LIVED EXPERIENCES OF CHILDREN AFTER THEIR PARENTS HAVE BEEN

INCARCERATED. A STUDY OF CHILDREN WITH LUZIRA PRISON INMATES

PARENTS.

BY

IHUNDE JACKILINE

