within critical
theory, distinguished by their grounding in the perspectives of “othered”
people of the former European colonies (Mignolo, 2007). These theories
conceptualise science as imbued with European ethnocentrism, which causes
C h ap t er 2 | 19
scientists to reason in terms of Indigenous deficit, generates results that

distort the realities of Indigenous people, and perpetuates colonial relations
of power inequality (Chilisa, 2017, Smith, 2013). De-colonial theorists have
further highlighted how the patriarchal worldview of traditional science
generates knowledge that “others” and delegitimises the realities of women,
queers and other non-dominant groups (Grosfoguel, 2006).
De-colonial approaches represent a challenge to the academic impe-
rialism (i.e. the legitimisation of academic, and relegation of other ways of
knowing (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1999)) of traditional science (Chilisa,
2017). In doing so they make the fundamentally political nature of science
explicit and situate imperialist approaches to knowledge creation as key
amongst the wicked problems sustainability science needs to solve (Chilisa,
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2017, Scholz and Steiner, 2015). For example, traditional science, informed
by modernist/rationalist epistemologies, has assumed urban modernity is a
universal aspiration. From this perspective work-related migration would
likely be conceptualized as the free choice of individuals aspiring to adopt
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modern lifestyles. A decolonial approach might problematise the value-
laden nature of terms like urban (core, rich) and rural (periphery, poor) and
highlight how the spaces labelled using these terms are social products of
the highly unequal relations of colonialism (Quijano, 2007). It might fur-
ther highlight how African people’s choices to migrate from rural to urban
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areas are structured by historic factors over which migrants had no control.
For example, the forced removal of African people from their agricultural
land during colonisation, resulted in many farmers being unable to produce
their subsistence needs. Inability to subsist was instrumental in creating a
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need for rural-urban work-related migration (Bourdieu and Sayad, 2004).

In South Africa, dispossession of Black people from their agricultural lands
was coupled with the introduction of taxation systems in the Bantustans
(rural “homelands” governed by traditional chiefs) they were forcibly removed
to. The sudden need for money to pay tax, created a need to migrate for
work, amongst a group of people that had previously produced their own
subsistence (Wolpe, 1972). This socio-historically situated way of knowing
work-related migration, suggests it is often a necessity rather than a choice,
from the perspective of migrant workers.
Like transdisciplinary approaches, de-colonial and post-colonial theo-
ries situate indigenous ways of knowing as equally valuable to scientific
knowledge (Chilisa, 2017). De-colonial theory further situates the sci-
entific relegation of indigenous knowledge as an intentional strategy of
colonial cultural domination. It posits that the colonial status quo con-
tinues in the post-colonial era, due to a persistent “coloniality of power”
(power to dominate despite the removal of the colonial political authority)
to which Western science contributes (Quijano, 2007). Research informed
by de-colonial theory aims to reveal the ongoing, structuring effects of the

colonial legacy. For example, Black people’s circular patterns of work-related
rural-urban migration have persisted in South Africa despite the removal
of colonial (Apartheid)-era policies that gave rise to them (segregationist
laws that prevented the permanent settlement of Black people in urban
areas and required them to return annually to their Bantustan) (Collinson,
2010). These regulations necessitated migrant workers being separated from,
but maintaining strong social ties with, their origin rural household. They
established a cheap pool of labour in urban areas but externalised the cost
of reproducing the labour force (i.e. raising children) to the rural subsist-
ence farming economy. Ostensibly enacted to enforce racial segregation,
Bantustan policy also effectively segregated the South African population
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economically. The migration patterns, and the rural underdevelopment and
low wages Apartheid-era policies spawned in South Africa, so economically
profitable for colonial commerce and simultaneously so socially and cultur-
ally costly for migrant workers, have changed little since independence and
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the introduction of democratic rule. Scientific approaches that conceptualise
work-related migration as a rural-economic development strategy, mask
the history of dispossession and poverty from which contemporary migra-
tion practices arose (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005). This is an example of
Quijano’s (2007) notion of the persistent nature of “coloniality of power”
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(in which scientists may be complicit). It demonstrates why decolonising
approaches like sustainability science require methodological devices capable
of revealing the underlying and historic causes of contemporary practices.
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Methodological Approaches of Sustainability Science

The methodological approaches of sustainability science flow from its
critical theoretical foundations (Scholz and Steiner, 2015). They are intended
to produce knowledge that characterises the complexity of real world socio-
ecological systems (Scholz and Steiner, 2015), in which different groups and
individuals perceive “reality” (i.e. make meaning of their world and their
experiences in it) in remarkably diverse ways (Quijano, 2007). The methodo-
logical devices of sustainability science are techniques for generating data
about, representing, analysing and transforming socio-ecological systems
towards sustainable development (Scholz and Steiner, 2015). They include:
(1) participatory, emancipatory approaches to designing and implementing
research (Salas-Zapata et al., 2017); (2) problem-driven methodological
pluralism; (3) methods that are determined by the complex and contextual
(place-based) nature of the wicked problems being researched (Olsson et
al., 2015); and (4) an action- or solution- orientation to knowledge creation
(Miller, 2014).
C h ap t er 2 | 21
Participatory, Emancipatory Approaches

Participatory or emancipatory approaches are inherently transdiscipli-
nary and ideally commence with the participation of multiple stakeholders,
including lay-people, in defining the research problem (Brear et al., 2017).
They are based on the equitable involvement in, and mutual-learning through
scientific enquiry of, academics and practitioners from various disciplines,
and lay-people directly affected by the problems (Chambers, 2015, Brydon-
Miller et al., 2011). Like sustainability science, participatory approaches are
grounded in de-colonial and related theories which recognise the cultural
imperialism of traditional science, value a range of knowledge types equally,
and utilise methods that generate data about emic (local or indigenous)
conceptualizations of the problem/s being researched (Zavala, 2013, Chilisa,
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2017, Smith, 2013).
Emic realities, based as they are on lived experiences (often of margin-
alisation), typically represent a, “‘high-context’ body of knowledge built up
over generations by culturally distinct people living in close contact with
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a ‘place’” ( Johnson et al., 2016: 5). Lay-people’s ontological knowledge
exemplifies the notion of “complex systems thinking” which is central to
sustainability science, because it is based on experience of living in the
system and direct exposure to its complexity. Enabling this knowledge to be
shared and legitimised is a key reason for the perceived value of participatory
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methodologies and methods ( Johnson et al., 2016). Migrant workers have
personal experience of how the dynamics of household-level social support
shaped their own migration practices, for example the extent to which finan-
cial contributions or provision of child care by other household members
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enabled their move (Camlin et al., 2014, Collinson, 2010) and the ways in
which knowledge of job opportunities and lifestyles in the urban destination
influenced their aspirations (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005, Camlin et al.,
2014). This emic knowledge can augment, and lead to increasingly nuanced
and complex, professional understandings of the dynamics of rural-urban
migration systems (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005).
Participatory methodologies draw on the full range of traditional natural
and social scientific methods of enquiry (from social surveys to chemical
testing of water or soil). They may or may not involve the use of participa-
tory methods, like collaborative GIS-based land mapping and social impact
assessment (Wiek et al., 2012), role plays, transect walks, dialogues and other
approaches in which data generation and analysis are combined (Chambers,
2015). Participatory methods aim to reduce the barriers between scientists
and society, and create visual, oral and other types of data that are more acces-
sible to or enable the expression of ideas and concepts in ways more appealing
to marginalised lay-people (Chambers, 2015). Participatory research often
aims to improve the research system through which knowledge is created,
and/or the system in which the sustainability problem arises, as it occurs.

The methodological process is intended to be transformative (Scholz and
Steiner, 2015), that is, to change not only what people think and do, but more
fundamentally how they think and act (Wiek et al., 2012). The transformative
potential of participatory processes arises because society’s participation in
science redefines more equitable relationships between scientists, lay-people
and practitioners. This potentiates, for example, Indigenous people and other
non-scientists recognising the value of their emic (Indigenous, experiential)
knowledge of a sustainability problem and/or how that problem might be
researched. It also creates relationships which might heighten scientists’
awareness of the limitations of their etic (professional) ways of knowing
and creating knowledge (and vice versa) ( Johnson et al., 2016).
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Pluralism-Problem-Driven, Mixed-Method Designs
The participatory nature of sustainability science necessitates methodo-
logical pluralism, or the selection, design and/or implementation of methods
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that match the purpose of the enquiry ( Johnson et al., 2016). Sustainability
science often involves a combination of methods (i.e. mixed-method designs
(Morse and Niehaus, 2009)). Because it is problem-driven and interdiscipli-
nary, the methods employed by sustainability science are determined by the
object of study, rather than disciplinary traditions. Indeed, as a transdisci-
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plinary orientation to creating knowledge, sustainability science potentially
utilises the full range of natural and social scientific methods ( Johnson et al.,
2016). Because wicked problems have socio-political drivers like “culture,
power, politics and values” (Miller, 2014: 35), appropriate methods must
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characterise, and elucidate solutions to the socio-political drivers of the

sustainability problem/s being investigated. From a sustainability science
perspective, rural-urban migration in South Africa needs to be understood
as structured by policies (or lack thereof ) that perpetuate rural underde-
velopment, result in high rates of unemployment and limit other economic
opportunities in rural areas (Figure 2.1) (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005).
Importantly the de-colonial theoretical underpinnings of sustainability
science situate the colonising methods and theories which have created
and legitimised scientific knowledge (Smith, 2013) as amongst the wicked
problems sustainability science aims to overcome (Steelman et al., 2015).
Because research has historically, and continues to contribute to the colo-
nisation of people and spaces (e.g. to the notion of rural spaces as deficient
compared to urban spaces (Quijano, 2007)), problem-driven methodologies
must incorporate explicit strategies to decolonise knowledge (Chilisa, 2017).
The methodologies of sustainability science must also attempt to empiri-
cally and critically appraise if and how the scientific process achieved its
decolonising aims (Miller, 2014).
C h ap t er 2 | 23
Rich Picture, Placed-Based, Approaches

Sustainability science’s grounding in complex-systems thinking under-
pins its emphasis on place-based methodological approaches ( Johnson et al.,
2016). These aim to establish a “rich” and holistic picture of the interactions
between coupled socio-ecological systems in a particular location (Miller,
2014). In South Africa where many migrant workers are miners (i.e. people
paid to extract ecological resources), the social phenomenon of work-related
migration cannot be separated from the ecological system in which it occurs.
In addition, work-related rural-urban migration in South Africa is more
likely in households located in close proximity to natural resources. This
appears to be because economic resources generated by small-scale extrac-
tion of natural resources are used to fund the costs of migration (Hunter
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et al., 2017) (Figure 2.1).
Like methodologically plural approaches, place-based approaches like
case study and ethnography potentially utilise the full range of natural and
social scientific research methods. Case study methodology has special
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importance in sustainability science as it embraces complex, contextualized
systems thinking (Scholz and Steiner, 2015). Case studies are defined by:
(1) a focus on a contextually-situated, bounded (individual, community,
institutional or phenomenon) system as the unit of analysis; (2) the inten-
sity and completeness of the analysis they produce; and (3) emphasis on
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changes over time and in response to specific events (Flyvbjerd, 2013). At
first glance the focus on a case may appear inconsistent with the trans-local,
complex-system approach to conceptualizing rural-urban spaces. However,
focusing on a case is not incompatible with a trans-local approach, provided
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the “case” being studied is defined as a complex, trans-local system with

interacting rural and urban sub-systems (Figure 2.1).
Ethnography is a particular type of mixed-method, longitudinal case
study, employing participant observation as the primary data collection
technique (Morse and Niehaus, 2009). It is an interactionist and interpre-
tivist approach, involving long term, direct and “systematic observation of
[historically and geographically situated], ever changing and interactive
natural and social phenomena” (Schensul, 2009: 244). Importantly, in rela-
tion to sustainability science’s decolonising aims, classic (i.e. colonial era)
ethnography was widely implicated in the misrepresentation, “othering” and
domination of colonised people (Smith, 2013, Go, 2013). However, critical
ethnographies played a crucial role in exposing the dynamics (including
the role of science) of colonial social power relations in Africa (Go, 2013).
For example, critical ethnographies of the forced resettlement of peasants
in colonial Algeria (Bourdieu and Sayad, 2004), produced anti-colonial
sociologies of migration and colonialism, decades before de-colonial studies
developed as a cultural studies’ niche (Go, 2013).
Several other rich-picture and/or placed-based methodological

approaches warrant a mention for their current or potential role in sus-
tainability science. As noted above, systems analysis techniques including
systems dynamics modelling (Figure 2.1) can be usefully applied to analysing
and visually representing data about wicked sustainability challenges (Wiek
et al., 2012). Numerous participatory methods are explicitly place-based.
These include a range of mapping activities, transect walks (Chambers,
2015) and photography-centred methodologies like Photovoice (Wang and
Burris, 1997). Decolonising or indigenous methods are a particular type
of participatory approach that explicitly aims to incorporate Indigenous
styles of communication (Chilisa, 2017) and ways of sharing place-based
knowledge ( Johnson et al., 2016).
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Action-or Solution-oriented
Sustainability science aims to create evidence which informs actions
or solutions grounded in values that matter to marginalised people (Miller,
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2014) and builds the capacity of decision makers to take actions that support
sustainable development (Scholz and Steiner, 2015). It intends to generate
and utilise democratic definitions (e.g. of rural-urban or sustainable devel-
opment) that reflect the diversity of human values and experiences (e.g. of
Indigenous people and women) (Chilisa, 2017). The process of creating
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knowledge about the values of marginalised people and what they perceive
the problems and solutions to be, is considered by some (following Freire’s
(1996/1970) theory of praxis, a conceptualization of knowledge and action
as dialectically related) to be a psychologically transformative process that
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represents action in itself (Miller et al., 2014). However, in the African con-
text there is also recognition that wicked sustainability problems like rural
poverty and migration, cannot be solved psychologically. Material resource
redistribution and economic development are prerequisites for social justice
in many African settings (Brear et al., 2018, Campbell, 2014), including the
underdeveloped rural areas of South Africa from which workers migrate
(Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005).
Limitations of Sustainability Science’s Sociology

The radical theoretical and methodological agenda of sustainability
science has not been achieved in practice (Salas-Zapata et al., 2017, Scholz
and Steiner, 2015). In this section I outline limitations in the sociological
foundations of sustainability science, which constrain its contribution to
creating knowledge for sustainable development. The importance I attribute
to these factors stems from my belief that the goal of generating evidence
about coupled socio-ecological systems can only be achieved if the sociologi-
cal foundation of sustainability science are robust (Flint, 2016).
C h ap t er 2 | 25
Ambiguous Conceptualizations of Sustainable Development

Perhaps the most salient limitation of sustainability science is the inad-
equate conceptualization of sustainable development (Rauschmayer et al.,
2011). Most articles reporting sustainability science fail to define this over-
arching goal (Salas-Zapata et al., 2017). However, concepts like sustainable
development, which scientists create and use (typically without society’s
input) are crucial for tracking success (Rauschmayer et al., 2011). They also
play an important role in influencing what scientists, policy makers and
society conceive development problems to be. When presented as scientific
information, sustainability science terms presuppose a policy preference and
act as a type of policy advocacy. For example, sustainability, from a norma-
tive perspective, assumes a preference for conserving natural ecosystems, in
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favour of utilising them for the socioeconomic development or maintenance
of rural societies (Hansen et al., 2015).
Normative (universalist) definitions of sustainable development, are
widely critiqued (Miller, 2014). For example, the WCED (1987) defini-
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tion centres on the ambiguous concept of needs, which is implied to refer
to basic material necessities (Rauschmayer et al., 2011). This definition is
problematic in numerous ways. Firstly, self-perceived needs are structurally
determined and have little correlation to the body’s physical requirements.
For example, the feedback of knowledge to the rural-origin community
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which occurs with rural-urban migration, influences people’s career aspira-
tions and conceptualizations of “the good life” (Figure 2.1) (De Haas, 2010).
Rural-urban migration has been charged with creating a “contagion of needs”
(Bourdieu and Sayad, 2004: 456) for modern consumer goods that would
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be unknown to rural societies in the absence of migration.

Since sustainable development was originally defined in terms of
fundamental (implied to be material) needs, the “capabilities” approaches
(Nussbaum, 2000, Sen, 1999) have popularised the notion of “development
as freedom”. From a capabilities perspective “the good life” has psycho-social
and cognitive prerequisites. It is as dependent on a person being respected
and educated in ways that enable critical reflection and creativity (e.g. includ-
ing in defining their needs), as it is on economic resources. The sustainable
development goals (SDGs) (UNGA, 2015) (the most recent normative
definition of sustainable development) reflect this broader conceptualiza-
tion. There are goals for gender equality and participation in education.
However, the SDGs are a constrained set of “siloed” targets, which gloss over
the interdependencies amongst “parts” (i.e. individual goals). For example,
Goal 8: Sustainable Cities and Communities, focuses on urban locations.
It fails to conceptualise cities as inherently linked to, and interdependent
with, rural areas. The characteristics that distinguish urban from rural loca-
tions are not described (UNGA, 2015). Perhaps inadvertently, by failing to
acknowledge the existence and importance of rural spaces, SDG-8 perpetu-

ates the colonial tendency to situate urban lifestyles as the ideal all should
aspire to (Quijano, 2007). Of crucial importance for sustainability scientists
in Africa, where marginalisation is strongly and historically race-based, is the
absence of goals or targets for reducing racial inequality. Goal 10: Reduce
Inequalities, focuses on economics and makes only a passing reference to
race-based inequality. It fails to acknowledge the legacy of colonialism and/
or its racial and cultural dynamics, when discussing the economic disparities
between developed (i.e. White, coloniser) and under-developed (i.e. non-
White, colonised) countries (UNGA, 2015).
Limited grounding in, or development of, “middle range” social theories
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The inadequacy of current conceptualizations of sustainable development
for African rural-urban linkages research, relates in part to sustainability
science’s limited grounding in theories developed from place-based empirical
evidence (i.e. “middle range theories” in contrast to purely abstract “grand
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theories” (Olsson et al., 2015)). Better theoretical foundations are needed
to adequately conceptualise and understand sustainable development and
its central concepts (e.g. “participation”, “social capital” and “rural-urban”)
(Frey, 2017). For example, in science, “participation” refers to a wide range
of approaches, from enquiries designed in a long-term, critically reflexive,
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co-learning science-society partnerships (empowerment); to research that
only involves lay-members of society in data collection, because it is efficient
and economical (utilitarian) (Brear et al., 2017). Other concepts like “social
capital” which have been comprehensively theorised by different scholars in
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inconsistent ways (De Haas, 2010), are often utilised in sustainability science
with limited (if any) theoretical grounding. This constrains understand-
ing and negates comparison between studies (Frey, 2017). For example, in
relation to migration studies, some conceptualizations equate social capital
with social networks, while others view the (social, cultural and economic)
resources which can be accessed via the network as social capital. The latter
conceptualization, which indicates that the size of the social network is less
important than its nature or quality, better matches empirical observations
of the influence of social networks on migration (De Haas, 2010).
The Western bias of existing theories further limits sustainability science
fulfilling its emancipatory goals in Africa (Smith, 2013). Existing social
theories were developed primarily in European (colonising) countries. The
biased worldview inherent to these theories ensures studies that utilise them,
misrepresent the “realities” of marginalised people (Smith, 2013). For exam-
ple, a key sociological influence in sustainability science, the “grand” World
Systems Theory ( Jerneck et al., 2011), is an economic conceptualization of
unequal global relations of exchange (Grosfoguel, 2006). It has been critiqued
C h ap t er 2 | 27
by de-colonial scholars for its exclusive focus on economic imperialism,

and neglect of cultural imperialism (Grosfoguel, 2006). However, from a
de-colonial perspective, grand theories (and middle range theories based
on evidence from European culture) are universally biased. They are based
on a subject-object dichotomy and cultural imperialism in which West-
ern (Capitalist) culture, and economic, scientific rationalism, are assumed
superior (Quijano, 2007). As traditional science is a key mode of cultural
imperialism (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1999), the robust knowledge that
sustainability science aims for, cannot be created without explicit recognition
of, and methodological devices that reveal, the inherently prejudiced nature
of the (colonial) academic lens and the theories it has spawned (Bourdieu
and Wacquant, 1992).
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Lack of methodological innovation
The methodological limitations of sustainability science are inherently
related to its theoretical limitations. Ambiguous definitions undermine
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methodological rigour and innovation. For example, how can innovative
ways to assess a program’s effectiveness in achieving migration patterns
conducive to “sustainable development” (or a component like “social capi-
tal” or “community participation”) in a “rural-urban” “space” be developed,
if it is unclear to what these terms refer (Rauschmayer et al., 2011, Frey,
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2017)? How can the misappropriation and euphemistic use of sustain-
ability science terminology to conceal wicked sustainability problems (e.g.
by equating economic expansion with development) be prevented? How
can novel methodological approaches that reveal marginalisation and the
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power inequalities which characterise rural-urban work-related migration

in South Africa, be developed?
The limitations of sustainability science in developing novel techniques
for investigating sustainability problems and their solutions is also important
(Wiek et al., 2012). Like Western theories, traditional scientific methods
have been developed by colonisers, and perpetuate colonial relations of domi-
nation at the micro (researcher-researched) level (Smith, 2013). However,
sustainability science’s critical appraisal of traditional scientific methods
has not yet been adequately matched by the development and systematic
description of alternative participatory and decolonising techniques.
Assumptions About the Value of “Participatory” and “Decolonising/Indigenous”

Approaches
Society’s participation in research, and particularly the participation
of people marginalised (whether by colonialism, racism, hetero-sexism or
another factor), is a key strategy for decolonising knowledge. However, there
is currently a lack of empirical evidence showing if and how participation
in research effects positive change (Brear et al., 2017). The development of

participatory methods has been informed primarily by empirical experiences
of non-colonised (White) scientists, and their perceptions about how the
methods “worked” to encourage Indigenous lay-people’s participation (rather
than for example, if and how they worked to decolonise knowledge). Lay-
people’s participation is assumed to improve research (Chambers, 2015), in a
return to (an albeit alternative) positivist epistemology in which indigenous
knowledge is constituted (as scientific knowledge normally is) as fact (the
legitimate representation of reality) (Campbell, 2001). That this assumption
(and similar assumptions about the superiority of decolonising or indigenous
methodologies) has not been empirically scrutinised, considerably limits the
potential of sustainability science.
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Assumptions About the Superiority of the (Theoretically Ideal) Sustainability
Science Orientation and Evidence
Sustainability science is further limited by the assumption that its (theo-
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retically ideal) methodological innovations and the (presumably superior)
knowledge they produce, are key to achieving sustainable development. This
assumption implies that lack of appropriate research process and evidence is
the primary barrier to sustainable development ( Jerneck et al., 2011, Miller,
2013). It is certainly feasible, for example, that lack of focus on the structural
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drivers of wicked problems prevents the design of effective solutions (e.g.
because conceptualizing rural-urban work-related migration as a free choice,
masks structural inequalities like unemployment and poverty, that determine
migration practices (Figure 2.1), and points to urban-focused interven-
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tions that perpetuate rural under-development (Lohnert and Steinbrink,

2005)). However, it is also possible that no matter how good the evidence,
powerful interests (e.g. global mining corporations) might prevent rural-
urban development proceeding along more sustainable trajectories. For
example, powerful corporations benefit from circular work-related migra-
tion in independent (just as in colonial, Apartheid) South Africa, because
leaving migrant-workers’ families in rural areas reduces costs to businesses,
including by enabling wages to remain minimal (Lohnert and Steinbrink,
2005). Historic experience demonstrates that big businesses are unlikely to
abandon their profits to create structures that benefit workers. Assuming
they will, and failing to delineate the transformational limits of enhanced
methods and evidence, constrains the advancement of sustainability science.
Future Theoretical and Methodological Directions For Rural-Urban Sustain-

ability Science in Africa
My articulation of sustainability science’s limitations reveals an urgent
need for both theoretical and methodological advances in the sociological
C h ap t er 2 | 29
foundations of sustainability science. In this final section, I outline impor-

tant future directions for advancing sustainability science by enhancing its
sociological foundations.
Empirically Scrutinising Assumptions About Ideal Sustainability Science

Approaches
One important future direction is to empirically scrutinise assumptions
about the superiority of sustainability science, compared to traditional sci-
ence. An important part of this project is methodological “boundary work”
(Miller, 2014), that is defining sustainability science’s approaches to creating
knowledge, in relation, and as superior to, the traditional disciplinary sciences.
This can only be accomplished if sustainability science is implemented and
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studied in ways that live up to its theoretical ideals. For example, sustain-
ability science should begin by engaging society in defining the research
agenda. If this does not actually occur (and available evidence suggests it
rarely does (Brear et al., 2017, Salas-Zapata et al., 2017)), it is impossible
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to generate empirical evidence or develop middle-range theories explaining
how, and the extent to which, engaging society improves knowledge crea-
tion. Sustainability science occurs in complex, dynamic social environments,
and its practice can only be adequately scrutinised through systematic and
critical appraisal of real-world experiences. This requires an institutional
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approach to learning from practice (Steelman et al., 2015), which might be
achieved through practitioner enquiry (Brydon‐Miller and Maguire, 2009),
reflexive sociology (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992) and/or project and other
ethnographies (Brear, 2017c).
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Inherent to assumptions about the superiority of sustainability sci-

ence, are assumptions about the decolonising outcomes of transdisciplinary
(participatory) knowledge creation processes. Despite recognition of the
colonising potential of co-opting society to participate (Kothari and Cooke,
2001), assumptions about the value of participatory research are rarely scru-
tinised. There is an urgent need for sustainability scientists to investigate
whether participatory (or transdisciplinary, Indigenous or other alternative)
research approaches really create “better” knowledge or achieve emancipa-
tory aims (and if so in which situations, for whom, and how) (Brear et
al., 2017)? Researchers might also interrogate the relative roles of social
theory and indigenous knowledge ( Johnson et al., 2016); whether place-
based approaches divert attention from the structuring influences of global
economic and political relations (Campbell, 2014); and the feasibility of
implementing the time-intensive and change (rather than publication) ori-
ented approaches of sustainability science at scale, from within the academy
(Wiek et al., 2012). They might question whether creating more and better
knowledge is part of the solution to, or amongst, the “wicked problems” that
prevent sustainable development (Miller, 2014).
Utilising, Strengthening And Developing Middle-Range Theories

Good social science is theoretically-informed. However, inadequate
theories lead to inappropriate solutions. In the former colonies of Africa,
biased Western theories (which were developed and continue to be applied
in monodisciplinary sciences, including sociology) are unlikely to enable
culturally acceptable sustainable development solutions (Chilisa, 2017, Smith,
2013). Sustainability science, if it is to fulfil its emancipatory potential in
Africa, cannot perpetuate the traditional approach of relying exclusively
on European theories. It must also scrutinise and refine them and generate
new theoretical concepts and methodological devices grounded in empirical
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evidence of the lived experiences of African people (Bourdieu and Wacquant,
1992). Addressing sustainability science’s theoretical limitations is therefore
primarily an empirical challenge.
An important starting point is generating and using empirical data to
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conceptualise sustainable development and its core terms (Salas-Zapata et al.,
2017). Traditional discipline-based scientific evidence can provide insights
regarding the consequences and trade-offs of different conceptualizations
(e.g. depending on whether they emphasise human development or nature
conservation). However, to achieve its decolonising agenda, the end goal (i.e.
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sustainable development) must be determined by society in place-based and
context-specific ways (Miller, 2014). People affected by the problems must be
asked how they think sustainability problems might be solved (Scholz and
Steiner, 2015). There is also a need to define sustainability science concepts
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(e.g. social capital, participation) and develop standardised ways of (quanti-

tatively) measuring them (Frey, 2017), which reflect emic perspectives, and
reveal rather than mask social injustices (Scholz and Steiner, 2015).
Developing sociological theory from emic perspectives is more complex
than simply accepting what non-scientists (e.g. indigenous people) suggest.
Such “cultural relativism” (valorising indigenous knowledge and treating it
monolithically) is a limitation of other participatory approaches (e.g. Par-
ticipatory Rural Appraisal) (Campbell, 2001). An important future direction
for sustainability science is to recognise indigenous (like all) knowledge is
one of many possible, biased ways of seeing reality, and acknowledge the
heterogeneity of Indigenous peoples, their experiences and their knowledges
(e.g. how men and women have markedly different experiences within the
South African system of circular, work-related migration). The emancipatory
potential of sustainability science can be enhanced by the development of
theories that: (1) conceptualise the ways in which individuals’ preferences
and knowledge are shaped by their objective conditions and opportunities
(Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992), including how Indigenous people have been
C h ap t er 2 | 31
socialised through their experience of colonialism to valorise coloniser culture

and aspire to modern, economic rationalist ideals (Quijano, 2007); and (2)
provide a systematic basis for judging the value of indigenous (and all other)
ways of knowing (Nussbaum, 2000). Combining theory and participatory
approaches that legitimise indigenous knowledge opens up important new
directions for sustainability science in terms of developing middle-range
theories that resonate with the realities of marginalised people.
Empirical research from various African settings, has illustrated how
de-colonising middle-range theories might be developed. For example,
Western conceptualizations of empowerment (a concept similar to social
capital) as exclusively psychological, have been critiqued for their neglect of
the empowering potential of material resources, through ethnographic and
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participatory research in southern Africa (Campbell et al., 2013, Campbell
et al., 2009, Brear, 2017b). My participatory research in Swaziland has con-
tributed to understanding emic perspectives regarding: how rural people’s
“needs” might be defined (Brear et al., 2018); the value of rural-urban and
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local-global linkages (Brear, 2017a); and the need for gender-aware poli-
cies that acknowledge and address the ways in which concentrating unpaid
childcare in rural areas perpetuates gender inequality (Figure 2.1) (Brear
et al., forthcoming). Research grounded in complex-systems thinking has
generated knowledge about the profound and complex influences of circular
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migration on health and led to calls for migration modules to be included
in demographic surveillance surveys (Gerritsen et al., 2013). Research like
this, which scrutinises Western theory in relation to African realities, has
an important role to play in decolonising knowledge.
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Decolonising Knowledge Through Novel Research

Sections of African societies are vociferously calling for the decoloni-
sation of knowledge and academic institutions. Engaging with these calls
is essential if sustainability science is to fulfil its mandate of being socially
relevant or prove its claims of theoretical and methodological superiority.
Developing new and better scientific methods, which decolonise knowledge
and its creation, is thus a salient future direction for sustainability science
(Chilisa, 2017).
While a range of decolonising research methods exist, they are often
marginalised by mainstream science (Bessarab and Ng’andu, 2010). This
may be at least partly because, like participatory methods (which as a group
are often considered decolonising (Zavala, 2013)), these methods are rarely
described in the detailed and systematic manner scientific norms prescribe
(Campbell, 2001). Despite the Western (colonial) origins of scientific norms,
systematically describing decolonising research techniques is an important
strategy for legitimising them within science. For example, Bessarab and
Ng’andu’s (2010) articulation of the Indigenous conversational approach to

research termed “yarning” has contributed to its legitimisation and potenti-
ated its broader use. Further systematic description of decolonising methods
is an important component of sustainability science, including its application
to investigations of rural-urban linkages in Africa.
The development of novel decolonising methods can only advance sus-
tainability science if it is coupled with critical, theoretically informed and
practice-based appraisals of if and how these methods “work” to create (supe-
rior) knowledge in real world research settings. For example, sustainability
scientists might investigate how research results differ, if they are generated
through projects grounded in Indigenous proverbs (as recommended by
Chilisa, 2011) compared to Western theory? In Africa, sustainability sci-
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entists might investigate the use of the Indigenous philosophy of Ubuntu,
a historically oral and ontological philosophy that characterises Africans
(monolithically) as collective, egalitarian people who think relationally
in terms of “we” (and in contrast to a Western, individualistic, “I” way of
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thinking) (Hoffmann and Metz, 2017). They might try to understand how
cultural relativism can be avoided, without perpetuating a coloniality of
power, for example how can sustainability scientists draw on feminist cri-
tiques of Ubuntu (Hall et al., 2013) and appraise the indigenous philosophy’s
broader silence on the highly unequal relations which characterised Africa’s
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pre-colonial, quasi-feudal social systems (Bourdieu, 2000), without impos-
ing (written) Western, rights-based philosophies? Developing evidence
and middle-range theories of how (particular, systematically described) de-
colonising research approaches work to produce knowledge that recognises
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the colonial legacy and legitimises the experiential knowledge of people

marginalised by colonialism (or its legacy) is a crucial component of the
sustainability science agenda in Africa.
However, the value of also utilising traditional research methods in
novel ways must not be overlooked (Smith, 2013). Economist and capability
theorist Amartya Sen’s (1981) novel use of traditional social survey meth-
ods to show that famine (including in rural Ethiopia in 1973), previously
conceptualized in economic terms of food availability, was more strongly
determined by social rules governing entitlement to food, is a classic exam-
ple. More recently, classic ethnography (Fassin, 2013) and demographic
surveillance surveys (Collinson, 2010) have been designed in novel ways
that have revealed how patterns of rural-urban work-related migration
forcefully established in the colonial (Apartheid) era, structure individual
sexual behaviour and the spread of HIV infection in post-colonial South
Africa. Non-linear statistical techniques have also played an important role
in developing new understandings of the dynamics of social systems. For
example, multiple correspondence analysis is receiving renewed attention.
C h ap t er 2 | 33
This relational statistical technique was developed and used to inform mid-
dle-range political-cultural sociological theories of colonialism (Bourdieu
and Sayad, 2004) and migration (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 2000) based on
empirical observation of Algeria’s colonial transition. It offers great potential
for sustainability science, due to the complex, multi-directional patterns of
influence it reveals and visualises (Duval, 2016). These examples demonstrate
the great potential value of novel and critical uses of traditional sociological
theories and methods in sustainability science.
Conclusion
Sustainability science has not yet achieved its radical theoretical and
methodological ideals, nor its ultimate goal of sustainable development. This
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limitation cannot be separated from the lack of robust sociological founda-
tion. The absence of adequate (comprehensive, de-colonising, middle-range)
theoretical groundings constrains the development of new, and novel applica-
tions of traditional, social research methods. It prevents assumptions about
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the superiority of sustainability science approaches and knowledge being
scrutinised. It potentiates the conservative misuse of supposedly decolonis-
ing approaches, and the continued misrepresentation of marginalised people
and their experiences through research that claims to be radically different.
The limitations I have articulated point to important future directions
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for sustainability science, which studies of rural-urban linkages in Africa
can contribute to, and benefit from. I have demonstrated through examples,
how rural-urban linkages, sustainable development and their associations
in African contexts, cannot be understood in the absence of a comprehen-
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sive sociological foundations that account for colonialism and the ways in
which historical processes and Western biases have produced rural-urban
spaces, and conceptualizations that equate development with economic
expansion. Critical empirical research about rural-urban linkages as they
are experienced by marginalised people in Africa has an important role to
play in scrutinising and developing robust sociological foundations for an
authentically transdisciplinary, emancipatory sustainability science. Rural-
urban studies in Africa will also be enhanced by advances in the sociological
foundations of sustainability science.
Acknowledgments
While writing this chapter, I was supported by a postdoctoral fellowship from the
Afromontane Research Unit, University of the Free State, South Africa. Ideas about
systems thinking and the systems dynamics modelling techniques included in this chap-
ter were developed through the Southern African Systems Analysis Centre’s emerging
researchers programme.
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Chapter 3
Uneven Development: Urban and Industrial Growth
and its Environmental Implications for Rural and Urban
Communities in Ghana
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Kwasi Adu Obirikorang, Camillus Abawiera Wongnaa,
Evans Ewald Nkrumah & Michael Ansong
Introduction
I
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n 2008, for the first time in history, more than half of the world’s popula-
tion (3.3 billion) lived in urban areas. Recent estimates indicate that in
2016 the number of people living in urban areas has increased to an average
of 54% of the global population (Statista, 2017, Figure 3.1). Urban popula-
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tion is projected to increase to approximately 5 billion by 2030 (UNFPA,
2007; UN-HABITAT, 2008), with over 80% of the growth expected in Asia
and Africa, and to a relatively smaller extent, in Latin America (Martine
et al, 2008).
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The current increase in urbanisation is mainly driven by developing

countries. The intensive urbanisation of present day industrialized nations,
which occurred several years back seems to be underway in today’s develop-
ing countries. Although, the rate of urbanisation in the developing world is
proceeding at a fairly comparable rate as that of the industrialized nations
in the heyday of their rapid urbanisation, the rate of population growth of
cities in developing countries as distinct from urbanisation is rather unprec-
edented (Preston, 1979; Satterthwaite, 1996; Songsore, 2003). For instance,
between 2000 and 2030, urban population of Asia is projected to double to
2.64 billion while Africa’s population will more than double from 294 to
742 million. At this projected rate, seven out of every ten urban inhabitants
of the globe will be from Asia and Africa in 2030 (Martine et al, 2008). By
2050, it is projected that Asia will host 63% of the world’s urban population,
or 3.3 billion people; Africa will have an urban population of 1.2 billion,
or nearly a quarter of the world’s urban population. Altogether, 95% of the
world’s urban population growth over the next four decades will be absorbed
by cities in developing countries (UN-HABITAT, 2008).
Although, Africa is currently rated among the least urbanized regions of

the world and has hardly any share of the world’s mega-cities, its process of
urbanisation is very rapid (UNCHS, 1996). Africa’s average annual urbanisa-
tion growth rate of 3.3% is currently the highest in the world. In West Africa
for instance 41.75% of the population were living in urban areas in 2007, a
figure well above the average (38.70%) for the continent (UN-HABITAT,
2008). With annual growth rate of 4.02% and 4.05%, the West and Central
Africa are the fastest growing regions in Africa (UN-HABITAT, 2008).
Urbanisation has been one of the most significant processes in transform-
ing all societies, particularly after the early twentieth century. Everywhere,
cities are synonymous with modernisation, economic development, social
progress and cultural innovation. However, the nature of urban development,
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particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, including Ghana, seriously constrains
the productivity of cities and hence reduces the extent to which they can
effectively perform their role in national development. Lack of adequate
infrastructure and service provision, poverty, pollution, overcrowding, con-
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gestion and shortage of affordable housing are undermining the traditional
civilizing influence of cities (Uwe, 2003). This review therefore attempts to
document the implication of urban and industrial growth for Rural Com-
munities in Ghana. It is hoped that the findings of this study will be valuable
to Ghanaian policy makers, urban developers and environmentalists in
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sustainably managing urbanisation and its linkages with the environment.
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Figure 3.1: Degree of urbanisation (percentage of urban population in total population)

by continent in 2016; Source: Statista, 2017
C h ap t er 3 | 41
Methodology
To obtain a comprehensive list of publications that are relevant to
our review, we conducted a systematic search of the academic literature to
identify all papers and documents across the areas of urban development
in the global and local contexts; water, sanitation and waste disposal and
the resultant effects on fisheries and rural drinking water quality as well as
agriculture. We conducted systematic search of original research papers using
the electronic databases: Science Direct, Web of Science, Scopus, Google
Scholar and Google, from April 2017 to August 2017. We used search strings
of combinations of keywords and thematic areas of the review. Keyword
combinations used include: urbanisation, rural-urban linkage, impact of
industrial growth, pollution, waste management in Ghana, unsustainable
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growth and environmental degradation. The references cited by each poten-
tially relevant paper were reviewed in order to locate additional potential
papers. Also documents from institutions such as the World Bank were
consulted. To ensure that we only included papers related to the topic, we
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first screened all the papers obtained after reading the titles and abstracts,
and then excluded those that were not relevant. Over all, 51 relevant papers
were retained and reviewed.
Results and Discussion

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Urbanisation in Ghana
Papers reviewed indicated that Ghana has experienced a very rapid rate
of urban growth since the middle of the twentieth century. The proportion
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of the country’s population living in towns, as officially defined (any set-

tlement with at least 5,000 people), has increased rapidly over the years: it
rose from 9% in 1931 to 31.3% in 1984 and 43.8% in 2000 (World Bank,
2016). Ghana’s population more than doubled between 1984 and 2013 with
tripling urban population from 4 million to almost 14 million at the same
time (World Bank, 2015). As of 2015, 54% of Ghana’s population lived in
urban areas suggesting a momentous transformation from rural towards a
more urbanized country (World Bank, 2016). Data from the World Bank
(2016) indicated that, as of 2015, 54% of Ghana’s populations lived in urban
areas. This represents a significant shift in the rural-urban continuum of the
country, which hitherto was dominated by the rural population.
Changes in Total Population and Population Density

Between 1984 and 2013, Ghana’s total population more than doubled
(World Bank, 2015). With an average growth rate of 4.4% annually, the
urbanisation rate also rose from 31% to 51% between 1984 and 2013. This
resulted in the country’s urban population rising from under 4 million to
nearly 14 million people. The increase in the country’s urbanisation rate has
been higher in and around cities like the capital Accra and Kumasi, where
annual urbanisation rate sometimes exceeds 5% (Cobbinah and Amoako,
2012: 388 –397; GSS, 2014). This rate of urban development in Ghana is
higher in comparison to urbanisation rates of some African countries includ-
ing South Africa (1.9%), Zimbabwe (1.3%) and Tunisia (1.4%) (UNDESA/
PD, 2012). It is worth acknowledging, however, that urbanisation in Ghana
is only inferred from a purely demographic perspective with human set-
tlements having population threshold of 5000 and over described as urban
(GSS, 2012).
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Figure 3.2: Patterns of urbanisation in major Ghanaian Cities (1970-2010); Source: Cob-
binah and Niminga-Beka, 2017.
The increasing rate of urbanisation in Ghana, as in many other African

countries, is mainly due to a combination of high rates of natural population
growth and net migration from rural areas to the urban centres (Ardayfio-
Schandorf et al., 2012). A high level of internal migration was the dominant
factor in the early phase of urbanisation. This was largely a function of the
differences in the level of development between urban and rural areas, given
the urban bias in development. Since 1970, however, a high rate of natural
increase in the cities of Ghana has assumed a more important role than
migration in accounting for rapid population increases (Ghana Statistical
Service, 1988; Ardayfio-Schandorf et al., 2012).
It was evident from the studies reviewed that with more than half of
Ghana’s population now living in urban areas (Figure 3.2) (GSS, 2012),
the rapid rate of urbanisation is providing a new identity to Ghanaian
cities, particularly Accra and Kumasi in terms of massive urban sprawls
C h ap t er 3 | 43
and waste management. These changes may have serious implications for
urban management and urban residents, as well as for the conservation of
ecologically sensitive regions (Grant and Yankson, 2003: 65 –74; Amoako
and Cobbinah, 2011: 150 –170; Quagraine, 2011).
Changes in Land-Use and Land Cover

This rapid rate of urbanisation in Ghana and the major shift in the
distribution of rural and urban populations has significant implications
for national development. Already evident in urban areas of Ghana are the
effects of rapid urbanisation manifesting in socioeconomic, environmental
and institutional challenges for urban residents and local authorities. Urban
growth inevitably has consequences for the physical environment, especially
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in the fringe areas where land-use change is rapid (Yankson and Gough,
1999: 89-100). A key effect of the urbanisation process in Ghana is the rapid
conversion of large amount of prime agricultural land to urban land use
mainly as residential constructions, mostly in the urban periphery. Another
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obvious effect of the trend of limited access to land is the displacement of
urban poor households to rapidly expanding slum and squatter settlements
in environmentally fragile flood plains and wetlands and some other hazard
zones not fit for human settlement in and around Accra and other major
cities (World Bank, 2015). Water courses have also been diverted or blocked
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through the construction of houses rendering parts of these urban areas liable
to flooding after heavy rains (Yankson and Gough, 1999: 89-100). These
activities have compromised the ecological integrity of the areas and have
had severe consequences for plant and animal life (Yankson and Gough,
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1999: 89-100).
Access to Clean Water, Sanitation and Waste Disposal

Another downside to the increasing urbanisation rate in Ghana is the
reductions in the proportions of the populations in these urban areas with
access to pipe-borne water and improved sanitation conditions (ISSER,
2013; World Bank, 2015). The proportions of urban residents in large met-
ropolitan areas with access to piped water have between the years of 2000
and 2010, experienced significant downward trends. Over this decade, data
suggests that the capital Accra was the worst affected with a decline of -22.2
percentage points in the share of the population having access to piped water
(World Bank, 2015). Other major urban areas like Kumasi (-7.7 percentage
points) and Tema (-5.7 percentage points) also experienced drops in relative
proportions of residents with access to piped water (World Bank, 2015).
These are glaring reflections of the insufficient investment in the provision
of pipe-borne water in the face of rising populations in urban centres (Cob-
binah and Niminga-Beka, 2017). Whilst attempts are being made to improve
water supply, sanitation has largely been neglected (Osumanu et al., 2010).
An increasing number of urban residents across all city classes do not
have access to any toilet facilities, including private facilities, public toi-
lets, pit latrines (Osumanu et al., 2010; World Bank, 2015; Cobbinah and
Niminga-Beka, 2017: 388-401). According to the World Bank (2015), in
the decade following the turn of the 21st century, there was an increase in
the proportion of households without any toilet facility in all urban areas
in Ghana and this trend has increasingly worsened. According to the data
provided by the World Bank (2015), the worst decline during that period
was seen in smaller urban centres and peri-urban areas directly adjoining
rural areas across the country. In both Accra and Kumasi, the deterioration
of toilet facilities was more dominant in neighbouring suburban and peri-
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urban areas than in the city centres, suggesting the substantial scale of the
sanitation challenge faced by municipal and district assemblies in growing
metropolitan areas (World Bank, 2015; Cobbinah and Niminga-Beka,
2017: 388-401).
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Environmental Implications of Ghana’s Urbanisation
Increasing environmental degradation is one of the major issues associ-
ated with the rapid urban growth being experienced in Ghana (Yankson
and Gough, 1999: 89-100). Many of the papers reviewed (e.g., Cobbinah
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et al., 2015a: 62 –72; UNDESA/PD, 2012, 2013) reported degradation of
urban ecological services, poor urban management and haphazard physi-
cal development as consequences of urbanisation. Urban areas have thus
contributed significantly to the destruction of ecologically sensitive areas
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(UNDESA/PD, 2012; World Economic and Social Survey, 2013; Darkwah

and Cobbinah, 2014: 671–674; Cobbinah et al., 2015b: 18 –32).
Access to sewerage and solid waste disposal remains a major challenge
in cities and urban centres in Ghana (World Bank, 2015). Most households
dispose liquid waste directly into drainages, and in smaller towns, most liquid
waste is simply disposed of outside. Even in the more advanced areas of the
country like Accra and Tema, just over 10% of households discharged their
liquid waste through the cities’ sewage system (World Bank, 2015). It is clear
that while general progress has been made in waste collection in most urban
areas in the country, efforts have not matched the pace of rapid urbanisa-
tion and this has not translated into improved environmental conditions
(Adarkwa, 2011; Fuseini and Kemp, 2015: 309 –320; World Bank, 2015).
This is especially the case in low-income sections of many urbanised areas
in Ghana where communal disposal containers are constantly overflowing
as a result of delay or absence of institutionalized collection mechanisms
(World Bank, 2015). This leads to multiple environmental problems, such
as increased levels of harmful bacteria (Odonkor and Addo, 2013: 536-555;
C h ap t er 3 | 45
Amisah and Nuamah, 2014: 217-224; Abass et al., 2016: 392-397), heavy
metals (Fianko et al, 2007: 467-473; Cobbinah et al, 2015: 10620-10634.;
Hadzi et al, 2015: 86-99; Afum and Owusu, 2016: 65-74) and poor water
quality (Abdul-Razak et al, 2009; Arnold et al, 2013) of streams, lakes, and
rivers across Ghana (Yankson and Gough, 1999: 89-100; Zoeble, 2006:
265–273; Sun and Lockaby, 2012). This may pose a significant threat to
vulnerable rural communities that directly depend on such water bodies
(Gyau-Boakye, 2001: 96-104, Ahmed and Dinye, 2012: 241-251).
Pollution of Surface Water Bodies: Implications for Fisheries and Rural Drink-
ing Water Quality
An important dimension of water resources that has not received relevant
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attention is aspect relating to its quality. It is estimated that urban wastewater
generation in Ghana will be about 1,452,383 m3 per day in 2020 (Agodzo,
2003). Unfortunately, presently, wastewater treatment in all ten regions
of Ghana is very abysmal with only less than 8% of all generated domes-
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tic wastewaters undergoing some form of treatment (World Bank, 2015).
Most industries located along the coast discharge their effluent directly
into the ocean without any form of treatment, while those located on land
discharge their effluent into major streams and urban storm drains (Boadi
and Kuitunen, 2002: 301-309; Agyemang et al., 2013: 272-279; World Bank,
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2015). Even for those industries that have installed treatment plants to treat
effluents before discharge, the efficiencies of these plants remain largely
questionable as observed by Agyemang et al. (2013: 272-279) in Kumasi.
The coastal lagoons of Ghana that have historically supported artisanal
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fisheries, which constitute a major proportion of the economic and dietary

resources of the rural people living adjacent to them, are under serious threat
(Dankwa et al., 2004: 379–386; Dankwa et al., 2016: 259-264). Most of
these threats are from human-induced interferences such as the discharge
of untreated domestic and industrial effluents into them (Entsua-Mensah
et al., 2000: 24–27; Odjer-Bio et al., 2015: 183-193; Dankwa et al., 2016:
259-264). The Sakumo lagoon, the Korle Lagoon and its tributary, the
Odaw River, for example, are the final recipient of nearly all the domestic,
municipal, agricultural and industrial waste in the municipality of Accra
(Entsua-Mensah et al., 2000: 24–27; Karikari et al., 2006). These discharges
mostly contain substances and contaminants that affect flora and fauna in
and around the water bodies. There have been a number of studies that
have highlighted the extent of contaminant levels in some of these water
bodies and concluded that most of these water bodies contain high levels
of human waste and chemicals far above WHO standards (Cornish et
al. 1999; McGregor et al., 2011: 382-398). Presently, Korle Lagoon, for
instant, has been declared biologically dead and supports no fish (Boadi and
Kuitunen, 2002: 301-309; Asmah et al., 2008: 87–93; Aglanu and Appiah,
2014: 717-728).
Pollution of water bodies by activities in urban centres usually affects
downstream communities who depend on these surface water bodies for
drinking water as well as for other domestic activities. The increased effect
of deteriorated water quality on the health of rural riparian communities
in such areas is potentially more devastating, given the significant role of
these water sources in human activities. In many cases these contaminated
water bodies constitute the only water source in villages with no access to
piped water (Keraita and Drechsel, 2007). Estimates by WaterAid (2015)
indicate that over 3 million people, mostly in rural Ghana have no choice but
to collect dirty water from unsafe sources. With a significant proportion of
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the rural population dependent on these unsafe water sources, water-related
diseases are very predominant in Ghana (Ohene-Adjei, 2015).
Diarrhoeal diseases rank third among the most commonly reported
cases in health centres across the country (WaterAid, 2015). Diarrhoea is
O
also a leading cause of morbidity and mortality in Ghana (WHO, 2010),
with an estimated diarrhoea-specific mortality of 7% and a prevalence of
20% in children under five years of age (Ghana Health Service, 2009). The
burden of diarrhoea in children is disproportionately high in rural areas in
Ghana. Although little published research is available on the epidemiology
O
of diarrhoeal illness in Ghana, a lack of access to reliable, clean drinking
water is likely a key factor in making diarrhoeal illness a leading cause of
morbidity, particularly among children (Ohene-Adjei, 2015).
In 2014, Ghana suffered the worst cholera outbreak with 20,279 reported
PR
cases and 164 deaths nationwide (Case fatality rate of 0.8%) (Ohene-Adjei,
2015). With increase in urbanisation, inadequate water and sanitation,
particularly in rural areas, cholera is likely to continue being a public health
challenge in the country as there is a relationship between sources of water
and the prevalence of water borne diseases (Schaetti et al., 2009: 1-11; Emch
et al., 2010: 1-8; Opare et al., 2012: 37–46; Gershon, et al., 2014). Taking
into consideration the average expenditure on health per household, cal-
culated on the basis of working days lost due to illness and the expenditure
incurred to cure the diseases, it can be inferred that polluted water from
upstream urban sources has a significant negative effect on resource-poor
rural dwellers. Comparison between villages with contaminated water and
uncontaminated water sources shows a trend of increased drudgery and time
spent in fetching water usually from alternative sources in the villages with
polluted water sources (Reddy and Bahera, 2006:520-537).
Contributing significantly to the pollution of the Odaw River and Korle
lagoon is the crude recycling of electronic waste (e-waste) at Agbogbloshie
in Accra. The Agbogbloshie scrap yard is situated on flat ground on the left
C h ap t er 3 | 47
bank of the Odaw River, and in the upper reaches of the Korle Lagoon in
Accra (Caravanos et al., 2011:16–25; Oteng-Ababio, 2012:1–21). Prakash
et al. (2010) estimated that about 8,000 metric tons of e-waste is crudely
burnt to retrieve valuable metals annually at the Agbogbloshie metal scrap
yard (Figure 3.3). The uncontrolled dumping and inappropriate recycling
of e-waste represents serious threats to human health and the environment
at large (Prakash et al. 2010), because e-waste contains several hazardous
substances that may be released as the waste is burnt and processed (Lundst-
edt, 2011; Tysdenova and Bengtsson, 2011:45-58). The toxic chemicals that
exist in e-waste include a wide range of heavy metals, such as cadmium, lead,
mercury, arsenic and nickel and also persistent organic compounds, such as
brominated flame retardants and phthalates. Other chemicals that appear in
F
e-waste include the polychlorinated biphenyls, nonylphenol, and triphenyl
phosphate, among others (Azuka, 2009: 90–106; Robinson, 2009:183–191).
A study conducted by Greenpeace International (2008) at the Agbogbloshie
scrap yard showed that some samples contained cadmium, mercury and lead
O
in quantities that are considered especially toxic to aquatic life.
O
PR
Figure 3.3: Burning of e-waste to retrieve metallic components at Agbogbloshie, Ghana;

Source: Ciaglo, 2013
With the floodwater carrying capacity of the lagoon and its Odaw
River significantly reduced as a result of siltation, flooding is widespread
during the rainy season (Boadi and Kuitenen, 2002: 301-309) and results
in the transfer of the toxic substances into the adjoining ocean via the estu-
ary. Consequently, fish species landed by the artisanal fishermen from the
section of the sea adjoining the lagoon contain measurable concentrations
of some toxic heavy metals (Tay et al., 2008:1-14; Aboagye, 2012). In the
coastal capital of Accra, the direct impact of water pollution as a result of
urbanisation is usually on fishery resources that the rural residents depend on.
Implications for Rural Agriculture

In Ghana, wastewater usage falls under the informal irrigation sector and
is used predominantly as diluted untreated wastewater, untreated wastewater
or partially treated wastewater (Cornish et al., 2001: 39). Most untreated
wastewater from urban centres in the country ends up in storm-water gutters,
streams and other surface water bodies, which are often used as sources for
irrigating vegetables by peri-urban and rural farmers (Keraita et al., 2007:
8-14). In many of these areas, especially in water-stressed areas, wastewater
F
constitutes the only available surface water for irrigation in the dry season
(Buechler et al., 2006). Nationwide, more than 500 ha of land is under
wastewater-irrigated agriculture (Gyampo, 2012).
There is a lot of health concerns associated with the use of wastewater
O
in agriculture. Among the group who face risks from the use of wastewater
for agriculture are farmers and their families, crop-handlers, consumers
and even those living near irrigated fields (Ensink et al., 2004; Buechler et
al., 2006). Wastewater can have direct and indirect health impacts. Direct
contact with untreated wastewater through flood or furrow irrigation has
O
been reported to result in increased worm infections in humans (Ensink et
al., 2004; Buechler et al., 2006). The main risk for the consuming public is
usually associated with microbial contamination when vegetable or salad
crops grown with untreated wastewater are consumed raw. There have been
PR
links with the consumption of wastewater-irrigated vegetables to cases of

cholera and typhoid as well as to faecal bacterial diseases, bacterial diar-
rhoea and dysentery (Kereita et al., 2007: 8-14; Balkhair, 2016: S83-S92).
Conclusion and Policy Recommendations

Although the country has seen a lot of urban and industrial develop-
ment following independence, the impacts of these developments on rural
livelihoods has worsened since 1983. There is increase in environmental
degradation with, for instance, limited access to facilities for sewerage and
solid waste disposal. Most natural surface waters in human settlements have
been grossly polluted, which overall have had an adverse impact on particu-
larly on rural inhabitants and aquatic ecosystems. To mitigate these effects,
it is important to reconcile economic development with conservation and
promote the sustainable use and maintenance of Ghana’s natural resources.
It is also important to maintain ecosystem and ecological processes, ensure
sound management of natural resources and the environment, adequately
protect against harmful impacts and destructive practices and preserve
C h ap t er 3 | 49
biological diversity. These can ensure sustainable urbanisation and indus-

trialisation with minimal impacts on the environment and rural livelihoods.
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Chapter 4
Rural-urban Linkages and Impacts of Large Scale Land
Acquisitions in Africa: A Review
Nashiru Sulemana, Franklin N. Mabe, & Eliasu Mumuni
F
Introduction
U rbanisation and the phenomenon of large scale land acquisitions in

O
Africa rarely occur together in both public discourse and academic
literature. They are regarded and treated as belonging to distinct fields in both
theory and policy. This bipolar view is also true for rural and urban which are
considered separate entities in both theory and policy. Such dichotomous
notion of the rural and the urban does not allow for a holistic understanding
O
of the interrelationships between rural and urban spaces. Large scale land
acquisitions have often been treated as a rural problem and almost never
seen in the light of the urban; after all, it is rural lands that are involved here.
Africa has become home for large scale land acquisitions, mainly driven
PR
by foreign investors. A 2012 report based on the Land Matrix Database

(Borras and Franco, 2012) shows that Africa is the most affected region by
land deals where there were 754 deals covering 56.2 million hectares of land
(Djurfeldt, 2015). Many African countries have welcomed this develop-
ment with the belief that such large-scale land investments will transform
their agricultural sector through technology transfer, the expansion of local
infrastructure and rural employment generation (Cotula et. al., 2009). Gov-
ernments of African countries which are hosts to large scale land acquisitions
have responded by promoting investor-friendly land-market policies, such
as low land rents, tax waivers, and limited restrictions on production and
exports (Cotula et al., 2009). The phenomenon of large scale land acquisitions
is fast-evolving in many African countries and have often been discussed
in terms of their impacts on livelihoods of indigenous rural people. Those
who make a case for the positive impact of large scale land acquisitions on
indigenous rural people are of the opinion that, managed well, large-scale
land investments have great potential to contribute to multiple development
objectives in the case of developing countries. They argue that investments
in large scale land acquisitions can be regulated in a way that ensures their
adverse effects on indigenous rural people are minimized. They have, there-
fore, called for improved transparency and accountability in land deals to
ensure ‘win-win-win’ deals where benefits will be shared equitably between
local communities, host governments, and investors (Moreda, 2017).
Authors who are critical of large scale land acquisitions have drawn
attention to negative outcomes of large scale land acquisitions on the liveli-
hood of rural populations, citing increased vulnerability of rural populations
to land expropriation (Anseeuw, Wily, Cotula, & Taylor, 2012; Cotula et al.,
2009; German, Schoneveld, & Mwangi, 2013) and concerns about access
to food and water (Robertson & Pinstrup-Andersen, 2010; Rulli, Saviori,
& D’Odorico, 2013). They argue that large scale land acquisitions target
F
resource rich areas for export-oriented agriculture (De Schutter, 2011) which
could deny indigenous rural people of basic resources.
The focus of public discourse and academic literature on the impacts
of large scale land acquisitions on indigenous rural people, however, has
O
removed the urban from the discussion of large scale land acquisitions in
Africa, problematizing the phenomenon as a rural one.
Rural-urban linkages consist of the relationships developed and main-
tained between individuals and groups in urban and rural areas in their
pursuits of livelihoods. These relationships may be social, economic, cultural
O
or political in nature (Lesetedi, 2003). The relationships are manifested in
either spatial flows (of goods, people, information, finance, waste, informa-
tion, social relations, technology, knowledge) or sectoral flows (between
agriculture, industry and services) which link rural and urban spaces (Action
PR
against Hunger, 2012). Rural-urban linkages are also manifested in the

nature and forms of migration, production, consumption, financial invest-
ment activities that occur within the rural-urban association (von Braun,
2007). Both urban and rural areas depend on each other, with the demand
for food and other natural resources by the urban from the rural being the
most prominent. Increases in demand of fruits, vegetables and dairy products
influence land use patterns and production activities in the rural areas (von
Braun, 2007). Even though literature recognises the general interdependence
between the rural and the urban, the discussion of rural-urban linkages in
the context of creating synergies in large scale land acquisitions in Africa
to enhance sustainable development is not properly documented. In this
chapter we explore rural-urban linkages using large scale land acquisitions
in Africa and argue that the rural and the urban are not as distinct as often
portrayed because of the constant flows of people, goods, services, labour,
capital and other resources leading to mutual interdependency. For this
reason, the discussion on the impacts of large scale land acquisitions in
Africa should go beyond indigenous rural people to include the urban. The
C h ap t er 4 | 57
creation of urban slums because rural people have been dispossessed of their
land and lose their source of livelihood and hence migrate to urban centres
to look for greener pastures is a case in point (Bueckner and Lall, 2015).
This chapter seeks to extend the discussion of large scale land acquisitions
beyond the rural by exploring rural-urban linkages in the context of large
scale land acquisitions in Africa and efforts at achieving the UN Sustainable
Development Goals. For the purpose of this chapter, SDGs 1 and 2, which
seek to end poverty and hunger respectively, will be used as cases in point to
guide the discussion. The choice of SDGs 1 and 2 is no coincidence, given
the fact that the effects of large scale land acquisitions directly impacts on
livelihoods which involves agricultural production and productivity as well as
other income generating activities in both rural and urban settings in Africa.
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Conceptual Issues
The rural-urban interface

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Most governments define an urban centre using population thresholds,
measures of population density, administrative status or sources of livelihoods
of the people (Frey and Zimmer, 2001; and Tacoli, 2006). These definitions
have their shortcomings, making comparison across countries difficult. In
terms of population size, for example, many European and Latin American
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countries consider 2,500 inhabitants an appropriate population-size thresh-
old for a locality to be considered as urban, whereas many African nations
use a threshold of 20,000 inhabitants (Akkoyunlu, 2015). Also, high mobility
of the population in the form of circular migration and commuting within
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these regions further blur the rural-urban divide (Akkoyunlu, 2015). This
blur between the urban and the rural becomes more evident if we consider
that rural areas may exhibit some urban characteristics and urban areas also
exhibiting rural characteristics. Figure 4.1 shows the key distinctions often
drawn between rural and urban areas, as well as the rural-urban interface
where urban and rural characteristics mix. Rural households may rely on
urban income sources, such as remittances and income derived from pro-
ducing for consumption in the urban markets while urban households may
also rely on rural resources. The recent trend in cities of Africa toward super-
marketization where informal food production and consumption networks
are replaced by supermarkets (Hebinck, 2011) and a reverse trend towards
farmers’ markets in the developed world all contribute to the blurring of
the urban and the rural. Lichter and Brown (2011) see the rural-urban
interface as that of interdependence through boundary crossing, shifting
and blurring. These blurring relationships between the rural and the urban
are manifested in the maintenance of rural–urban linkages in which rural
assets act as an emergency reserve in sub-Saharan Africa (Potts, 1995).
For example, migrant households who own livestock return home without
their livestock and continue to maintain relationship with the rural through
the livestock and land tenure arrangements (Lesetedi, 2003; Edaku, 2010;
Uchenna et al., 2012; Posel and Marx, 2013). Migration has been a major
link between rural and urban areas and a key factor in shaping Africa’s set-
tlement patterns and livelihoods (Bah et al, 2003). For example, in Mali,
Nigeria, and Tanzania, between 50 and 80 percent of households have at
least one migrant member (Bah et al, 2003). In Nigeria, migration is con-
sidered essential to achieving economic and social success and young men
who do not migrate or commute to town are often labelled as idle and may
become the object of ridicule (Bah et al, 2003). Therefore, migration helps
decompose the neat rural-urban dichotomy (Feldman, 1999). Rural-urban
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linkages also means that there is growing interdependencies between the
rural and the urban which alter the traditional role of rural and urban spaces
(Eppler, et al., 2015; Berdegué and Proctor, 2014; Tandoh-Offin, 2010).
Agriculture continues to play an important role in rural areas, especially
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in terms of food production, but this is complemented by growth in other
industries, such as manufacturing and the service sector (Akkoyunlu, 2015).
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Figure 4.1: Defining rural, urban, and the rural-urban interface; Source: Hatcher (2017:5)
Rural areas increasingly are becoming centres of non-agricultural

C h ap t er 4 | 59
production (Dashper, 2014), with rural households relying also on non-

agricultural employment as a means of diversifying their income in order
to become less dependent on farming which is less stable especially in sub-
Saharan Africa where agriculture is mostly rain fed. In the same way, urban
areas also exhibit rural characteristics. For example, urban and peri-urban
agriculture can play an important role in self-sufficiency and food security
issues, while at the same time improving community relationships and
facilitating social ties (Poulsen and Spiker, 2014). Besides, urban enterprises
make use of raw materials which are often produced in the rural areas as
well as rely on rural demand and consumerism, for their own profitability
(Tacoli, 1998). The rural urban interface is therefore one in which rural and
urban economies depend on, and complement each other (Akkoyunlu, 2015).
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Large scale land acquisitions in Africa
Large Scale Land Acquisition (LSLA) refers to acquisition of large
tracts of land, usually 1,000ha and above, by either domestic or foreign
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investors for the purpose of undertaking commercial agriculture for food
or for biofuels (Cotula et al., 2009). Indications are that about 70% of land
in large-scale transnational deals in recent years has been in Africa, which
is often considered as the world’s last reserve of unused and under-utilised
fertile and irrigable farmland (Deininger et al., 2011). Such large-scale land
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deals are regarded as Foreign Direct Investments when it is done by foreign
investors (von Braun and Meinzen-Dick, 2009). Most large-scale land
acquisitions in Africa are carried out by wealthy food importing countries
to use for agricultural food production intended to supply their own markets
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(Cotula et al., 2009, Kugelman and Levenstein, 2009). Another objective for
foreign land acquisitions is for biofuel production in order to contribute to
the energy security situation of investor countries (Havnevik, 2009). These
foreign investors are capital rich and therefore are able to invest in fertile
farmlands. The authors argued that pressure on land resources may also be
as a result of other forces, including population growth and demand for
land from smallholders who increasingly engage in commercial agriculture.
Defining large scale land acquisitions based on absolute acreages or
percentages of land acquired in relation to total land size can be problematic
because such definitions tend to conceal the effect such acquisitions may
have on host countries. Cotula et al. (2009) documented large scale land
acquisitions across five African countries (see figure 4.2) and noted that land
availability varied across the countries. Figure 4.2 shows that Madagascar has
the highest percentage of its land suitable for rain fed crops allocated with
Mali having the lowest percentage of the allocation. The authors explained
that land allocations that look small in relation to the overall national ter-
ritory could still be very significant where they concentrate on much more
limited areas of higher-value land with high soil fertility, availability of water
resources, and easier access to markets. Evidence from Ethiopia indicates
that documented land deals tend to concentrate in regions with more fertile
lands and/or closer links to market (Cotula et al, 2009). This means that
local farmers whose livelihoods depend on these land resources could be
disadvantaged because they may have limited land left as a result of these
large-scale land acquisitions. Thus, land allocations that may look small in
terms of absolute figures and percentages may actually do so much harm
because of the strategic locations of such allocations. For example, allocations
of less productive lands for the cultivation of energy crops like Jatropha may
not necessarily affect livelihoods of smallholder farmers because such land
would not have been supporting livelihood activities of farmers. Nonetheless,
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there are some who argue that there are no unused lands because people
may not be farming on lands but pick firewood and other forest products
from such lands.
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Figure 4.2: Land area allocated to investors, 2004 – early 2009; Source: Cotula et. al.
(2009:42).
Land and Water grabbing

Some authors prefer the more political terms land grabbing and water
grabbing to emphasize power relations in large scale land acquisitions
(see Duvail, Médard, Hamerlynck, and Nyingi, 2012). Land and water
grabbing describe cases of land acquisition or water abstraction where estab-
lished user-rights and public interests are disregarded (Duvail et al., 2012).
Under the circumstance, both livelihoods of indigenous populations and
C h ap t er 4 | 61
the environment are adversely affected given that no social, economic or

environmental impacts are considered during such acquisitions. Land and
water grabbing are characterised by weak institutions in host countries
which are unable to safeguard public interest in large scale land acquisitions
(GRAIN, Martinez-Alier, Temper, Munguti, Matiku, Ferreira, Soare, Porto,
Raharinirina, Haas, Singh, Mayer, 2014). Weak state institutions mean inef-
fective legal, political and institutional processes which are unable to protect
local communities from the negative effects of large scale land acquisitions.
When local communities are dispossessed of their land and water resources
without appropriate compensation because of lack of power, tension builds
up between them and the agencies that acquire the land. In some cases,
rural populations mobilize themselves to contest cases of land and water
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grabbing that impact negatively on their livelihoods (Batterbury and Ndi,
2018). Nonetheless, some authors are not comfortable with these rather
more activist terms of land grabbing and water grabbing as they obscure
differences in the legality, structure and outcomes of large scale land deals
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and deflects attention from the roles of domestic elites and governments as
partners, intermediaries and beneficiaries (Hall, 2011).
Impacts of Large Scale Land Acquisitions in Africa

The impact of large-scale land acquisitions on livelihoods of indig-
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enous people has proven highly contentious in both public discourse and
academic literature. The bulk of literature is concerned about the potential
of large-scale land acquisitions to adversely affect the livelihoods and food
security of millions of poor rural people, as well as raising the risks of envi-
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ronmental destruction and social and political upheavals (Gerlach & Liu,
2010; German, Schoneveld, & Mwangi, 2011; Schoneveld, German, &
Nutako, 2011). Most land deals may not account for the broader value of
the land in terms of environmental services, or inadequate representation
of a particular social or ethnic group in negotiations. For this reason, large
scale land acquisitions may pose socioeconomic and environmental risks
(Schoneveld, 2011) with negative consequences for livelihoods of indigenous
rural people, given that most African countries have weak domestic govern-
ance of investments. Nonetheless, some authors are convinced about the
positive impacts of large-scale land acquisitions because of opportunities for
employment creation, and transfer of knowledge and technology to enhance
productivity and output in agriculture, as well as improve market access for
rural farmers (Deininger et al., 2011). We will discuss these impacts in terms
of socioeconomic and environmental considerations.
Socioeconomic impacts of large scale land acquisitions in Africa

Proponents of large scale land acquisitions in Africa employ the evo-
lutionary theory which predicts that when land acquires a scarcity value
through large scale land deals, the demand for land certifications should rise,
thus strengthening tenure security for smallholders. Furthermore, tenure
security should naturally lead to the development of a land market, increas-
ing flexibility to convert land into other asset forms by smallholders to
enable them to have improved access to credit to be able to invest more in
agriculture (Platteau, 1996). The efficient allocation of resources triggered by
the creation of a land market should further allow for efficiency in cropping
choices and rapid capital accumulation in smallholder agriculture (Platteau,
1996). Deininger et al. (2011) argues that land investments can produce
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mutually beneficial outcomes for both investors and smallholders by building
on their respective assets. Available tools, such as land rental and contract
farming, can allow smallholder farmers to keep the land they own in case
they find this more profitable, while wage payment would additionally allow
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landless members of rural communities such as women to benefit from the
presence of investors. Large scale land acquisitions are considered as foreign
direct investments with the opportunity to create employment for citizens
of host countries, though these jobs are temporary, low-paid and insecure
(Spieldoch and Murphy, 2009). Overall, large-scale land investments are
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described as a powerful tool for rural development, which can improve
infrastructure and market access, boost production and create important
labour opportunities. Proponents for the positive view of large scale land
acquisitions explain that investment in land contributes to infrastructure
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development (Herrmann & Grote, 2015), export opportunities and energy

security (Mitchell, 2011). They argue further that the rise in commercial
pressure on land, generated by large scale land acquisitions, would lead to a
stronger land tenure system, increased investments in agriculture and more
efficient production to eventually benefit poor rural people (Platteau, 1996).
Governments of African countries often portray the notion that for-
eign investors acquire unoccupied or unused lands in large scale land deals.
However, land that is allocated to investors under these large-scale land
deals have often been occupied, used, or claimed through custom by local
people, resulting in disrupted livelihoods and even conflict (Hall, Scoones
and Tsikata, 2015). Even though national indicators may suggest the abun-
dance of large reserves of suitable land for investment, in reality land given
out is often found within cultivated areas and farmlands (Anseeuw et al.,
2012) which contradicts the claims made by governments that investments
are carried out on ‘idle’ land. Besides, what the government may consider
as wasteland or ‘idle’ land might be meeting an important share of rural
people’s household needs. This is especially the case in poor households
C h ap t er 4 | 63
during times of economic shock which many developing countries often

experience. Uncultivated land is used for grazing, as a source of wild foods
and medicinal plants, and for access to water.
African countries that play host to large scale land acquisitions are
significantly poor with their economies dependent mostly on agriculture
and are less involved in world food exchanges (Anseeuw et al. 2012). This
makes it possible for inhabitants of host countries of large scale land acqui-
sitions to lose access to the resources on which they depend, including not
only land but also water resources, wood and grazing areas (Vermeulen
and Cotula, 2010). One possible effect of large scale land acquisition is the
marginalization of smallholder farmers, who are known to be very efficient
and resilient producers (Vermeulen and Cotula, 2010). Where production
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under large scale land acquisitions are non-food crops or export-oriented
crops, it can affect local food availability negatively if local producers lose
land and other resources for food production. The dependency of indigenous
people on agriculture with limited sources of alternative livelihood means
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that any eviction and resettlement will likely have a more negative effect
on them compared to richer societies with diverse economies. The food
situation of host countries could be much worse given the fact that most
of them are net food importers or food aid recipients. Critics of large scale
land acquisitions consider such land deals as host governments’ outsourc-
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ing of food at the expense of indigenous rural people (Daniel and Mittal,
2009). Indigenous smallholder farmers may also be evicted from high value
land which has been allocated to foreign investors to marginal lands which
could create more pressure on them (Cotula et al. 2009) and cause social
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unrest, socioeconomic inequalities and local political turmoil (Daniel and

Mittal, 2009). The type of land use that the acquired land is put into can
also impact on loss of pasture, fishing zones and farming opportunities for
rural people (Duvail, Meddard, Hamerlynck, and Nyingi, 2012)
Environmental impacts of large scale land acquisitions in Africa

The use to which large scale land acquisitions are put come with serious
impacts on the environment. Investment in industrial agriculture, especially
in the cultivation of Jatropha and Sugarcane, tends to use large amounts of
fresh water, and depletes the soil of nutrients at unsustainable rates. They also
depend heavily on fertilizer and pesticides which may have serious environ-
mental consequences on host countries. Such monocultures adversely affect
indigenous biodiversity of host countries through increasing concentrations
of pesticides and fertilizers in fresh water bodies which are home to large
numbers of hippopotami, crocodiles and piscivorous waterbirds (Duvail,
Meddard, Hamerlynck, and Nyingi, 2012).
Conditions required for large scale land acquisitions to be beneficial to host

countries
Some assumptions have been made in predicting the outcomes of large
scale land acquisitions. These assumptions become conditions that need to
be fulfilled for the anticipated benefits of large scale land acquisitions to
host countries. The negative effects of large scale land acquisitions become
more pronounced under certain conditions and less evident under other
conditions. It is therefore important to look closely at these conditions in
order to help us understand what needs to be done to maximise benefits of
large scale land acquisitions and minimise the negative effects.
Transparency and civil society engagement
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Civil society engagement in negotiations of land deals will ensure that
decisions that are arrived at will serve the interest of the ordinary citizen.
Unfortunately, most foreign land deals are usually government to govern-
ment with very little involvement of civil society. It is understandable that
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details about individual land deals may need to be sheltered to protect
commercial confidentiality, lack of transparency seems particularly prob-
lematic for government-to-government diplomacy. Private sector interests
are actively involved in such diplomacy from the start, but civil society has
been largely absent. There is little evidence in most countries of civil society
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being invited to contribute constructively to emerging intergovernmental
arrangements. Cotula et al (2009) note that it is difficult for the public to
gain access to information on inter-governmental discussions and negotia-
tions. Even within government, flows of information are incomplete, with a
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perception of a lack of coordination among ministries and agencies. Lack of

checks and balances and of transparency in negotiations creates the breeding
ground for corruption and for deals not in the best public interest. Some
recently reported land deals were associated with allegations that investors
had paid cash or in-kind contributions to business or other activities run
by high government officials or even the president in a personal capacity
(Cotula, 2011). Nonetheless, civil society is increasingly making its voice
heard with regard to the strategic policy choices underpinning processes
of large scale land acquisitions in host countries. Civil society in the form
of NGOs, producer associations and community-based organisation have
been active commentators on, or critics of some high-profile land deals,
such as agrifood in Kenya or biofuels and forestry in Uganda (Cotula et al,
2009). Nyari (2008) discusses an experience from Northern Ghana, where
village-level, NGO-supported resistance to a land allocation for biofuel
production had significant national resonance. The Paris-based “Collective
for the Defence of Malgasy Lands” has undertaken high-profile advocacy
on land acquisitions in Madagascar, particularly the Daewoo deal (Cotula
C h ap t er 4 | 65
et al, 2009). This growing level of scrutiny of land deals, even though poorly
informed by accurate and timely information, creates pressure for a more
measured and multi-faceted approach on the part of investors and host
governments (Cotula et al, 2009).
Consultation and consent: participation of local rights holders and land users
Consultation with indigenous occupants and users of lands involved in
large scale land deals will go a long way to minimizing the negative effects
of foreign land deals and enhancing their benefits. While it should not be
contingent on an investor to resolve issues of local governance, there is little
sign that efforts are made specifically to include significant social groups
such as women, or user groups such as pastoralists. Also, communities who
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are affected by migration out of project areas are usually not included in
negotiations of the land deals. Where efforts are made to consult indigenous
community members, such efforts tend to be a one-off rather than an ongo-
ing interaction through the project cycle (Cotula et al, 2009). The problem
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usually is not so much about reluctance on the part of local government and
companies to engage in these consultations, but rather a lack of experience
and guidance to shape better practice (Cotula et al, 2009). There are major
concerns in some countries about the weakness of provisions within national
law for local people to steer development options and defend their own
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land rights. In other countries, such rights are in theory substantially more
secure, but concerns remain around implementation of the law and voluntary
good practice on the part of investor companies. The basic principle of Free
Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) is that indigenous people have the right
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to say “yes” or “no” to proposed developments on their lands (Cotula et al,

2009). The consent needs to respect people’s cultures, customary systems
and practices and be secured through iterative negotiation with people’s own
representative institutions. Also, governments are responsible for making
sure that effective systems for grievance, redress and mitigation are in place
(Colchester and Ferrari, 2007). It is therefore advised that before leasing out
farmlands for large-scale farming, local people’s previous livelihood patterns
and their customary property rights should be taken into consideration
(Shete and Rutten, 2015).
Land use type

A major condition that determine the effects of large scale land acqui-
sitions on indigenous populations is the use to which such lands are put.
Where investors plant capital-intensive staple food crops, displaced farmers
compete for a very limited number of jobs on the investment farm and spill
over to the remaining local farmers are rare. This is because capital intensive
investments provide limited jobs for indigenous people who need alternative
sources of income due to losses of livelihoods resulting from displacement

from their lands. However, in situations where investors plant cash crops,
potential spill overs through contract farming are larger and where pro-
duction is more labour-intensive and hence provides better employment
prospects, indigenous rural people stand a chance to benefit even more
(Kleemann and Thiele, 2015). Employment from large farms will enable
small holder farmers to earn income which they can then invest in their
little lands left if they find it profitable.
Infrastructure
The role of infrastructure in national development cannot be overem-
phasized. This is especially so in sub-Saharan Africa where the necessary
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infrastructure to support national development is lacking. Increased agri-
cultural investment requires infrastructure development and can provoke
changes in power relations between state and society that have important
implications for state capacity (Lavers and Boamah, 2016). Lavers and
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Boamah (2016) illustrate the importance of infrastructure in influencing
the impacts of large scale land acquisitions in Africa by examining recent
investment trends in two countries that have figured prominently in the
literature of large scale land acquisitions, but where land tenure regimes and
state–society relations take markedly different forms. In Ethiopia, there is a
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‘strong’ state that has actively promoted agricultural investments as part of
a developmental and state-building project that has enhanced its territorial
control whilst in Ghana, chiefs have taken advantage of increased demand
from investors in an attempt to (re-)assert their authority over land vis-à-vis
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the state and other societal organisations (Lavers and Boamah, 2016). The
authors find that there are more benefits to local people in Ethiopia where
infrastructure is well developed under large scale investments in agriculture.
Rural-Urban Interface and Large-Scale Land Acquisitions: A

Synergy Approach to Achieving SDGs 1 and 2
Concerns about the impacts of large scale land acquisitions in Africa
have often been limited to the rural areas where the lands are acquired and
rural dwellers stand a chance of being displaced and dispossessed of their
sources of livelihood (Cotula et al, 2009). However, the effects of these
large-scale land acquisitions go beyond the rural areas because of the mutual
interdependencies between the rural and the urban (Akkoyunlu, 2015). It
is therefore important to explore how synergies at the rural-urban interface
can be used in efforts at addressing the negative impacts of large-scale land
acquisitions and improve on their benefits to the people of host countries.
These synergies manifest in the areas of income and occupational diversi-
fication, mobility and migration, and development planning and policies
C h ap t er 4 | 67
(Hatcher, 2017).
Income and Occupational Diversification

Income and occupational diversification describe non-agricultural
income-generating activities that are undertaken by rural dwellers and
farming activities undertaken by urban residents (Bah et al., 2003). Non-
farm activities of rural households are part of a survival strategy that aims to
reduce risk, overcome seasonal income fluctuations and respond to external
and internal shocks and stresses in their livelihoods pursuits (Baker, 1995 and
Haggblade et al, 2010). A prominent and much discussed impact of large
scale land acquisitions in Africa is the effect on the incomes and occupations
of indigenous rural farmers whose lands have been allocated. This is usually
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because the livelihoods of such farmers often depend entirely on the allocated
lands. Though some farmers may get relocated, the new farmlands may be
less productive compared to the previous ones since fertile and productive
lands are usually the target of large-scale land deals (Cotula et al., 2009).
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Under the circumstance, synergies with the urban becomes useful in order
to diversify the incomes and occupation of the indigenous rural people
through non-farm and off-farm activities (Hatcher, 2017).
Hatcher (2017) notes that the most successful rural households use
urban opportunities and exploit urban niches in addition to agricultural
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land resources by combining agricultural production with non-farm and
off-farm income-generating activities. However, the entry of rural people
into non-farm activities has only been possible where there is availability of
non-farm employment opportunities of the type that arise from urbanisa-
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tion, innovations, sectoral transformations, and national and international

trade. For this reason, governments of host countries of large scale land
acquisitions need to incorporate opportunities for off-farm and non-farm
activities into negotiations with investors. Successful negotiations in this
regard will influence the type of land use under large scale investments in
the direction of labour intensification that will provide jobs to indigenous
people (Kleemann and Thiele, 2015). Smallholders’ engagement in non-farm
income activities leads to increase in farm productivity through increasing
farmers’ ability to purchase modern hybrid seeds, fertilizers, and other inputs
(Oseni, 2007). New agricultural technologies and innovations, modern farm
inputs, and the increased labour productivity on large scale investment farms
may limit employment opportunities for indigenous rural dwellers. Under
the circumstance, some rural dwellers engage in trading goods between
the rural and the urban; taking farm produce to urban centres to sell and
bringing consumer goods from the urban centres to sell to rural dwellers.
If investments in large-scale agriculture enhance rural incomes, demand
for non-farm goods and services will also increase creating opportunities
for use of trade to further diversify livelihoods (Hossain, 2004). Thus, trade
becomes a key non-farm income activity that plays a significant role in
rural-urban linkage and can be used to draw synergies to enhance liveli-
hoods of indigenous rural people under large-scale land acquisitions. There
are reports that the proportion of rural household incomes that are derived
from non-farm activities can reach as high as 50% in sub-Saharan Africa
and up to 90% in South Africa (Ellis, 1998).
Mobility and Migration Between Urban and Rural Areas

Mobility and migration are important livelihood strategies employed
to deal with shocks and stresses in the lives of both rural and urban dwell-
ers. Remittances from rural-urban migrants contribute to rural economies
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as well as form an important part of household livelihoods, serving as part
of household income diversification and risk strategies (Barret et al, 2001;
and Ellis and Freeman, 2004). Bah et al. (2003) note that remittances from
migrants in Mali, Nigeria and Tanzania contribute to both household
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consumption and investments in local production activities. Rural-urban
migrants maintain and accumulate assets both in their rural homes and in
their urban host homes as part of a broader livelihood strategy. Migrants
in Gaborone, Botswana, retained strong ties with their home villages and
invested in rural areas in the face of declining urban income, limited employ-
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ment opportunities and growing costs of living in the city (Krüger, 1998).
Another important resource that migration and mobility bring to the table
is information that migrants and commuters provide to their rural colleagues
about agricultural prices, agricultural products and consumer preferences
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(Hatcher, 2017). Such information enhances knowledge and bargaining

power of rural producers at the local, national and international levels. In
addressing the challenges posed by large scale land investments in Africa,
especially in instances where livelihoods of indigenous people are disrupted,
they may consider opportunities to migrate to urban centres (including
small towns) where they can find non-farm jobs to supplement what is left
of their rural livelihoods. Opportunities for migration are enhanced when
investments in large scale agriculture open up rural areas to urban migrants
especially those who have specialised skills to find skilled jobs on the invest-
ment farms. Such urban-rural migration opens up the rural space for more
non-farm income generation activities for the rural dwellers (Hatcher, 2017).
Development Planning and Policies

A rural-urban linkages perspective in dealing with the challenges of large
scale land acquisitions in Africa requires a paradigm shift in the way rural and
urban development issues (i.e. in terms of planning and policies) are handled.
The traditional divide between urban planners and rural planners needs to
C h ap t er 4 | 69
change in order to build synergies between the rural and the urban. It is
better to view the livelihood issues in large scale land acquisitions in terms
of rural-urban linkages rather than dividing the issues into rural and urban.
The rural urban linkage perspective will offer clearer insights into planning
that will lead to appropriate policy measures that are mutually beneficial to
both urban and village households (Hatcher, 2017). What is known as the
‘agropolitan’ approach sought to unite rural with urban development plan-
ning by arguing for a link between rural and urban planning at the local level
(Douglass, 1981; Hardoy and Satterthwaite, 1986). According to Akkoyunlu
(2015), a programme can be mutually beneficial to both rural and urban
areas only through local capacity building by investing in human capital,
skills and training as well as through popular participation. In the case of
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investments in large farms in Africa, it is important for governments of host
countries to deliberately negotiate for capacities of local people to be built
so that they are also able to benefit from skilled jobs on the farms and not
just serve as sources of unskilled labour. The capacity building efforts could
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also enable local people to take advantage of non-farm income generation
opportunities that come with large scale farm investments. Furthermore,
where opportunities to export agricultural commodities exist, access to and
integration into national and international trade networks becomes vital
to overcome the constraints associated with agricultural production and
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to make farming attractive to the younger generations and to women who
live in the rural areas. For this reason, macroeconomic policies that focus
on the liberalization of international trade can have an important impact
in stimulating local economies (Hatcher, 2017).
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Conclusion
Large scale land acquisitions in Africa have become topical in both
public discourse and academic literature because of their effects or anticipated
effects on host countries. There are conflicting reports in the literature about
their real effects on the host countries. While some are convinced about their
positive impacts because of opportunities for employment creation and a
transfer of knowledge and technology to enhance productivity and output
in agriculture, others are concerned about their potentials to adversely affect
food security and to foster land conflicts and environmental degradation.
The phenomenon of large scale land acquisitions has often been problema-
tized as a rural issue because the lands that are usually involved are located
in rural areas. The effects of large scale land acquisitions on livelihoods of
indigenous rural people stems from the fact that while there is the notion
that foreign investors acquire unoccupied or unused lands, governments have
often allocated to investors land that is occupied, used, or claimed through
custom by local people, resulting in disrupted livelihoods and even conflict.
Besides, most of the land deals may not account for the broader value of the
land, perhaps in terms of environmental services, or to a particular social or
ethnic group not represented in negotiations. Concerns about the impacts
of large scale land acquisitions in Africa have often been limited to the rural
areas where the lands are acquired and rural dwellers stand a chance of being
displaced and dispossessed of their sources of livelihood. While it is logical
and perhaps, even legitimate to problematize large scale land acquisitions
as a rural issue, the blur between the rural and the urban, evident in the fact
that rural areas also exhibit some urban characteristics and urban areas also
exhibiting rural characteristics, makes such notions inappropriate. The argu-
ment in this chapter, therefore, is that the effects of these large-scale land
acquisitions go beyond the rural because of the mutual interdependencies
F
between the rural and the urban. As a result, a rural-urban linkage perspec-
tive of large scale land acquisitions will give a holistic understanding of the
phenomenon. The chapter has therefore explored the phenomenon at the
rural-urban interface to bring out synergies that can be used in efforts at
O
addressing the negative impacts of large-scale land acquisitions and improve
on their benefits to the people of host countries. These synergies are manifest
in the areas of income and occupational diversification, mobility and migra-
tion, and in the formulation of development plans and policies (Hatcher,
2017), which have implications for livelihoods and hence for policies relat-
O
ing to the large-scale land acquisitions in Africa and governments’ efforts
at ending hunger and poverty as captured in SDGs 1 and 2.
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Chapter 5
Urbanisation and Smallholder Livelihood Security in
Africa: A Case Study of Coping Strategies of Peri-urban
Dwellers in Tamale, Ghana
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Nashiru Sulemana & Gerald A.B. Yiran
Introduction
U
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rbanisation is a demographic, ecological, sociological and economic
phenomenon that concentrates population in urban areas and has the
potential to either fuel or impede growth and development of these areas
(Cobbinah, Gaisie et al. 2015). Some studies show that urbanisation in
Africa is rapid (Boadi, Kuitunen et al. 2005, Bao and Fang 2012, Cobbinah,
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Gaisie et al. 2015) while others counter that belief (Davis 2004, Potts 2009,
Potts 2012). Urbanisation in Africa stood at 39% in 2010 and is predicted
to reach 58% by 2050 (UNDESA/PD, 2012). Rapid urbanisation of Afri-
can cities has led to increases in land required for development due to the
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growing desire for home ownership that has fuelled a construction boom
in such cities. For this reason, fertile agricultural lands around cities are
being converted for residential and other constructional activities, leaving
smallholder farmers whose livelihoods depend on such fertile lands fewer
livelihood opportunities (Quan, Tan et al. 2004). There is evidence that
Tamale is fast expanding (Gyasi, Fosu et al. 2014, Fuseini, Yaro et al. 2017).
The rapid urbanization of Tamale means that the urban is taking over the
peri-urban which, in turn, also pushes into the rural. Peri-urban can be
described as the urban transition zone where urban and rural users mix and
often clash (Griffiths, Hostert et al. 2010). The expansion could increase
access to social amenities, e.g. water, health and educational facilities, new
forms of employment, electricity, among others (Pendall 1999, Brueckner
2000, Bart 2010, Bhatta 2010, Osman, Arima et al. 2016). However, it could
also lead to loss of production base, climate change, land degradation, loss of
green vegetation, pollution, unemployment food insecurity, etc. (Bart 2010,
Buyantuyev and Wu 2012, Bristow and Kennedy 2013, Wolch, Byrne et
al. 2014). The impact of urbanisation is more negative for the indigenous
C h ap t er 5 | 77
dwellers because of their dependence on land for their livelihood. Tenure and
land use in peri-urban areas of the major cities in Africa are changing fast in
response rapid urbanisation (Sjaastad and Bromley 1997). Land rights are
further eroded by the growing desire for home ownership among the urban
and the peri-urban dwellers. As farmers lose their lands and livelihoods to
urban developers, high levels of insecurity and uncertainty regarding land
rights in peri-urban areas emerge which has led to the use of “land guards”
and other unorthodox methods of protecting acquired land and interests
around urban areas (Quan, Tan et al. 2004).
Secure land rights are key to household food security and shelter, and
also provide a safety net in case of unemployment or retirement (Ubink,
Hoekema et al. 2009). But the growing demand for land for urban develop-
F
ment has resulted in local people within the peri-urban areas losing access to
the resources on which they depend for their food security and livelihoods
(Cotula, Vermeulen et al. 2009, De Zoysa 2013). When fertile agricultural
lands are converted for urban use, the usufruct rights of farmers who are
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displaced are disregarded because only land owners may be compensated
(Quan, Tan et al. 2004). The uncertain and precarious nature of compensa-
tion claims do not augur well for long term relationships between new land
developers, who are largely migrants, and displaced indigenous people. The
current rates of urbanisation and the indiscriminate conversion of agricultural
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lands are a recipe for disaster, and will not promote sustainable development
at village, district, regional or national levels (Kasanga and Kotey 2001).
Even though principles of customary land ownership require that access
to land can only be granted to non-indigenous individuals with the prior
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consent of the person using the land, indications are that this principle is no
longer observed, as decisions on granting land to incomers are made without
reference to the persons occupying it which has consequences on the food
security and livelihood of the indigenous people, as well as affect peaceful
coexistence between local people and migrants (Kasanga and Kotey 2001).
A lot of studies have been done to look at the effect of urbanisation
on peri-urban dwellers, yet very little studies have been done to look at
the coping strategies of peri-urban dwellers. These are very important for
poverty reduction and sustainable development as enshrined in the SDGs.
Thus, this paper aims at contributing to filling this knowledge gap in the
literature by answering two research questions: What is the nature and
extent of land insecurity among smallholders within peri-urban Tamale?
How do smallholders in peri-urban Tamale cope with little or no land for
farming due to urbanisation?
Methodology
We adopted the mixed method approach for data collection. Satellite
images from 1989 to 2015 were downloaded and classified. Open and closed
ended questionnaires were used to collect data from peri-urban dwellers
in Tamale.
Satellite Image Methodology

Landsat images of path 194 and rows 053 and 054 for 1989, 1999, 2007
and 2015 were downloaded and processed for classification. The two scenes
for each year were taken same day. The 1989 images were taken with the
Thematic Mapper 5 sensor while the others were taken with the Enhanced
Thematic Mapper. All images were taken between 3rd and 20th of November
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which is just a month after the rainy season and were good for assessing
changes in the land covers and land uses. The 2007 and 2015 images had
gaps and these were removed using gapfill extension in ENVI 5.3. The
images were then calibrated and subset using the upper left coordinates of
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(719919E, 1049868) and lower right coordinates of (749140E, 1032654)
which covered the area of interest. The subsets were then classified into four
basic land cover categories (Settlement, Soil, Savannah and water) defined as:
• Settlement – area with buildings and other physical structures (e.g.
containers, kiosk, silos) used for human activities and surfaced road
O
network.
• Soil – area with exposed soil such as farms that have been harvested,
bare soils, burnt scars. Note these areas have some scattered trees
and shrubs
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• Savannah – grassland, farms with crops or crop residue on them,

shrubs and bushes, areas with dense trees (especially forest reserves).
• Water – waterbodies largely dams and dugouts as streams often
dry out by November
Supervised classification was used and the training samples were taken
based on the use of Google Earth as well as authors’ experience and knowl-
edge of the area. A drive from Vittin, a village on the east side of Tamale
though the city to University for Development Studies (UDS) on the south
side was done to cross-check the reliability of the training samples. Before
classification, signature separability of the training sample (i.e. region of
interest (ROI)) were computed to test separability of the ROIs after which
the maximum likelihood classification algorithm was used to perform the
classification. This algorithm was chosen as it is parametric and most popular
among the others (Yiran, Kusimi et al. 2012). A post classification accu-
racy assessment were carried out to test the accuracy of the classification.
The classified images were then converted into shape files and loaded on
C h ap t er 5 | 79
ArcMap for map composition and the calculation of areas for each land
use or cover change analysis. A spatio-temporal analysis was done paying
particular attention to the gain in area of the built up and loss of the other
land uses, especially land that could be used for farming.
Survey and Key Informant Interview Data

Questionnaire and in-depth interviews (IDIs) with respondents pro-
vided data to complement the satellite imagery data. Seven communities
were randomly selected within the rural-urban gradient around Tamale.
Respondents were then randomly selected in each community in order
to obtain a representative sample. In all, we interviewed 137 people who
were virtually equally distributed along the rural-urban gradient of Tamale
F
(see Table 5.1). Two IDIs were conducted with some community leaders
and selected farmers in each of the communities making a total of 14. The
household survey gathered information on household demographic variables
and issues of land ownership and farming activities. Questions also covered
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information on land availability as well as coping strategies to deal with land
shortages resulting from urbanisation. SPSS was used to process the data
to generate frequency tables and other descriptive statistics.
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Table 5.1: Sample size distribution by community
Name of Frequency Percent

community
Bukpamo 19 13.9
PR
Chanzeni 20 14.6
Garizegu 19 13.9
Jana 17 12.4
Sanga 20 14.6
Taha 21 15.3
Wamale 21 15.3
Total 137 100.0
Source: Field survey, 2017.
Results and Discussion
Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents

Table 5.2 presents the socio-demographic characteristics of respond-
ents. As can be seen from Table 5.2, over 90% of the respondents are male,
confirming the male dominance in both farming and land ownership in
the study area.
Table 5.2: Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents
Characteristic Frequency percent

Male 125 91.2
Sex of
Female 12 8.8
respondent
Total 137 100.0
18-35 60 43.8
Age of respond- 36-60 69 50.4
ent (in years) 61+ 8 5.8
F
Total 137 100.0
No education 82 59.8
Non-formal/Islamic
Highest level
of education
completed by
O education
Primary school
Middle school/JSS/JHS
Voc/Sec/Tech/SSS/SHS
12
17
16
6
8.8
12.4
11.7
4.4
O
respondent
Teacher/Nursing training
3 2.2
college
Polytechnic/University 1 0.7
Total 137 100.0
PR
Marital status Single/unmarried 15 11.0

of respondents Married 115 83.9
Widowed 3 2.2
Divorced/separated 4 2.9
Total 137 100.0
Sex of house- Male headed 134 97.8
hold head Female headed 3 2.2
Total 137 100
Status of Household head 103 75.2
respondent in Household member 34 24.8
household
Total 137 100.0
Source: Field survey (2017)
Kuusaana, Kidido et al. (2013) found similar results in the Wa munici-

pality and attributed it to the patrilineal system of inheritance practiced
C h ap t er 5 | 81
in the area. An earlier study (Duncan and Brants 2004) also made similar
findings in the Volta region where women had proportionately less access
to and control over land. This has implications for the achievement of the
UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is particularly relevant in
the development of strategies for the achievement of Goals 1 (end poverty),
2 (zero hunger) and 5 (gender equality). Unequal access to and control over
land on which livelihoods of majority of the people depend means that
women are disadvantaged in the pursuits to end both poverty and hunger
which further deepens gender inequality.
About half (50.4 percent) of the respondents were within the ages
of 36-60 years, confirming the notion that farming is unattractive to the
youth (White 2012). However, over 90% of the respondents were within
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the economically active age group of between 18 and 60 years, with less
than 6% being above 60 years. This is a good thing for agriculture in the
study area because people within the economically active age group have
the needed energy to engage in profitable agriculture. Almost 60% of the
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respondents had no education at all, with less than 10% having at least
secondary school education. This confirms the notion that farming is for
people without formal education and are therefore limited in the kinds of
livelihood activities they can engage in. More than 80% of the respondents
were married. This is expected given the age group of the respondents and the
O
fact that marriage is held in high esteem in the study area. Besides, married
men have their wives and children help them on their farms and therefore,
an additional motivation for male farmers. Almost all the households of the
respondents were male headed. This is expected since females, traditionally,
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do not head households where there are capable males. This is confirmation
that men take agricultural production decisions within farming households
(Akudugu, Guo et al. 2012). Out of the 137 respondents interviewed, 62%
of the respondents were indigenous community members and 35.8% were
settlers (see table 5.3), an indication that peri-urban Tamale is home to
diverse groups of people. Most of the settlers were people from outside of
the district and region who have acquired plots and built their houses. The
high proportion of settlers within peri-urban Tamale means that lands
that were used by the indigenous community members for farming are no
longer available. Out of the 137 respondents, only 2.2% were non-resident
farmers. This is expected since there is not enough land left for people
outside of the communities to access for farming. Farming was the major
occupation of the respondents with 63.5% of the respondents being farmers.
Informal employment constituted 29.2% of the sampled population and
was the second most important occupation. People in formal employment
constituted only 7.3% of the sampled population. Most community mem-
bers engaged in farming while most of the settlers engaged in formal and
informal employment (see table 5.3). This is expected because settlers do not
have land to farm especially so in peri-urban area where land is increasingly
becoming a scarce commodity.
Table 5.3: Occupation of respondents by category (n=137)
Respondent Farmers Formal Informal

category (%) employment employ- Total (%)
(%) ment (%)
Indigenous
community 56.2 0.7 5.1 62.0
member
F
Settler 5.8 6.6 23.4 35.8
non-resident
1.5 0 0.7 2.2
farmer
Total O 63.5 7.3 29.2 100.0
Urban Growth of Tamale and Increasing Land Insecurity Among Peri-Urban

Dwellers
Tamale, the capital city of Ghana’s Northern Region, has expanded from
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the indigenous residential area during the colonial days to engulf several vil-
lages that were within 18 km radius from this inner core (Gyasi et al., 2014).
The growth of Tamale is radial due to its relative flat topography and the
absence of other constraining physical features. Fig. 5.1 shows the growth
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of Tamale from 1989 to 2015. The red colour which represents settlement
increases through the years. The expansion is rapid around educational
facilities. As can be seen in Fig 5.1, the human settlements are active in the
western to north western part of Tamale.
These areas have the education ridge, Tamale Polytechnic and the
Nyankpala campus of University for Development Studies (UDS) and
by extension, the new medical school will make the south-western part of
the city expand rapidly as well. It can also be seen that after 2007, physical
development of the south-western part of the city is getting more intense.
This could be attributed partly to the location of the Tamale campus of
UDS. Fuseini et al. (2017) made similar observation of sprawl in Tamale.
Another reason we teased out from the IDIs in communities around the
education facilities was that these educational facilities had some level of
water supply and that was extended to their surrounding areas. This supported
an observation we noted on the expansion in the north-west. Government
resettled people in Gurugu, a village in the north of Tamale Polytechnic
and as part of the resettlement package, provided water supply. This is partly
C h ap t er 5 | 83
the reason the area has expanded as can be seen in Fig. 5.1. Now with the
stabilisation of water supply and increased distribution to other parts of
the city, the east and north-east is also becoming active. Another reason we
could attribute to the expansion in the north-west and towards the north is
the commercialisation of the airport though this has not been investigated.
It must be noted that changes between the savannah and soil is contingent
on the date of cessation of the rains, onset of bushfires and harvesting of
crops. However, our concentration is on the settlements and therefore these
changes are not expected to affect our discussions.
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Figure 5.1: Land use/ land cover of Tamale and its environs 1989 to 2015
The major driver of the expansion of Tamale is population growth result-

ing largely from migration (Ghana Statistical Service, 2015). As population
grows, there is increasing demand for physical infrastructure such as residen-
tial, educational, health, industrial and commercial facilities and roads. These
infrastructures require land for their development. These images showed a
gradual decrease in the greenness and brown and a rapid increase in the
red (i.e. housing and other infrastructural developments). The expansion is
consuming the land which could have been available for farming and other
open space activities in the peri-urban area. Thus, landholdings for farming
in these areas which is the base for the traditional and main activities of
the people, especially the indigenous residents within the peri-urban area
is decreasing. As can be seen in Table 5.4, the settlement has been increas-
ing from about 85 Km2 in 1989 to 170 Km2 in 2015. This represents an
average increase of about 3.3 Km2 per annum. Thus, the rate of physical
growth or urban sprawl of Tamale and its surrounding communities is 3.3
Km2 per annum.
Table 5.4: Land and land cover changes from 1989 to 2015
Land Use/ Area (km2)

Cover
1989 1999 2007 2015
Settlement 84.6315 112.0184 131.6430 170.3007
Soil 161.2026 122.8222 171.6657 136.944
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Savannah 259.3827 270.3780 201.9000 197.7561
Water 0.7416 0.7398 0.7497 0.9576
Total 505.9584 505.9584 505.9584 505.9584
Source: Author
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The implication of the expansion is that, land available for farming
which is the major activity of indigenous people within the peri-urban
area of Tamale and its environs is dwindling. Results from the survey con-
firmed this decreasing trend of land availability for farming. Out of the 137
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respondents, 78.1 percent noted that their farmlands have decreased over
the years as a result of land acquisitions. The reduction has made farmers
no longer able to allow their farms to fallow to be able to recover by natu-
ral means, increasing cost of maintaining soil fertility. Almost 80% of the
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respondents indicated that they were not able to allow their farms to fallow
due to shortage of land resulting from land acquisitions.
From the interviews, a trend analysis of landholdings and actual cropped
land was performed, and the results are shown in Fig. 5.2, which reveals the
emergence of an increasing trend of the number of people owning/cropping
land size of below five acres. These people are classified as smallholder farmers
and are usually the poorest people in the country (Ghana Statistical Service,
2015). This calls into question the sustainability of farming in peri-urban
Tamale and for that matter the livelihoods of its inhabitants. This situation
is problematic, given that majority of the peri-urban dwellers of Tamale
depend on farming as a major source of livelihood. More than 90% of the
interviewed farmers who still farm within the peri-urban area indicated they
have seen pillars on their farms, indicating that land has been sold out or is
in the process of being sold to a prospective developer. Seventy-seven percent
of respondents indicated they earn their living directly from farming and
53% out of this stated that they were not consulted before their lands were
allocated to developers. According to these farmers, majority of whom are
C h ap t er 5 | 85
indigenous people, the land belongs to the chief and they only have the right
to use it for farming or residential purposes by virtue of being a member
of the community. This is what has been described as usufruct right to the
land in the land tenure system (Kasanga and Kotey 2001).
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Figure 5.2: Land size (acres) owned and cropped over time (n=137)
As majority of these farmers were not consulted, no compensation

was received by them. Only 2% of respondents received compensation, one
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percent were offered another piece of land at another location while the
other one percent received cash compensation. Interestingly, the two percent
who received compensation happened to be community leaders or heads of
powerful households in the community.
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Nearly all respondents who were indigenous community members

derived over 90 percent of household income from cropping, about 10 to 15
years ago, but this has dwindled to less than 45% now. This is because farm-
ing is still the major economic activity of almost all indigenous households
and therefore decreasing land size means decreasing income. Most of the
respondents (over 66%) observed that, if the current trend of development
continues, in five years’ time, they will have virtually no place to farm. This
has serious implication for sustainability of the livelihoods. Following from
(Yiran and Stringer 2017) that most indigenous households rely largely
on farm produce for feeding, reduction in production will have serious
implication for food security and hence hunger. Some respondents in the
IDIs stated that the land on which they are farming now has already been
allocated and will soon be used for the intended purpose. For example, a
45-year-old farmer at Taha, one of the surveyed communities pointed to
an uncultivated land (Fig. 5.3) and stated:
My son, you see that land over there, I have been stopped from
farming on it this year by the developer who has started to develop

the land. I can go around with you and show you pillars all over the
land I farm on. The land has all been demarcated to people largely
for residential purposes. So, in a matter of a few years, I will have
no land to farm here. I might have to relocate to other areas to farm
or look for something else to eke a living.
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Figure 5.3: Uncultivated land due to development activity
Many of the IDI respondents particularly those close to dense set-

tlements had similar situations or scenarios to support their postulation
of losing their land completely. Studies have shown that this is as a result
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of land grabbing in Tamale resulting from the flexible land tenure system
and the emerging land market (Fuseini et al., 2017). Interestingly, many
of the farmers still farm on their land until it is taken away from them. In
an in-depth interview with a 65-year-old farmer at Garizegu, he stated
that “I still farm on my land though all my land has been demarcated for
development”. In the face of losing land to urban development, farmers
also noted dwindling yields due their inability to understand and/or apply
technology to increase productivity and land degradation resulting from
continuous cropping. Thus, farmers are faced with double agony which
affect productivity and income and ultimately, deepen poverty and hunger.
A 45-year-old farmer at Garizegu stated that “I used to harvest about 10
bags of maize from my farm but I no longer get even 3 bags and I think it
is because of low soil fertility and the rainfall pattern that are causing that”.
On the question of the quantity of land that will be adequate for the
current farming activities, about 66 percent of respondents were of the opin-
ion that between 6 and 25 acres of land will be adequate for their farming
activities. They explained that the land is infertile and therefore more land
C h ap t er 5 | 87
will have to be brought given that most of these farmers are smallholder
farmers cultivating 5 acres or less, it is an indication that smallholder farmers
would like to engage in large scale farming if the opportunity avails itself.
Besides, more land will also afford smallholders the opportunity to be able
to manage soil fertility well through land and crop rotation plans. It will
also allow farmers to practice land fallowing.
How Peri-Urban Dwellers in Tamale Cope with Loss of Farming Land

On the question of how peri-urban dwellers cope with the reduction
in land size for their farming activities, about 43% of the farmers move
to distant communities to farm, 23% still farm on the land that is not yet
developed while 34% engaged in non-farm activities. A study by Dheressa
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(2013) found that coping strategies pursued by local communities in Ethio-
pia in response to the impacts of land acquisitions include changing land
use, sharecropping, tenant farming, changing occupation and migration.
A question on the non-farm activities respondents engaged in the previ-
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ous year revealed that about 65% of respondents are shifting to non-farm
activities. The results indicate that only 15% of the indigenous community
members are farming or are formally employed while about 37% are into
non-farm activities. This means that more indigenous people are moving
away from farming and shifting into other livelihood activities largely due
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to rapid urban encroachment on farm lands. Table 5.5 indicates that 17%
of indigenous community members are into trading. All these people were
engaged in retail/petty trading and complained of not having funds to invest
in their business.
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Table 5.5: Non-farm activities engaged by respondents
Non-farm Respondent Category (%) Total

activities for last
season Settler Non-resident
Indigenous farmer
Formal
15 19 0 34
employment/farming
Bucher/catering 4 2 1 7
Construction work 6 8 0 14
Craftsmanship 3 1 0 4
Drug store
0 1 0 1
operation
Non-farm Respondent Category (%) Total

activities for last
season Settler Non-resident
Indigenous farmer
Formal employment 1 5 0 6
Machine operator/
5 4 1 10
Mechanic
Private business 1 0 0 1
Schooling 0 1 0 1
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Trading 17 5 0 22
Total 52 46 2 100
Source: Author
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In an in-depth interview with one of the respondents whose business
seemed to be thriving, she stated “... my husband gave me the capital to start
and also because my business only partially supports household expendi-
ture, I invest most of my profit back into the business and that has seen my
business grow.” This was the case with most of the settlers whose husbands
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were working and provided more of household expenditure. On the flip side,
a respondent stated that “as a widow, I support my entire family from my
sales, so all the money I get is used on household expenditure and therefore
I am unable to make savings or expand the business.”
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According to this woman, she knows that there are many people in town
who are selling ‘kokoo’ (a local porridge) just like her and are making it and
even putting up buildings, but her location in the peri-urban fringe as well
as her total dependency on it for survival limits the growth of her business.
What this finding means is that the success of the trading activities of the
people in the area depended to some extent on the level of contribution the
business or trade contributed to household upkeep and the availability of
customers. More than 60% of the women interviewed who are engaged in
petty trading, especially those who hawk or sell on table top hardly made
GHS 50.00 a day. The results show that alternative livelihood activities are
better closer to or within urban areas and decreases as one moves away from
the urban core. Those closer to cities perceive their alternative livelihood to
be better than those further away.
Another trend that could be seen from Table 5.5 is that the indigenous
people are also engaged in non-farm activities such as butchery, food vending,
masonry, carpentry and mechanic among others. From all the respondents’
perspective, sending their children to school to be educated and/or learn
C h ap t er 5 | 89
a profession is most sustainable option to dealing with land loss. This is a

good sign because these non-farm activities do not require extensive land
to operate but this needs further investigation to assess the uptake of these
trades by the youth. All respondents who had children of school going
age had their children in school. A female farmer at Kpana stated that her
daughter is a nurse and through her, she no longer depends on farming
for her household needs but rather do it to keep her busy and fit. Most of
respondents enrol their children who could not progress academically in
different trades. A 55-year-old man at Sanga stated that “I have enrolled
my son to learn fitting and my daughter is also learning dress making”.
According to him, that is the legacy he can leave with his children as the
land is being taken up for residential development. He also believes the
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trades are better and more sustainable considering that land is becoming
scarce and the weather is unreliable these days. In furtherance of this view,
a 62-year-old farmer at Jana stated that he made his son to learn fitting and
he is a mechanic in Tamale town and taking care of him. He stated that “I
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no longer farm but rely solely on remittance from my son”. A young man
interviewed stated that he is studying building and construction at Tamale
Polytechnic and will soon graduate to start a construction business or be
employed in the construction industry. Others are also shifting to intensive
livestock rearing, particularly small ruminants. A farmer at Garizegu stated
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“I now concentrate on livestock rearing and that supports my family”. Thus,
all indications are that the indigenous people are taking advantage of new
opportunities that accompany urbanisation and if supported can lift them
out of poverty and move towards achieving SDG 1.
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Conclusion
Rapid urbanization of African cities has led to increases in land required
for development due to the growing desire for home ownership that has
fuelled a construction boom in such cities. For this reason, fertile agricultural
lands around cities are being converted for urban use leaving smallholder
farmers whose livelihoods depend on such fertile lands fewer livelihood
opportunities. This paper set out to answer two research questions. One,
what is the nature and extent of land insecurity among smallholders within
peri-urban Tamale? And two, how do smallholders in peri-urban Tamale
cope with little or no land for farming due to urbanisation? Satellite imagery
and survey results show a decreasing trend of land availability for farming in
peri-urban Tamale with women hardest hit because the land tenure system
in the area favour men. Results of the study also revealed an increasing trend
of the number of people owning/cropping land size of below five acres who
are usually classified as smallholder farmers and are the poorest people in
the country. Most respondents were of the opinion that the land on which
they farm now will not be available for them to farm in five years’ time. This
situation is problematic, given that majority of the peri-urban dwellers of
Tamale depend on farming as a major source of livelihood. This is where
the question of how they cope with the decreasing farmlands come into
focus. Respondents coped with the situation by engaging in non-farm
activities, looking for land in distant communities and making the best of
the little land left. Respondents intended to cope with anticipated loss of
land in the future by investing more in non-farm income generating activi-
ties as well as sending their children to school to be educated and/or learn
a profession, so they could take care of them when they are old. This is a
good move, but further studies will be needed to assess the level of uptake
and perception of the youth on these new opportunities, especially those
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not in formal employment. It is also critical for studies on the sustainability
of these alternative livelihoods as the formal employment opportunities do
not match up with population growth.
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Chapter 6
Agricultural Markets as Drivers of Rural-Urban
Interdependence: Lessons From Selected Produce
Assembly Markets in Oyo State, Nigeria
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Olushola Fadairo, Siji Olutegbe & Favour Eforuoku
Introduction
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n the past, rural and urban areas have been viewed and described as two
separate entities, with the underlining assumption of a limited interrela-
tionship. In recent times though, there has been a growing recognition and
awareness of the inseparability of rural and urban areas given the dynamic
flows of information, resources and people between the areas. Markets can
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play major roles in facilitating and sustaining this linkage. For instance, in
a paper on experiences from Nepal, Pradhan (undated) identified market
development in small and medium sized towns as a major tool used by the
government to promote rural development, and for strengthening interlink-
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ages between rural and urban areas in the country. The Food and Agricultural
Organisation (FAO) (2009: 7) defines assembly markets as rural or town
markets, normally situated on main highways connecting rural-urban centres
and near to local transport interchange points, where the buying and sell-
ing of agricultural produce takes place. Traders, collectors, and commission
agents, acting on behalf of urban wholesalers were identified as the usual
buyers of produce at assembly markets.
As in most developing countries, assembly markets in Nigeria have
increased rapidly across major transport routes linking rural areas, or small
and intermediate size centres, with urban cities. Interestingly, in most parts of
Nigeria, patrons at these markets are not limited to traders and commission
agents acting on behalf of urban wholesalers, but also include consumers at
household level, who are now taking advantage of their commute through
market routes to purchase items for their household needs. Therefore, this
rapid expansion of assemblage markets in the past few decades in Nigeria
and the corresponding increasing patronage by travellers who are usually
urban residents, is indicative of the symbiotic interrelationship between the
rural and urban populace in Nigeria.

The role and relevance of market linkage for strengthening rural-urban
interaction are well documented, particularly in the rural development
literature. Researchers from several countries have also contributed to the
literature by providing local perspectives and experiences on the role of
market in interlinked societies. However, a paucity of information still
exists on experiences from Nigeria and in particular, comparative analyses
of the contributions of this linkage to the overall wellbeing of the rural and
urban populace. In this regard, unanswered questions include: how does
this rapidly expanding phenomenon of assembly markets impact on the
social, economic and cultural milieu of the interlinked rural-urban areas in
Nigeria? what local factors influence the interlinkages between these areas?
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and what lessons can be drawn for policy to promote stronger links between
rural and urban areas in Nigeria? This paper attempts to provide answers
to these questions drawing lessons from case studies on produce assembly
markets in Oyo State, Nigeria.
Methodology
Study Approach
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The paper relies primarily on synthesis of literature to draw its con-
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clusions. Data were also collected from buyers and sellers from selected
assembly markets in the study area to provide a local perspective. Impor-
tant lessons were drawn here to enrich the discussions. The study utilised
a case study approach in which the phenomenon under study for the case
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is the rural-urban interrelationship, while the case is the produce assembly

markets in Oyo State, Nigeria. The study population comprised of sellers
(usually rural people) and buyers (urban residents) at the selected assembly
markets and data were collected using qualitative methods such as focus
group discussions with sellers and key informant interviews with patrons
in the selected markets.
Research Design and Procedures

The study was carried out in Oyo State, Nigeria. Oyo State covers a total
of 2, 7249 square kilometres of land mass. Agriculture is the main occupa-
tion of the people of Oyo State, as the climate favours the cultivation of
common food crops grown and consumed within the South-western sub-
region and beyond. Oyo state shares a boundary with the commercial and
densely populated Lagos and Ogun states to the South and Kwara state to
the North. A number of agricultural commodity markets are available in
Oyo state. We conducted our study in the Maya and Odo-Oba assembly
markets. These markets were purposively sampled due to prominence and
C h ap t er 6 | 95
the Maya market’s strategic location along major roads to cities of Abeokuta
and Lagos states; and the proximity of the Odo-Oba market to the cities of
Ogobomosho, Ilorin and a host of other Northern Nigerian states.
Sampling of Marketers
Availability and willingness of marketers to participate were factors
considered in determining the size and number of focus group discussions
held with the marketers. We achieved this by identifying a pool of poten-
tial participants among the sellers using a short survey. During the study,
four focus group discussions were held – one male and one female group
in each market; and a total of forty-two participants were involved. Each
focus group discussion consisted of a minimum of eight and maximum of
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twelve participants. Figures 6.1 and 6.2 show some of the pictures taken
during the field work.
Sampling of Urban Patrons

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Buyers from the urban centres were sampled using accidental sampling
technique due to unavailability of a sampling frame. Hence, only those who
were available and willing to be interviewed were included in the study. Urban
patrons were recruited and interviewed one after the other until informa-
tion redundancy was established. In all, a total of 15 key informants (eight
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from Maya and seven from Odo-Oba markets) participated in the study.
Data Collection and Reporting

Newly completed market stalls that were yet to be put to use and an open
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space with a large shade tree were reserved for approximately a two-hour
time slot for the data collection in Odo-Oba and Maya markets, respectively.
Information obtained from key informants’ interviews were tape-recorded
in addition to notes that were taken during the process. Data were collected
using an interview protocol for the key informant interviews and discussion
guide for the focus group discussions. The instruments were backstopped
with audio-tape recording and notes taken by researchers which were later
transcribed with particular attention to important quotes from respondents.
Some of these quotes are used to support findings in this paper. Research-
ers understand that the results from the focus group discussion and key
informant interviews are the opinions of a small sample size which is small
for generalization. However, they are very useful for enriching the existing
literature on rural-urban interdependence.
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Figure 6.1: Women group during the focus group discussion held at the Maya market on
September 7, 2017
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Figure 6.2: Male participants during focus group discussions at the Maya market on
September 7, 2017
C h ap t er 6 | 97
Literature Review
The Concepts of Rural and Urban

There is no one definition that gives a single and all-embracing mean-
ing of the concept of rural. However, in a bid to provide an understanding
of what the concept entails, various perspectives from different scholars
emerged. These perspectives provide insights to the concept of rural and
further reveals the meaning of the concept of urban.
The traditional perspective of the concept as highlighted by Ekong
(2003: 2) relates to the meaning of the concept put forward by a ‘common
man’. Therefore, traditionally, what comes into our minds when we think of
a rural area is almost entirely negative. More too often negative connota-
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tions have been used to describe rural. According to Myrdal and Kristiansen
(2005:1), rural is often described as inferior to urban; at best, something
fragile to be preserved, protected, restored or developed. The lay man thinks
of rural areas as the seat of a traditional head such as the Oba, Emir or Obi
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(titles of traditional leaders among the Yorubas, Hausas and Igbos, respec-
tively) while others think of rural as a remote and isolated dark hole where
there are no bright lights, malls or sky scrapers but areas filled with mud
houses and streams with low tempo of life and reduced hustle and bustle. It
is further seen as areas that draws its strength from traditional under linings
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while the reverse of these scenarios is used to refer to urban. This perspective
was criticised as a result of its simplicity in providing insights to the concept.
The quantitative perspective emerged in a bid to provide suitable
explanation of the concept. The quantitative approach places emphasis on
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statistical measurement. The advantage of this approach lies in its objectivity

and it provides quantifiable justification of rural and urban on the basis of
demographic characteristics such as size of community, spatial delimiters,
population density, level/standard of living and homogeneity/heterogene-
ity of population. Based on demographic criterion, Durkheim (1964: 71)
provided a differentiation strategy of societies on the basis of the nature
of their solidarity which he related as being a direct function of popula-
tion density. Therefore, Emile Durkheim inferred that societies with low
population density are rural and that these societies offer themselves to a
mechanical form of solidarity that is characterised by homogeneity in back-
ground and belief system and agricultural lifestyle. Meanwhile, societies with
high population densities are urban with such societies demonstrating an
organic form of solidarity that is characterised by reliance on one another/
mutual dependencies catalysed by division of labour. In Nigeria, Olisa and
Obiukwu (1992: 27) define rural based on population size by delineating
areas with less than 20, 000 inhabitants as rural. In similar vein, Ekong
(2003: 2) defined rural based on the area of land occupied rather than the
total area of land available (size of community) when he reiterated that

rural areas have greater mass of land vacant than land inhabited by people.
Consequently, a person who puts up a storey building in such area would
do that for status. On the other hand, urban areas gasp for space and would
manage space by putting up storey buildings and sky scrapers. Based on the
level or standard of living as reflected in the quantity of goods and services
consumed by an individual or household, on the average, majority of the
rural population live below the poverty line while the urban people on the
average are more predisposed to better conditions of living (Umar, 2014: 1).
In terms of homogeneity/heterogeneity of the population, the rural people
are closely knit with homogeneity in culture, occupation, religion and class
while there are disparities in culture, occupation, religion and class among
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the urban dwellers.
The drift from quantitative definition of rural and urban became nec-
essary as a result of the bureaucratic and rigid approach it employed in
capturing demographic information. Furthermore, Olawoye (1984: 5) asserts
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that the statistical attachments tied to rural and urban often miss its signifi-
cance and rarely gratify those on the receiving end. Accordingly, Coladarci
(2007: 2) affirms that some researchers question the meaningfulness of such
“traditional constructs of demography” and argue for more important notions
of local commitments and meaning-making. Thus, qualitative perspective
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emerged as a result of the faults found in the quantitative perspective. There-
fore, qualitative perspective dwells on the lifestyle, social characteristics and
cultural under linings of rural and urban areas. In view of that, issues raised
under qualitative approach to give a clear focus of the concept of rural and
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urban according to Ekong (2003:21), Olawoye (1984: 5), Puja (2016a:1),

Puja (2016b:1) and Myrdal and Kristiansen (2005:1) are:
i. Occupation in which the main stay of rural economy is agriculture,

craft, weaving and pottery while the urban economy focuses on
commerce, manufacturing and administrative occupations.
ii. Contact with nature in which the activities of the rural people revolve
round their immediate environment while urban people are not
closely knit with nature as they are unnaturally shielded.
iii. Social differentiation in terms of division of labour and specialisa-
tion is low in the rural which tends towards social solidarity as a
result of similarity in culture while the reverse is operational in
the urban. This solidarity was described by Durkheim (1964: 60)
as mechanical solidarity while the urban was described as organic
solidarity (accommodates individual differences and heterogeneity
occurring from division of labour and specialisation)
iv. Social mobility in terms of movement of people from one stratum
C h ap t er 6 | 99
or class to another is slow in the rural while for the urban it is rapid
as a result of the endless opportunities that abound in the urban.
The quest for social mobility is the reason many young people leave
the rural area in search for greener pasture.
v. Social control in which the behaviour of rural people are guided
internally and informally by societal norms and values while the
behaviour of the urban is enforced using formal strategies.
vi. Social interaction as a result of the close-knit nature of the ‘rural’,
social interaction is high, thus members are familiar with one-
another while the ‘urban’ is highly specialised and will take secondary
means for social interaction.
This study adopts the qualitative perspective in differentiating between
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the rural and urban centres.
Rural-Urban Interdependence With Specific References to Examples From

Africa
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Rural-urban interdependence as a concept is not just conceived, it has
its roots from a series of events that seem to bring about interaction between
rural and urban areas. Traditionally, rural and urban issues and planning
have been typically seen as and dealt with separately. However, in recent
years, as urbanisation and inequality increase, more sophisticated analyses
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of the linkages and inter-dependencies between rural and urban areas have
surfaced, making it imperative to conceive such a concept. Rural-urban
interdependence/interaction has therefore been defined by Low, Costanza,
Ostrom, Wilson, and Simon (1999: 229) as the flows of people, goods
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and services, information and money, which typically provide strong and
dynamic linkages between rural and urban areas. It includes spatial and
sectorial interactions.
Spatial Interactions refers to interaction across space and it includes
flows of agricultural and other commodities from rural based producers
to urban markets and in the opposite direction, flow of manufactured and
imported goods from urban centres to rural settlement (Tacoli, 2006: 3).
Also, included are the flows of people, information and finances between
rural and urban settlements. Sectorial interactions on the other hand are
rural activities taking place in urban areas (such as urban agriculture) and
activities often classified as urban (such as manufacturing and services)
taking place in rural areas (Kadiri, 2009: 5). Sectorial interaction also occurs
in peri-urban areas whereby most of the flows between rural and urban
areas do spatially concentrate around urban built up areas. This existence of
reciprocal rural-urban linkages as shown in Figure 6.3 proves to be highly
relevant to interpret development of both rural and urban contexts as two
sides of the same coin. These flows can be understood under the headings
of environmental footprints, labour markets, and production and markets

of food. Urban areas should therefore be seen as engines of rural develop-
ment, providing markets and infrastructure, as well as a range of essential
services, for the productivity of rural activities.
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Figure 6.3: Reciprocal rural-urban linkages.
As a result of the mutuality of benefits from rural-urban interdepend-

ence, rural-urban interaction has therefore been linked to improving the
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conditions of both rural and urban dwellers. Bekker (2000: 7) justified this
argument in an assertion that linkages can improve the living conditions and
employment opportunities of both rural and urban populations. Therefore, it
is pertinent to affirm that, although, rural-urban interdependence is not only
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about positive and benefits to both ends of the spectrum, such interface has
provided a good platform for achieving poverty alleviation and sustainable
rural development and urbanisation.
Rural-urban interaction in many developing countries, and particularly
Africa, have different dimensions to them, many of which are reflective of
the policy environment, policy responses and other related factors. Some
examples in South Africa and Nigeria are outlined as follows:
South Africa
The discrete consideration of rural development as completely distinct
from urban development is no more valid with respect to South African
experience. An apparent divide between urban and rural areas was very
prevalent, caused primarily by apartheid planning and political systems.
According to Simkins (1983: 77), rural areas were located far away from
services and job opportunities. Rural areas depended on urban areas for
secondary schools, post and telephone, credit, agricultural extension services,
farm equipment, hospitals and government services. People in rural areas
C h ap t er 6 | 101
must travel long distances to access services and job opportunities and this
comes with financial implications. As incomes from agriculture decreased,
rural households are forced to develop new and more complex livelihood
strategies that include both agricultural and non-agricultural incomes,
including remittances from seasonal and permanent migrants (Simkins,
1983: 81). However, several years after, it is now widely recognized that there
exists an economic, social and environmental interdependence between urban
and rural areas and a need for balanced and mutually supportive approach to
development of the two areas. Kanbur and Venables (2005: 2) reported the
efforts of the South Africa government, striving to bridge the gap between
rural and urban fragmentations in the country. It was reported that since
1994, significantly greater access to information technology, better roads,
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improved education and changing economic realities are increasing the
movement of people, goods and services, waste and pollution and blurring
the boundaries between urban and rural areas. The government has laid
down policies that draw on urban-rural interdependencies. Although, it
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was noted that such interdependence still had a relatively limited impact
on development practices, this was only linked to the fact that regional
economies, the goods and services required by the new economic activities
stimulated by these policies came from private businesses, and this can be
addressed for optimal benefits.
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Nigeria
The concept of rural-urban interactions in Nigeria is increasingly being
recognized as central in the processes of social, economic and cultural trans-
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formations in both cities and rural areas. According to Tacoli (2004: 2),
most low-income households heavily rely on both rural based and urban
based resources in constructing their livelihoods. According to Boyd and
Immegart (1977: 51), people in developing countries, more often than not
do exhibit rural-mind set because they were rooted socially and culturally
in rural areas and hence, the huge importance of owning land in the area
even if it is just a small plot. The above observation by Boyd and Immegart
confirmed the earlier works of Department for International Development
(DFID) (1999: 1) where a distinctive pattern of rural-urban interaction in
Yoruba nation cities was observed. Yorubas represent one of the dominant
ethnic groups in Nigeria and who are traditionally settled in the southwest-
ern part of the country. According to DFID (1999: 1), every Yoruba city in
Nigeria traditionally had attached to itself satellite villages or hamlets while
the inhabitants considered themselves as belonging to the city and their
livelihoods derived from farming or other rural activities. The fact that virtu-
ally all the urban dwellers had farms and farmstead in which they lived for
most of the year while many rural dwellers also owned houses in the nearby
towns and cities, has proved the strong linkages/interactions between rural
and urban settlements in Nigeria. This pattern of linkage is similar to the
experience of people of Old Naledi settlement in Botswana as reported by
Kruger (1998: 128). Thundeaye (2011: 1) noted that the traditional pattern
of rural-urban interaction continued to be a deeply rooted facet of Yoruba
culture. A similar pattern of rural-urban interaction was also recorded in
the eastern part of the country by Okali, Okpara and Olawoye (2001: 2).
The Exigencies of Rural-Urban Interface For Sustainable Social System

It cannot be over emphasised that rural-urban interaction through its
different forms and dimensions contribute to a sustainable social system.
A sustainable social system is supposed to be a system, which not only sees
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opportunities in the social dynamics it experiences over a period of time,
but takes advantage of such opportunities, in such a way that downplays the
negative social, economic, cultural and environmental consequences which
normally accompany such dynamics. People in developing countries explore
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different opportunities inherent in rural-urban interdependence in its forms
and types, in such a way that helps ensure a sustainably growing social unit.
Although, many of these benefits may appear uni-dimensional and more
often suggest economic significance than otherwise, they have a way of
dove-tailing into positive social impacts. Some of the few benefits include:
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Livelihood and Economic Sustainability
One of the problems the rural households face is the over-dependence on
agriculture as the main source of livelihood. However, availability of different
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sources of income will provide varying income sources through which the
various needs of household members can better be met. Rural–urban linkages
provide such an opportunity for many of the rural dwellers. Through such
interactions, household’s benefits from involving in multiple occupations
ranging from farming to services to processing and even manufacturing.
Studies have shown that rural-urban interactions have close relationship
with livelihood and economic sustainability. This has been linked to avail-
ability of multiple range of livelihood activities, and markets for products.
A study by Kruger (1998: 121) reveals that many migrants to Old Naledi,
a low-cost, self-help settlement in Botswana’s capital, Gaborone, combine
rural-based and urban-based livelihood strategies. According to the report,
one third of the households in Old Naledi own cattle and half possess land
in their village of origin. This does not decline in relation to length of stay in
the city. These rural assets are valued both in monetary and social terms and
serve as a valuable safety net and uncertain livelihood prospects within the
city. In Kenya, multi-spatial livelihoods were identified by Owuor (2006: 152)
in Nakuru town as one of the gains of rural-urban interaction. In another
C h ap t er 6 | 103
study of Biharamulo and four surrounding villages in Kagera region, north-

western Tanzania (Baker, 1995: 118), while agriculture is the mainstay of the
district economy, it was shown that for many village households sampled,
non-farm and off-farm economic activities, in addition to agricultural land
are central components in household security and accumulation strategies.
Moreover, for urban dwellers, access to agricultural land, in addition to
urban employment, is an important element in household diversification
strategies. Poor and vulnerable-to-poverty households were identified as
those being economically non-diversified. By contrast, more secure rural
and urban households adopted a range of diversification strategies involving
risk-spreading by having one foot based in rural activities and one based
in urban activities. All of these have a way of ensuring not only economic
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viability and sustainability in both urban and rural communities, but also
in developing the consciousness within social elements of the mutual gains
inherent in such interactions.
There is also a connection between urban labour markets and agricultural
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production. As migrants fail to find adequate employment in urban areas,
they tend to produce their own food on whatever land they can find. The
phenomenon of urban agriculture in many cities of the developing world is
a reality, although its magnitude in quantitative terms is still undetermined.
Some estimates place the number of people who engage in some form of
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urban agriculture at around 800 million people worldwide (UNDP, 1996:
2). This has a way of bridging unemployment gap in urban centres, and
thereby helping to curb social ills commonly associated with unemploy-
ment in such places.
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Rewarding Social Networking

Access to urban markets is one key to increasing incomes for rural and
peri-urban farmers, and this benefit can be better harnessed only by ensuring
a good rural-urban linkage system. Availability of infrastructure like good
road networks and affordable transport are therefore sine qua non for ease of
connectivity among producers, traders and consumers in order to bring about
sustainable social networking. This will further enhance information flow on
how markets operate, including price fluctuations and consumer preferences,
and thereby facilitating good rapport among the actors for onward benefits.
Traders, who are also often perceived as inherently exploitative, can in fact
play an important role in providing credit and information to producers in
what can be best described as a symbiotic system. In areas where production
volumes are small and scattered between several small farms, local traders
operating on a small scale are often the only link with markets.
Cases have been reported of rural households depending on flow of
money from urban centres to rural areas. This could be in the form of
remittances, or execution of projects by an urban dweller in a particular

rural area. It is also a common practice in Nigeria and other West African
countries that community development associations depend on urban dwell-
ers who are indigenes of their community for financial donations to execute
developmental projects in home communities (Okali, Okpara and Olawoye,
2001: 32). Okali, Okpara and Olawoye (2001: 36) also reported that in
Nigeria, as long as there is more than one indigene of a rural community
in a city, a branch of the association is formed, and members sometimes
give financial aid to a member in need and monitor the behaviour of others,
calling to order those who engage in wrongful acts. All these are products
of social networking along rural-urban nexus.
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Agriculture and Rural-urban Interactions/Development: The Nexus
In Nigeria, agriculture takes up large hectares of land and is the main
component of the viability of rural areas. Its activities make up the basic fabric
of rural life, contributing significantly to the rural economy and wellbeing
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of rural dwellers in several ways such as employment, business opportuni-
ties, infrastructure and quality of the environment. It can be said that the
extent to which agriculture contributes to the rural economy, and its rela-
tive importance as a sector, determines its potential economic contribution
to national and rural development in particular (Anriquez and Stamoulis,
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2007: 1). Rural development is understood primarily in the economic sense
of the process of assuring a progressive improvement in economic security
of people in rural areas.
Every economic activity in the rural area contributes to rural develop-
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ment in one way or the other. However, agriculture is unique as it plays

vital roles both in rural and urban development. Agriculture development
enhance the provision of a range of ancillary and service industries, generat-
ing economic activity in supply and distribution chains as well as processing
industries. It helps in checking rural-urban migration and providing other
environmental and cultural services to society (IFAD, 2014: 3). Therefore,
agriculture and rural-urban linkage have a mutual relationship. Agricultural
development strengthens the rural-urban linkage, while improved rural-
urban linkage enhances agricultural productivity. For example, a rural farmer
needs technical inputs of fertilizer, improved varieties of seed, veterinary
services, sprayers, other farm equipment of non-farm enterprises often found
in urban areas. Also, increased agricultural production stimulates forward
production linkages by providing raw materials to further value-adding
activities like milling, processing, and distribution by non-agricultural firms
(Pundir and Singh, 2001: 7).
With strengthened rural-urban nexus, relationship between rural and
urban areas is increasingly changing. Rural areas depend on urban areas for
C h ap t er 6 | 105
economic growth; rural areas close to urban centres generally benefit from
their proximity to the urban centres in form of lower costs of transport and
storage. These rural dwellers can also exploit their proximity to urban markets,
university education, credit, agriculture-led services such as farm equipment
and advice, hospitals and government services. On the other hand, urban
areas depend on rural areas ecosystem services that are essential for human
survival and well-being such as clean air and water, flood and drought miti-
gation, pollution mitigation, bio-diversity, and climate stabilization through
carbon sequestration potential of rural forest cover, including waste disposal.
Simultaneously, urban waste can be used as a source of organic matter or as
source of nutrients for agriculture which can help rural farmers to restore
degraded soils and turn unproductive land into valuable agricultural land
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(Ndabeni, undated: 1). Furthermore, types of farming system practiced in
most rural areas is usually dependent on its proximity to the urban centres.
For instance, Pundir and Singh (2001:2) argued that rural areas that are
more linked to urban markets tend to grow commercial crops while those
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that are not integrated to urban markets tend to grow traditional crops.
Therefore, rural-urban linkages are indispensable for the preservation of
environmental resources and agricultural development. Rural-urban link-
ages are also imperative for poverty alleviation and food security. Strong
linkages can improve the living conditions and development of both rural
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and urban populations. However, despite the benefits of rural-urban con-
nectivity to agricultural development, it is constrained in terms of services,
infrastructure and institutions facilitating the smooth flow of goods, people,
money and information. The impact of these challenges is felt not only in
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rural areas but also in urban areas as most urban cities are over-populated
and over reliant on the rural areas. In addition, as the rural population ages,
it loses the human capital needed to drive the necessary transformation of
rural sectors towards greater productivity, sustainability and inclusiveness.
Rural-Urban Symbiosis: The Role of Agricultural Markets
Agricultural Marketing, Channels and Types of Agricultural Markets

Agricultural marketing can be defined as all services involved in moving
agricultural produce or product from the farm to the consumer (Vadiveln and
Kiran, 2013: 108). Agricultural marketing plays an important role in rural
development, income generation and food security as well as in improving
rural-urban linkages and sustainable development.
It is common knowledge that majority of farmers producing agricultural
produce are scattered in remote villages while most consumers are in semi-
urban and urban areas. This produce has to reach consumers for its final
use and consumption through different rural-urban interaction platform
known as market channels. A market channel or channel of distribution is

therefore defined as a path traced in the direct or indirect transfer of title of
a product as it moves from a producer to an ultimate consumer or industrial
user (Agritech, 2015: 1). Thus, a channel of distribution of a product is the
route taken by the ownership of goods as they move from the producer to
the consumer or industrial user. Different factors are often responsible for
the market channel used for agricultural produce. Some of these may include:
a. Perishable nature of produce such as fruits, vegetables, flowers,

milk, meat, etc.
b. Bulkiness and weight–cotton, fodders are bulky but light in weight.
c. Storage facilities.
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d. Strength of marketing agency.
e. Distance between producer and consumer. Whether local market
or distant market.
Different channels often exist for different agricultural produce, with
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different drivers along the chain to the last point where the product is con-
sumed. According to White (2006: 5) agricultural markets can be classified
into types based on marketing channels as follows:
i. Rural Primary Markets: characterised by direct sales of small quanti-

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ties of produce by producers to village traders and sales by retailers
to rural consumers. Rural markets form part of a trade network and
are normally arranged on a periodic basis on specific weekdays. They
are commonly organised at a central place in a village or district
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centre or beside the village’s access road.
ii. Assembly Markets: are local rural markets normally situated on

main highways, or near to ferries and other local transport nodes.
Produce is predominantly bought by traders, urban wholesalers and
some urban consumers. Size of assembly markets depends on the
quantity of produce traded, either by the producers themselves or
by traders. Figure 6.4 shows a major produce assembly market in
Oyo State, Nigeria.
iii. Wholesale Markets: wholesale and semi-wholesale markets are

located within or near major cities. These markets are supplied by
assembly centres in the rural areas or directly from farms, either by
traders or by large farm owners. Transactions are predominantly
handled by traders, although many wholesale markets incorporate
farmers’ markets where farmers can sell directly to retailers. Some
markets also allow traders to sell to retailers off the back of the truck.
C h ap t er 6 | 107
iv. Retail Markets: these are markets directly serving consumers and are
found in main urban areas, such as provincial, town and city centres.
Although primarily retail, they may have some semi-wholesale func-
tions. This form is very typical in developing countries, but there
has also been a strong trend in the United States of America, the
United Kingdom and other parts of Europe where farmers’ markets
is created for the sale of specialized produce, such as organically-
grown fruits and vegetables.
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Figure 6.4: Produce Assembly market at Odo-Oba, Oyo State, Nigeria
How Agricultural Produce Assembly Markets Evolved in Nigeria

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Agricultural produce assembly markets are local markets found mainly

within transit routes from rural to urban areas or the fringes of rural areas.
The agricultural produce marketed here are usually farm produce/products,
including farm-made butter, farm dressed or cured meats, and in short, any
of the produce of the farm or products made on the farm (Bohannan, 1999:
1). Agricultural produce assembly market is a form/channel of direct agricul-
tural marketing. Bruch and Ernst (2010: 2) and Hughes, Brown, Miller and
McConnell (2008: 254) defines agricultural produce assembly markets as
one of the types of direct marketing where farmers or growers of fresh fruits,
vegetables and other farm products converge in a general area on a regular
basis to sell their produce from independent stands directly to consumers.
In Nigeria, agriculture has its seat in the rural areas and that has formed
one of the bases for describing rural areas (Ekong, 2003: 22). Many farmers
in rural areas are scattered in remote villages while the consumers of these
agricultural produce are located mostly in semi-urban and urban areas. The
different locations of producer and consumer have posed great challenges for
both the producer and consumer. For the resource poor farmer, he undergoes
myriad of challenges in ensuring that his agricultural produce gets to the

door step of the consumer. This deficiency paved way for various marketing
channels and the need to use middle men in marketing agricultural produce.
These middle men however, exploited farmers with their commission charges
and it became a case of the farmers working as hard as an elephant and
eating like an ant (Punch Newspapers, 2016: 1). Eastwood, Brooker, Hall
and Rhea (2004: 63) affirms that direct marketing emerged in response to
low farm-gate prices and wholesalers whose desire was to deal with large
producers. This exploitation by the middle men created the need for farmers
to look for ways of eliminating their services by selling their agricultural
produce directly to the consumers. Thus, direct marketing of agricultural
produce emerged. Examples of direct marketing for agricultural produce are;
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farmers’/produce assembly markets, on-farm retail markets, roadside stands,
U-pick/Pick-Your-Own/Cut-Your-Own Operations and Community Sup-
ported Agriculture (CSA) (Bruch and Ernst, 2010: 2).
Historically, agricultural assembly markets are located in production
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areas and primarily serve as a point where the bulking-up of produce can
occur and where farmers can meet with traders to sell their produce and
products. Agricultural assembly markets exist basically in two forms. First,
assembly market are weekly markets, terminal wholesale markets located
either in major metropolitan areas, where produce is finally channelled to
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consumers through trade between wholesalers and retailers, caterers. This
assembly markets are slightly different from other rural markets as their
function is oriented to production rather than consumption. The other form
of agriculture assembly markets acts as a producer-area market focused for
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the display of local produce to outside buyers, typically from urban areas. In
addition, the produce displayed are often seasonal and are highly vulnerable
to changes in marketing habits and channels (White, 2003: 4).
The distance of the assembly market from major urban area is crucial.
If the production area is close to an urban area, the assembly market is not
likely to be able to sustain its role. Producers, if they believe that they can
market directly themselves using their own transport, will often by-pass an
assembly market. Prospectively, assembly markets have a very important
function in rural areas, particularly if they are also the points at which farmers
can obtain credit, agricultural inputs and, sometimes, imported consumer
goods (Marocchino, 2009: 52). The linkage of the assembly market to retail
markets may, therefore, be an important element of their success. In addition,
they are highly sensitive to the level of charges operating in the market and,
more than any other form of market.
C h ap t er 6 | 109
Agricultural Markets And Prospects For Achieving The

Sustainable Development Goals
Literature on agricultural marketing shows the prospects of produce
markets in the rural area for sustainable development of rural and urban
societies as follows:
Economic Transformations
Assembly markets are a fundamental way to increasing and sustaining
the economic vigour of the rural communities. It creates an opportunity
for an individual in the rural area to be self-employed. In most countries,
there are no bureaucratic requirements associated with it and no specific
professional prerequisite such as certification and licensing required for
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their practice. This makes it easy to operate. Therefore, almost anyone can
engage in it whether the person attained formal education or not. Accord-
ing to Cummings, Kora and Murray (1999: 61), assembly market has the
ability of safeguarding local jobs. The employment opportunities offered by
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the market can also reduce rural-urban migration since many rural youths
leave the rural area in search for employment opportunities. This situation
can help to reduce the challenge of urban slum arising from high population
density and the over-stretching of available infrastructural facilities, hence,
promoting good health and wellbeing in urban areas and sustainable cities
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and communities for both areas.
The employment prospects of agricultural markets lead to income mul-
tiplier effect. The benefits derived from the market far surpass direct benefits
of income. There are also indirect benefits accruing from the presence of the
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markets. Farmers can use the sales generated from the market to purchase
fertiliser, seeds and other inputs of production for their farm business. This
can instigate sustainable food system practices within the local area (Link
and Ling, 2007: 2). The sales of farm produce by the farmers could also
improve the welfare of farmers. For instance, farmers may be able to send
their children to school and assist financially in community development
activities.
Furthermore, it creates alternative marketing channels for the distribu-
tion of their agricultural produce and increased profit margin for the rural
populace. Bypassing middle-men by the farmers helps them to increase
their profit margin (O’Neil, 1997: 2 and USDA, Undated: 1) which can
encourage small farmers particularly to stay in the business. In addition to
this, the prices of agricultural produce in the market are reduced; price hike
and artificial scarcity created by the activities of middle men are eliminated.
Thus, the scenario of the farmer working like an elephant and eating like
an ant is eliminated. Although bypassing middlemen leads to displacement
of some urban actors (who are usually the middlemen) from business. Key
findings from focus group discussions held with marketers in this study
however reveals that this displacement is oftentimes temporary. According
to the marketers, middlemen who eventually found their way back into
the business cycle have learned to minimise their exorbitant profit margins
by offering higher prices to farmers to ensure a win-win situation for both
parties. The foregoing if sustained should contribute in no small measure
towards attaining the Sustainable Development Goals 10 and 12 targeted
at reducing inequalities and to encourage responsible consumption and
production, respectively.
Assembly markets can also serve as a catalyst for local business expansion
(Bullock, 2000: 3; and United States Department of Agriculture, cited in
Bullock, 2000: 10). The presence of these markets can facilitate the develop-
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ment of motor parks, public conveniences, telecommunication, transportation
services, restaurants and other relaxation sites and the development of roads.
Local businesses that are situated around assembly markets may experi-
ence spill over from the market, that is, the patrons of assembly markets
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may also be patrons of the local businesses (Link and Ling, 2007: 2). Links
between local businesses are strengthened as Policy and Innovation Unit
(1999: 6) emphasized that the network provided by assembly markets can
spur economic dynamism by creating options for trading, collaboration and
learning among the parties involved.
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Furthermore, the markets are also capable of expanding agri-business
activities and an all year-round production of food by farmers; an impor-
tant condition for attaining a zero-hunger society. Therefore, the farmer is
never out of business. The involvement of farmers in direct marketing of
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their produce has provided the channel for the development of local storage
facilities (such as silos and pits). The development of local storage facilities
is borne out of the need for farmers to store their farm produce as a result
of their high perish ability. These storage facilities are used as temporary
storage of farm produce before they are purchased by the urban patrons. The
need to store farm produce has spurred farmers to practice some extent of
processing and value addition such as improved packaging in order to attract,
meet and satisfy the taste of the urban patrons. This could in turn provide
an avenue for the development of new skills among farmers and the urban
patrons. Indigenous methods of food preservation such as sun drying, salting,
suspension of food in inert substances such as honey and fermentation can
also be learned. More so, farmers selling at assembly markets may develop
marketing and business skills needed to boost their sales.
Agritourism and Mutual-Learning Between Rural and Urban People

The activities of assembly markets can instigate agritourism and learning.
Assembly markets make a local area or region more attractive for tourism.
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According to Hilchey, Lyson and Gillespie, (1995: 5), research on nine

farmers’ markets in New York State found that farmers’ markets tend to
have a peculiar combination of farm, food and craft businesses and provides
insights about the community - which attracts tourists who bring money
from outside the community. In Canada, farmers’/ assembly markets are
seen as recreation sites and by adding a recreational component derived
from farmers’ market, many farm direct marketing enterprises draw urban
people to farm communities where they experience an atmosphere of local-
ness and spend money on food, specialty items and other services (Alberta’s
Agriculture Industry, 2013: 1). Many urban patrons do not leave in the rural
area and may want to learn about indigenous practices of food production
and preservation. In a bid to get first-hand information, the urban patrons
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travel to these areas where they are practiced. According to Link and Ling
(2007: 3), study on assembly markets revealed that farmers desire to educate
people about how food is produced on the farm. The urban patrons may also
learn about seasonality of food rather than all foods being available at all
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time as commonly seen in super markets (Caron, 2014: 2). Thus, agricultural
markets-facilitated tourism can promote learning opportunities for urban
people while improving the economy of the rural populace.
The tourism offered by assembly markets can also attract foreign
exchange earnings as a result of the variety of agricultural produce and
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other business activities that emanate from the presence of the markets.
This could lead to multiplier effect in the local economy (Bullock, 2000: 5).
Bullock explained a high multiplier effect in the rural economy as money
being circulated in the community and money also staying in the community
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before leaving the community which will lead to more sustained communi-
ties. According to the Policy and Innovation Unit (1999: 7), in the absence
of a strong local economic base, many rural communities are at risk of being
slightly more than dormitory facilities for the urban people. Kloppenburg,
Hendrickson and Stevenson (1996: 34) also opines that a community that
depends on its members, lands and native species to provide its needs will
ensure that it uses it resources in such a manner that it satisfies the needs
of the present generation and respects the ability of future generations to
meet their own needs. The community is also able to meet its own food
requirement. Thus, making the community self-reliant.
Social transformations
The interactions between producers (farmers) and consumers (urban
patrons) at assembly markets goes beyond economic capital gains to social
capital formation (Hinrichs, 2000: 296 and Lapping, 2004: 142). Assembly
markets ensure rural-urban linkages and thus promote interaction thereby
strengthening social ties. In the process of these interactions, values and
cultures are shared and exchanged directly and indirectly. For instance, a
rural woman who cannot speak English may learn it from her interaction
with her urban patrons. Also, some residents of urban areas have learned
native languages/dialects of other tribes through interactions fostered by
buying and selling at such markets. Interaction in this sense is not restricted
to rural-urban but also among the rural people. Market associations may also
sprawl from assembly markets which may guide the activities of farmers in
the market and further strengthen relationship among them. In addition,
cooperative society may be formed from market associations which will
foster social ties.
Produce assembly markets and rural-urban interdependence in Nige-
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ria: Lessons from Odo-Oba and Maya produce assembly markets
This section presents the summary of outcomes from the focus group discus-
sions and key informant interviews held with sellers (who were primarily
producers of crops and rural dwellers) and patrons at the markets (urban
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residents commuting through the transport corridors) respectively. Some
forms of rural-urban symbioses do exist between sellers and urban patrons
in agricultural markets. These interactions have social, economic and cultural
implications on both rural and urban areas including people. These specific
areas of benefits however do not seem to exist in isolation from each other
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but are better described as interrelated. The interrelationships are discussed
under the following sub-headings:
Economy/Income
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In produce assembly markets, most farmers sell directly to consumers

and thereby bypass the involvement of the middlemen. This means they can
sell at better prices to buyers. Although middle men have not been totally
displaced from agricultural produce markets since some better-off farmers
who produce in very large quantities still engage with them. However, the
alternative marketing channel has been helpful in reducing the possibilities
of extortion by the middlemen. This is because the markets are also open
to consumers at household levels from the urban centres who make direct
purchase from farmers. The importance of this is that peasant farmers now
experience improved profitability from sales of their farm outputs and con-
sequently, sustained interest in producing for the market. One of the male
participants in Odo-Oba assembly market reflected on this:
There was a time when we had surplus cassava production and

were forced to sell to some individuals (middlemen) at ridiculous
prices because we had no other choice. Some of us out of frustra-
tion resorted to subsistence production after then. So, we stopped
C h ap t er 6 | 113
producing for the purpose of selling since income was not guar-
anteed. We got encouraged to come back into full-time farming
since customers now come to buy from us with a better offer in
this market.
Source: Focus group discussion conducted by authors.
In addition, the market also provides farmers easier access to agricultural

inputs like herbicides and other chemicals which are brought for sale from
the city (Figure 6.5). The urban patrons on the other hand indicated that
prices of produce are relatively cheap at the assembly markets. Fair pricing
thus appears to be a mutually beneficial factor for both the sellers and buyers
at the markets. Some individual buyers who visited to buy produce for their
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households indicated economic benefits derived as increased disposable
income to pay for other family needs.
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O
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Figure 6.5: Produce Assembly market at Odo-Oba, Oyo State, Nigeria
Social
Social benefits exist in the form of deferred payment (credit sales) to
some of the urban traders and regular buyers, who are allowed based on
mutual trust to offset payment at an agreed date either in cash or through
money transfer options. This social benefit no doubt can also be interpreted
in economic terms as parties alluded to the experiences of exchange of gifts
between each other, mostly as a sign of appreciation when it was necessary.
Patrons also exchange phone contacts so as to facilitate advance booking

and access other market and personal information. Another benefit from
increased access to social benefits for farmers arises through the transfer of
valuables to their relatives and school children in the cities, through urban
market patrons. Ownership of land in rural-urban fringes by the urban
patrons including interest in farming activities were also revealed during the
key informant interviews. Some urban patrons, especially those who buy for
the purpose of reselling were confirmed to now own farm land in the rural/
rural-urban fringes. These farmlands are being supervised by rural farmers
with whom they established contact through business engagements at the
assembly markets. These findings are consistent with the arguments of Okali,
Okpara and Olawoye (2001: 3) that rural and urban entities in Nigeria are
F
connected to each other in positive dynamics of sustainable development.
Culture/way of life
In terms of culture and way of life of the people, it was apparent from
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discussions that the rural residents have over the years undergone accultura-
tion as a result of exposure to the urban lifestyle. This is reflected mainly
in the food types/preferences of the people and dress. A participant from
Maya market, discussing this interface with urban residents remarked that:
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We do not only eat our indigenous meals, we now consume pro-
cessed food like indomie (noodles), spaghetti, rice and the likes
which are normally brought here by sellers from Lagos, Abeokuta
and other surrounding cities. Our dressing is also in line with what
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obtains in urban areas because we now have access to these things

through our people that come regularly from cities.
Source: Focus group discussion conducted by authors.
Acculturation effect of rural-urban interaction on rural life can either

be an advantage or a disadvantage depending on the lens from which it is
viewed. However, some form of acculturation is important for emerging
communities to become part of the larger society. This ensures the forma-
tion of a more cohesive society (Ali, 2017: 2; Lisa, 2017: 1). Whereas, the
only cultural influence of the market on the urban patron as revealed by
the study was a better insight and appreciation of rural values and value
systems. This is seen in the urban people’s positive disposition and respect
for certain traditional beliefs/practices of the local communities that they
earlier would previously disregard and attribute to uncivilisation. Most of
the urban visitors who were interviewed indicated that they always comply
with the social norms of rural communities, describing them as necessary to
maintain social order. This linkage has therefore been effective in promoting
C h ap t er 6 | 115
respect and tolerance for other peoples’ values, beliefs, norms and ways of
life in general especially when they are different from what is known. The
foregoing indicates that agricultural markets can play important roles pro-
moting unity across various tribes and belief systems in Nigeria.
F
O
O
Figure 6.6: Symbiotic relationship of rural-urban linkages in Maya and Odo Oba Markets,
Nigeria
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Livelihood Diversification/Micro-infrastructure
On diversification of livelihood, farmers confirmed during the focus
group discussions that as a result of the interphase with urban people on
market days, there is increased demand for services and an expansion of
business opportunities for rural people, who originally had to contend with
small scale farming or work as labourers. Hence, the villagers are now open
to a wider range of income generating and livelihood diversification oppor-
tunities. Opportunities include service-oriented jobs such as the sale of
mobile phone vouchers (recharge cards); the operation of food canteens/
restaurants; shoe repairs, the sale of groceries and other menial jobs. New
buildings and small-scale industries have sprung up in response to the
market dynamics. Similar findings were reported by Kabba and Li (2010:
104) on the relationship between urban expansion and socioeconomic vari-
ables in China which shows improvement in socioeconomic characteristics
of Chinese due to the urban sprawl.
A diagrammatic representation of findings from focus group discussions
and in-depth interviews conducted by authors and discussed in this section

is presented in Figure 6.6. On the whole, we observed that impact/gains of
the rural-urban interrelationship in the study area were more beneficial to
the rural economy and life than the urban. This understanding was based on
a comparison of opinions from participants from both spaces. However, a
further empirical analysis may be necessary to further establish this position.
Factors That Promote or Hinder Interlinkages Between Rural and Urban

Spaces
When probed on the locality-specific factors underlining interlinkages in
the study sites, dominant factors identified by respondents include: location
along the transport route which facilitate ease of entry and exit, bad state
F
of roads which ensures vehicles commuting through the route would have
to slow down hence, travellers are able to see items on display and decide
whether to buy or not; comparable low cost of produce as well as assurance
of freshness and quality assurance such that anyone who sells any com-
O
modity of lower quality than it claims is usually sanctioned. Methods of
sanctions include payment of fine, suspension from market and withdrawal
of traditional titles.
Perhaps, one important contribution to existing data on factors pro-
moting market linkages between rural and urban centre is finding that bad
O
roads catalyse rural-urban interactions in assembly markets. Although, this
is only possible where commuters are left with no alternative routes to their
urban destinations.
On the other hand, factors that threatens the existence and hence patron-
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age in assembly markets in the study area include a growing security problem
in Nigeria arising from current activities of insurgents who now utilise spaces
where a large number of people gather such as markets for their operations.
Poor waste management also came to fore in the discussions. Participants
expressed that the piling debris in surrounding dump sites poses serious
health challenge to players in the markets.
Conclusion
Rural-urban are not discrete entities as generally perceived by develop-
ment planners. There exist varying degrees of symbiotic interrelationships
between rural and urban areas which have positive socioeconomic and cul-
tural implications. In this paper, market centred rural-urban interactions is
seen to be more skewed in terms of impacts/gains towards the rural people
than the urban residents. Although, rural-urban interactions sometimes
come with urban expansion and undesired changes in land use in the rural-
urban fringe. However, adequate connectivity between the urban and rural
areas can help reduce poverty and the proportion of the poor in Nigeria.
C h ap t er 6 | 117
This is because peasant agriculture is the major occupation in rural Nigeria

and most of the poor comes from this area. In this regard, the potentials of
produce assembly markets as evidenced by its positive impacts on people’s
lives can be harnessed by rural development planners to improve agriculture
and further sustain rural-urban synergies. This can be achieved through
deliberate policies to promote and enhance agricultural markets in order
to further strengthen rural–urban linkages for the development of the rural
economy. Examples of relevant policies in this direction include the crea-
tion of a system that provides agricultural market pricing information to
further encourage direct purchases of agricultural produce/commodities
from assembly markets. Also, deliberate investments in developing storage
facilities close to assembly markets would encourage agricultural intensifica-
F
tion and extensification among the farmers. It will also reduce post-harvest
losses especially from fruits and vegetables.
Finally, given the growing understanding of the economic, social and
environmental interdependence between rural and urban centres, develop-
O
ment interventions should take the rural-urban interactions and linkages into
account to provide a comprehensive and sustainable approach to improving
the welfare of the people who can no longer be described to perfectly fit
into the ‘rural’ or ‘urban’ way of life.
O
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Chapter 7
African Energy Needs and Implications for the 2030
Sustainable Development Agenda
Alice Oluoko-Odingo & Emmanuel Mutisya
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The Energy Challenge
T his chapter describes African future energy needs through a review of

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existing literature on various types of energy, domestic energy use and
energy policies among different countries. The discussions are supported
by a case study in Machakos County, a peri-urban area of Nairobi, Kenya.
Machakos County is currently being promoted as one of the attractive
business and investment destinations. It has recently become a bee-hive
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of economic activity with a large number of middle-class. As a peri-urban
area, Machakos town represents the spatial interface between the city of
Nairobi and the countryside, resulting in a hybrid landscape of rural and
urban characteristics (Potts 2013 and UN Habitat 2006). The growth is being
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attributed to the two-tier system of governance (devolution) (Muthini and

Mwololo 2017). In this case, Machakos town plays an important role for the
surrounding communities, acting as first-tier market and service provider for
rural enterprise development. For Machakos County to trigger equitable
regional development that is spatially balanced and benefits all stakeholders,
it will still rely on the Central Government (Nairobi city) to supply adequate
financial and infrastructural resources as well as policies, including energy
policies, for its function. As this study was done among peri-urban farmers,
it was important to examine how energy access has contributed to enterprise
development among small-scale farmers, and whether energy sources were
adequate for both domestic use and for farming among peri-urban farm-
ers in Machakos County. The results from the research have been used to
inform recommendations shaping the future for African energy needs. The
case study investigated the various types of energy, domestic energy use,
and application of energy in enterprise development among small-scale
peri-urban farmers in Machakos County.
Machakos County was selected as it is a peri-urban area that forms
C h ap t er 7 | 123
an important intersection between rural and urban areas, which receives

excess population from the city and provide dormitory settlements, while
also providing food to increasing urban populations. As a peri-urban area,
Machakos county provides a microcosm of both worlds (the urban and rural
characteristics), where the research results can be easily applied. Investiga-
tions on the use of various types of energy revealed that, of the 171 sample
households that responded, more than 50 percent of the households still
relied on fossil fuel-related source of energy (natural gas), while over 70 per-
cent were dependent on charcoal. The study also examined the link between
household income and the type of energy used to find out possible ways
of improving the use of electricity as a clean energy among the small-scale
farm households in the area as per indicator 51 of the Sustainable devel-
F
opment goals (SDGs) (share of population using reliable electricity). The
assumption is that, by improving access to the use of clean energy (electric-
ity), and taking advantage of rural-urban linkages, the medium-size town
like Machakos would ignite growth through the development of agribusi-
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ness and other agriculture-related economic activities, leading to increased
household incomes and sustainable livelihood systems, and; eventually,
equitable regional development and sustainability. The improved household
incomes would also contribute to required data on Indicator 53 of the SDGs
(assessment of household energy and equipment). Unfortunately, only a few
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households (25 out of 67 households that responded) mentioned that they
carried out processing on their farms, mainly using solar energy for drying.
As a result, we argue that firstly, future innovative solutions to the
energy challenge for domestic purposes in the continent is not only based
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in access to electricity, but in a combination of energy sources (that would

replace the use of charcoal and natural gas (an area that still require more
research)), often the most preferred energy sources for domestic cooking
on the continent in line with the 2030 sustainable development agenda.
Secondly, future trends will be defined by demographic shifts in terms of
age and food preferences. Through personal observations, older generations
often prefer traditional foods that cook for a longer time (thus convenient
with charcoal stoves) compared to the younger generation, which may have
rural-urban differentials. Young people are increasingly opting for faster-
cooking foods taking a shorter time to prepare, and that are easily cooked
using Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) or electricity. The charcoal and LPG
combination also transcends income differences as almost all middle and
high-income classes rely on these two sources of energy. Thirdly, it is possible
to eliminate the use of firewood and kerosene within urban and peri-urban
areas by lowering the cost of LPG for a start and later, electricity to guarantee
minimum energy to all households. These results show that using access
to electricity alone is not adequate as an indicator for sustainable energy in
the 2030 Agenda. Other renewable energy sources like solar used in drying
and other economic activities, and not necessarily to produce electricity,
should be included.
Finally, we suggest several policy recommendations to support energy
needs to achieve the post-2015 Agenda (Agenda 2030 and 2063) energy
needs. For instance, we posit the need for equity and equality in the dis-
tribution of energy sources; that the price of electricity must be reduced in
order to make it affordable, specifically for low-income populations; and
that sustainable forestry practices (agro-forestry) are vital in order to meet
the demand for charcoal, while at the same time, there is a need to pursue
innovative technologies that would produce results like those of charcoal,
and ultimately eliminate its use in the long run.
F
Conceptual Approach
This chapter recognizes the inter-dependence of the rural and urban
areas and the benefits of this symbiotic relationship that when appropriately
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utilized can represent an engine for sustainability. Though it is normally
assumed that more migrations take place from rural to urban areas, in many
cases, there is rural to rural, rural to urban and urban to rural movements.
In certain circumstances, urban sprawl or peri-urban developments can
be viewed as environmental challenge, but this can be reversed by taking
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advantage of rural-urban linkages and seeing the opportunities therein.
According to Potts (2013), peri-urban areas represent the spatial and techni-
cal interface between the city and the countryside, resulting in a landscape
of rural and urban characteristics. By taking the advantage of the rural to
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urban movements and vice versa, the role played by small and medium-sized
towns become more prominent as they act as important first-tier markets
and service providers for rural enterprise development (UN Habitat 2006).
The market towns positively influence rural development and agricultural
productivity, act as distribution centres in trade relations between the region
of concentration and areas of deprivation, thus becoming ideal environments/
regions to enhance local economic development and poverty reduction for
sustainable development. Machakos town (located within the peri-urban
area of Nairobi city) fits very well in this scenario as a medium-sized town,
with links to Nairobi city (Region of agglomeration/Concentration) and
the local communities (areas of deprivation).
In this chapter, these rural and urban spaces are viewed as regions con-
sisting of growth centres and areas of deprivation, which with availability and
equal access to clean and secure energy sources can enhance more equitable
landscapes in terms of human settlement and development. Besides, the
regions of deprivation are a host to many renewable energy resources like
hydropower, wind energy and sometimes solar energy, which are so much
C h ap t er 7 | 125
needed by the growth centres. Integration of the two spaces is viewed in

this chapter as a pre-requisite to sustainability not only in urban areas and
their hinterlands, but to the entire space of interaction as energy is a major
driver to almost all development processes. These relationships are shown
in the figure 7.1 below. The arrows show the direction of influence.
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Figure 7.1: The Relationship between Regions of Resource and Service deprivation and
high concentration with sustainability
In this study, the focus was on peri-urban area of Nairobi city which was
assumed to be the region of maximum inter-linkage and could also repre-
sent an area of sustainability in terms of the flow of services, goods, people,
taking Machakos town as the medium-sized town within this region. As
far as energy is concerned, in the above diagram, the region of deprivation
(A) host the energy resources while the area of conglomeration/congestion

or concentration (C) has the market, end use technologies and appropriate
transportation means to deliver the energy to areas of demand. The research
assumes that between the two regions, there is an area of sustainability (B)
(which could be a nucleus around a medium size town like Machakos), where
there is an equilibrium in flow of services, goods and people and therefore,
the power of pull and push factors is no longer in existence or minimized.
Further, in the diagram, it is assumed that the only reason why there is a
difference between the regions of deprivation and the areas of congestion,
is due to the existence of pull and push factors, which when distributed
equitably, results in a balanced regional development. The push and pull
factors are as a result of inequality which force movements. The region of
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sustainability grows out-words within the peri-urban area (F). The rate of
growth would be faster as the two extremes (A and C) begin to equalize.
Ensuring equitable supply of clean energy in the region should accelerate
efforts towards sustainable development.
Agenda
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The Role of Energy in Africa’s Sustainable Development
Energy and Sustainable Development

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The environmental concerns, climate change, rising carbon dioxide emis-
sions, amidst poverty and unsustainable levels of consumption in developing
countries contributed to the emergence of the term sustainable development.
Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present
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generation without compromising the ability of the future generations to

meet their own needs (WECD 1987). Central to sustainable development
is the continuous improvement of social and economic development of the
current and future generations by putting sustainable communities in place
to manage and use resources efficiently, enhance technological innovation
leading to prosperity, environmental conservation and social peace (Euro-
pean Commission 2016). The European Commission Strategy of 2016
identified key challenges to sustainability, including: climate change, clean
energy, sustainable transportation, sustainable consumption and produc-
tion, conservation and management of natural resources, public health,
social inclusion, population growth and migration and global poverty. All
the above challenges depend on the access to affordability and quality of
energy to provide services and improve livelihoods of human populations.
Energy services are essential to both social and economic development and,
much wider, greater access to energy services is critical in achievement of
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (specifically Goal 7. Ensure access
to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all).
C h ap t er 7 | 127
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) came after the Millennium

Development Goals (MDGs), adopted in September 2000 in New York
by world leaders, with commitment to a new global partnership to reduce
extreme poverty with 8 time-bound targets by 2015 (UNDP 2015). These
8 MDGs were addressing hunger, education, gender (in) equality, health
(child, maternal health and communicable diseases), environmental sustain-
ability and global partnership building for development (IWDA 2014). The
African continent lags behind in realizing these MDGs targets due to a
number of reasons (Gomazzi and Bonish 2014 and UNDP 2018). Overall,
the MDGs did not address the large concept of development as per the
millennium Declaration, comprising of human rights, equity, democracy
and governance. The MDGs were replaced by SDGs in June 2012.
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The SDGs originated from the United Nations Conference on Sustain-
able Development in Rio de Janeiro in 2012 with the objective of producing
a set of universally agreed goals that meet the urgent environmental, politi-
cal and economic challenges facing the world today. The seventeen (17),
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interconnected SDGs (UNDP 2018, UN Open Working Group 2014)
were a commitment to final the achievement of what was intended during
the formation of MDGs. These SDGs can only be achieved by taking
advantage of the synergies between the goals so as to tackle a number of
goals simultaneously to avoid the shortcomings of the MDGs. In this case,
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sustainable energy is both a target and an enabler to the attainment of other
SDGs targets.
As a follow-up strategy to monitor the progress in attaining the SDGs,
the Open Working Group (OWG) on Sustainable Development Goals
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(SDGs) in 2014 proposed 17 SDGs and 169 targets. The Energy monitoring
indicators start from indicator 50 and end at indicator 53, which are linked
to incomes, environmental resources, education and gender equality indica-
tors for better monitoring, probably by using a matrix of variables (Indicator
50) and which requires mapping of all regions and households and their
proximity to the nearest reliable energy source/electricity to identify the
gaps, while also linking it with affordability and availability of alternative
sources of energy (Indicator 51). A regional approach should be adopted to
take advantage of the interdependence between growth centres and their
neighbourhoods. Indicator number 53 is linked to household food security
and poverty levels and requires an analysis of household energy use and
equipment. Successful monitoring of these indicators would require capacity
building of communities to be able to measure and transmit their data to
the coordinating centres.
The complementary national indicators include: 7.1 Increasing energy
by type, 7.2 Fossil fuels subsidies ($ or GNI) and 7.3 share of energy from
renewables. All the variables require that the indicators provide regional
and household disparities together with future projections to ensure that

the outcomes trickle down to individual households, thus conforming to the
slogan ‘leave no one behind’ (Global Policy Watch 2016). This research is
a contribution to all these energy targets directly or indirectly.
Energy Access, Policies and Opportunities for Sustainability in Africa

Apart from energy being a limiting factor to other SDG targets, access
to clean, affordable and sustainable energy is itself a big challenge on the
continent (African Development Bank 2015). It is therefore clear that in
order to address the SDG on Gender equality, Health, Education, Poverty
and hunger, the SDG on Energy must be attained. Besides, Africa lags
behind in the global share of manufacturing exports, currently lying at 1
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percent, compared to 16 percent of East Asia, as most economies in the con-
tinent are agrarian in nature, with little value addition on the manufactured
products. This could be partly attributable to inadequate access to energy
sources or services, yet, the continent is in dire need of infrastructure (rail,
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road and ports) to support industrialization (AfDB 2016). Infrastructural
development (transportation, communication, energy and basic services) is an
important investment to reduce disparities that exist between rural (regions
of resource and service deprivation) and urban (regions of conglomeration
of people, resources and services) areas and therefore are appropriate for
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ensuring sustainability within, between and among regions (Okpala 2005).
Rural-urban linkages would enable less developed areas acquire the necessary
technological knowledge, financial capabilities and entrepreneurial skills to
put up and run renewable energy facilities, thus providing necessary services
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to create more equitable human settlement landscapes (Zhou et al 2012;

European Union 2016). This is only possible if there is equitable access to
clean sources of energy at domestic level.
Energy demand in Sub-Saharan Africa grew by 45% from 2000 to
2012, and with increasing human populations, an increase in demand is
unavoidable. The demand in Nigeria and South Africa accounts for almost
40% of the total energy demand (IEA 2014a). About 730 million people in
the region are dependent on biomass fuel, as two-thirds of total energy use
occurs in residential areas in the form of biomass. The situation contributes
to about 600,000 premature deaths in the continent due to household air
pollution as a result of traditional use of solid fuels (fuel wood and charcoal).
The governance structure, economic growth and performance of the
country within its region, the poverty rate and key priority areas in terms
of development are used as criteria to select the countries to enable com-
parison among countries from different regions in Africa –Kenya (East
Africa), Ghana and Nigeria (West Africa), and Botswana and Zambia
(Southern Africa) (World Bank 2017a&b; 2018b; Global Insights 2018;
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Japan JICA 2017; UNDP 2015; Ministry of Power 2011; Mzezewa 2009
and Museyal 2015). The priority areas are important as they pave the way
for implementation of sustainable development agenda, where energy poli-
cies and supply are critical. These countries are compared with Kenya, the
study area to interrogate whether the governance systems and structures are
taking energy issues (in terms of policies, access and impacts on ecosystems)
seriously in line with poverty eradication and sustainability.
People without Access to Electricity

In comparison to Kenya, the country subscribes to two-tier devolved
system of government -at national and county level and has key dominant
challenges- poverty, inequality, climate change and vulnerability to internal
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and external shocks. The country has a population of 50.9 million in 2018,
with a growth rate of 4.05 percent (Kenya Population Census 2009). Eco-
nomic growth was at 5.8% in 2016, putting the country as one of fastest
growing economies in Sub-Saharan Africa (due to macroeconomic envi-
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ronment, low oil prices, rebound in tourism, strong remittance inflows and
a government led infrastructure development). The youthful population
can make it one of the success stories in Africa through dynamic private
sector, highly skilled workforce, improved infrastructure, new constitution
together with its important role in East Africa (World Bank 2018a). The
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energy sources in Kenya include biomass (69%), Petroleum (22 percent)
and electricity (9.8%) of the total energy consumption. There has been
push recently to use ethanol, biogas, and solar energy as alternative sources,
while electricity is generated from geothermal (17.7%), hydropower (51.2%),
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thermal (30.8%) and wind (0.1%) (Republic of Kenya 2007). Kenya is

the 8th largest producer of geothermal energy. The Vision 2030 identifies
energy as one of the infrastructure enablers to the transformation to a newly
industrializing middle-income country, providing a high quality of life to all
its citizens in a secure environment (Republic of Kenya 2007). The Kenya
government has planned to raise a total installed capacity to 6,762MW by
2017, produced by geothermal and thermal, and by 2031, Geothermal and
nuclear will be energy contributors (Global Legal Insights 2018b). The cost
of energy in Kenya is very high (US Dollars 0.75 per KWh), four times the
cost of energy in South Africa (US Dollars 0.040 per KWh). It is therefore
imperative for the country to embrace reforms in the energy sector if the
2030 and 2063 Africa Agenda is to be realized. Secondly, the country has
not tackled the issue of energy mix for domestic purposes.
Kenya is planning to eliminate the use of kerosene in households by
2022, while Ghana set a target of providing 50% of households with LPG
by 2016. Some of the untapped energy resources include geothermal in East
African Rift Valley. There are also plans to produce about 5.7mb/d of crude
oil in 2013, mainly in Nigeria and Angola, with coal production mostly
concentrated in South Africa. Mini-grid and off-grid systems provide
electricity to 70% of those with access to electricity in rural areas. A possible
rise in bioenergy is expected in 2040, with serious strains on forest reserves,
thus calling for the need to find alternative energy resources (IEA 2014b).
The section on policies reveal that the biggest challenge to the selected
countries is poverty and inequality. This means that even if access to elec-
tricity was improved, very few people/households would be able to use it,
as this study has revealed that income is a major determinant of electricity
use. Similar results were shown in Botswana (Mzezewa 2009).
Access to Electricity and Human settlement
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Despite the current energy challenge, the African Population is expected
to double from 1 billion in 2010 to 2 billion in 2040. Average densities
will increase from 34 to 79 persons per Km2 during the 2010 and 2050
period. Besides, labour force will be 1.1 billion with 50% urbanisation.
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These increasing populations would impose pressure on the already stressed
water and food, energy and other natural resources. It is important to
note that, although most households studied had access to electricity, they
did not use it for domestic cooking. With energy access and well-planned
energy services, the disparities between regions would be minimized, and
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congestion in cities due to rural-urban migration terminated (UN 2014,
WWF Regional Office for Africa and African Development Bank 2015
and OECD/International Energy Agency 2014).
Further, Africa has the highest rate of urbanisation worldwide as six of
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the world’s top 10 countries experiencing rapid urbanisation are in Africa.

Figure 7.2 shows the link between land use and electricity supply. People
living in African cities will increase from one-half to 1.2 billion in the year
2040 and 2015, respectively. Unfortunately, in Sub-Saharan Africa, more
than 60 percent of the urban population resides in informal settlements
without reliable energy supplies, let alone clean energy (African Devel-
opment Bank 2014 and WWF Regional Office for Africa and African
Development Bank 2015). Injecting energy into the system would produce
a more balance/equitable human settlement in terms of densities as every-
one benefits from improved services – water, sanitation, infrastructure, and
expansion of economic activities, quality education and better health, among
others- reducing the need for movements, and leading to the attainment of
sustainable development (WWF and African Development Bank 2015).
Areas with access to electricity are also regions of high population densi-
ties and therefore enhancing access to clean energy to promote equity and
equality between regions will also lead to uniform population distributions.
Without addressing the balance between energy mix, poverty and human
C h ap t er 7 | 131
settlement, Africa will still find it difficult to achieve energy targets for the
2030 sustainable development Agenda, as less people would be able to afford
electricity and would continue to rely on wood fuel/ biomass and fossil fuel
energy sources, with adverse impacts on ecosystems. The high population
growth rates, for instance, those in Kenya and Zambia, with existing poverty
levels and inequality represent a tragedy to the sustainability agenda if not
well addressed. This means that there is need to balance energy policies with
demographic variables and poverty eradication strategies as steps towards
attaining the clean energy target and sustainable development in Africa by
2030. These results also emphasized the need to repackage energy services
so that they incorporate entrepreneurial and capacity building services for
poverty eradication and sustainability.
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Access to Electricity and Impacts on Natural Ecosystems
Whether the ‘Peak for oil’ has been reached or not (Shell 2008 and IEA
2009), developing countries like those in Africa, must continue to research,
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innovate and develop new technologies that would ensure the sustainable
supply of clean energy to their citizens for poverty alleviation, ecosystem
health and sustainable development. A systematic strategy should be in
place, taking advantage of the intersections of the SDGs (poverty and hunger
eradication, education, health and gender equality, whose achievements are
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directly dependent on sustainable clean energy supplies and are critical in
the attainment of the SDGs) to ensure that by 2030, all the SDG targets
are met for improved quality of life for all (Bradshaw 2010, UN Energy
2005 and International Energy Agency (IEA) 2009).
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Due to the problems of climate change, energy policies, therefore, must

address the need to develop low-carbon sources of energy (IEA) (2008) that
the future of human prosperity will depend on how successful the central
challenges facing humanity today are tackled: securing supply of reliable
and affordable energy, and affecting a rapid transformation to a low-carbon,
efficient and ecologically benign system of energy supply.
Innovations and new technologies would be required that would provide
clean and affordable energy to create equitable regional service delivery sys-
tems and enhance the interdependence of good planning would ensure that
humans benefit from ecosystem services without necessarily contributing
to degradation of such areas.
The countries studied are heavily dependent on biomass sources of
energy- Kenya (69%), Zambia (70%) and Nigeria (50%) (with exception of
Botswana which is heavily relying on petroleum and coal, while Ghana is
planning to move to Liquefied Petroleum Gas instead of wood fuel). This
means that the countries need to address the issue of ecosystem impacts
in their energy policies to deal with over-reliance on biomass sources
(responsible for indoor air pollution) and fossil fuel (petroleum and Natural
gas) which are blamed for the current climate change and global warming.
This gap should be taken seriously as most countries did not link the two,
except Kenya that is trying to increase clean energy by developing more geo-
thermal sources. While Nigeria is trying to address energy security, energy
mix and reliability (particularly in the rural areas), Botswana and Zambia
are also dealing with access issues. The main question left unanswered is
‘how?’, particularly, when dealing with energy mix. One possible way is
to balance the issue of Energy policies (electricity access), with Poverty
eradication strategies (income) and ecosystem health.
In this literature review, studies from Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria have
shown that two-thirds of the population in Kenya, Nigeria and Ghana still
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rely on biomass energy, contributing to the over 600,000 premature deaths
in the continent due to indoor air pollution. It has been pointed out that
though the energy policies may promote renewable energy supplies, they
are still propagating the use of fossil fuel energy sources and therefore it will
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take time to achieve clean and safe sustainable energy for all. Shell (2008)
has mentioned that fossil fuel would still dominate energy mix even by 2030
unless drastic changes are made in the use of energy. Energy for domestic
purposes is rarely mentioned while the energy policies do not discuss the
energy mix that should be put in place to achieve clean, safe and affordable
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energy for domestic purposes (for example in Botswana it constituted 45
percent of the demand (Mzezewa 2009)). Thirdly, most countries do not
address household energy, particularly, energy for cooking, with plans to
supply the affordable clean and secure energy for the low-income groups
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as only Botswana mentioned this. Fourth, no deliberate attempts are put

in the policy to address energy mix for domestic cooking while most poli-
cies still deal with other sectors like transport, agriculture, information and
communication, among others. Fifth, the countries advocating for nuclear
do not seem to appreciate that though it is a renewable energy, it does not
fall under clean, safe and sustainable energy due to environmental impacts
that are associated with its use and therefore should not be part of the future
clean and sustainable energy mix for the 2030 and 2063 Agenda. Lastly, it has
been pointed out that the households tend to use energy sources depending
on their availability and income while (as was noted also in Botswana) and
also pointing out that households do not usually have relevant information
on energy mix to use.
The current research findings are important for Kenya in terms of the
three (3) indicators of energy – the energy type, combinations of energy
types and equipment. The study was also carried out in peri-urban environ-
ment, where we can assume the maximum interaction between high and
low population density areas and whose results can be applied elsewhere,
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and, thirdly, the findings provide a matrix of variables to show which factors
contribute to the preferred energy mix among households.
Methodology
The Study Design and Target Population

This study entails mostly a review of literature supported by case study
results from research done within peri-urban areas of Nairobi city (Macha-
kos County) of Kenya among small-scale farming urban households using
a purposive sample of 171 households. The literature review has provided
background information on the access of energy in Africa, using a few
selected countries in West Africa (Ghana and Nigeria), East Africa (Kenya)
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and Southern Africa (Zambia and Botswana, with a few examples from
South Africa, when considered relevant). The selected countries are on
their own important economic growth centres within their regions and were
selected based on economic performance, poverty rates, and key priority
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areas of development, which are directly linked to information on energy
access, type and use. Besides, access to electricity, the literature review has
brought forward relevant information on ecological impacts of energy use
like climate change issues, and environmental degradation, which should
be considered when choosing energy and energy policies for sustainability.
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Thirdly, the link between access to electricity and human settlement has
been discussed which emphasized the need to balance energy access, with
population as well as poverty variables (income). All these are done in rela-
tion to the sustainable development agenda, where energy is one of the 17
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important sustainable development goals with targets. The results from this
research have been used to verify whether some of the energy target are
adequate or require re-thinking for the achievement of, not only energy tar-
gets, but all other related sustainable development goals. Machakos County
was selected due to its importance as a peri-urban area of Nairobi, which
is strategically placed and with availability of adequate clean energy can
represent important area for equitable, regional planning and development.
Machakos County is a dormitory settlement of excess population from
Nairobi. Though technically living in an urban setting, the availability of
extra space enables residents to practice small-scale agricultural practices
such as- horticulture, dairy farming, cereal production, aquaculture and
poultry farming, among others. High density settlements in the main city
(Nairobi) provide a market for their produce, though a majority still just
produce for home consumption. The study was directed at investigating the
various types of energy used for domestic use (cooking and lighting) and for
input into the various agronomic activities. The driver for the research was
to investigate what factors determine the choice and use of energy sources
and whether access to electricity automatically makes it first choice for

domestic use among households. In this case, the findings would help in
the understanding whether, improving access to electricity would immedi-
ately ignite economic activities (economic activities related to agriculture
and improving food security among households), thus reducing disparities
between and among regions. The study targeted Mua, Mutituni and Athi
River Sub-counties which receive the in-migrants from Nairobi city. These
three sub-counties were selected through a gap analysis that was carried out
before the actual field work. During the gap analysis and reconnaissance
survey, a few questions were presented to the various stakeholder in the region
(Agricultural officers, County Commissioners, Farmers, Non-governmental
organisations (both local and international (Food and Agriculture Organi-
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zation of the United Nations (FAO) Office), among others) to find out
where the population from Nairobi is most concentrated, who also practice
small-scale agriculture. Most of the responses were concentrated on Mua,
Mutituni and Athi River sub-counties. Figure 7.2 shows Machakos County
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and areas receiving excess population from the city of Nairobi.
According to Population Census 2009, Machakos County, was originally
in Eastern Province with a population of 233,521 males and 219,409 females
(total 442, 930). The population is distributed within 17,878 households,
1,975.5 square kilometres in terms of area, with a density of 224 persons per
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kilometre square. Machakos County has a number of administrative units,
namely; Athi River, Central, Kathiani and Kalama. According to the Gap
Analysis Survey recently carried out, Athi River and Central areas provide
home to migrant populations from Nairobi Metropolitan city, thus becoming
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an important peri-urban area of Nairobi. The people mostly settle in Athi

River (Athi River sub-county), and Central (Mua hills and Mutituni sub-
counties) with the populations shown in table 7.1. In terms of socioeconomic
profile, there are 48.3% (Male) and 51.7% (Female) Households classified as
poor. In Kenya, poverty is viewed as a multi-dimensional phenomenon and
includes inadequacy of incomes and deprivation of basic needs and rights,
and lack of access to productive assets as well as social infrastructure and
markets. In 1997, the Absolute poverty line was estimated at Ksh. 1,239 per
person per month and Ksh. 2,648 per person per month, respectively for rural
and urban areas (Republic of Kenya 2002). About 49.6 percent and 50.4
percent households are classified as poor and non-poor, respectively. Based
on this definition, peri-urban farmers with access to land and electricity
should not fall under the Absolute poverty bracket due to the assumption
that access to electricity would enhance the growth of businesses and off-
farm employment thus improving income and livelihoods. As explained in
the literature review and research findings, access to electricity did not bring
the required growth, thus the need to repackage the service.
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Figure 7.2: The Study area and Areas receiving excess Populations from Nairobi
Table 7.1: Populations within sampling areas in Machakos County
REGION POPULATION AREA DEN-

(KM2) SITY
Males Females Total HHds
Athi-River 27,238 24,055 51,293 17,949 77.8 659
Mua 3,857 3,896 7,753 1,756 50.3 154
Mutituni 2,540 2,594 5,134 1,258 2.8 1,839
Source: GoK 2009 Population Census
Sampling procedure
The sampling frame consisted of small-scale peri-urban farmers for
both crops and livestock. Both simple random and systematic sampling
techniques were used to select the first household and the rest of the house-
holds respectively. The first household was selected randomly, thereafter
every fifth household was selected systematically. In case where farmers
were far apart, then snowball sampling technique was used. Disproportion-
ate sampling technique was adopted due to the differentials in number of
households in each sub-county. The questions were aimed at investigating
the type of energy used, whether one type of energy source or combinations
of energy sources was used, and what factors determined the use of energy
sources mentioned among households through questionnaires.
Data analysis
The data was further input into Chi-square analysis, using the Chi-
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square online calculator to determine the association between type of energy
used and household farm income and household size. The null hypothesis
of no dependence was assumed in both cases.
As a peri-urban area, Machakos County would provide the greatest
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outcome in terms of linkages and how they influence sustainability between
and among regions, and hence was selected for this study. Due to prevail-
ing energy use dynamics within individual households, the findings are
treated as local to Kenya and Machakos unless proven otherwise to suit
other countries in Africa.
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Findings, Conclusions and Recommendations
Findings
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In this section, the results of the analysis are presented and compared
with literature review findings to make conclusions and recommendations.
Table 7.2 shows the results from the study regarding the use of various
types of energy:
Table 7.2: Types of energy for domestic cooking within Peri-urban area of Nairobi
City (Machakos County)
S/ Type of Energy/Energy Mix Number of Percent

No Households
using Energy
1 Charcoal and Gas (LPG) 50 29.24
2 Charcoal only 12 7.02
3 Charcoal and firewood 6 3.51
4 Charcoal, LPG and Firewood 11 6.43
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S/ Type of Energy/Energy Mix Number of Percent

No Households
using Energy
5 Charcoal and Kerosene 26 15.20
6 Charcoal, LPG and Kerosene 14 8.19
7 Biogas and firewood 3 1.75
8 Biogas, LPG and charcoal 1 0.58
9 LPG only 13 7.60
10 Firewood only 20 11.70
11 Electricity and LPG 4 2.33
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12 Kerosene only 2 1.17
13 Electricity and Charcoal 1 0.58
14 Electricity and Kerosene 3 1.75
15 Electricity, Charcoal and Kerosene 1 0.58
16
17
18
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Electricity only
LPG and firewood
LPG, Electricity and Charcoal
TOTAL
1
2
1
171
0.58
1.17
0.58
100.00
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Source: Field data
Note: The Figures (percentage totals) for each energy type highlighted were added to-
gether:
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Electricity
Gas Charcoal Firewood
Figures
The results indicate that biogas still remains an unpopular energy source
(being used only by 2.33% of the households). The most popular source
of energy is charcoal, utilized alone or in combination with other energy
sources comprising 71.91% of households. Firewood, LPG and Electricity
were used by 22.81, 54.37 and 5.19 percent of the households, respectively.
Figure 7.3 shows the Number of Households using different types of energy
for cooking.
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Figure 7.3: Number of Households using different types of energy for domestic cooking
(Source: Field data)
Kerosene was used by 8.8% of households for cooking. The households

which used kerosene also found it useful in lighting. About 15% of the
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households used solar for lighting and the rest had electricity, with exception
of one household that lit the house using biogas. The results also indicated
that electricity was available to almost all households and the choice for
the type of fuel was personal. This means that although electricity is a form
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of clean energy, there are other factors that act as disincentives to the use
of electricity in cooking. One such factor could be price, for instance the
price of electricity in Kenya was noted to almost double that in South
Africa. Secondly, the problem of reliability could be a deterrent as hydro
power is constantly being affected by climatic variables leading to blackout,
particularly during floods and rationing during droughts. Some of these
variables need investigation to verify the loading each has on energy use.
The Figure 7.3 above shows that the secret to energy problem in Africa
relies in the combination that would replace the position of charcoal and
LPG as most households had access to electricity, yet still chose these two
types of energy. Charcoal is preferred because it is more suitable for cook-
ing foodstuffs that cook for long hours (mostly traditional foods), while
LPG is useful for quick cooking. An indication that a demographic shift
of younger generation occupying urban and peri-urban areas and preferring
fast foods would reduce demand for charcoal, thus becoming more favour-
able to the environment. Secondly, the combination of charcoal and LPG
transcends income levels, for instance, from middle to high-income groups,
C h ap t er 7 | 139
the combination was still prominent. The younger generation endowed

with more education and better incomes would also in future reduce their
reliance on charcoal and firewood.
Regarding off-farm employment, there were a total of 9 households who
obtained incomes form off-farm sources - Business (5) and formal employ-
ment (4). The type of energy used in business was mainly solar. It is assumed
that the businesses mentioned here are those related to agribusiness and
agro-processing. The products obtained were eggs (1) fermented milk and
milk (5), Flour (2), maize (1), and others (2). Here again, all these households
had access to electricity, yet it was not used for processing of farm products,
thus implying that access to electricity alone is not a sufficient indicator or
measure of development in the 2030 energy for sustainable development,
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particularly, where it is available but not put into household use. Besides,
of the 201 households interviewed, only 5 had businesses. This means that
peri-urban agriculture in this area is still being carried out at subsistence
level and has not sparked the type of growth expected through processing
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and other business opportunities, particularly, where access to energy is not
a limiting factor. Figure 7.4 shows the energy mix within the study area.
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Figure 7.4: The Energy mix within the study area
In trying to find out the relationship between the type of energy used
(Charcoal and Gas) and income, Table 7.3 was generated:
Table 7.3: The Link between type of energy used (Charcoal and Gas) and Income
Type of Energy Income (Ksh.)

used
Less than 5000 5001-20,000 More than
- 5000 20,000
Charcoal 11 26 28
Gas 9 29 7
Source: Field data
Using online Chi-square calculator, with the t-statistic of:
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Formula 1
And the null hypothesis of no dependence between type of fuel use and
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incomes, the chi-square statistic was 9.6462, with the p-value of 0.008042,
significant at p < 0.05.
This means that there is an association between the type of fuel used
(Charcoal or Gas) and the household income. From the contingency table,
the income levels of between Ksh. 5000 and Ksh. 20,000 had more users
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(29 for Gas and 26 for charcoal). This is the income group that should be
factored into the equation when determining domestic energy mix that
would replace Charcoal and Gas as steps towards clean and sustainable
energy and in line with the 2030 and 2063 Agenda in Africa.
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As part of the socioeconomic variables, the study also examined the

link between type of energy used and household size (number of children
in a house). Table 7.4 shows the data.
Table 7.4: The Relationship between Type of energy used (Gas and Charcoal) and
Household size
Type of Energy used Household size (Number of children in

a House)
None 1-2 3-4 More than 4

Charcoal 11 41 50 20
Gas 9 38 37 19
Source: Field data
Using online Chi-square calculator, with the t-statistic of:

C h ap t er 7 | 141
Formula 2
and null hypotheses of no dependence, the chi-square statistic was 0.6825
and the p –value was 0.977308, which was not significant at p < 0.05 nor
0.10. This means that the type of energy used (Charcoal and Gas) could not
relate directly to household size and therefore there could be other factors
that work with income to determine the type of fuel used in a household,
other than the household size. In examining the table (Table 7.4), the
category 3-4 had more scores. The information gives an idea of possible
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household size that can be put in the analysis when balancing energy with
population indices. For instance, taking 3-4 children per household, with
two parents would provide a household size of 6 persons. In this case,
an important question to ask would be, “How much electricity would be
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adequate for a household size of 6 persons, considering both the needs of
children and adults?”
The third objective examined was whether improved access to elec-
tricity would ignite other economic activity related to agribusiness and
agro-processing in the area. The results were analysed qualitatively and
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showed that access to electricity does not necessarily mean that the house-
holds would use it. This finding is supported by African Development Bank
(2016), which mentioned that although the economies in Africa are mainly
agrarian, they continue to lag behind due to little attention paid to value
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addition. This means that other factors should be considered that would
provide incentives to the use of electricity and therefore, access to electricity
alone is not a sufficient indicator for sustainable and clean energy use for
the 2030 sustainable development agenda.
Conclusions and Implications for the 2030 Sustainable

Development Agenda
The first objective of this chapter was to examine the association between
the type of energy used and household income. The null hypothesis tested
was that there is no dependence between types of fuel used and incomes.
The data was analysed using chi-square statistic at 0.05 confidence level.
The Chi-square results (9.6462) was significant at 0.00804 confidence level,
thus the null hypothesis was rejected, and a conclusion made that there
was a relationship between the type of energy used and household income.
The findings further revealed that the income level (Ksh. 5001-20,000 per
month) had the highest scores and therefore is important when designing
an energy mix to replace charcoal and gas. The importance of energy mix
has been emphasized by the Ministry of Power (2011) in Nigeria and by

Muzeyal (2015) in Zambia. These findings are important particularly when
considering the pursuit for SDG targets. It means that household income
would be a strong determining factor in attaining SDG targets on energy
and those related to energy like poverty eradication, sustainable agriculture,
food security and nutrition, Health, Education, Water and sanitation, gender
equality and women’s empowerment as well as those linked to climate and
ecosystem conservation. Meeting these SDGs would automatically impact
positively in the achievement of other remaining sustainable development
goals. These results are further supported by literature review which empha-
sized that energy services are essential in achieving both social and economic
development and greater access to energy services is critical in achieving
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SDGs (International Energy Agency 2008). The results also explain why
among the African countries selected for study in this research (Ghana and
Nigeria, Zambia and Botswana, and Kenya) are still heavily dependent on
fossil fuel energy resources and biomass, despite improvements on access to
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electricity. In order to realize the SDG targets on energy, deliberate policy
shift with efforts to improve household incomes would be a requirement.
The problem of income could also explain why there is minimal use of
electricity in Sub-Saharan Africa (African Development Bank 2015), and
thus, electricity supply should also be accompanied by income or other
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poverty eradication efforts.
The Second objective was to examine the link between the socioeco-
nomic variables (number of children) and the type of energy used (charcoal
and gas). The null hypothesis of no dependence between type of energy
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and household size was assumed. Using a chi-square test at 0.05 level of
significance, the results were not significant, and the null hypothesis of no
significance could not be rejected. A conclusion was made that the type of
energy used could not directly relate with the type of energy used within
the household. Thus, there could be other factors that work with income to
determine the household energy use. For instance, this chapter has earlier
mentioned the issue of price and reliability as far as electricity is concerned
require further investigation. The household size could indirectly influence
household income (in terms of school fees, food production and purchases
and purchase of other household daily subsistence needs). The analysis also
revealed that household size of 6 was more common and could be used in
initial steps of balancing the equation between energy issues and population.
For example, “How many units of energy (electricity) would be needed by
a household of 6 persons and earning an income of between Ksh. 5000 and
20,000 per month?” The response provides an answer in investigating the
type and amount of energy needed for a household size of 6, earning an
income of Ksh. 5,000 - 20,000 a month, for more equitable distribution in
C h ap t er 7 | 143
an area, thus, balancing energy issues with population and poverty levels.
The linkage of population growth as a development challenge was mentioned
by European Commission (2016).
The third objective which examined the possibility of access to electric-
ity being able to generate agribusinesses and other off-farm employments
found out that only very few households could participate in businesses,
thus the need to repackage electricity provision with other incentives that
promote entrepreneurship and off-farm employment. For instance, access
to electricity should have a package of capacity building to the new clients
so that they are provided with information on how access to electricity
can enhance their entrepreneurship opportunities and poverty eradication
efforts besides lighting and cooking, due to the strong link between energy
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use and poverty. Such an effort would improve the use of clean energy in
Africa while also reducing poverty, with other positive impacts on related
SDGs, while also changing the story of Africa as being a dark continent with
a majority of people living in informal settlements (International Energy
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Agency 2008 and African Development Bank 2014 and 2015, Zhou et al
2012 and European Union 2016).
Though the second objective did not show evidence of the influence of
household size on energy use, by examining the first objective, the second
objective and the results from literature review, this study has revealed that
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for the attainment of energy targets and the 2030 sustainable development
Agenda, first, there is need to balance energy policies with demographic
variables and poverty reduction strategy goals. Such action would address the
challenges associated with linking energy use with human settlement as well
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as income. Secondly, in terms of access, there is also need to balance energy

policies with ecosystem variables and poverty eradication programmes, as
energy use is directly linked to ecosystem degradation when not properly
planned. The link between energy and ecosystem challenges has been dis-
cussed by IEA (2016b). The two issues bring forth, four (4) important
variables that must be dealt with simultaneously to achieve the 2030 sus-
tainable development agenda (Energy, Ecosystem, Population and Poverty)
(simply put, E2, P2). Figure 7.5 provides a rough idea on how energy can
be used as an important ingredient in regional development, climate change
adaptation and ecosystem conservation and general sustainability. Currently
these two gaps (balancing energy with population and poverty and energy
with ecosystem sustainability) remain unattended to, yet are pre-requisites
to future sustainability as illustrated in Figure 7.5.
According to the literature review, Collier, Conway and Venables (2008)
pointed out that adaptation and mitigation to climate change may require
location of vulnerable communities to more stable backgrounds. The big
question is “How?”. The process will require land reform initiatives (Hoffmen
and Vogel 2008) as well as electrification of neighbourhoods with high

demands on energy. But, how can energy requirements be balanced with
ecosystem sustainability? For instance, how much land does a household of
6 persons, earning between Ksh. 5,000 and 20,000 per month with x units
of electricity need to provide adequate space for domestic energy produc-
tion (charcoal and firewood initially), food production, settlement and good
ambience? What would be the optimum radius for planning of such a region?
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Figure 7.5: The polygon of regional sustainability
Recommendations for Possible Sources of Energy in the Post 2015/2030 Agenda

Besides being an important factor of development, many countries
are involved in a process of energy transition as a response to population
growth, urbanisation and extreme industrialisation (Tronci 1989). African
continent should not wait up to that point when economies are threatened,
but should learn from experiences, such as those of India and start energy
reforms and transition to clean, affordable and sustainable energy sources,
while also making the generation and distribution of energy was made
economical and environmentally friendly, and ensuring greater equity in
the distribution of energy, by making available to all citizens the minimum
of energy required to ensure reasonably good quality of life. This study has
also verified that areas of energy development are also associated with eco-
system degradation, particularly from human settlement related land uses.
Steps should be put in place to guard against this type of degradation by
C h ap t er 7 | 145
ensuring equity in electricity access to decongest cities and for sustainability.

Thus the use of fuel wood as a source of energy, though classified as
renewable, may not be encouraged due to its negative impacts on agriculture
and food security, poverty alleviation, health, water security, among others,
and therefore requires technical revolution to address the challenges of Post
2015 Agenda. Sustainable forest management may be also adopted to meet
the demands on charcoal. The need for new innovative technologies that
use modern energy but produce the results like those of charcoal to reduce
future dependence on charcoal should be considered as steps to finding last-
ing energy solutions for Africa. The issue of income should be considered
in finding the appropriate energy mix as established in this study. Biogas,
though clean energy, was the least preferred source of energy for domestic
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cooking and therefore may require innovation to make it more appealing
to consumers even within the urban setting.
Although many African countries have embraced solar and wind energy
systems, it is still unclear what technological development path the entire
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continent is taking on energy issues. The future energy demand will require
investment of US$16 trillion (in year 2000 dollars) over the period 2003 to
2030 (US $56 billion per year). The investment will provide opportunities
for expansion of supply capacity, while also replacing existing and future
energy supplies facilities that will become obsolete. All these require better
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planning of resources to meet the 2030 sustainable development targets.
Africa as a region should decide on indicators that would truly monitor
changes in the region, nationally, regionally and globally for better impact.
Data revolution is a re-requisite to enable the succinct measurement of the
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indicators. Competent bodies that would promote best practices, provide

technical corporation and capacity building, besides developing and dissemi-
nating methodologies to adapt and harmonize the indicators are needed. In
this process all stakeholders should be brought on board, including research
institutions to provide back-up information, prevent mass systematic failures
and corruption and bring in their valuable skills and expertise. The data
should be georeferenced.
A decisive energy policy is therefore required for urgent action to address
the challenges as part of human development. For instance, meeting the
human basic needs (food, shelter, clothing, health, education, and entertain-
ment, among others) must be part of efforts towards poverty alleviation.
The use of modern energy services can contribute to meeting these basic
needs. This will in turn contribute to the attainment of SDG number 7,
affordable and clean energy (Oluoko-Odingo 2006, Birol 2007 and Global
Policy Watch 2016). Energy is also a cross-cutting issue that can contribute
to the attainment of other SDGs, such as no poverty; zero hunger; good
health and well-being; and quality education (SDGs 1-4). Integrating
energy needs with ecosystem, population and poverty indices would go a

long way in addressing the Africa 2030 sustainability Agenda.
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Chapter 8
Rural-Urban Linkages Facilitated By the Mining Sector in
South Africa
Philile Mbatha, Edson Charikinya & Elaine Govender
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Introduction
T here is an increasing amount of literature that addresses the significance

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of linkages between urban and rural areas in South Africa, especially in
terms of economic growth, since rural areas1 are largely marginalised due to
the histories of colonial and apartheid eras (Atkinson, 2014). Rural-urban
linkages or interdependencies can refer to spatial and sectoral flows that
occur between rural and urban areas (Tacoli, 1998; Bah et al., 2003; Von
O
Braun, 2007). Spatial flows between rural and urban areas include flows of
people, finances, capital, services and infrastructure (Bah et al., 2003; Von
Braun, 2007). Sectoral flows on the other hand include flows of agricultural
products from rural to urban areas and the flow of goods manufactured in
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urban areas going to rural areas (Caffyn and Dahlström, 2005; Von Braun,
2007).
The recognition of linkages is crucial due to the recognition that in
the 21st century, factors that distinguish what is termed ‘rural’ and what
is termed ‘urban’ in countries like South Africa are increasingly becoming
obscure. Moreover, industrial growth in many developing countries relies
on backward and forward linkages between rural and urban economic sec-
tors. The Global Monitoring Report (GRI, 2010) and the Agricultural and
Rural Convention 2020 also highlight the role of rural-urban linkages in
poverty reduction and the promotion of sustainable development and growth
in developing countries (Akkoyunlu, 2015). At the local level, rural-urban
1. The term ‘rural areas’ referred to in the context of this study primarily refers to former
homeland areas/Bantustans in South Africa. These are areas that were demarcated as
reserves for black people during the apartheid era. Post-1994, former homeland areas
are still largely rural, marginalized and vulnerable, and account for 69% of South Africa’s
poor population (Leibbrandt et al., 2010; Neves and Toit, 2013).
C h ap t er 8 | 153
linkages are significant for highlighting the diverse and complex nature of
people’s livelihood strategies which are usually characterised by migration,
diversification and mobility.
In the broader African context, mining industries are encouraged to
engage in regional cooperation and integration in order to minimize opera-
tional costs, while at the same time promoting synergies between rural and
urban regions in order to promote cluster development that would see the
realization of economies of scale (African Union, 2009). This has largely
been in response to pressures from critics over the past three decades about
the lack of the mining sector’s ability to benefit local communities or to
equitably distribute wealth, as well as social and ecological losses incurred
from mining activities (African Union, 2009; Mbatha and Wynberg, 2014).
F
As a result, the mining sector within the continent is increasingly putting
in place new mechanisms and arrangements to promote diverse economic
opportunities that could improve wellbeing and livelihoods at the local level
(African Union, 2009). Increased community participation, as well as new
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forms of revenue and benefit sharing mechanisms, are among the mecha-
nisms that are being employed in the mining sector, with varying degrees of
success. These mechanisms are perceived to be pivotal for the improvement
of linkages and relations between government, mining companies and local
communities (African Union, 2009).
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Economic linkages in the mining industry exist in three main forms:
downstream, side-stream and upstream linkages (Bastida, 2014). The down-
stream linkages consist of industries which transform the products from the
mining sector into more finished products which have higher sales value.
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The side-stream consists of activities such as tourism and agriculture that

are developed by the mines that are not directly linked to the sector but
have potential of increasing employment and indirect businesses (Bastida,
2014). However, an apparent gap in the literature is the understanding of
whether or not mining companies view rural-urban linkages as significant
in enhancing sustainability in the areas where they mine, during the life
of the mine as well as post-mine closure. The purpose of this chapter is
to therefore use the South African context as a lens to outline the rural-
urban linkages facilitated by the mining sector, and to discuss whether or
not they promote sustainability within mining communities. The Richards
Bay Minerals case study is used to unpack the role of mining in facilitat-
ing rural-urban linkages on adjacent mining communities. Moreover, the
sustainability challenges associated with mining sector activities on local
contexts are also outlined in the chapter.
Contextualising Sustainability Within The Mining Sector

Sustainable development is a widely contested concept with no single
definition. Governments and companies each have interpreted it differ-
ently to suit their context and objectives (Giddings et al., 2002). The classic
definition of sustainable development was provided in the Brundtland Com-
mission’s Report, Our Common Future, in 1987. In the report sustainability
was defined as, “meeting the needs of present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their needs” (WCED, 1987). This
definition has been criticised for being vague, with some ecologist arguing
that it puts humanity’s need to economically develop as priority over the
environment. This definition identifies development and the environment
as two concerns to be reconciled in achieving sustainability (Kuhlman and
F
Farrington, 2010). The concept of sustainability was further refined in 2005
at the United Nations World Summit to address some of these criticisms,
and the following was included: “efforts will also promote the integration
of the three components of sustainable development, economic develop-
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ment, social development and environmental protection as interdependent
and mutually reinforcing pillars” (United Nations, 2005). This interpreta-
tion of sustainability calls for harmony between the so-called three pillars
of sustainability: social, economic and environmental. Although this is
the case, Table 8.1 highlights the existence of a multidimensional view of
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sustainability demonstrated in the definitions contained in literature and
different operational contexts.
Table 8.1: Definitions of sustainable development in literature

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Sustainable Devel- Industry or References

opment definition objective
Development that meets
the world’s need for
increased demand in
energy, metals and min- Mining (Basu and Kumar, 2004)
erals, while maintaining
mining’s ‘‘social license
to operate’’.
C h ap t er 8 | 155

Development where the
sum of natural and man-
made resources remains
at least constant for the (Kuhlman and Far-
Natural resources
foreseeable future, in rington, 2010)
order that the well-being
of Future generations
does not decline.
Satisfying human needs
while ensuring social (Holden et al., 2017)
Policy-making
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equity, and respecting
environmental limits.
An integrated approach
that recognizes the
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interdependence of
three dimensions: the
economic, the environ-
mental, and the social
performances of an
Sustainable supply chain
management
(Chaabane et al., 2012)
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organization.
The integration of four
spheres—economic
development, social
concerns, environmental
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pressures, and govern-

ance—that maximizes
the contribution to the
Minerals and metals (IIED and WBCSD,
well-being of the cur-
sector 2002)
rent generation with an
equitable distribution
of costs and benefits
without compromising
the potential for satisfy-
ing the needs of multiple
future generations.

The combination of
enhanced socioeconomic
growth and develop-
Mining and Metals (Hilson and Murck,
ment, and improved
sector 2000)
environmental protec-
tion and pollution
prevention.
Sustainability develop-
ment advocates the
complex objective of
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giving commensurate
(Perez-Batres et al.,
emphasis to develop- Policy
2011)
ing the economic and
social dimensions while
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sustaining the earth’s
ecological resources”
Sustainability may then
be defined as maintain-
ing well-being over a
Policy
(Kuhlman and Far-
rington, 2010)
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long
Source: Author
These many definitions demonstrate the contested nature of sustain-

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able development (Van Opstal and Hugé, 2013). In mining, for example,
reconciling social, economic and environmental goals could be accomplished
by a twin strategy of simultaneously reducing energy throughput per unit
metal or mineral product while increasing human well-being per unit prod-
uct output. The major weakness of this substantive view on sustainable
development is that it assumes the separation of the economy, society and
environment from each other (Giddings et al., 2002; Neumayer, 1999). The
separation underplays the connections between the three and may lead to
assumptions that trade-offs between the economy, society and environment
are possible. However, built capital can never fully replace or substitute for
natural resources and systems (Neumayer, 1999).
The mining and minerals industry face numerous sustainability, as well
as governance challenges of reconciling economic goals with social and envi-
ronmental ones. Some of these challenges threaten the industry’s continued
social licence to operate both in rural and urban contexts (Azapagic, 2004;
McCarthy, 2011). The mining industry has demonstrated commitments to
respond to these challenges by engaging its many different stakeholders
C h ap t er 8 | 157
and addressing their sustainability concerns (Azapagic, 2004). Unpacking

rural-urban linkages facilitated by the mining sector is therefore one way of
dissecting how the mining industry in South Africa is dealing (or not) with
challenges of governance and sustainability in their operations.
In order to hold mining companies accountable for their environmental
and social responsibility, the corporate social responsibility movement was
formed. The most commonly used definition of CSR is a corporate social
responsibility which integrates the economic, legal, ethical and discretionary
categories of the corporate performance at a given point in time. From this
definition, the five principal dimensions that a CSR should cover are eco-
nomic, social and environmental value creation, voluntariness and stakeholder
relations. Mining companies have many CSR initiatives such as sustainable
F
waste management, corporate philanthropy, growth of local businesses, good
working practices, and upholding the rights of the marginalised communi-
ties. A difference in perceptions could lead to confrontational relationships
and conflicts (Mzembe & Downs, 2014).
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The way in which corporations engage with communities or corporate
community involvement (CCI) in developing countries is influenced by
sociocultural, economic and political factor of the countries that they oper-
ate in. Corporations have now recognized that local communities are key
stakeholders. However, one of the core problems with this CSR approach
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is that communities are treated as recipients of development instead of
agents of their own development. With the resources that are mined being
finite, these initiatives do not adequately build communities that are able
to sustain themselves post mine closure (Muthuri, et al., 2012; McAllister,
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Fitzpatrick and Fonseca, 2014).

The following section discusses in more detail how ‘rural’ and ‘urban’
contexts are understood in South Africa, as well as linkages between the two.
Rural-Urban Classifications and Linkages Within South Africa

Although rural and urban areas can be characterised according to size,
population density, land use and type of economic activities (Atkinson, 2014),
there is a general lack of standardization when it comes to defining what
is meant by “urban” or “rural” (Atkinson, 2014). In some cases, rural and
urban areas are usually defined according to spatial form and land use. This
means that smallholdings, mining towns and residential peri-urban areas are
usually classified as urban areas, whereas traditionally they were classified
according to their local governance status. Within the South African con-
text, there are somewhat clearer, yet not always precise, distinctions between
what is considered ‘rural’ and what is considered ‘urban’. The rural-urban
classification system is largely informed by apartheid era policies for spatial
design that racially segregated South Africa’s landscape. As a result, former
homeland areas that were demarcated as ‘black’ reserves during apartheid, as

well as large scale commercial farms that are largely owned by white farm-
ers characterize what is currently known as ‘rural’ (Neves and Toit, 2013).
In 2011, Palmer Development Group published the B1 to B4 classifi-
cation system that was presented to the South African National Treasury
(National Treasury, 2011). This is depicted in Table 8.2.
Table 8.2: A classification of rural and urban areas in South Africa
Class Characteristics
Metros Category A municipalities
F
Secondary cities
All local municipalities referred to as secondary cities
(B1)
All local municipalities with an urban core. There
is huge variation in population sizes amongst these
Large towns (B2)
O municipalities and they do have large urban dwelling
population.
They are characterised by no large town as a core
urban settlement. Typically, these municipalities have
a relatively small population, a significant proportion
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of which is urban and based in one or more small
towns. Rural areas in this category are characterised
Small towns (B2)
by the presence of commercial farms, as these local
economies are largely agriculturally based. The exist-
ence of such important rural areas and agriculture
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sector explains its inclusion in the analysis of rural

municipalities.
These are characterised by the presence of at most
one or two small towns in their areas, communal land
Mostly rural (B4)
tenure and villages or scattered groups of dwellings
and typically located in former homelands.
District municipalities that are not water services
District (C1)
providers.
District municipalities that are water service
District (C2)
providers.
Source: Palmer Development Group
Although this classification system is not perfect, it has been widely

adopted in defining different types of “urban” and “rural” settlements. This
system includes settlements classified as: B1 (secondary cities), B2 (large
towns), B3 (small towns), and B4 (mostly rural). Other existing settlement
typologies that are used include: metropolitan formal, other urban formal,
C h ap t er 8 | 159
urban informal, former homeland areas, as well as commercial agriculture set-

tlements (Atkinson, 2014). However, there are no clear distinctions between
some of these categories as various areas in the country tend to straddle both
urban and rural categories. It is important to note that, administratively,
South Africa uses municipalities rather than urban-rural definitions to
service the country. One of the reasons provided to explain this is the fact
that the inclusion of rural and urban areas within a municipality does not
ignore the interactions which exists between areas, which allows for mutual
benefit (Statistics South Africa, 2003).
Increasingly, however, it has been noted that distinguishing between
rural and urban areas is becoming more complex as the way in which ‘rural’
and ‘urban’ are defined tends to vary from country to country, and in certain
F
instances, the boundaries between rural and urban areas tend to be blurred.
Tacoli (1998a) also points out that distinctions in the literature between
rural and urban settlements are usually founded on assumptions that rural
settlements are characterised mainly by agriculture, while urban settlements
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are characterised by manufacture or tertiary services at the most. Increas-
ingly, however, there has been a realization that these distinctions are not
always accurate, as activities such as agriculture are increasing in urban
spaces. Similarly, sectors such as manufactures, mining industries and others
that are usually associated with urban areas are increasingly found in rural
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areas. Akkoyunlu (2013:20) points out that distinguishing between ‘rural/
agricultural’ sectors and the ‘urban/manufacturing and services/infrastructure’
sectors “misses the important linkages that exist between rural and urban
activities”.
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Having defined rural and urban areas within the South African context,
rural-urban linkages in this chapter refer to the interdependencies which
exist between these urban and rural areas. As previously stated, linkages may
be divided into two main groups – spatial flows and sectoral flows (Tacoli,
2004; von Braun, 2007). Spatial flows encompass migration, remittances,
information flows and flows of environmental resources and sectoral flows
include crop, livestock, input markets, high-value agricultural trade, peri-
urban and multifunctional agriculture (Tacoli, 2004; von Braun, 2007).
Rural-urban linkages can also refer to the structural social, economic,
cultural and political relationships maintained between individuals and
groups in the urban environment and those in rural areas. A historical
analysis of rural-urban linkages in South Africa shows the presence of a
dual economy where urban economies are poorly integrated with the rural
economy, except through labour migration. The apartheid government rel-
egated rural areas to labour reserves for expansion of urban-based industries
(Ndabeni, 2016). This has resulted in the current stark inequalities that are
currently observed between rural and urban areas. The study of rural-urban
linkages is therefore crucial for understanding the issues around poverty

and the urbanisation process. It also provides a basis for identification of
processes which can lead to improved inclusive growth and employment
for the poor (Ndabeni, 2016).
Rural areas in South Africa have the highest unemployment rates
and a large portion of the population relies on employment in the mining
and agricultural sectors (Neves and Toit, 2013). During the apartheid era,
mining operations occurred far away from rural areas, but this has changed
in the post-apartheid era, thus allowing for more linkages between rural and
urban spheres. Mining companies in rural areas have brought about access
to infrastructure such as transportation and communication networks at
national and international scales which would have otherwise not existed
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if these companies were not there (Mbatha and Wynberg, 2014; Neves and
Toit, 2013).
A Brief Overview of The South African Mining Sector

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South Africa has some of the world’s largest gold, platinum and chrome
reserves and is the world’s largest producer of platinum group bearing min-
erals (Chamber of Mines South Africa, 2016). The mining industry in
South Africa is a significant employer, with 457 698 individuals support-
ing 4.5 million dependents, being directly employed by the sector in 2015
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(Chamber of Mines South Africa, 2016). South African Mining Law is
regulated by the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act, 28
of 2002 (“MPRDA”). There are other separate pieces dealing with addi-
tional issues such as mining royalties, mining title registration and health
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and safety. These are the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Royalty Act,
2008, the Mining Titles Registration Act, 1967, and the Mine Health and
Safety Act, 1996. In addition, South Africa has passed several statutes, that
regulate environmental protection that apply to the mining industry these
include the National Environmental Management Act of 1998 (NEMA),
National Environmental Management: Air Quality Act of 2004, National
Environmental Management: Waste Act of 2004 and the National Water
Act, 1998 (MHSA, 1996; MPRRRA, 2008; MTRA, 1967; NEMA, 2009,
2005, 1998; NWA, 1998). These environmental and mining laws are used
to regulate environmental, social and economic issues related to mining.
The Minerals and Petroleum Resources Development Act (28 of 2002)
(MPDRA) recognizes the South African government as the custodian of
all mineral resources, having the responsibility to provide previously disad-
vantaged individuals with equitable access to mineral resources as well as
socioeconomic development, company-community relations in the mining
sector. The MPRDA is guided by the principles of the Broad-Based Socio-
Economic Empowerment Charter, and as a result, a large number of Black
C h ap t er 8 | 161
Economic Empowerment (BEE) deals and joint ventures between mining

companies and adjacent have emerged (SA Mining Charter, 2017). The
MPRDA has many features that seek to highlight the importance of envi-
ronmental protection and sustainable development. This policy is supported
by the African Mining Vision (African Uniion, 2009) that encourages the
mining sector to maximise opportunities for sustainable environmental and
economic development at the local level using high-rent resource infrastruc-
ture to open up other opportunities at the local level (i.e. in agriculture and
tourism) in order to assist communities that cannot afford to pay for such
infrastructure.
The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa enforces the right of
all people to an environment that is not harmful to their health and well-
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being and to the protection of the environment for the benefit of present
and future generations (Constitution SA, 1996). The Minerals Act (50 of
1991), MPRDA, and the Mine and Safety Act (29 of 1996) ensure com-
pliance to this. The MPRDA stipulates that all active mines should have
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a mining permit from DME, a permit to use water from Department of
Water Affairs, and an environmental management plan (EMP), including
an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), approved by DME to ensure
that their activities are in line with environmental management principles
(MPRDA, 2002). The MPRDA also entrenches rehabilitation of the surface
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after mining and stipulates that mining companies should rehabilitate the
surface land after mining is done (MPRDA, 2002). Rehabilitation takes
place in parallel to the mining operation in some cases. The aim being to
return the land to the state in which it was found before the mining started
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In South Africa, mining has become notorious for environmental deg-

radation, social and cultural break-down of host communities, as well as
putting strain on the community members’ ability to maintain a livelihood.
As a result, South Africa has made it mandatory for mining companies to
adhere to environmental laws and regulation and to maintain their social
license to operate. The social license to operate has become embedded in
the concepts of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). CSR integrates
the economic, legal, ethical and discretionary categories of the corporates
performance at a given point in time. From this definition, the five principal
dimensions that a CSR strategy should cover are economic, social and envi-
ronmental value creation, voluntariness and stakeholder relations (Muthuri,
et al., 2012; Mzembe & Downs, 2014).
Mining companies have many CSR initiatives such as sustainable waste
management, corporate philanthropy, growth of local businesses, good work-
ing practices, and upholding the rights of the marginalised communities
(Muthuri, et al., 2012; Mzembe & Downs, 2014). However, CSR approaches
have not adequately or directly focused on enhancing rural-urban linkages
as a strategy to enable mining communities to sustain themselves both

during the life of a mine and post mine closure (Vaitla, 2012). The case
study example of Richards Bay minerals presented in the following section
demonstrates the role the mining sector can play in facilitating rural-urban
linkages that can result in the sustained development of mining communities.
The Case of Richards Bay Minerals in Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa

Richards Bay Minerals (RBM) is a leading producer of titania slag, high
purity pig iron, rutile and zircon. RBM is part of a multi-national corpora-
tion (MNC) called Rio Tinto based in UK and Australia. It is situated in
the coast of the Indian Ocean, 20 km away from Richards Bay. As a whole,
Richards Bay has five major industries: fertilizer manufacturing, aluminium
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smelting, and paper and pulp manufacturing. The sectors/economies that
dominate the area are mining, commercial forestry, subsistence farming and
basic retail activities. The sand dunes surrounding Richards Bay, all the way
up to Mbonambi and Sokhulu are rich in mineral deposit (Kapelus, 2002).
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Until the 1960s, Richards Bay has been a small fishing village overlook-
ing the natural Mhlathuze estuary and wetlands. Richards Bay was officiated
as a town in 1969. Up until the 1960s, it was predominately surrounded by
rural households where inhabitants lived traditional lifestyles on communal
land. A small percentage of households were involved in commercial farm-
O
ing mainly, sugar, forestry, fruit and livestock, and agro-processing (South
African Cities Network, 2014).
The Sokhulu and Mbonambi rural areas consist of largely economically
poor communities located within the uMfolozi Local Municipality, formerly
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known as Mbonambi Local Municipality (Mbatha and Wynberg, 2014)

(Figure 8.1). This municipality is located in northern KwaZulu-Natal, within
the uThungulu District Municipality. The uThungulu District Municipality
is located in the north-eastern region of KwaZulu-Natal and consists of
six local municipalities, i.e. Mfolozi, Umhlathuze, Ntambanana, Umlalazi,
Mthonjaneni and Nkandla (uThungulu District Municipality, 2005/6). The
Mfolozi Local Municipality is adjacent to the towns of Richards Bay and
Empangeni, and consists of three primary geographic land uses, i.e. Sokhulu-
Mbonambi rural areas, Mhlana rural area, as well as commercial plantations
(uThungulu District Municipality, 2010/11). The estimated population size
of the Mfolozi Local Municipality is 106,943, 53% of whom are women.
C h ap t er 8 | 163
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Figure 8.1: Map illustrating the location of Richards Bay town in relation to the Sokhulu
and Mbonambi rural areas where RBM mining activities have taken place
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Financial, Capital, Infrastructure and People Flows Facilitated By The Mining
Sector
Richards Bay Minerals began mining in Mbonambi community in
1977 and has been granted new order mining rights until 2041. Mining
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is currently underway in the Zulti North area, with plans for expansion to
Zulti South by 2017. It is anticipated that mining reserves in Zulti North
will last until 2034, with mining continuing in Zulti South beyond 2037
(RBM, 2015). The mining company hires 2000 people overall and about
680 people (34%) from the host communities, as well as the same number
of contractors, impacting the lives of an estimated 30,000 people. When
the mine closes, these people would have skills which could be transferred
into other sectors. This means that they could find work in other areas and
continue to send money back home, thus maintaining a sustained livelihood
for those households.
RBM also invests in the infrastructure of the host communities. The
roads built in these host communities allow people to have easier access to
urban areas on a day-to-day basis. Schools and clinics have been built and
are currently maintained by RBM (RBM, 2015). When the mine closes,
these services can still be maintained as RBM has invested money into
community trusts. Table 8.3 is a summary of the programmes that have
been implemented by RBM to provide infrastructure within the wider
uThungulu district that spatially links rural and urban areas.
Table 8.3: Summary of RBMs project that play a role in facilitating linkages between
rural and urban areas in the wider uThungulu district
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O Source: RBM, (2015:22)
Although there has been improvement at the local level due to the
existence of the mine, there are still high unemployment rates in Sokhulu
and Mbonambi (Mbatha and Wynberg, 2014). In order to ameliorate the
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lack of employment opportunities within the area, and the fact that the
mining company has limited employment opportunities, RBM has a range
of development programmes which are aimed at creating a pool of employ-
able people with the necessary skills for working in the formal sector. These
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skills equip the rural people of Sokhulu and Mbonambi to seek jobs in the
town of Richards Bay, which is something that they would otherwise not
be able to do.
Moreover, since the commencement of mining activities in Mbonambi
and Sokhulu there has been a significant increase in people flows within the
area, which can be attributed to migration (Stats SA, 2016). Approximately
seventy-two percent of RBMs workforce comes from the entire KZN area
(both rural and urban), with 34% being from the Mbonambi and Sokhulu
rural areas (RBM, 2016). The biggest reasons for migrating to Mbonambi
and Sokhulu was found to be a search for better employment opportuni-
ties provided by RBM, better education and better infrastructure such as
health services (uMfolozi local municipality, 2017). These were noted by
people coming both from rural and urban areas. Large numbers of people
are moving into the uMhlathuze and uMfolozi local municipalities (South
African Cities Network, 2014). Even though there are other industries such
as commercial plantations and forestry in the Sokhulu and Mbonambi areas,
the large population increase can be attributed to the presence of RBM
C h ap t er 8 | 165
(Stats SA, 2016; uMfolozi IDP, 2016).

It is therefore apparent that the mining sector in Richards Bay plays
a pivotal road in linking rural and urban areas spatially, economically and
otherwise through facilitating financial, capital, people, infrastructure, as well
as people flows between the two spheres. This phenomenon where mining
facilitates such flows is not unique to the case of Richards Bay, but it has also
been noted in transboundary contexts between Lesotho and South Africa.
Between 1920 and 2005, Basotho have migrated to South African gold
mines in significant numbers, peaking at an average of 100,000 migrants
between 1980 and 1995, with the flow of remittances to Lesotho account-
ing for 25% of the GDP in 2006 (Crush et al., 2010:4). The establishment
of financial linkages between rural mining communities and urban areas is
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initiated with the flow of remittances from migrant mine workers to rural
homesteads. Even with the decrease in mine associated work in South
Africa since the 1990s, migrant remittances to rural homestead continues
to increase and were estimated at approximately R 1,939 million in 2004
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(Crush et al., 2010:38). According to the survey by Crush et al. (2010: 51),
95% of the households in Lesotho receive remittances, which are generally
proportioned in the household income for: clothes (29%), food and groceries
(27%), special events (9%), building (6%), fuel (5%), entertainment (4.2%)
and transportation (2%).
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However, flows facilitated by rural-urban linkages in the mining sector
are not as seamless as they seem, and they are not without challenges. The
following section therefore highlights some of the sustainability challenges
presented by the existence of rural-urban linkages in the mining sector.
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Highlighting Sustainability Challenges Pertaining to Rural-Urban Linkages

Within The Mining Sector
It is a well-documented fact that the mining industry has been largely
criticized for tending to focus on the profit bottom line at the expense of
social and environmental wellbeing of the areas being mined (Mbatha and
Wynberg, 2014). Companies have typically either provided too few benefits
to local communities, leaving them in a more marginalised and worse off
state than they were before the mining began, or have implemented inef-
fective strategies to benefit communities adjacent to mining operations
(Department of Mineral Resources, 2009; Kapelus, 2002). Benefit-sharing
mechanisms that seek to equitably distribute economic, social and ecologi-
cal benefits (as well as losses) from the mining activities, i.e. CSR, at the
local level are still largely inexistent, and where they do exist, there is failure
in matching them with pressing needs on the ground. As a result, there is
usually a mismatch between what mining companies usually claim they
do to enhance sustainability at the local level, and the lived realities on the
ground (Mbatha and Wynberg, 2014).

One key consideration is that the mining industry cannot afford not to
take a holistic approach in addressing social, ecological, as well as political
ills emanating from unsustainable practice within the sector. This is because
impacts from mining on society and the environment, whether rural or
urban, are interrelated. This is demonstrated in Figure 8.2 which illustrates
the interconnected impacts of coastal mining activities in a rural coastal area
in northern KwaZulu-Natal near the town of Richards Bay in South Africa.
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Figure 8.2: The interconnected ecological and socioeconomic impacts of mining activities
on local environments
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Figure 8.2 depicts how titanium mining activities by RBM in Sokhulu

and Mbonambi affected different aspects of people’s livelihoods, including
agricultural, fishing, traditional healing and other local livelihood activities.
These impacts persist due to the lack of inter-sectoral integration between
the mining sector and other sectors operating at the local level. This there-
fore means that, in order to enhance sustainability of mining communities,
mining companies need to take into account the holistic impacts of their
activities, in addition to their CSR strategies.
Moreover, although mining companies have many CSR initiatives such
as sustainable waste management, corporate philanthropy, growth of local
businesses, good working practices, and upholding the rights of the margin-
alised communities (Muthuri et al., 2012; Mzembe and Downs, 2014); an
important critique of CSR initiatives of mining companies is that they create
a dependency on the mining company. With the resources that are mined
being finite, these initiatives usually do not adequately build communities
that are able to sustain themselves post mine closure (McAllister et al.,
C h ap t er 8 | 167
2014; Muthuri et al., 2012). A CSR approach that appreciates rural-urban

linkages is therefore arguably useful as it can ensure that communities are
able to sustain themselves both during the mining process and post mine
closure (Vaitla, 2012).
Atkinson (2014) points out that the increase in mining ventures in
South Africa exploiting minerals such as coal, uranium, manganese and
shale gas has resulted in the exploitation of such resources in rural areas by
companies from urban areas. There are increased incidents of mining licenses
that are issued illegally, without the knowledge of rural municipalities at
times (Atkinson, 2014). Such trends may result in exacerbated inequalities
between urban areas/dwellers and rural areas/dwellers. It is argued that
rural-urban linkages can be beneficial to both rural and urban contexts if
F
mining development is designed in a manner that enforces dependency and
integration between rural and urban spaces. Failure to do this may result in
cases where rural-urban linkages exacerbating inequality and vulnerability
of marginalized groups, where development processes are designed in a
O
manner that creates winners and losers (Tacoli, 1998a).
Another prominent challenge in South Africa’s mining sector that has
major implications on the sustainability of mining operations is that of
managing divergent expectations of various interested and affected parties.
In the mining sector, there is a myriad of institutional arrangements for
O
benefit-sharing, often leading to confusion within the community and a lack
of coherence. Lund (2006) explains that institutional plurality is prevalent
in most African countries as there are often multiple layers of institutional
arrangements operating alongside traditional institutions at the local level.
PR
Each stakeholder has different expectations, with successful mining opera-

tions being those that meet most of the stakeholder expectations. Table 8.4
is a summary of different stakeholders typically involved in mining activities
and their expectations.
Table 8.4: Summary of the different stakeholders involved in mining and their
expectations.
Stakeholder Expectations References

Minerals development
(Pegg, 2006; Walker and
Government will be an engine of sus-
Jourdan, 2003
tained economic growth
Stakeholder Expectations References

Employment, infrastruc-
ture, and other benefits
that counter the risks
and impacts of miner- (Davis and Tilton, 2005;
Host communities als development during Eweje, 2007; Veiga et al.,
mine operation and 2001)
after closure. A share
in wealth from resource
exploitation.
That companies will
respect and support
F
basic human rights and
(Kemp et al., 2010;
Community and Envi- will operate in a just and
Ratner, 2001; Sullivan,
ronmental activists responsible way with
2003)
respect to the envi-
Investors
O ronment and share of
wealth from mining.
Higher returns and have
shown considerable con-
cern about the industry’s
(Emel and Huber,
2008; Kragelund, 2009;
Lungu, 2008)
O
financial results.
Safe products produced
(Fernandez-Feijoo et al.,
in a manner that meets
Consumers 2014; Govindan et al.,
acceptable environmen-
2014)
tal and social standards.
PR
Source: Author
Therefore, due to the complex nature of mining activities and the

challenge of reconciling the views and needs of various actors and various
sustainability considerations, it is argued that in order to be regarded as
sustainable, mining companies’ policies and practices should provide net and
equitable benefits, capacity building during the mining operation and after
mine closure, financial compensation for loss of land, housing and livelihoods,
infrastructure improvement, health facilities, small local businesses’ support
and micro-finance schemes (Boocock, 2002; Jenkins and Obara, 2006).
An analysis of the economic, social and environmental issues related to
mining and how they fit into the broader context of rural-urban linkages is
important for addressing sustainability challenges within the mining sector.
This understanding could aid in more inclusive mine succession planning
and it could also offer the mining industry opportunities to contribute
positively towards the establishment of sustainable and governable rural
and urban settlements. The understanding of rural-urban linkages, as well
C h ap t er 8 | 169
as their spatial and sectoral interdependencies is important for effective

policy development.
In order to promote development at local level, mining companies have
been urged to promote sustainability through partnering and aligning with
communities and other interested and affected parties at the local level. Such
efforts are perceived by the South African government to be a catalyst to
poverty alleviation and community upliftment in poor and marginalised
communities. The South African Mining Charter enforces the concept of
pro-poor mining by encouraging mining companies to actively engage in
redressing past social inequities through enhancing opportunities for previ-
ously marginalised persons and communities to participate in the mining
industry and to benefit from mining activities (SA Mining Charter, 2017).
F
Table 8.5 is a summary of elements of the Mining Charter. Employment
equity, beneficiation, as well as mine community and rural development, are
some of the requirements contained in the Charter (SA Mining Charter,
2017). Hence, the Mining Charter has championed the process of rights
O
transfer by the mining companies adopting the Broad Based Black Economic
Empowerment approach.
Table 8.5: A summary of elements of the Mining charter

O
Elements of the Mining The Mining Charter requires
Charter companies to:
• offer every employee the opportu-
nity to become functionally literate;
PR
• implement career paths and skills

development plans to provide
opportunities to
• their (historically disadvantaged
Human resource development South Africans) HDSA employees
to progress in their chosen careers;
and
• develop systems through which
empowerment groups can be
mentored as a means of capacity
building.
• grant preferred supplier status;
• identify current levels of procure-
Procurement ment from HDSA companies; and
commit to a progression of procure-
ment from HDSA companies.
Elements of the Mining The Mining Charter requires

Charter companies to:
• publish its employment equity plan
and report on annual progress;
• establish a plan to achieve a target
for HDSA participation in man-
agement of 40% and report on
progress;
Employment equity
• to identify a talent pool of HDSA
and develop a plan to fast track
their promotion to senior manage-
ment positions;
F
• achieve participation by women of
10% and report on progress.
• achieve 15% HDSA participation
Ownership and joint ventures in terms of equity or attributable
O
Mine community and rural
•
units of production by 2009 and
26% by 2014.
co-operate in the formulation of
Integrated Development Plans
(IDPs) for communities where
O
mining takes place and for major
development
labour-sending areas, with special
emphasis on the development of
infrastructure.
• establish measures for improving
PR
the standard of housing, including

the upgrading of hostels, conver-
sion of hostels to family units and
Housing and living conditions
the promotion of home ownership
options for mine employees; and
• establish measures for improving
the nutrition of mine employees.
• ensure non-discrimination against
Migrant and foreign labour
foreign migrant labour.
• identify their current levels of ben-
eficiation; and
Beneficiation • indicate to what extent they
can grow the baseline level of
beneficiation.
Source: SA Mining Charter, 2017.
C h ap t er 8 | 171
Conclusions
This overview explores aspects of sustainability within rural-urban link-
ages facilitated by the mining sector. It highlights the mining industry’s
potential to strengthen and enhance positive aspects of rural-urban link-
ages and identifies sustainability as a major operational challenge that is
negatively affecting the industry’s contribution to strengthening rural-urban
linkages. Another prominent challenge identified in this chapter which
has major implications on the sustainability of mining operations is that of
managing divergent expectations of various interested and affected parties.
In the mining sector, there is a myriad of institutional arrangements for
benefit-sharing, often leading to confusion within the community and a
lack of coherence. Enlightened mining companies should view sustainability
F
and good governance not as a legal or regulatory burden but as a means of
acquiring the much-needed social licence to operate from the community.
In summary, this chapter has highlighted the following points.
O
1. An understanding of economic, social and environmental issues
related to mining and how they fit into the broader context of
rural-urban linkages is important for addressing sustainability chal-
lenges within the mining sector. This understanding could offer the
mining industry opportunities to contribute positively towards the
O
establishment of sustainable and governable rural and urban settle-
ments as well as assist governments in developing effective policy.
2. The mining companies operating in rural host communities can

PR
improve rural communities’ access to finances, infrastructure and

capital. It can also provide improved infrastructure for rural com-
munities to be able to transport their goods and services to urban
areas. Moreover, due to the advantage that cities have in terms of
location that allows them access to transportation and communica-
tion networks at national and international scales; rural areas that
are linked by sectors such as mining to such cities benefit from those
connections in that sense.
3. Inequality is a defining feature of South Africa’s economy, politics

and social narratives. As such, in South Africa, mining companies
have been urged to promote sustainable development through part-
nering and aligning with communities and other interested and
affected parties at the local level. Such efforts are perceived by the
South African government to be a catalyst to poverty alleviation
and community upliftment in poor and marginalised communities.
4. Finally benefit-sharing mechanisms that seek to equitably distribute

economic, social and ecological benefits (as well as losses) from the
mining activities at the local level, i.e. CSR, are still largely inexist-
ent, and where they do exist, there is failure in matching them with
pressing needs on the ground. Institutional asymmetries, power
struggles between actors involved in decision-making processes, lack
of community representation in mining decision-making platforms,
lack of accountability in benefit sharing processes, legal pluralism,
as well as limited State presence in mining areas - are among key
factors impeding the implementation of sustainable benefit sharing
mechanisms in the mining sector in South Africa.
F
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Chapter 9
Post Mining Recovery and Rural-Urban Linkages:
Lessons From Zambia’s Oldest Mining Town
Orleans Mfune, Chibuye Florence Kunda-Wamuwi, Tamara
F
Chansa-Kabali, Moses Chisola & James Manchisi
Introduction
L
O
ike most African economies, Zambia remains highly dependent on
commodity production and trade. Mining, for example, continues to
provide more than 80% of the country’s total foreign earnings. Besides being
an important foreign exchange earner and major employer, mining has
been instrumental in spurring the emergence and development of several
O
of Zambia’s large urban centres, such as those on the Copperbelt region;
Kabwe in the central province; and emerging urban centres in the north-
western region of the country. However, the dependence of such towns on
commodity production makes them highly vulnerable to stresses and shocks
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associated with boom and bust cycles. For example, since the early 1970s up
until today, the Copperbelt region has experienced both cycles of boom and
turbulence. In some cases, turbulent periods have resulted in complete mine
closure, not only affecting the livelihoods of those dependent on mining, but
also crippling the development of mine-dependent towns. The phenomenon
of mine decline or closure is thus an important developmental issue that
requires scholarly attention. This will provide a better understanding of the
socioeconomic implications of mine closure and can inform the develop-
ment of possible interventions to aid the recovery of affected communities
or towns. Such interventions are critical for developing sustainable and
resilient towns, a societal aspiration that is also articulated in sustainable
development goal (SDG) 11.
Current scholarship on mine closure and decline displays two main
weaknesses. First, most studies are heavily focused on the environmental
implications of mining closure and neglect the question of the socioeco-
nomic recovery of mining communities (Limpitlaw, 2004; Coto, 2016).
Second, with the exception of South Africa where studies on mine closure
have burgeoned, the focus continues to be on the north (McDonald et al,

2012; Hilson and Murk, 2000). Despite the apparent dependence of most
countries in Southern Africa on mining, there remains surprisingly little
work on Southern African Countries such as Zambia where towns have
experienced mining mine closure themselves. The purpose of this chapter
is to contribute to the debate on mine closure, particularly as it relates to
the recovery of mining communities. In particular, the chapter uses the case
of one of the oldest mining towns in Zambia, Kabwe, in order to examine
how rural-urban linkages can provide a framework for post-mining recovery.
Thus, the central question in this chapter revolves around the issue of how
a rural-urban linkages perspective can be used to develop interventions to
aid the recovery of mining towns affected by mine decline and closure. We
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explore, in this regard, the role of rural urban linkages in mining towns and
the extent to which policy interventions for post-mining recovery have
attempted to draw on rural-urban linkages.
By examining post-mining recovery from a rural-urban linkages per-
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spective, the chapter brings together two areas of enquiry which are often
treated separately - mine decline or closure, and rural-urban linkages. We
argue in this chapter that despite apparent potential, a rural-urban perspec-
tive remains the least exploited option for developing post-mining recovery
plans in our case study. This is despite the fact that rural-urban linkages
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are already becoming an important source of growth for the town; and
are highly evident in the livelihoods of former miners and other residents.
In this regard, based on lessons from our case study, the chapter proposes
ways in which a rural-urban linkages perspective can provide an alternative
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intervention approach to post-mining recovery; and play a role in building

the resilience of mining communities. The chapter, in this regard, also sees
rural-urban linkages as holding potential for assisting mining towns attain
SDG 11, sustainable cities and communities.
Rural-Urban Linkages and Post Mining Recovery
Mining and development

The link between mining and development has been an important theme
in development scholarship for a long time. However, despite a plethora of
literature on the subject, there continues to be intense disagreements over
the nature of the relationship between the two. On the one hand, some
scholars see a direct positive link and argue that the extraction of lucrative
mineral resources such as copper, diamonds, gold and tin, can provide poor
countries with large revenue streams that can be used to enhance economic
development and alleviate poverty (Pegg, 2006; Lagos and Blanco, 2010).
On the other, the relationship between mining and development has been
C h ap t er 9 | 181
described as antagonistic and vague (Bebbington et al, 2008). Works that

see this relationship as antagonistic are mostly articulated in the context
of the ‘resource curse’ or the ‘Dutch disease’ hypothesis. Here it is argued
that mining is antagonistic because it has so often delivered adverse social,
environmental and economic effects for many, but significant gains only for
a few (Bebbington et al, 2008; Kitula, 2006).
While these polarising views continue to hold sway in the literature,
undoubtedly, there is a need to approach the relationship between mining
and development more cautiously. This is simply because evidence exists
for both arguments (Marais et al, 2017). Although there are cases where
mining has played an important role in spurring development (Prior et al,
2013), there are also numerous cases where mining has given way to envi-
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ronmental degradation, armed conflict and a hoard of other socioeconomic
ills (Simutanyi, 2008). Thus, in our view, the question of whether or not
mining contributes to development is best articulated in the question of what
factors determine whether mining contributes to development or not. It is
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important to note here, that over the past two decades a number of studies,
particularly those taking a sustainability perspective, have focused on the
ways in which mining could benefit more than just a few, while at the same
time buffering against adverse effects. Among these include works focusing
on sustainable development in mining operations (Laurence, 2006, Hilson
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and Murk’s, 2000; Guirco and Cooper, 2012; Prior et al, 2013) and works
proposing social licensing as a way of ensuring that the sector benefits more
people than at present (Falck et al, 2015).
What this literature shows is that with good policies and strategies in
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place, mining can play a much-demanded role in development. However,

while this literature has laid a good foundation for creative thinking about
what needs to be done for mining to properly benefit many, a particularly
problematic issue to deal with remains that of mine closure and decline. As
minerals are non-renewable and mining itself is often fraught with technical
and economic challenges, closure is an inevitable stage in the life of any mine.
Closure in turn often comes with a variety of challenges for both
individuals and communities. From the literature, the effects of closure at
individual level manifest in psychological disorders (Slack & Jensen, 2004)
such as depression, alcoholism, disempowerment, prostitution, family stress
(Campbell, 2000; Gallo et al., 2001; Oxford et al., 2001; Hunter & Desley,
2002) and even suicide (Gibson, & Klink, 2005). At the community level,
mine closure can weaken the resilience of mine towns and complicate efforts
aimed at attaining the SDGs. Mine closure may mean the loss of businesses
and local taxes, with implications on municipal services provision. For some
towns, collapse in social services (health, education, recreation services etc.)
becomes more apparent after mine closure as infrastructure is at the peril of
vandalism and deterioration, whereas in some settlements, all such services

cease altogether (D’Silva & Norman, 2015).
Rural-urban Linkages and Post-mining Recovery

From the consequences of mine closure on individuals and communities
outlined in literature, there is no doubt that a focus on closure and post-
mining recovery is critical to the debate on the link between mining and
development. Unfortunately, as already noted, with the exception of South
Africa, there has been little debate on this subject in the context of most
African countries, including Zambia. There has been, however, a range of
studies on mine closure focused on Australia, China, the American West
and other northern regions (Andrews-Speed, 2005; Lebre and Corder,
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2015; Laurence, 2006; Peck and Sinding, 2009). While these studies deal
with a range of perspectives on mine closure, including environmental and
socioeconomic perspectives, a rural-urban perspective to addressing recovery
from mine closure remains one of the most unexplored approaches. This is
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despite the apparent potential of rural-urban linkages to spur development
(Mfune et al, 2016). As other scholars have noted before, optimal rural-urban
linkages have potential to spur growth and to alleviate poverty by facilitating
flow of resources to where they have net beneficial effects (Okkoyunlu, 2013;
Soliman, 2004). The question most important in this manuscript is whether
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or not, given this potential, rural-urban linkages can play a role in fostering
socioeconomic recovery of towns that have experienced mine closure.
Many scholars now agree that development frameworks that treat the
urban and rural areas as discrete spaces fail to appreciate the various linkages
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that exist between these spaces and as such, are often sources of inefficien-
cies and inequalities (Braun, 2007; Mfune et al, 2015). Thus, rather than
emphasizing a rural-urban dichotomy, there is now a growing call that
development strategies must be grounded in the complex realities that
characterize rural-urban relations. While the notion of rural-urban linkages
is complex and multi-dimensional, it is used in this chapter to refer to the
flow of labour; natural resources; commodities; finance ideas; information;
and the diffusion of innovation between urban and rural areas (Okpala, 2003;
Tostensen, 2004). Thus, in this context, sustainable development is premised
on the recognition, facilitation and enhancement of rural-urban linkages.
A number of works have already focused our attention on the impor-
tance of these linkages in Africa. Among them include Tostensens (2004)
who examines the debates on rural-urban linkages and implications on the
Kenyan workers in the 21st century. Similarly, Adugna and Hailemariam
(2011) focus on rural-urban linkages in Ethiopia and their importance for
socioeconomic development. In the context of Zambia, literature on rural-
urban linkages has largely been dedicated to questions of labour migrancy,
C h ap t er 9 | 183
urbanisation and the circulation of people among urban and rural areas
(Ferguson, 1990; 1994; 1996; Macmillan, 1993; Torstensen, 2004; Nchito,
2015; Potts, 2005). While these works demonstrate the critical role of rural-
urban linkages in Africa’s development, there is yet to be an explicit focus
on their role in post-mining recovery.
Methodology
The chapter is based on preliminary results from a larger ongoing study
on the role of rural-urban linkages and informality in negotiating boom
and bust cycles in Zambia’s mining towns. This chapter, in this regard, is
based on preliminary results. The larger study focuses on three regions of
Zambia – the Copperbelt, Central and Northwestern Regions. Historically,
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Zambia’s largest mines have been located in these regions. As the study
seeks to examine socioeconomic dynamics in these towns from a boom
and bust perspective, our research was designed in such a way as to include
mining towns which were at various stages in the boom and bust spectrum.
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Thus, the study considers mining towns where mining is (a) booming; (b) in
decline (or being downscaled); and (c) no longer taking place. This chapter
discusses the latter, referring to the town of Kabwe, where mining is no
longer taking place.
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Study location
In the central region, Kabwe, the largest town and headquarters of the
Central region of Zambia, provides an example of a town where large-
scale mining has ceased following closure of the mine. The town, with an
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estimated population of 221, 000 (CSO, 2017) is now making a transition

from a predominantly mining town to one with diverse livelihoods that
include farming and trading. Figure 9.1 provides the location of Kabwe.
Kabwe is not only the oldest mining town in Zambia, but also repre-
sents a typical example of a town whose emergence and development were
wholly dependent on mining. As such, the town provides typical lessons
on how a community grapples with recovery following the collapse of its
economic mainstay. In addition, as the town is mainly bordered by rural
districts (Kapiri-Mposhi, Ngabwe and Chisamba), it provides us with an
excellent platform for investigating how rural-urban linkages can provide
an alternative recovery path for a bust mining town.
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Figure 9.1: Location of Kabwe and Kasanda Township (Study Area).
Data Collection and Analysis

Data sets from three spatially differentiated locales were used in this
study. The first data set was taken from a questionnaire survey of 142 house-
holds in what was previously the largest mining township of Kabwe, the
Kasanda Mine Township. The survey sought to generate data on liveli-
hood patterns; rural-urban connections; employment; situation and other
C h ap t er 9 | 185
socioeconomic variables in the township. Prior to the closure of the mine,

the township was inhabited primarily by mine workers, who were offered
an opportunity to buy housing units following closure of the mine. Today,
besides former miners, the township is characterised by a mix of people from
varying occupational backgrounds, which include businesspersons and civil
servants. This diversity of persons allowed the study to tease out socioeco-
nomic dynamics in Kabwe from three perspectives – i.e. the perspective of
residents who worked in the mines; those who did not work in the mines
but were present at time of closure; and those who only came to Kabwe after
the closure of the mines. Further, the survey provided insights into current
livelihood patterns in the settlement and how rural-urban linkages fit in
these patterns. With the township having 1000 housing units, all arranged
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in an orderly pattern, interval sampling was used to select households to
participate in the study. While the first house was randomly selected, there-
after every fourth house was included in the study.
The second data set used in the study was derived from a survey of
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traders operating in the streets of Kabwe. In total, 50 traders participated
in this study, providing data on how their businesses were linked to rural
resources and areas. Questions that traders were asked in this survey included
the type of products or services offered to their clients; the sources of their
products; and their connection with rural areas.
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This data was then complemented by a third data set from 21 key
informant interviews with long term residents of the area; government
representatives; former miners; representatives of the vendors association;
and the local council. Key informants were asked questions mainly related
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to their social and economic experiences since the closure of Kabwe mine.
The use of these three data sets provided an important opportunity for
triangulating the results of the study. The data from the survey was mainly
analysed using descriptive statistics. Qualitative data, on the other hand, was
analysed by using a thematic analysis, which allowed the study to establish
patterns and common views on mining and rural-urban linkages among
residents of Kabwe.
The State of Mining in Kabwe

The critical role that mining has played in the development of the
town of Kabwe is well illustrated in its name, which means ‘ore’. The town
began as a mining settlement in 1902, when the Broken Hill Development
Company began mining operations following the discovery of lead and zinc
deposits. The settlement grew into Zambia’s first mining town and was first
known as Broken Hill, before its name was changed to Kabwe. The mine
operated for 92 years until 1994, when operations ceased. At its peak, the
mine was the most important player in the economy of the town and the
region. Apart from providing thousands of direct jobs, as well as supporting

downstream businesses, the company was also central to major infrastructure
development in the town, including roads, water and sewerage services,
street lighting, housing, and sport and recreation facilities. According to a
high-ranking government official that participated in the study, the town
could best be described as a mine-run town as the mine company was also
providing services which were technically the role of the municipal council
and central government.
In this regard, the town exemplifies a community where most economic
activities were tied to the life of the mine in one way or the other. Given
this situation, the unexpected closure of the mine in 1994 was a significant
shock for residents. Over a thousand direct jobs were lost all at once, while
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some businesses were forced to relocate. Economic stress experienced by
the town was compounded by the national economic restructuring poli-
cies of the 1990s, that led to the privatisation (and in some cases, closure)
of government owned companies, that could have provided employment
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alternatives for the town. Thus, both the mine closure and economic policy
shifts led to the collapse of Kabwe’s industrial fabric, reducing the once
economically vibrant town to what came to be called a ‘ghost town’.
The differences between what the town is today and what it was 25 years
ago, when the mine was still operational, can be captured from the views
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of former miners and other residents that were present during the closure
periods. Box 9.1 presents some of these views.
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Box 9.1: Respondent’s Views on Kabwe before and after miner closure
The views in box 9.1 illustrate the history of mining in the town. Before
the closure of the mine, the central province of Zambia, of which Kabwe
is its headquarters, was one of the most attractive regions for employment
seekers. Today it has the second highest youth unemployment rate in Zambia,
at ten percent (10%) (CSO, 2017). Further, despite the fact that mining at
a small-scale or artisanal level continues, the mining sector’s contribution
C h ap t er 9 | 187
to the region’s GDP is close to zero percent (0%) (CSO, 2017).

The impact of closure were also evident in the state of physical infra-
structure in Kabwe. During fieldwork, our team visited several sites which
were once run or maintained by the mine company (and gave the town its
vibrancy) but are now either in a state of dilapidation or disuse. This includes
sports and recreation facilities, roads and street lighting. Besides this, another
important legacy of the closure is the presence of a large informal sector,
and the absence of large industries with the capacity to absorb the excess
labour. Clearly, there is no doubt that what the town needs is a recovery
strategy that can help it to negotiate its current situation.
Government Responses to Mine Closure
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From interviews with former miners, representatives of the municipal
council and central government, to most actors in the town, the closure of
the mine was unexpected. What was even more unexpected (according to
one respondent), was the fast pace at which the local economy slumped.
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As there were no preparedness plans in place to mitigate the economic
effects of closure, government response to the crisis was slow. And when
interventions were put in place, they were largely based on the premise that
the recovery of Kabwe could best be triggered by fostering the growth of
‘urban based’ jobs. A former senior government official who participated
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in the study noted that
…no one was prepared for the closure, even government was not
prepared for it…what has happened is that they have now made
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the district a civil service hub and a garrison town…. Apart from
that they have been trying to re-open the mine and revamp Zambia
Railways…
As can be seen from the view of the former government officer, post-
recovery strategies focused on urban based jobs such as revamping of Zambia
Railways; re-opening of old mines; increasing civil service jobs; and turning
the town into an ‘education hub’. This focus on ‘urban jobs’ was also identified
as one of the main weaknesses in Kabwe’s recovery plans by a representative
of the Municipal Council who noted that
...we need to forget about opening the mine…in fact most residents
of the town have moved on….what we have seen is that we can turn
our town into a Centre for agro-processing as we are surrounded
by very productive agricultural districts…this town has a lot of
agricultural potential…
It is important to note that in all these attempts to spur recovery, the

town has only been successful in increasing civil service jobs and trans-
forming the town into an educational hub, with three public universities
operating in the town. While this transformation is playing an important
role in the recovery process, it has served mainly to provide opportunities
for a well-educated and highly skilled population. Thus, there remains the
question of how to absorb the excess unskilled population in Kabwe’s new
non-mining dependent economy. From the view point of the respondent
from the Municipal Council, the answer to this question seems to lie in
Kabwe turning to agriculture and creating linkages with the rural districts
that surround the town.
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Rural-Urban Linkages in Kabwe
Although Kabwe town is still associated with mining, it is clear that the
era of mining, as evidenced by the mining sector’s zero percent contribution
to the central region’s GDP, is now gone. However, from the results of this
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study, there are several reasons for arguing for a rural-urban perspective as
an alternative recovery approach. This includes (a) the fact that rural-based
resources are already a major source of growth in the central region; (b)
rural-urban linkages are already playing an important role among former
miners and other local residents; and (c) the town is evolving into a vital
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market town for surrounding rural areas, including neighbouring districts.
These factors are discussed below.
Rural resources and growth

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After over two decades of closure, it is evident that Kabwe and the entire
central province’s economy is making a painful but necessary transition from
a mining-dependent economy to a non-mineral natural resource-based
economy. Data from the central statistics office, for example, indicates that
apart from wholesale and retail trading, the sectors of agriculture, forestry
and fisheries are the most important contributors to the region’s GDP. In
fact, at the national level, the central province has a 20% share of the total
national GDP contribution from this sector (CSO, 2017). At a household
level, the role of rural-urban linkages was evidenced in the proportion of
households surveyed in the Kasanda Mine Township that relied on rural
resources and ties for their livelihoods. The study results show that nearly
30% of all households are involved in livelihood activities that included the
exchange of materials or services with rural areas. This was also evident in
the type of businesses that households were involved. Table 9.1 shows the
type of businesses in Kasanda Township.
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Table 9.1: Type of Businesses Run by Kasanda Residents.
Nature of business Proportion of respond-

ents involved in the
business ( N=99)
Trade in agricultural products 20.2%
Sell charcoal/forest products 5.1%
Trade in second hand cloths 13.1%
Fish/livestock 9.1%
Run a grocery shop 24.2%
Run a service business 18.2%
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Others 10.1%
Total 100.0%
Source: Authors
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As can be seen in Table 9.1, of the 99 residents that indicated that they
were running a business as a source of livelihood, 20.2% were trading in
agricultural products, 9.1% in fish and livestock products while 5.1% in forest
products. Combined, this represents 34.5% of respondents whose businesses
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depend on rural based resources. This includes households that own farms
in rural areas or that procure livestock, fish and agricultural products from
rural areas for resale in Kabwe. These results, which show that a third of
all respondents involved in business draw on rural resources, suggest the
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existence of rural-urban linkages in Kabwe District.
Former miners and rural urban linkages

An important feature of this study was to understand the role of
rural-urban linkages in the livelihoods of former miners as well. The study
considered this from the perspective of former miners who are still resi-
dent in the Kasanda Mine Township, and those no longer there. First, it
is important to note that whereas in 1994, Kasanda was nearly completely
inhabited by mine workers and their families, today, only a small percent-
age of the residents are former miners. It was evident from our study that
other than those former miners who may have died, the majority of former
miners have since relocated, leaving behind a township that is now home
to people of varying occupations. Former miners now make up less than
10% of the residents in the Kasanda Mine Township. From interviews with
former miners who participated in the study, following the closure of the
mines and the subsequent loss of jobs, most miners left the mine township
in search of jobs in other places, or went back to their villages. An earlier
study by Makampi (2001) showed that 10% of the former miners and their
families migrated to rural parts of Kabwe. 50% left for other districts (which
include rural areas), and 40% remained in urban Kabwe (Figure 9.2).
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Figure 9.2: Destination of former miners after mine closure
While Figure 9.2 shows that 40% of former miners remained in urban
Kabwe, it is important to note here that our study found that quite a large
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number of miners that remained have settled in the nearby informal settle-
ment called Makululu. At the time the mine was operating, this was one of
the receiving nodes of rural migrants seeking job opportunities in the mine
and other industries. According to some of the former miners interviewed
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in the study, the number of former miners in Makululu is larger than that
of Kasanda. This is primarily because some of the former miners decided
to rent out their houses in Kasanda and turned to Makululu for alternative
housing (see Figure 9.1 for the location of Kasanda and Makululu). During
fieldwork, we located five former miners in Makululu settlement. The set-
tlement reflects a complex mix of rural and urban features, including its
livelihood systems. Among the rural type of livelihoods in which former
miners are involved include farming and trade in rural based resources such
livestock, fish and forest products.
The importance of rural – urban linkages among former miners can also
be seen by looking at what happened to the families of the deceased former
miners. Mankampi (2001) found that 50% of the families of the deceased
former miners moved to the surrounding rural areas of Kabwe, with only
25% remaining in the town (Figure 9.3).
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Figure 9.3: Destinations of families of deceased former miners
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The results of this study, together with Makampi’s (2001) findings,
demonstrate the crucial role of rural-urban linkages among former miners.
Turning to rural options as a response to mine decline or closure is not
without precedence in Zambia’s mining towns. Ferguson (1999) for example,
observed that migrants to the Copperbelt region never became permanently
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urbanised, contrary to studies that imagined a transformation system in
which migrants became permanently urbanised and proletarianized work-
ers. Instead some individuals maintained rural based livelihoods as a way
of responding to economic changes on the Copperbelt. Ferguson (1999)
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called such individuals localists. Localists are those with strong links to the
rural areas, visiting their home village often and investing to maintain a
position there, listen to local music of their home area and speak the local
language of their home area. As such, localists are better able to negotiate
the downturns in the urban economy (Ferguson, 1999) such as job losses in
the mining sector. Similarly, Potts (2005) observed that following a slump in
mining in the 1990s that led to huge job losses, the Copperbelt region was
de-urbanising, as former miners turned to rural ties in an unprecedented
urban to rural migratory trend in the country. Given what was observed in
this study and what Ferguson and Potts show, it is evident that exploiting
rural urban linkages have long been part of strategies utilised by miners to
survive boom and bust mine cycles.
Market Functions and Rural-Urban Linkages

An important feature of Kabwe that is critical to its recovery is the fact
that the town is well-linked to its surrounding rural areas and other parts
of the country both by rail and road (see Figure 9.2).
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Figure 9.4: Road and Rail Connections between Kabwe Urban and Surrounding Rural
Areas
As can be seen in Figure 9.4, Kabwe town is surrounded by a large hin-

terland and is also bordered by three other districts (Chibombo, Chisamba
and Kapiri-Mposhi). These three districts are among the leading farming
areas in the Central Region of Zambia. In this regard, because of its centrality
and railway link, the town of Kabwe is emerging as an important player in
the trade and transportation of farm products, as well as a service centre for
the surrounding rural areas. In addition, the presence of a large civil service,
military garrison and training institutions all contribute to demand for rural
products such as vegetables, fruit and charcoal.
The trading sector, however, is largely informal attracting players from
both rural and urban areas. As such, there is no better sector where rural-
urban linkages are better exemplified. Data collected among informal sector
C h ap t er 9 | 193
actors showed that most of the informal traders had connections with rural
areas, either through the selling of goods with rural origins, or by way of
obtaining inputs for their businesses from rural areas. Fifty three percent
(53%) traded in products sourced from rural areas. Over a third (38%) of
the traders were migrants from rural areas (Table 9.2) – most of whom were
trading in rural based products such as vegetables, fish, meat, maize and
furniture. About 42.5% of these migrants have maintained ties with their
rural kin in the form of periodic visitation to rural areas, phone calls, and
sending money including providing agricultural inputs. While the remain-
ing 57.5% noted that they do not communicate or visit the rural relatives,
with some claiming that they no longer have relatives in rural areas, their
business is nonetheless linked to rural areas.
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Table 9.2: Migrant informal trader at Kabwe’s Kasanda new market and Freedom
way
Rural
Urban
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Migrated from
14
23
Frequency Percent-
age
37.84%
62.16%
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Grand Total 37 100.00%
Source: Field data, 2017.
Factors limiting the exploitation of a rural-urban perspective

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While rural-urban linkages are highly evident in Kabwe, in the past

there have been no major efforts aimed at deliberately strengthening these
linkages as part of a post-mining recovery strategy. A notable feature of the
recovery planning process is that mine closure was primarily treated as an
urban problem, and hence dealt with as though Kabwe urban was autono-
mous of its hinterland. Thus rural-urban linkages remain poorly discussed
in Kabwe’s municipal plans. As such, there is no clearly defined institutional
framework to guide interactions between rural and urban actors. This is criti-
cal to the facilitation of the flow of information, ideas, investments and goods
between these areas. This, however, is not unique to Kabwe. In general, in
many countries, rural-urban linkages have remained unsupported by policy
frameworks and thus continue to be weak (Adugna and Hailemariam 2011).
Without a comprehensive rural-urban policy framework, the study
observed a range of factors limiting the potential of rural-urban linkages
to contribute to the recovery of the town. These manifest in hurdles that
complicate the easy flow of goods between rural areas and the town; inad-
equate attention to infrastructure for rural traders (such as trading facilities);
and a lack of incentives for business that provide linkages. Interviews with
rural actors who periodically visit urban Kabwe for trade, noted that they
face hurdles in the transportation of goods to the market place. Among
these hurdles include frequent council and police checkpoints. While some
checkpoints are aimed at ensuring that traders comply with local and cen-
tral government taxes and levies, they frequently turn into harassments,
particularly when bribes are solicited. Rural transporters and traders who
rely on their own vehicles in particular, are often targeted by traffic police.
Another hurdle cited by rural traders is inadequate access to information,
especially that related to markets, prices and sometimes to changes in local
levies. Indeed, during interviews with some of the rural traders who bring
agricultural products to sell in town, a lack of information was consistently
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cited as an impediment to their trade. For example, one of the respondents
noted that they were often unaware of price changes at markets where they
supply goods, frequently resulting in economic loss. Often, this leaves rural
traders open to exploitation by ‘middlemen’, who purchase products at lower
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prices and sell them at markets with favourable prices.
In terms of trading facilities, the study found that the municipal council
does not provide any market facilities for rural traders, or indeed for park-
ing their oxcarts, a form of transport commonly used by farmers in rural
Kabwe. These are treated as almost invisible elements of the city and have
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no place in the local policies of the municipal authority. Again, this has left
rural-traders who require trading and storage facilities open to exploitation
by informal middlemen, who fill the infrastructure gap by providing trading
space and storage facilities.
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Exploiting the Rural-Urban Linkages Perspective

From the results and discussion in the preceding section, it is clear that
to optimally exploit a rural-urban perspective and build a resilient com-
munity (as articulated in SDG 11), Kabwe needs to start by developing
a rural-urban linkages policy framework that does not view urban Kabwe
as autonomous of its surrounding rural areas. Such a framework needs to
be grounded in the realities of Kabwe; and must be informed by a critical
assessment of existing linkages, weaknesses and opportunities for linkages.
More crucially, a rural-urban linkages perspective must focus attention on
the importance of infrastructure that facilitates rural-urban linkages. This
means that the municipal council must play a role in providing markets,
parking spaces and even water and sanitation facilities for rural actors who
are periodic visitors to urban Kabwe. The importance of such infrastructure
was well exemplified in the study by the role of the street vendors asso-
ciation, an organisation whose membership is drawn from street traders.
The organisation is involved in the allocation of space to rural traders (as
C h ap t er 9 | 195
important suppliers to vendors) where trucks or ox carts carrying agricultural

produce can be offloaded. For central government, investing in rural-urban
linkage infrastructure can improve productivity and efficiency in production
processes. This includes irrigation infrastructure, veterinary infrastructure
and transportation infrastructure.
Another area that we recommend policy focus on, are incentives for
stimulating the private sector’s participation in the enhancement of rural-
urban linkages. This includes a re-examination of local taxes and levies, the
use of subsidies and relief for those seeking to invest in areas such as agro-
processing, or the manufacturing of agricultural inputs such as fertiliser.
From our research, it is evident that there is great potential for development
of such agro-industries which would play an important role in absorbing
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the excess labour that now makes up part of the huge informal sector in
Kabwe. More crucially, the easy access to major national and international
transportation routes and a growing population provides a good opportunity
for growing such a sector.
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In order to draw on a rural-urban perspective, it is also important to pay
attention to the informality that characterizes most linkages in Kabwe. Here,
it is critical to recognize the crucial role of the informal sector in facilitating
the flow of goods and services; and in providing informal jobs to both rural
and urban dwellers. During the study, some form of antagonism towards the
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informal sector by both local and central government representatives was
observed. At the time of the study, one of the media outlets in the country
had just published a story in which the municipal authority was quoted as
planning to restrict trading hours for street vendors. Among the reasons
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cited for restrictions included the fact that vendors were a major source of
waste on the street and that some were trading in very unhygienic condi-
tions. In our view, the problems cited can be overcome and point to what
has already been discussed in the preceding sections: a lack of infrastruc-
ture such as toilets, trading spaces and other facilities necessary to foster
rural-urban trade at this level. In this chapter’s view, there is need for the
municipal councils to go beyond the informal’ and ‘formal’ trader dichotomy
in their treatment of both rural and urban traders. Municipal authorities
need to integrate such informal actors in their local economic development
strategies; and develop policies that support the growth of these actors into
vibrant businesses that provide decent jobs and contribute to the local tax
base. It is important to note here, that this may also require development
of skills training programmes, especially on business skills; the, facilitation
of appropriate credit schemes; and the development of linkages between
the informal and formal business sectors.
Another aspect of informality that needs re-examination is the role of
‘middlemen’ in facilitating rural-urban linkages. Although, as earlier noted,
middlemen often exploit rural actors, they nevertheless play an important

role in connecting rural and urban business actors. For example, other than
simply acting as brokers, the study found that in some cases, middle-men
also run ‘informal’ credit schemes, supplying inputs such as seed, fertilizers,
pesticides, and herbicides during the farming and market seasons. Farmers
are able to repay the loan by selling their produce to these middlemen, for
resale in urban centres. Further, as earlier discussed, middlemen also play
an important role in providing storage facilities and packaging materials for
farmers who come to sell their produce in the town. The role of middlemen
thus needs attention in local development plans or strategies. Formalizing
their role, for example through licensing or permits, enhancing their skills
(e.g. as brokers) and developing codes of practice can make relationships
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between middlemen and rural farmers less exploitative.
Conclusions
Despite the fact that most African countries, including Zambia, are
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highly dependent on minerals and mining, making them highly suscepti-
ble to boom and bust cycles associated with a dependence on commodity
production and trading, there have been very little discussions on how to
negotiate mine closure from a socioeconomic recovery perspective. The case
studied in this chapter is highly illustrative of this vulnerability, and dem-
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onstrates the need for mine dependent communities, towns and countries
to factor in post-mining recovery plans in the development of the mining
sector. This is particularly important at a time when the SDGs have helped
in highlighting the importance of developing sustainable and resilient human
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settlements (SDG 11). It is crucial to note that achieving such a goal requires
the identification of approaches with the potential to both stimulate the
recovery of settlements facing economic decline, as well as buffer against
that decline. The purpose of this chapter was to highlight the potential of
policy focus on rural-urban linkages in negotiating socioeconomic recovery
following mine closure.
While the case study in this chapter shows that rural-urban linkages
are already playing an important role in the livelihoods of both former
miners and other residents of the town of Kabwe, there are a number of
factors that limit the potential of these linkages in contributing to the town’s
recovery process. Among them include the lack of a comprehensive rural-
urban linkage strategy. As demonstrated in the chapter, the study shows
that government interventions aimed at fostering socioeconomic recovery
have been narrowly focused on stimulating ‘urban jobs’ and treating Kabwe
urban as autonomous from its surrounding rural-areas. Without a rural-
urban linkage strategy, and with such an urban bias, the recovery process is
yet to significantly benefit from a deliberate focus on rural-urban linkages.
C h ap t er 9 | 197
Currently, rural-urban linkages in Kabwe are characterised by informality,

which in turn attracts antagonism from city authorities. We argue that the
municipal authorities must consider developing rural-urban linkages in
achieving SDG-11. Strategies that pay attention to the role of the informal
sector; develop mechanisms to facilitate the flow of goods and services; pro-
vide infrastructure to facilitate rural-urban linkage; and develop appropriate
incentives for businesses that enhance rural-urban linkages are recommended.
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Chapter 10
Social Enterprises and Social Change: The Role of
Higher Education in Rural and Urban Development
Jackline Nyerere
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Background
T he population of a country is divided into ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ according

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to particular features such as settlements and the sector in which they
earn their living (Akkoyunlu 2013:7). These are, therefore, associated with the
opportunities available to the two continuums, firm and farm employment
opportunities for urban and rural communities respectively. The distinction
between the segments follows the ‘rural/agricultural/natural resources’ sector
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and the ‘urban/manufacturing and services/infrastructure’ sector believed to or
providing better quality jobs and access to quality basic facilities health and
education. There is no doubt that modern economic models are bringing
prosperity to developing and emerging market countries. They are however
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also leading to growing inequalities in the distribution of wealth among

populations. Statistics are provided segregating the urban (usually the less
affected) and the rural (mostly the most affected) segments of society which
misses the important linkages that exist between rural and urban activities.
The role of university education in enhancing these linkages is also largely
ignored and often times under-utilized.
Mobility and rural-urban migrations are both important parts of liveli-
hood strategies and have always been integral parts of economic development
policies. This view encouraged rural-urban migration which prevailed
throughout the 1950s and 1960s but later became undesirable when the
migrations became a cause of growing urban poverty (Satterthwaite and
Tacoli 2003:29; Harris and Todaro 1970:137). In 2014 the United-Nations
estimated the urban population at 3.9 billion. This is expected to grow to
6.4 billion people residing in urban areas by 2050. Expectedly, this increase
will put even more pressure on energy consumption and urban emissions
which will not only affect the urban population but also the rural population
(Shalizi 2007:119). This confirms that the two segments (urban and rural)
Ch ap t er 10 | 201
are interrelated yet they have traditionally been treated as separate from each
other. A lot of challenges including issues of population and environment
have been left unaddressed because the two segments of society are treated
distinctly. Oucho (1986:84) put this into perspective in the report of the
world commission on environment and development ‘our common future’.
In the report, Oucho says that since 1970, a distinction has been drawn
between population and environment seen as two crises areas. The author
emphasises that that population is in fact an integral part of the environment
(Oucho,1986:84) and thus the rural and urban populations should be seen
as equally affecting and affected by the environment.
Besides, but closely related to environmental concerns are issues of
poverty and access to resources in Africa. Millions of people are deprived
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of economic opportunities, lack access to employment, fair employment and
reasonable wages, as well as lack access to basic services. According to (Alkire
et al. 2014), 76% of the extreme poor live in rural areas but the problem of
poverty does not only affect the rural continuum. The UN global monitoring
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report of 2013 for instance estimates, the urban population that is poor at
11.6%. Urban poverty has already started to be experienced due to pressure
on limited resources in Africa, lack of sufficient quality employment and
underemployment of many of the urban dwellers. Recent efforts are now
aimed at creating a balance between the migrations that would allow the
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cities sufficient manpower, but which should not lead to urban poverty. The
efforts are aimed at creating a balance and utilizing mobility for economic
gain for all populations - urban and rural. But some of the questions that
arise include: How can this balance be achieved? And is there a role that
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university education can play in creating this balance? Answers to the ques-
tions lie in the push and pull factors involved in rural-urban migrations. The
push factors to urban areas which attract the highest number are improved
job opportunities. People move from rural to urban areas where there are
non-farm investments which provide better quality jobs, and to have access
to quality education and healthcare as well as general infrastructure. In
some cases, there are push factors causing migrations from urban to rural
areas. These include high cost of living in urban areas for those who do not
access jobs or well-paying jobs. The pull factors to rural areas thus include
cheaper cost of living, as well as psychosocial support while the push factors
are drought and lack of income (Bhatta 2010:19).
It is no surprise therefore that territorial development policies are tar-
geting the reduction of disparities, the promotion of conditions favourable
to endogenous development, and a better balance between urban and rural
areas (OECD 2017). Efforts to create a balance between rural and urban
segments of society have however been following a short-term and unsustain-
able approaches. They often lack the potential and resources for high impact
and sustainability and fail to install local capacities to support communities

at risk of social and economic exclusion over the long term. According to
OECD (2017), unsustainable patterns result from ignoring large differences
among territories advising the need for change in the organisation of cities
and regions, in the management of their natural resources to achieve sustain-
able development. On the other hand, it has been established that quality
and relevant education can be a major agent that can bring about sustainable
change by addressing problems that countries and institutions have been
grappling with (Rosalyn, Hopkins, Rizzi and Chrystalbridge 2012:14).
As Rosalyn et al. (2012:9) put it in the Education for Sustainable Devel-
opment (ESD) Toolkit, sustainable development refers to ‘new technologies
and new ways of doing business, which allow us to improve quality of life
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today in all economic, environmental, and social dimensions, without impair-
ing the ability of future generations to enjoy quality of life and opportunity at
least as good as ours’. The role of education is certainly central to improving
quality of life as it holds both individual and national implications. Edu-
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cation ‘raises the economic status of families; it improves life conditions,
lowers infant mortality, and improves the educational attainment of the
next generation, thereby raising the next generation’s chances for economic
and social well-being’ (Rosalyn et al. 2012:13). Some of the education led
solutions that have been floated include youth skills development to match
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the labour market demands as well as the realities of the 21st century- char-
acterised by globalisation, increased competition for scarce resources, and
labour markets dynamism triggered by rapid technological changes. Past
efforts by universities to provide access to employability skills and access
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to livelihoods have however not been deep enough in targeting the push
and pull factors that are tipping the elusive balance to bring about social
change. Universities have been accused of failing to effectively focus their
curriculum on social enterprises development that would improve the quality
of life of all populations - rural and urban in a financially, environmentally
and socially sustainable way (Latham 2016).
Social problems and issues related with sustainability triggered thinking
on social entrepreneurship from the 1970s. The actual term “social entre-
preneur” was coined by Joseph Banks in 1972 describing the need to use
managerial skills to address social problems as well as to address business
challenges (El Ebrashi 2013). Social entrepreneurship practices emerged
in the 1980s. El Ebrashi (2013) describes part of the social entrepreneur-
ship as the process involving discovery of opportunities to eliminate social
and institutional barriers to distributional equity; experimentation of ideas;
establishment of innovative social organisations; as well as working to achieve
the social outcomes and impact envisioned. A social enterprise is deter-
mined by its ability to create social impact and its success is measured using
Ch ap t er 10 | 203
sustainable social change as opposed to profitability measure of business

entrepreneurship. (Young 2006:70.
Recognizing the fact that most people living in poverty are in rural areas
(Alkire et al. 2014), the university can target these communities through
social enterprises training to bridge the rift that exists between urban and
rural areas. A social enterprise is an organization or business which uses
commercial strategies for the benefit of society or the environment while
making a profit. Social enterprises are able to achieve triple outcomes of
profitability, societal impact and environmental sustainability simultane-
ously because of their structure and constitution, (Global Entrepreneurship
Monitor 2006:4). El Ebrashi puts this to perspective in his 2013 publication
noting that social entrepreneurship theory is a factor for social development
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just as entrepreneurship theory is a factor for economic growth.
Traditional businesses have existed and made profits along the way but
have neglected to pay attention to the social and environmental impacts of
their activities. Traditional business owners, non-profit organisations and
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even governments across the world have now realized that social entre-
preneurship holds promise for helping alleviate many of the world’s most
pressing problems in ways that cannot be accomplished through business
entrepreneurship. Social and environmental impacts are critical in sustain-
ing populations both rural and urban and social enterprises are ideal in
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responding societal problems as they mix multi-stakeholder, co-operative, and
charitable business models in achieving social mission (Ridly-Duff 2015:98).
Social enterprises are seen as drivers of transformation in society by
targeting unjust and unsustainable systems, transforming them into superior
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and sustainable equilibria (Martin and Osberg 2015:4). Martin and Osberg
describe these leaders as disrupters, visionaries, or change makers who can
develop, build, and scale their solutions to make the world a fairer and better
place. According to Martin and Osberg, there are four key stages involved
in social enterprise development: understanding the world; envisioning a
new future; building a model for change; and scaling the solution to create
sustainable impact.
This paper is based on review of literature. It seeks to contribute to
understanding of the phenomena of social entrepreneurship and the role
of university education in bring about social change through training of
social entrepreneurs. The typology of social enterprises skills development
has been developed detailing the central role of universities in preparing
social entrepreneurs - see figure 10.1 below.
Figure 10.1: Typology of higher education and rural-urban linkage through social entre-
preneurship skills development
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Methodology
This paper is informed by review of relevant literature and triangulation
of data from various secondary sources nationally, regionally and globally.
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Data were collected through review of regional and continental priorities,
documents and reports, research papers, and documents of various interna-
tional agencies like World Bank, UNESCO, NCCR, and OECD.
Objectives of the Review

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The objective of the review was to explore the available opportunities
and prospects for social enterprises skills development, and the role the
university has or can play in the rural and urban development. The review
also analysed interventions that have been used to develop social enterprises
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skills in select countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Review Methodology
A web-based search was conducted to identify any published studies on
social enterprises skills development, with a focus in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Only articles, reports and policy documents in English were retrieved. News
articles reporting on interventions on social enterprise skills development
were also identified retrieved. The search terms used were key words and
phrases including ‘social enterprises’, ‘skills development’, ‘Sub-Saharan
Africa’, among others. This review therefore focused on the existing reports,
policy documents supporting transferable skills development in the selected
countries, and publications on social enterprise skills and skill development
in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Policies Supporting Entrepreneurship and Social Equity in Africa

The university plays a role as an instrument of social change and social
development which could be harnessed to create and enhance the link
Ch ap t er 10 | 205
between rural and urban segments. Universities can contribute to social

change by shifting their focus in training to influence social change through,
among other things, incorporating social enterprises training and practices
in line with the global, regional and national development agenda. This can
be realized through a mix of theory, internship and business incubations
aimed at promoting social entrepreneurship. Globally, SDG 2030 seeks to
enhance quality education and relevant skills development that promotes
entrepreneurship. At the regional level, agenda 2063 seeks to enhance the
socioeconomic transformation of the African continent over the next 50 years
through education among other initiatives. Majority of African countries’
economic blue prints equally aim to alleviate poverty, through among other
initiatives, investment in quality education, entrepreneurship skills develop-
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ment, and infrastructure development beyond cities as has been the case
traditionally. The national visions or national economic blue prints of all the
ESDA participating countries, to mention but a few, resonate with the global
and continental visions in promoting entrepreneurship through provision of
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education. The goal of Kenya’s Vision 2030 for instance is the development
of a middle-income country in which all citizens embrace entrepreneurship
and innovation. Through vision 2030, the Government of Kenya expresses
commitment to creating an education and training environment that equips
learners with values, knowledge, skills and competencies, that will develop
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all citizens’ full capacity so as to live and work in dignity (Republic of Kenya
- RoK 2007:20). It is notable that social values have also been emphasised
beyond academic knowledge and skills. This commitment, coupled with
goal to expand infrastructure development throughout the country, speaks
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to the need to alleviate poverty in both rural and urban spaces.

In Ghana, Education and entrepreneurship skills development are
touted as key to poverty alleviation for all populations though social entre-
preneurship is not expressly stated in the strategy. The country, in her
‘poverty reduction strategy paper (2000-2002), defines poverty as an unac-
ceptable physiological and social deprivation that is caused or exasperated
largely by lack of education, entrepreneurial abilities and poor quality of
life (International Monetary Fund 2003:3). It is estimated that a third of
Ghanaians live below the poverty line with some 7% in hard – core poverty
(Republic of Ghana - RoG 1995). And that these conditions, according to
RoG (1995), are worse in rural compared to urban areas. Without relevant
intervention through education and social entrepreneurship skills develop-
ment, thus, Ghana recognizes that the social and material dimensions of
poor quality of life would continue to affect those in the rural areas more.
Nigeria, on her part, seeks to enhance employment through entrepre-
neurship skills development that emphasizes social aspects (Federal Republic
of Nigeria - FRON 2009:38). Through her vision 20:2020, the country seeks
to consolidate the existing skills and entrepreneurship development agen-

cies to form Skills for Enterprise and Employment Programme (FRON
2009:38). In Nigeria, as is the case with several countries across Africa, these
efforts are stretching beyond university education to middle level colleges
and even to secondary school levels. Nigeria’s Senior Secondary School Cur-
riculum is one such notable program that has integrated entrepreneurship
subject since 2011 (Ford Foundation and Dalberg 2014:2).
South Africa’s national development plan (2030) on the other hand
expresses the need to respond to economic dynamics by spreading productive
activity, entrepreneurship, work and consumption to less congested places
(Republic of South Africa - RoSA 2030:114). The plan, ‘Our future - make
it work’ recognizes that ‘improving standards of education; better support
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for entrepreneurs; and a focus on career mobility, workplace training and
financial inclusion are ways to deal with these structural weaknesses’ (RoSA
2030:114) marked by inequalities. The Plan expressly urges training colleges
to introduce entrepreneurship training to help address the inequalities in
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employment and social exclusion.
The range of national, global and continental policies highlighted above
suggest that the recognition of the important need for entrepreneurship
and social equity are anchored in various policies. Policy making touching
on education and relevant training to respond to development needs is
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emphasized especially at national levels which sets stage for universities to
develop relevant curriculum. Whereas at the national level, and as is expected,
policies and national blue prints provide a roadmap for entrepreneurship
and education for social equity, the universities are challenged in coming
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up with institutional level policies interpreting the needs and expectation of

each country in their training of social entrepreneurs. Majority of universi-
ties have heeded the call to introduce entrepreneurship courses in various
forms, but a gap still exists in linking these efforts to social entrepreneurship.
No clear deliberate efforts have been reported in universities across Africa
to train social entrepreneurs through regular undergraduate programs yet.
The nexus between university education and social enterprises is,
undoubtedly, important for promoting rural-urban linkages. Borrowing
from Meadow’s assertion in her book, The Global Citizen, rural-urban linkages
can be achieved by only refocusing our goals and reorienting universities
curriculum to further sustainability through introducing social entrepreneur-
ship training. This would not require complete restructuring but tuning the
already available entrepreneurship training to take into account social and
environmental aspects.
[T]he most effective way you can intervene in a system is to shift its
goals. You don’t need to fire everyone, or replace all the machinery,
Ch ap t er 10 | 207
or spend more money, or even make new laws if you can just change
the goals of the feedback loops. Then all the old people, machinery,
money, and laws will start serving new functions, falling into new
configurations, behaving in new ways, and producing new results
(Meadows 1991:250.)
How Higher Education in Africa is Contributing to Rural and Urban Poverty

Rural-urban migration is influenced by unemployment and underdevel-
opment experienced at different levels in the rural areas (Hope 2012:222).
Africa bears the higher burden of youth unemployment and underemploy-
ment which seems to get worse (Ighobor 2013), and consequently higher
levels of rural-urban migration over time. This migration trend widens the
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economic gap between rural and urban spaces as well as create urban poverty.
High poverty levels remain after several years of African self-governance,
and still the inequalities between rural and urban segments remain (Gary,
Becker, Philipson and Soares 2005:282). It can be concluded that even
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though the problem of social inequality and inequity is quite well understood
and efforts are being put in place by universities and other sectors to address
it, education is still oriented to promoting values of an urban, competitive
consumer society. For instance, universities in Africa have, in the last five
decades, produced professionals and technocrats who have excelled in their
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fields at the national and international levels (Hepsiba, Subhashini, Raju
and Rao 2016). A lot of emphasis has however been placed in education
for white collar jobs. Efforts to comprehensively address societal problems
have not been sufficient. Many a time, the question on the minds of leaders
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especially in Africa today is the extent to which education is geared towards

providing employment and not as to whether it is providing modern tech-
nology for the benefit of the poor and deprived people in both rural and
urban spaces. As illustrated by the Brookings Institution, leaders are more
concerned with urban industrial growth as they feel that manufacturing is
closely associated with employment-intensive growth (Page, 2013). This is
certainly adding to congestion in urban areas, exerting pressure on avail-
able resources, fuelling urban poverty and perpetuating the inequalities that
already exist between rural and urban spaces. Figure 10.2 shows the link
between higher education and rural-urban balance.
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Figure 10.2: Typology of higher education contributions to rural-urban linkages
Relevant education that emphasizes innovations and social enterprises

can address the imbalance (Simelane 2012:245). The need for quality and
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relevant education that addresses youth unemployment and access to liveli-
hoods has been underscored in the global and national development agenda.
The problem however lies in the fact that university education in Africa
today, even though capable of bringing social equity, is largely allocated
a conservative role, that of socialization of the young and skills training
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(Patil 2012:205). As Patil (2012:205) puts it, ‘during times of rapid social
change, such as the second half of the 20th century, the role of education
in the service of the nation is emphasized’. In better economic times, more
experimentation with education is supported, and more idealistic goals are
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pursued, such as equity of educational opportunity. It can be argued that

many parts of sub-Saharan African Africa are yet to experience ‘better
economic times’ which could explain the lack of experimentation or low
innovations in education provision. Universities on the continent should
however not be excused from ideological and moral spheres, that is, playing
a leading role to bring social change and equity (Patil 2012:205). Education
can bring about a change in the pattern of social relationships and thereby it
may cause social changes including the urban-rural spaces, yet universities
have been slower in recognizing the important role they can play in their
communities. It can improve the rural-urban linkages through enhance-
ment of social enterprises considering that social change takes place as a
response to many types of changes that take place in the social and non-
social environment (Patil, 2012:205). Universities have however often failed
to practice corporate social responsibility reinforcing the popular stereotype
of universities as ‘ivory towers’ (Smith 2014).
Ch ap t er 10 | 209
Higher Education and Rural-urban Linkages

Today, society and more specifically the African continent is demand-
ing changes ranging from better governance; the alleviation of poverty
through improvement of rural-urban linkages so as to accelerate inclusive
growth, expand employment, and thus serve the poor (von Braun 2007:1).
In response to the need for new approaches to tackle poverty and social
inequality in Africa, some organisations are already investing on diverse
initiatives including providing social enterprise skills development. Bertha’s
2016 African Investing for Impact Barometer confirms that investments
seeking to combine financial returns with positive social, environmental
and/or governance outcomes are gaining traction on the African continent
(Bertha Foundation 2016:1). Up to $350 billion has been committed for
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impact strategies across nine countries in Africa according to the Impact
Barometer out of which close to half of the funds invested in Sub-Saharan
Africa are targeted at bringing social equity.
Micro and subsistence enterprises training that have in-built social
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entrepreneurial skills have been found to have the potential to cascade
wealth to the broader society both rural and urban without compromising
the environment (Latham 2016). Universities are at a position to foster
social equity by refocusing their curriculum to entrepreneurship education
and research which leads to social well-being of all populations, ensures
O
financial sustainability, and cares for the environment - social entrepreneur-
ship (Dell 2016).
There certainly are efforts at various levels to develop and encourage
entrepreneurship as a means of diversifying access to livelihoods. There
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is evidence also that universities have developed and continue to develop

and review their curricula to include areas like entrepreneurship, and to
incorporate aspects of transferable skills (The shift to skills development
to enhance employability by combining technical and life skills) either as
stand-alone subjects or integrating them into regular professional and tech-
nical subjects. These approaches have however not borne the desired fruits
and an appropriate solution has not been realized yet. It can be argued that
the focus of education has not fully encompassed the two issues, relevance
and quality that would lead not just to employability but to social change
through equity and access to modern technology (Collet, Hine and Plessis
2015:552). Also, it is only recent that countable universities across Africa
started to truly nurture business ideas through establishment of business
incubation centres. The centres are nascent and not much has been reported
on their achievement. It is not clear also whether and the extent to which
these incubation centres are incorporating aspects of sustainability through
nurturing of social entrepreneurs.
Prof. Mthembu1 in his interview for the University World News in

September 2016, also noted other problems with traditional universities
offering entrepreneurship programs. He noted that universities offering
entrepreneurship courses often focus on postgraduate MBAs which in most
cases produce ‘intrapreneurs’ (those who drive innovations within their
existing companies). In his interview, Prof. Mthembu recommended that
universities should strive to infuse entrepreneurial pedagogy into all aspects of
teaching and learning while students are in their early years at the university.
The challenge with introducing entrepreneurship training at postgraduate
level, according to Prof. Mthembu, is also that by then students’ entrepre-
neurial spirit is somewhat dimmed and therefore not inclined towards
entrepreneurship adventures yet universities are best suited to produce the
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next generation entrepreneurs (Dell 2016). UNESCO (1998:49, 56) too
urges greater efforts to strengthen the contribution of higher education to
innovation that would lead to uplifting of local communities by ensuring
social cultural and economic development, social change as well as rural-
O
urban linkages through incubation and social enterprise training. This is
supported by Smith (2014) who also advises that universities should promote
common interests, values and aspirations across communities including
rural and urban. According to Smith, universities can offer students more
exposure to social enterprise training that provides students and graduates
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with the opportunity to develop enterprise skills which can be applied in
both rural and urban spaces to bridge the gap that exists between the two
societies. They should enable interaction with and be able to offer solutions
to local issues and work closely with the rural communities (Smith, 2014).
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Ways in Which Universities are ‘Involved’ in Social Enterprise Skills Devel-

opment in Africa
Whereas the efforts by and successes of universities to train and nurture
social entrepreneurs have not been widely reported on the continent, there
are initiatives spearheaded by non-governmental organisations who are
working with universities to develop social enterprise skills in Africa. Many
of these organisations are either collaborating with industry or academic
institutions in Africa to train their staff, or individuals and groups that have
demonstrated willingness and ability to develop social enterprises. Some of
the key organisations highlighted in this paper include; Centre for African
Entrepreneurship and Leadership, East Africa Social Enterprise Network,
1. Prof Thandwa Mthembu, the then Vice-Chancellor of the Central University of Tech-

nology, Free State - South Africa and now Vice Chancellor, Durban University of
Technology was interviewed for the University World news in September 2016.
Ch ap t er 10 | 211
West Africa Social Entrepreneurs Network, INSEAD Social Entrepreneur-

ship Program, South African Technology Network, and Bertha Centre for
Social Innovation and Entrepreneurship.
Centre for African Entrepreneurship and Leadership

The Centre for African Entrepreneurship and Leadership (CAEL)
launched in November 2015, leads multi-agency partnerships involving
higher education institutions, governments, parastatals, and donor agencies
to address socioeconomic disparities through knowledge transfer. The Centre
coordinates capacity building activities that focus on social entrepreneurship
and leadership and provides opportunity for evidenced-based research and
policy for Africa. Effectively, CAEL serves the wider African communities in
F
a program of Africa-based entrepreneurship, connecting groups and institu-
tions with faculties and business support units within the University for the
purpose of developing sustainable schemes for SMEs growth, graduate and
youth employment and women empowerment. As of 2016, the knowledge
O
transfer through entrepreneurship training had impacted approximately
150 participants mostly from Nigeria (CAEL 2016:2).
East Africa Social Enterprise Network

The East Africa Social Enterprise (EASEN) is a project that aims to
O
promote social enterprise approach in addressing development priorities in
Ethiopia and Kenya. The project, which is financed by the European Union,
is designed to support underserved populations to access education, social
protection, and jobs for inclusive and sustainable human development. Like
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CAEL, EASEN utilises a partnership model between educational institu-

tions - universities and TVET institutions in East Africa and Europe to
build capacities of a range of social enterprise intermediaries who include
educational institutions, business support providers, and civil society organi-
sations. The project targets skills that would lead to social enterprises for
employability and job creation. It utilizes in-country, regional, and global
networks to provide learning opportunities as well as to support the iden-
tification of new markets for social enterprises in East Africa.
West Africa Social Entrepreneurs Network

West Africa Social Entrepreneurs Network (WASEN) seeks to bring
together social entrepreneurs and enterprises focusing on issues of poverty,
inequality and good governance to achieve meaningful and measurable
impact in the region. The Network seeks to reverse the youth unemploy-
ment trend through appropriate research, quality training and the relevant
mentorship programs that respond to the needs of entrepreneurial devel-
opment of young people in West Africa. It brings together a community
of African Entrepreneurs devoted to decreasing youth unemployment by

empowering job seekers to become job creators (Amadou 2016). Currently
based in Ghana, the network boasts 300 start-ups, SMEs and social enter-
prises as its members. Citing limited regional and continental integration as
a hinderance to Africa’s growth, Amadou (2016) encourages formation of
African Social Entrepreneurs Network (ASEN) to foster the decentralized
but coordinated development of social entrepreneurship, social enterprises,
SMEs and the African Social Economy. If realized, this would bring together
all regional networks Southern, East, West, Central, and North Africa Social
Entrepreneurs Networks to work towards a common goal.
INSEAD Social Entrepreneurs hip Programme
F
INSEAD believes that the growth of high-impact social ventures arises
when collaborations are optimally utilized. The program roots for collabora-
tion with companies, investors and public sector, all of whom strive to create
a sustainable positive difference. This program is limited to entrepreneurs
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and executives from companies or organisations involved in furthering social
equity - those whose businesses focus on social entrepreneurial activities.
Participants are drawn both from for-profit and non-profit organisations.
Among INSEAD’s celebrated achievement is a fund - the Soraya Salti
Social Impact Scholarship Fund2 whose aim is to promote the develop-
O
ment of young women entrepreneurs in the Middle East, South Asia and
Africa regions by giving them opportunity to participate in the INSEAD
Social Entrepreneurship Programme (ISEP). What is striking about the
INSEAD skills development program is that it employs a progressive mode
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of delivery that universities can learn from. INSEAD employs a competence

skills development approach which involves theory delivered in lectures and
reading materials, knowledge application through assignments, syndicate
work and projects, as well as analysis of socioeconomic context using robust
case studies and guest speakers who are leading industry authorities to
expose participants to actual experiences. This approach certainly breathes
a new life into social entrepreneurship training which can be used a model
by social entrepreneurship training institutions. Universities especially have
been accused over the years of relying on theoretical training of entre-
preneurship training using lectures which fails to prepare the learners for
actual practice. A disconnect between theory and practice when it comes to
training entrepreneurship in many universities in Africa has been reported
2. The fund is inspired by the work of Soraya Salti, former President and CEO for the
Middle East and North Africa at INJAZ Al-Arab, and has the support of donors led
by Waleed AlBanawi
Ch ap t er 10 | 213
to be negatively affecting its success.
South African Technology Network

You will notice that majority of the organisations supporting social
enterprise skills development are not necessarily focused on university level
education. There are however some emerging organisations that are bringing
together universities in a south-south model of collaborations to encourage
enterprise skills development at university level. One such organization
supporting entrepreneurship and innovation training in the south African
region is the South African Technology Network (SATN). SATN encour-
ages cooperation, collaboration, support in activities such as curriculum
development, applied research, quality assurance and cooperative education
F
within universities of technology in South Africa and Namibia. If this kind
of initiatives gain traction across the continent, they would foster university
students’ entrepreneurial spirit and provide opportunity for it to impact the
broader society in a more sustainable way.
O
Bertha Centre for Social Innovation and Entrepreneurship
The Bertha Centre for Social Innovation and Entrepreneurship is the
first academic centre in Africa dedicated to advancing social innovation and
entrepreneurship. It was established as a specialised centre at the University
O
of Cape town (UCT) Graduate School of Business (GSB) in late 2011, in
partnership with the Bertha Foundation which is a family foundation that
works with inspiring leaders to catalyse social and economic change, and
human rights. The Centre is pursuing social impact towards social justice
PR
in Africa through teaching, knowledge-building, convening and catalytic

projects with a systems lens on social innovation. The Centre, in collabora-
tion with the GSB, has integrated social innovation and entrepreneurship
into their core curriculum, established a wide community of practitioners
and awarded over R6 million in scholarships to students from across Africa.
Even though housed within a university, the Centre’s focus is not exactly
on students but on promising entrepreneurs. This still leaves a gap on social
entrepreneurship training of students specifically the undergraduate students
who, according to Prof Mthembu, would have bigger impact (Dell 2016).
Conclusion
There is generally a lack of understanding at the micro-level of the com-
plexities of people’s livelihoods and their strategies, which involve mobility,
migration and the diversification of income sources and occupations (Akko-
yunlu 2013:3). The fact that university education is chiefly instrumental in
preparing the way for the development of science and technology and that it
has the ability to bring about phenomenal changes in every aspect of people’s
lives has not been fully exploited. Francis J. Brown remarks that ‘education
is a process which brings about changes in the behaviour of society. It is
a process which enables every individual to effectively participate in the
activities of society and to make positive contribution to the progress of
society’ (Patil 2012, 205). This should not be limited to certain sections of
society but should be able to impact all populations both rural and urban.
The evolution of the university is such that today it is paying attention
to entrepreneurship education but the question which still remains is, what
kind of entrepreneurship are graduates being prepared for and how does it
affect human development and uplift living standards of the poor and those
in the rural remote areas? Education can be used to change the population
into an asset by targeting its curriculum to promote human development.
F
This can be realized if university education shifts from training for a purely
urban competitive consumer society to include the kind of development that
is socially responsive. It should prepare learners not just to be entrepreneurs
but to build social enterprises.
O
One of the ways through which this can be achieved is though invest-
ing in training for development of social enterprises. Social enterprises
provide a means to improve social wellbeing, environmental sustainability,
and economic performance. They are purpose-driven organisations that
combine financial sustainability with social and environmental impact to
O
achieve human development. Social entrepreneurs, unlike business entrepre-
neurs develop business which not only bring financial sustainability but also
environmental benefits. These are businesses that aim to bring change for
the better by tackling social problems and thus improving people’s lives and
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communities. Business enterprises enhance growth by facilitating the flow of

resources to where they have the largest economic and social benefits. They
promote social equity through providing income generation opportunities,
hence financial sustainability for people who live in poverty (LegalVision
2017). The other attribute of social enterprises is that they are independent
and can sustain themselves over the long-term through reinvestment and
are scalable, thus can be expanded or replicated in other communities rural
and urban to generate more impact.
Universities can best contribute by deliberately tuning their curriculum
to nurture social entrepreneurs from undergraduate level. This training should
not be limited to business school students but rather to all undergraduate
students in diverse faculties to create a pool of social entrepreneurs from a
young age. The other approach, but which may be limited to only a few, is
going a step further to nurture social entrepreneurship ideas through uni-
versity incubation centres. This could give social entrepreneurs a launchpad
to start off soon after they graduate as opposed to training in classes alone.
Ch ap t er 10 | 215
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Chapter 11
Translating Rural-Urban linkages into Practice:
Possibilities and Challenges
Orleans Mfune, Farai Kapfudzaruwa & Jackline Nyerere
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Introduction
T he main goal of this book was to unravel the various dimensions in

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which rural-urban linkages occur and the extent to which they hold
promise for fostering Africa’s sustainable development. To achieve the goal,
the book has examined the notion of rural-urban linkages by drawing on
various cases from Southern, Eastern and Central Africa. The cases have
been examined from varying thematic perspectives that include agriculture,
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education, mining and energy and thus demonstrate the extent to which
the linkages permeate various sectors of development in African countries.
A major argument that is consistently made throughout the book is
that in an African context, the traditional theorization of rural and urban
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areas as discrete spaces is fatally flawed and does not only defy empirical
evidence suggesting complex rural-urban linkages, but also impedes the
design of interventions to strengthen such linkages. As argued by one of
the authors, interventions stemming from such theorization of urban and
rural spaces tend to generate an ‘urban bias’ in development. This is because,
unlike urban spaces, rural areas are often presented as backward and poor
and as such, policies tend to emphasise the urbanisation or modernisation of
rural areas in order to achieve development. The cases in this book, however,
demonstrate that Africa’s development can best be achieved by moving
beyond this dichotomisation and by recognizing the interconnectedness of
rural and urban spaces and developing policies that either foster the link-
ages between them or reduce the inequalities between them. In this regard,
the book argues for the debunking of the rural-urban binary as a basis for
development policy and planning in favour of the concept of rural-urban
linkages.
While there is unanimity among the authors in recognizing the need for
development practitioners to consider adopting the notion of rural-urban
Ch ap t er 11 | 219
linkages as a conceptual basis for planning development, an important

concern of the book is how best to translate this into practice in the various
sectors identified in the book. In other ways, there is the question of what
pathways and possibilities exist for strengthening rural-urban linkages in
various sectors. In this regard, this chapter provides a synthesis of the pos-
sibilities that exist for strengthening rural-urban linkages as identified by
the chapters in the book. Further, in the closing section, the chapter looks
at factors that can possibly constrain the strengthening of rural-urban link-
ages in Africa.
Possibilities for Strengthening Rural-urban Linkages in Africa

As already noted in the introductory section of the chapter, in this work,
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rural-urban linkages have been examined from varying sectoral perspectives.
From the point of view of this chapter, four sectors have been identified
as offering possibilities for strengthening rural-urban linkages. These are
agriculture, mining, education and energy.
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Agricultural sector
Agriculture is one of the most important economic sectors in Africa. The
vast majority of Africa’s working population, particularly in areas traditionally
designated as ‘rural’ are employed in this sector. As a source of food, oils and
O
fibres for people, it provides enormous opportunities for connecting rural and
urban communities. Among the tools that have been identified as critical to
strengthening of rural-urban linkages in this sector are agricultural markets.
In particular, ‘assembly markets’ which develop on high ways that connect
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farming regions to urban centres or that connect major cities provide an

important pathway for strengthening rural-urban linkages and ultimately
improving the livelihoods of farming communities in Africa.
The benefits of assembly markets are numerous. As argued in chapter
6 by Fadairo, Olutegbe and Eforuoku where they link ‘rural’ producers
with ‘urban’ consumers or customers and should thus been seen as a tool
for increasing farmers’ access to markets. Interestingly, the market centred
rural-urban interactions were found to disproportionately benefit the rural
population in terms of access to livelihoods, impacts/gains. As the assembly
markets are located in proximity to producer communities, they allow farmers
to market their produce directly without the interference of intermediaries
and reduce transportation costs. The assembly markets can be catalysts for
development of local businesses such as motor parks, public conveniences,
restaurants and transportation services. It is also argued that assembly mar-
kets provide an opportunity for rural actors to be self-employed, allowing
for flexible trading without certification or licensing required to practice.
In drawing attention to the benefits of assembly markets, the authors
demonstrate the value of agricultural markets to rural-urban linkages. How-

ever, it is important to note here that it is not just markets along high ways
that are important for rural-urban linkages but also ‘city’ or ‘urban markets,
including those that have been labelled as street vending markets. In chapter
9 by Mfune, Wamuwi, Chansa-Kabali, Chisola and Manchisi, for example,
shows that street vending is one of the means through which rural-urban
linkages are playing an important role in the post-mining recovery of Kabwe
town. The authors show how most of the products sold by vendors have
their origins in rural areas and how, at the same time, urban centres are the
main source of inputs for farmers. An issue, however, that is seen as highly
problematic in the operations of street vending markets is the fact that the
markets tend to be characterised by high levels of informality. Similarly, this
F
seems to be the case with the assembly markets as the authors note that they
allow for flexible trading without ‘certification’ or ‘licensing’, a key feature of
the informal trading sector. The limitations of such type of trading are well
explained in chapter 6 and include lack of access to credit and inadequate
O
access to public trading infrastructure such as storage facilities and toilets.
Thus, to enhance the role of such markets in fostering rural-urban link-
ages, formal recognition by both central and local government authorities
is required. Additionally, the authors show evidence that the rural-urban
interactions have come with urban expansion and undesired changes in
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land use in the rural-urban fringe which could eventually lead to negative
environmental impact. The authors further recommend deliberate policies
taking into account economic, social and environmental interdependence
between rural and urban centres.
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Mining Sector
Mining is one of the sectors that tend to have huge socioeconomic
and environmental impacts on communities adjacent to mine industries.
In the literature, the negative effects of mining host communities have
been theorised in the context of the ‘resource curse’ and ‘Dutch disease’
hypotheses. Mining can easily wreak havoc through environmental impacts
(e.g. land degradation and air pollution), while the closure phase can leave
mine communities economically and socially paralysed as is the case with
the town of Kabwe, the centre of focus of chapter 9 by Mfune, Wamuwi,
Chansa-Kabali, Chisola and Manchisi. While these ill effects of mining
have received considerable attention in the literature, this book demonstrates
that mining can also have a huge positive impact on rural-urban linkages.
Mining can play a pivotal role in facilitating infrastructure, financial and
capital flows as well as people flows between rural areas and urban centres
as argued in chapter 8 by Mbatha, Charakinya and Govender
As shown in the case of Richards Bay, one vehicle that mining firms can
Ch ap t er 11 | 221
use to enhance rural-urban linkages is corporate social responsibility (CSR).

Traditionally, CSR has been used by mine firms to focus on waste manage-
ment, corporate philanthropy, upholding human rights and supporting local
businesses. To have an impact on rural-urban linkages, the book argues that
CRS strategies of mining firms need to change the way they engage with
host communities. Among the areas that CRS strategies should focus on
include development of infrastructure such as transportation and commu-
nication facilities that link urban areas with rural areas. Such developments
facilitate the flow of people between the two spheres and bring metropolitan
capital to rural areas. Further, mine firms can deliberately focus on hiring of
local people to increase formal employment opportunities for rural people
and directly get involved in the development of skills that promote the
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employability of people in mine adjacent communities. Investing in skills
development can create a pool of people that are employable in the formal
sector and improve their mobility. In the long term, this has the potential
to increase financial linkages through remittances.
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Besides the role of mine firms, at the level of a mine town, municipal
authorities can focus on enhancing rural-urban linkages as a way of pro-
moting alternative livelihoods and ensuring the post-mine closure survival
of mine-dependent communities. However, for mine towns to best take
advantage of opportunities that rural-urban linkages offer, it is critical for
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such towns to develop rural-urban strategies. Such strategies need to focus
on the development of mechanisms to facilitate the flow of goods and
services; provision of infrastructure that facilitate rural-urban linkages and
development of appropriate incentives for businesses that enhance rural-
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urban linkages.
Educational Sector
Another sector seen as critical to fostering rural-urban linkages in this
book is the educational sector. As argued in chapter 10 by Nyerere, higher
educational institutions in Africa have been seen as contributing to rural-
urban inequalities by training people for ‘white collar jobs’. This, in turn, has
been a major driver of young people migrating to cities in search of such jobs,
leaving rural areas depopulated of its skilled population. As agents of social
change, universities and other training institutions can play a role in revers-
ing this trend and enhancing rural-urban linkages by deliberately tuning
their curriculum away from an overly focus on training for an urban com-
petitive society, to consider nurturing socially responsible talent. One way
that this can be done is through universities incorporating social enterprise
development in their curriculum. Integrating social entrepreneurial skills in
curriculum has been found to have the potential to cascade wealth to the
broader society, both rural and urban. Unlike traditional entrepreneurship
that focuses on profitability, social enterprise is defined by its ability to create

social impact and its success is measured using sustainable social change. As
such, social enterprise can be used as a vehicle for developing businesses that
are not only focused on profitability, but also socially inclusive and facilitate
the flow of resources to areas where they will have net effects.
Energy Sector
One of the sectors that are seen as critical for reducing rural-urban
inequalities in Africa is the energy development. At household level, only a
small fraction of the population in Sub-Saharan Africa has access to modern
forms of energy. Between 50–70% of households rely on biomass energy
such charcoal and firewood. Energy poverty tends to be particularly acute
F
in rural areas and peri-urban areas where the penetration of modern sources
of energy such as electricity tends to be low. Poor access to energy affects
human health, education, access to information, mobility and increases
inequalities between urban areas and rural areas. In this regard, improving
O
people’s access to affordable and sustainable sources of energy should be a
priority in Africa’s quest to achieve sustainable development. To increase
access to energy in peri-urban and rural areas, it is recommended that
Africa re-examines her energy policies and develop innovative approaches
for delivering energy services to rural and peri-urban areas. In particular,
O
innovative solutions should focus on development of off-grid systems (such
as mini-hydro systems) and deployment of renewable energy systems such
as solar energy technology. The sources should be considered against income
levels of populations given than many of those living especially in rural areas
PR
have low or no income sources.
Challenges of translating rural-urban linkages into practice

While our book presents a number of possibilities for translating the
notion of sustainable development into practice, it also presents a number
of challenges that need to be overcome for sustainable rural-urban linkages.
Among them is the problem of how best to conceptualise and theorise the
notion of rural-urban linkages. As already noted, in this book, the notion
of rural-urban linkages has been conceptualized in a variety of ways by the
authors. While some have appealed to the idea that ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ spaces
are not as distinct as traditionally conceptualised in literature, others still see
the ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ as distinct but connected by sector and spatial flows.
As chapter 2 by Brear shows, the need for better conceptualisations of the
concept of rural-urban linkages is crucial as poor conceptualisations may
constrain its understanding and ultimately limit its application. The chapter
points us to the limitation of sustainability science in achieving its radical
theoretical and methodological ideals partly because little importance has
Ch ap t er 11 | 223
been placed in the linkages between rural and urban. These conceptual
challenges point to the need for continued dialogue over the notion of rural-
urban linkages, giving greater attention to the sociological foundations of
the concept and ways in which historical processes and western biases have
influenced the social construction of rural-urban spaces.
Away from the conceptual challenge highlighted above, one practical
challenge relates to the problem of how to deal with the spatial expan-
sion of cities into agricultural environments. As chapter 3 by Obirikorang,
Wongnaa, Nkrumah and Ansong shows, as cities expand into spaces that
are predominantly rural, those who depend on farming lose their livelihood
base and are forced to grapple with the realities of city life. The case of
Tamale shows that not all forms of rural-urban connections in Africa tend
F
to be positive. This situation confronts us with the question of how best
to negotiate city expansion while protecting the interests of the expansion
nodes, mainly peri-urban areas. We suggest here that future research on
rural-urban linkages need to critically engage with such questions.
O
Another important challenge identified in the book concerns the impacts
of large-scale land acquisitions on rural livelihoods and the environment.
The deployment of metropolitan capital to acquire huge parcels of land in
rural environments for commercial agriculture, biofuel and other industrial
projects is one of the most important challenging issues in Africa’s devel-
O
opment discourse. The argument in chapter 4 by Sulemana, Mabe, and
Mumuni is that the effects of these large-scale land acquisitions go beyond
rural spaces because of the mutual interdependencies between the rural and
the urban. Migrations as a result of the land acquisitions for instance impact
PR
both the rural and urban communities.

While the pros and cons of large land scale land acquisitions continue
to be debated, the answer to the question of how to enhance the benefits
of such acquisitions and mitigate their negative effects continue to be illu-
sive. Again, this is another question that still requires scholarly attention.
The chapter posts that a rural-urban linkage perspective of large scale land
acquisitions, rather than a single lens, gives a more holistic understanding of
phenomenon. Synergies in looking at the phenomenon from a rural-urban
linkage would be important in achieving income and occupational diversifi-
cation, addressing mobility and migration concerns, and in the formulation
of development plans and policies, which have implications for livelihoods
for both rural and urban populations.
The challenge with education relates to relevant skills development. The
entrepreneurship courses are more focused on developing business entre-
preneurs thus training graduates who lean towards economic and financial
sustainability with little care about the social and environmental aspects, or
applicability/replicability in rural spaces. This gap has been blamed partly on
weak policies and skewed priorities towards business entrepreneurship for

job creation. The authors recommend policy prioritisation of social entrepre-
neurship right from continental to institutional levels. This would guide and
resource social entrepreneurship skills development incorporating a range
of delivery methods and incubation of relevant business ideas.
Studies of rural-urban linkages in Africa reported in this book con-
tribute to articulation of the importance of this linkage to sustainable and
all-inclusive development in Africa. The diversity of studies covered reported
illustrate the various forms of rural-urban linkages which, if adequately
deployed could lead to sustainable development in Africa.
F
O
O
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Contributors
Michael Ansong
Fisheries and Watershed Management, Faculty of Renewable Natural Resources,
Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana
F
Michelle R Brear
Afromontane Research Unit, Free State University, Qwaqwa Campus, Free State,
South Africa
O
Tamara Chansa-Kabali
Department of Psychology, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University
of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia
Edson Charikinya
O
Minerals to Metals Initiative, Chemical Engineering Department, University of
Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa
Moses Chisola
PR
Department of Geography & Environmental Studies, School of Natural Sciences,

University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia
Favour Eforuoku
Department of Agricultural Extension and Rural Development, University of
Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria
Olushola Fadairo
Elaine Govender
Minerals to Metals Initiative, Chemical Engineering Department, University of
Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa
226 | Cont r ib utors
Melissa Hansen
Department of Geography, Faculty of Natural & Agricultural Sciences, University
of Free State, Qwaqwa Campus, Free State, South Africa
Farai Kapfudzaruwa
Institute for the Advanced Study of Sustainability (UNU-IAS), United Nations
University, Tokyo, Japan
Chibuye Florence Kunda-Wamuwi

F
Franklin Mabe
Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics, University for Development
Studies, Tamale, Ghana
James ManchisiO
Department of Metallurgy, School of Mines, University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia
Philile Mbatha
O
Environmental and Geographical Science Department, University of Cape Town,
Cape Town, South Africa
Orleans Mfune
PR
Eliasu Mumuni
Department of Communication and Innovation Technology, University for Devel-
opment Studies, Tamale, Ghana
Emmanuel Mutisya
African Development Bank, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire
Evans Ewald Nkrumah

Department of Wildlife and Range Management, Faculty of Renewable Natural
Resources, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana
Jackline Nyerere
Department of Educational Management, Policy and Curriculum Studies, Kenyatta
University, Nairobi, Kenya
| 227
Kwasi Adu Obirikorang

Fisheries and Watershed Management, Faculty of Renewable Natural Resources,
Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana
Alice Odingo
Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, University of Nairobi,
Nairobi, Kenya
Siji Olutegbe
F
Kudo Shogo
Graduate Program in Sustainability Science, Graduate School of Frontier Sciences,
The University of Tokyo, Kashiwa, Japan
O
Nashiru Sulemana
Department of Agricultural Extension, Rural Development and Gender Studies,
University for Development Studies, Tamale, Ghana
Camillus Abawiera Wongnaa

O
Department of Agricultural Economics, Agribusiness and Extension, Kwame
Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana
Gerald A B Yiran
PR
Department of Geography and Resource Development, University of Ghana,

Accra, Ghana
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Index
Access to Clean Water, Sanitation and irrigable farmland 59
Waste Disposal 43 Agriculture and Rural-urban Interac-
Acculturation 114, 119 tions 104
acculturation 114, 119 aluminium 162
African Development Bank ix, 128, Ambiguous Conceptualizations of
130, 141, 142, 143, 146, 151, 226 Sustainable Development 25
F
African Mining Vision 161 Apartheid
African Social Economy 212 100, 152, 157, 158, 159, 160, 174, 175
African Social Entrepreneurs Network Asia 12, 39, 72, 92, 128, 212
212 East Asia 128
O
African Union 153, 172
Agricultural and Rural Convention
2020 152
agricultural land 3, 8, 19, 43, 67, 103,
105
Basotho 165
belief systems 115
Bertha Centre for Social Innovation
O
agricultural sector 6, 55 and Entrepreneurship 211, 213
agriculture 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 41, 48, 49, biofuel 59, 64, 73, 223
50, 52, 56, 59, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67, biofuel production 59, 64
68, 69, 75, 81, 98, 99, 101, 102, Botswana 68, 73, 102, 119, 128, 130,
103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 117, 131, 132, 133, 142, 147, 148
PR
120, 123, 132, 134, 139, 142, Gaborone 68, 102

145, 153, 158, 159, 161, 188, Bourdieu, Pierre 19, 23, 25, 27, 29, 30,
218, 219, 223 32, 33, 34, 35
agricultural commodities 69, 117 Britain 1
agricultural development 105 Broad Based Black Economic Empow-
agricultural extension services 100 erment 169
agricultural markets 106, 109, 111, Broad-Based Socio-Economic Em-
112, 115, 117, 219, 220 powerment Charter 160
agricultural production 57, 58, 67, Broken Hill Development Company
69, 81, 103, 104 185
agricultural technologies 67 Brookings Institution 207, 216
contract farming 62, 66 business skills 110, 195. See also entre-
farming 3, 6, 9, 12, 20, 52, 59, 60, preneurship
62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 69, 71, 74, 77,
79, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90,
101, 102, 105, 113, 114, 115,
122, 133, 162, 183, 190, 192, Canada 111, 197, 198
196, 219, 223 capabilities perspective 25
230 | Index
capital accumulation 62
Centre for African Entrepreneurship
and Leadership 210, 211, 215 Data Collection and Reporting 95
Changes in Total Population and Decentralisation 5
Population Density 41 De-colonial
charcoal 123, 124, 128, 137, 138, 139, decolonial approach 19
140, 141, 142, 144, 145, 189, de-colonial studies 15, 23
192, 222 De-colonial theorists 19
charcoal stoves 123 democracy 127
chemicals 45, 47, 113 Department for International Devel-
children 5, 17, 20, 34, 46, 81, 88, 89, opment 72, 101, 118
90, 109, 114, 140, 141, 142. See developed economies 2
also women developing countries 12, 39, 50, 53,
55, 63, 93, 100, 101, 102, 107,
F
China 90, 115, 119, 151, 182, 197, 216
Chinese 115, 174 126, 131, 152, 157, 174, 175. See
colonisation 15, 19, 22 also developed economies
colonialism 19, 23, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33 development planning 66, 69
Development Planning and Policies
221
O
commodities 69, 99, 117, 182
communicable diseases 127
communication 24, 128, 132, 160, 171,
community development associations

104
68
development policy 1, 7, 218
diarrhoea 46, 48. See also diseases
diseases 46, 48, 127. See also sanitation
dysentery 48
O
Complex-systems 17 water borne diseases. See sanitation
Conditions required for large scale Durkheim, Emile 97, 98, 118
land acquisitions to be benefi-
cial to host countries 64
conservation 8, 30, 43, 48, 126, 142, East Africa 128, 129, 133, 149, 210,
PR
143 211, 215

Constitution of the Republic of South East Africa Social Enterprise Network
Africa 161 210, 211
consumerism 59 economic growth 2, 4, 5, 12, 105, 128,
contaminated water 46. See also water 133, 149, 150, 152, 167, 203
sources economic development 4, 8, 17, 20,
Contextualising Sustainability Within 24, 40, 48, 51, 74, 124, 126, 142,
The Mining Sector 154 154, 155, 161, 180, 195, 200, 210
Copperbelt 6, 179, 183, 191, 197, 198 economic policy 186
corporate community involvement economic sustainability 1, 2, 6, 102
157 Economic Transformations 109
corporate philanthropy 157, 161, 166, ecosystem 48, 92, 105, 119, 131, 132,
221 142, 143, 144, 146
corporate social responsibility 157, education viii, 5, 7, 8, 10, 25, 34, 80,
161, 173, 174, 175, 208, 221 81, 82, 101, 105, 109, 118, 127,
cultural imperialism 21, 27. See 130, 131, 139, 145, 164, 181,
also Colonialism 187, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204,
205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210,
I ndex | 231
211, 213, 214, 215, 218, 219, Urbanisation 44

222, 223 Ethiopia 11, 32, 60, 66, 73, 74, 87, 91,
university education 8, 10, 105, 200, 182, 211
201, 203, 206, 208, 213, 214 ethnocentrism 18
Education vi, 7, 34, 37, 38, 118, 128, ethnography 23, 32, 34
142, 200, 202, 205, 207, 208, Europe 2, 107, 147, 211
209, 214, 215, 216, 217 European Commission 126, 143
educational facilities 76, 82 European Commission Strategy of
Education for Sustainable Develop- 2016 126
ment 7, 202, 216. See also Edu-
cation for Sustainable Develop-
ment in Africa Factors That Promote or Hinder In-
Education for Sustainable Develop- terlinkages Between Rural and
F
ment in Africa 7 Urban Spaces 116
electricity 76, 123, 124, 127, 129, 130, farmers 3, 4, 19, 48, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63,
131, 132, 133, 134, 138, 139, 65, 66, 67, 76, 77, 79, 81, 84, 85,
141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 222 86, 87, 89, 103, 105, 106, 107,
O
electronic waste 46, 51, 52
e-waste vii, 46, 47, 50, 53
employment 6, 12, 55, 59, 61, 62, 66,
67, 68, 69, 75, 76, 81, 82, 87, 88,
90, 100, 103, 104, 109, 134, 139,
143, 149, 153, 160, 164, 170,
108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113,
114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 122,
134, 135, 136, 158, 194, 196,
219, 220
farmlands 59, 62, 65, 67, 84, 90, 114
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Ferguson, J. 183, 191, 197
177, 184, 186, 200, 201, 205, Financial, Capital, Infrastructure and
206, 207, 209, 211, 215, 221 People Flows Facilitated By The
empowerment 26, 31, 34, 142, 169, Mining Sector 163
176, 211, 215 firewood 60, 123, 136, 137, 139, 144,
energy vii, viii, 9, 59, 60, 62, 73, 81,
PR
222
90, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, fisheries 8, 41, 45, 51, 52, 188
128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, food 9, 12, 18, 32, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61,
136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 63, 65, 69, 71, 73, 74, 76, 77, 85,
142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 88, 91, 94, 100, 103, 105, 109,
148, 154, 156, 200, 218, 219, 222 110, 111, 114, 115, 118, 119,
Energy and Sustainable Development 120, 123, 127, 130, 134, 142,
126 144, 145, 165, 177, 219. See
entrepreneurship viii, 5, 143, 202, 203, also agriculture
204, 205, 206, 209, 210, 211, agrifood 64
212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, Sugarcane 63, 73
221, 223, 224 Food and Agricultural Organisation
environmental degradation 4, 41, 44, 93
48, 69, 133, 161, 181 food production 57, 58, 59, 63, 111,
Environmental Impact Assessment 142, 144
161 Ford Foundation 206, 215
Environmental impacts of large scale Foreign Direct Investments 59
land acquisitions in Africa 63 forest management 145
Environmental Implications of Ghana’s
232 | Index
fossil fuel 123, 131, 132, 142 76, 83, 90, 92, 109, 116, 126,
Free Prior Informed Consent 65 127, 130, 131, 132, 145, 148,
160, 161, 164, 168, 181, 200,
222. See also sanitation
gender equality 25, 81, 127, 131, 142. human health 47, 222
See also women public health 46, 49, 92, 126
Gender equality 128 herbicides 113, 196
geothermal energy 129 hetero-sexism 27
Ghana v, vii, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 39, 40, HIV-AIDS 4
41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, HIV infection 32
50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 64, 66, 73, 74, household energy use 127, 142
76, 82, 83, 84, 90, 91, 92, 128, human development 30, 145, 211, 214.
129, 131, 132, 133, 142, 147, See also economic development
F
148, 149, 150, 205, 212, 216, human capital 69, 105
225, 226, 227 human rights 127, 168, 174, 176, 213,
Accra v, vii, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 39, 40, 221
41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, human settlement 9, 43, 124, 128, 130,
O
50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 64, 66, 73, 74,
76, 82, 83, 84, 90, 91, 92, 128,
129, 131, 132, 133, 142, 147,
148, 149, 150, 205, 212, 216,
225, 226, 227
133, 143, 144
hunger 9, 57, 70, 81, 85, 86, 110, 127,
128, 131, 145. See also agricul-
ture
hydropower 124, 129
O
Kumasi 11, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51,
52, 53, 225, 226, 227
Tamale v, vii, 9, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, Impact Barometer 209, 215
83, 84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 223, Impacts of Large Scale Land Acquisi-
226, 227 tions in Africa 55, 61
PR
Tema 43, 44 income 3, 7, 9, 12, 44, 57, 59, 66, 67,

Global Entrepreneurship Monitor 68, 69, 70, 74, 85, 86, 90, 101,
203, 215 102, 105, 109, 113, 115, 123,
globalization 2, 6 124, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134,
Global Monitoring Report 152 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142,
Global Policy Watch 128, 145 143, 145, 150, 165, 174, 201,
global poverty 126. See also poverty 205, 213, 214, 222, 223
good governance 171, 211 Income and Occupational Diversifica-
goods and services 1, 67, 98, 99, 101, tion 67
171, 195, 197, 221 India 120, 144, 146, 216
Google Earth 78 indigenous farmers 4
Government Responses to Mine Clo- Indigenous people 19, 22, 24, 30
sure 187 industrial growth 40, 41, 152, 207
Greenpeace International 47 infrastructure 4, 5, 6, 10, 40, 49, 55,
growth and poverty reduction 7, 11 62, 66, 83, 100, 103, 104, 105,
115, 128, 129, 130, 134, 150,
152, 159, 160, 161, 163, 164,
health 5, 12, 31, 34, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 165, 168, 170, 171, 181, 186,
I ndex | 233
187, 193, 194, 195, 197, 200, Land use type 65

201, 205, 220, 221 Large Scale Land Acquisition 59
infrastructure development 62, 66, Large scale land acquisitions in Africa
129, 186, 205 59, 69
International Energy Agency 130, 131, Latin America 11, 38, 39, 72, 92
142, 143, 147, 149 Lesotho 165. See also Basotho
International Monetary Fund 205, 216 Limitations of Sustainability Science’s
international trade 67, 69 Sociology 24
investors vii, 7, 55, 56, 59, 60, 62, 63, Liquefied Petroleum Gas 123, 131
64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 212 livelihood 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 11, 12, 53, 56,
investments 55, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 68, 57, 60, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 76,
69, 73, 117, 193, 201, 209 77, 81, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91,
irrigation 48, 52, 195 101, 102, 115, 119, 123, 153,
F
161, 163, 166, 177, 184, 185,
188, 189, 190, 200, 223
Jatropha 60, 63 Livelihood and Economic Sustainabil-
ity 102
O
Kagera Health Development Survey 7
Kenya 3, 7, 9, 12, 64, 102, 120, 122,
128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134,
136, 138, 142, 147, 148, 149,
Livelihood Diversification 72, 115
local customs 4
macroeconomic policies 69
O
150, 205, 211, 215, 216, 226, 227 Madagascar 59, 64
Machakos viii, 9, 122, 123, 124, 125, Mali 58, 59, 68, 70, 172
126, 133, 134, 135, 136, 148 marginalised people 24, 26, 31, 33
Nairobi vii, viii, 9, 12, 74, 122, 124, Market Functions and Rural-Urban
125, 133, 134, 135, 136, 148, Linkages 191
PR
150, 216, 226, 227 Market liberalisation 6

kerosene 123, 129, 138 men 30, 58, 81, 89, 108, 109, 112, 196.
kinship networks 3 See also women
kinships and family ties 4. See Methodological Approaches of Sus-
also kinship networks tainability Scienc 20
Middle East 212
migration and mobility 2, 68
migrant workers 17, 19, 20, 23
labour market 202 mobility 2, 4, 9, 57, 66, 68, 70, 98,
Lack of methodological innovation 27 99, 153, 175, 201, 206, 213, 221,
land acquisitions 9, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 222, 223
61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, Mineral and Petroleum Resources
70, 73, 84, 87, 223 Development Act 160
Land and Water grabbing 60 Minerals and Petroleum Resources
land insecurity 77, 89 Development Act 160
Land Matrix Database 55 Mining and development 180. See
land ownership 77, 79 also mining industry
Land rights 77 mining industry 10, 153, 156, 157,
234 | Index
160, 165, 166, 168, 169, 171, Nussbaum, Martha 25, 31, 37. See
173, 174 also capabilities perspectives
Mining Titles Registration Act, 1967
160
Mixed-Method Designs 22 Our Common Future 154, 177, 216
Mobility and Migration Between Ur-
ban and Rural Areas 68
modernisation 1, 15, 218
urban modernity 19 Palmer Development Group 158
morbidity 46. See also mortality participant observation 23
mortality 46, 202 participatory approaches 21, 30, 31
municipalities 5, 6, 158, 159, 162, 164, participatory methods 21, 24, 28, 31
167 Participatory, Emancipatory Ap-
proaches 21
F
participatory research 29, 31. See
also participant observation
Namibia 213 Participatory Rural Appraisal 30, 35.
national development 8, 12, 40, 43, 49, See also participant observation
O
66, 205, 206, 208
National Environmental Management
Act of 1998 160, 176
National Environmental Management:
Waste Act of 2004 160
patrilineal system 80
peri-urban 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 11, 44, 48,
49, 50, 54, 59, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82,
83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 99, 103,
122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 132,
O
natural gas 123 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139,
natural resources 1, 2, 4, 8, 23, 48, 56, 157, 159, 222, 223
126, 130, 156, 182, 200, 202 pesticides 63, 196
Nepal 93 philosophy 32
networks 3 pipe-borne water 43
PR
New York State 111, 118 planning policy 4

NGOs 64 Policies Supporting Entrepreneurship
Nigeria and Social Equity in Africa 204
Abeokuta 95, 114 Policy and Innovation Unit 110, 111,
Lagos v, vii, 5, 7, 9, 12, 58, 68, 70, 120
73, 93, 94, 95, 97, 100, 101, 102, pollution 5, 40, 41, 46, 48, 50, 51, 53,
104, 106, 107, 112, 113, 114, 76, 101, 105, 128, 132, 156, 220
115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, population growth 39, 42, 59, 83, 90,
128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 142, 126, 131, 143, 144
148, 150, 172, 173, 180, 198, positivist epistemology 28
205, 206, 211, 215, 225, 227 Possibilities for Strengthening Rural-
Odo-Oba markets 95 urban Linkages in Africa 219
Oyo State v, vii, 93, 94, 106, 107, 113, poverty 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 12, 20, 24, 28,
119 40, 50, 57, 70, 77, 81, 86, 89, 98,
Yoruba 101, 102 100, 103, 105, 116, 117, 124,
North Africa Social Entrepreneurs 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131,
Networks 212 133, 134, 142, 143, 145, 146,
North America 2 150, 152, 160, 169, 171, 174,
I ndex | 235
176, 177, 180, 182, 200, 201, Rural-Urban Linkages in Kabwe 188
203, 205, 207, 209, 211, 214, rural-urban migration 4, 8, 16, 20, 21,
216, 222 22, 23, 25, 104, 109, 130, 200,
praxis 24 207
pull factors 126, 201, 202 Rural-Urban Symbiosis 105
push factors 4, 126, 201. See also pull
factors
Sampling of Marketers 95
Sampling of Urban Patrons 95
quantitative approach 97 sanitation 4, 5, 41, 43, 44, 46, 53, 130,
142, 194
human waste 45
racism 27 liquid waste 44
F
rainy season 47, 78 solid waste 44, 48, 49
recreational land 3 wastewater 45, 48, 49, 50, 52
religion 98 water bodies 45, 46, 48, 49, 63
Research Design and Procedures 94 Satellite Image Methodology 78
O
Rewarding Social Networking 103
Rio de Janeiro 127
Rio Tinto 162, 174
rural development 12, 62, 93, 94, 100,
104, 105, 117, 124, 169, 170, 216
scientific rationalism 27
Sen, Amartya 25, 32, 37. See also capa-
bilities perspectives
development as freedom 25
service sector 58
O
rural economy 6, 98, 104, 111, 116, sewerage services 186. See also sanita-
117, 159 tion
rural household 20, 68 skilled jobs 68, 69
Rural Primary Markets 106 Skills for Enterprise and Employment
Rural resources and growth 188 Programme 206
PR
rural traders 193, 194 social capital 26, 27, 30, 31, 111
Rural Transformations 5 social cohesion 3. See also social
rural-urban dichotomy 1, 58, 182 networks
rural-urban linkages vii, viii, 1, 4, 8, Social control 99
9, 10, 14, 15, 16, 26, 32, 33, 56, Social differentiation 98
57, 68, 69, 70, 99, 100, 105, 111, social enterprises 10, 202, 203, 204,
115, 118, 119, 123, 124, 148, 205, 206, 208, 210, 211, 212, 214
149, 150, 152, 153, 157, 159, social entrepreneurs 203, 206, 209,
161, 162, 165, 167, 168, 171, 210, 211, 214. See also entrepre-
172, 175, 180, 182, 183, 185, neurship
188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, social equity 10, 155, 206, 208, 209,
195, 196, 197, 206, 208, 209, 212, 214
210, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, social inequality 207, 209
223, 224 inequity 207
Rural-urban linkages and changes in Social interaction 99
land-use 2 socialization 208
Rural-urban Linkages and Sustainable social networks 3, 7, 26. See also net-
Development v, 1, 2 works
236 | Index
social relations 56. See also social opment Goals

capital sustainable development viii, 4, 7, 8,
social scientific methods 21, 22 10, 14, 15, 20, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,
Socio-demographic characteristics of 30, 33, 37, 50, 51, 56, 77, 105,
respondents 79 109, 114, 123, 124, 126, 129,
socio-ecological systems 17, 20, 23, 24 130, 131, 133, 139, 141, 142,
socioeconomic development 25, 160, 143, 145, 147, 148, 150, 152,
182. See also economic growth 154, 156, 161, 171, 172, 173,
Socioeconomic impacts of large scale 176, 177, 179, 181, 182, 202,
land acquisitions in Africa 62 218, 222, 224
Sociology 14, 15, 17, 24, 35, 73 Sustainable Development Goals 8, 9,
sociological foundations 8, 15, 24, 57, 81, 109, 110, 126, 127, 146,
28, 29, 33, 223 147, 148, 149, 150, 173
F
sociological theories 33 Reduce Inequalities 26
solar energy 123, 124, 129, 222 SDGs 8, 9, 25, 57, 66, 70, 77, 81, 123,
solid fuels 128 126, 127, 131, 142, 143, 145,
Soraya Salti Social Impact Scholarship 147, 148, 150, 181, 196
Fund 212
O
South Africa vi, vii, viii, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15,
16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28,
32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 42, 68, 73,
74, 100, 101, 117, 120, 128, 129,
130, 133, 138, 148, 149, 152,
sustainable energy 123, 127, 128, 132,
140, 144
sustainable human development 211
T
O
Tanzania 7, 12, 58, 68, 70, 103, 117,
157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 172, 198
165, 166, 167, 171, 172, 173, telecommunication 110
174, 175, 176, 177, 179, 182, The Concepts of Rural and Urban 97
206, 210, 213, 216, 225, 226 The Exigencies of Rural-Urban In-
Apartheid 20, 28, 32, 37
PR
terface For Sustainable Social

Bantustan 20 System 102
Richards Bay vii, 10, 153, 162, 163, The Impact of Migration on Rural and
164, 165, 166, 174, 176, 177, 220 Urban Households 4
South African Mining Charter 169 Theoretical Underpinnings of Sustain-
South African Technology Network ability Science 15
211, 213 theory and policy 55
South Asia 72, 212 The State of Mining in Kabwe 185
Southern Africa 72, 128, 133, 176, 180 toxic chemicals 47. See also electronic
storm-water 48 waste
street vendors 194, 195 trade 6, 30, 67, 68, 69, 88, 106, 108,
Survey and Key Informant Interview 124, 148, 156, 159, 172, 179,
Data 79 190, 192, 194, 195
sustainability science 8, 14, 15, 16, 18, traditional institutions 4, 167
19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, traditional leaders 4, 97
28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 37, 176, traditional chiefs 19
222 transdisciplinarity 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
Sustainable Cities and Communities 37
25. See also Sustainable Devel-
I ndex | 237
transdisciplinary approach 8, 17 157, 161, 166, 221

Transparency and civil society engage- water sources 46, 50
ment 64 weather 89
transportation 110, 126, 128, 160, 165, West Africa 40, 51, 128, 133, 148, 211
171, 192, 194, 195, 219, 221 West Africa Social Entrepreneurs
Network 211
WHO 45, 46, 54
Ubuntu 32, 36 Wholesale Markets 106
Uganda 11, 64 wind energy 124, 145, 146
unemployment 5, 22, 28, 76, 77, 103, women 18, 19, 24, 30, 62, 65, 69, 81,
160, 164, 186, 207, 208, 211, 88, 89, 142, 162, 170, 211, 212
212, 215 female farmer 89
UNESCO 204, 210, 217 World Bank 2, 4, 11, 13, 41, 43, 44, 45,
F
UN-HABITAT 5, 12, 39, 40, 54, 150 54, 71, 73, 128, 129, 148, 150,
United Nations 12, 37, 54, 73, 91, 120, 204, 216, 217
127, 134, 149, 150, 154, 176, World Economic and Social Survey
177, 178, 217, 226 44, 54
O
United States Department of Agricul-
ture 110
University for Development Studies
78, 82, 226, 227
University of Cape Town 213
World Systems Theory 26
Zambia vi, 6, 7, 10, 128, 131, 132, 133,

142, 148, 149, 150, 174, 175,
O
University World News 210, 215 179, 180, 182, 183, 185, 186,
UN Open Working Group 127 187, 191, 192, 196, 198, 199,
urban expansion 1, 12, 115, 116, 220 225, 226
urban population 4, 39, 40, 41, 53, Central region 183
130, 200, 201 Kabwe viii, 10, 179, 180, 183, 184,
PR
urban households 4, 9, 57, 103, 133 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190,
urbanisation vii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196,
15, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 197, 198, 220
49, 50, 51, 54, 67, 76, 77, 79, 89, Kasanda Mine Township 184, 188,
99, 100, 130, 144, 160, 183, 218 189
rate of urbanisation. See herein ur- Kasanda Township viii, 184, 188
banisation Zimbabwe 35, 42, 149
urban developers 40, 77 Zulti North 163
urban development 10, 28, 40, 41, Zulti South 163
42, 68, 69, 77, 86, 90, 100, 104,
204
urban markets 57, 99, 103, 105, 220
urban planning 1, 11, 50, 69
urban poverty 3, 200, 201, 207
urban-rural migration 68
waste management 41, 43, 53, 116,

F
O
O
PR
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Uneven Development: Urban and industrial growth and

Chapter · October 2018

Kwasi Adu Obirikorang Camillus ABAWIERA Wongnaa

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Evans Ewald Nkrumah Michael Ansong

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Economic Efficiency and Productivity of Maize Farmers in Ghana View project

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First Published in 2018 by Spears Media Press

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018959408

ISBN: 978-1-942876-28-1 (Paperback)

Typeset by Spears Media Press LLC in 11/13pt Caslon Pro

Kwasi Adu Obirikorang, Camillus Abawiera Wongnaa,

Figure 2.1: The complex, bidirectional and multi-layered rural-urban

Figure 6.5: Produce Assembly market at Odo-Oba, Oyo State,

impacts of mining activities on local environments  166

Table 8.1: Definitions of sustainable development in literature  154

This work is supported by the African Development Bank (AfDB) through

Farai Kapfudzaruwa, Shogo Kudo & Melissa Hansen

T he theme of rural-urban linkages has continuously received atten-

areas in an effort to tackle sustainability challenges in these areas.

Rural-urban Linkages and Sustainable Development: Making

Rural-urban linkages and changes in land-use

emerging industries or they will migrate to surrounding towns and cities

The Impact of Migration on Rural and Urban Households

population. Growing literature on rural-urban migration has identified

which ultimately creates good quality jobs resulting in improved standards

beneficial to households residing in rural areas. More so, decentralization

with decentralisation processes which improved rural infrastructure have

Kagera Health Development Survey (KHDS) in Tanzania in 1991 and

Objectives of the Book

senior researchers of ESDA member institutions. ESDA stresses the role

how failures to theoretically conceptualize “sustainable development” and

In chapter 4 Sulemana, Mabe, and Mumuni further explore the effects

rural-urban linkages. In particular, the chapter examines the local factors

Transformation and the emergence of urban centres in Tanzania. Copenhagen.

Tacoli, C. (1998). Beyond the rural-urban divide. Environment and Urbanization,

Ward, S. (2004). Planning and urban change. London: Sage.

transdisciplinarity (Scholz and Steiner, 2015); (2) a focus on human-nature

Sustainability Science, Sustainable Development and

2014). However, the equitable sustainable development the WCED report

directions that can enhance the sociological foundations of sustainability

Theoretical Underpinnings of Sustainability Science

ontological and epistemological orientation to research, grounded in more

practices of other community members (Lohnert and Steinbrink, 2005)

approach, referred to as “complex systems thinking”, is at the core of both

work-related migration. People’s knowledge of the types of migration-

De-colonial and post-colonial

scientists to reason in terms of Indigenous deficit, generates results that

need for rural-urban work-related migration (Bourdieu and Sayad, 2004).

by de-colonial theory aims to reveal the ongoing, structuring effects of the

Methodological Approaches of Sustainability Science

Participatory, Emancipatory Approaches

and/or the system in which the sustainability problem arises, as it occurs.

characterise, and elucidate solutions to the socio-political drivers of the

Rich Picture, Placed-Based, Approaches

the “case” being studied is defined as a complex, trans-local system with

Several other rich-picture and/or placed-based methodological

Limitations of Sustainability Science’s Sociology

Ambiguous Conceptualizations of Sustainable Development

be unknown to rural societies in the absence of migration.

acknowledge the existence and importance of rural spaces, SDG-8 perpetu-

impacts of mining activities on local environments 166

Table 8.1: Definitions of sustainable development in literature 154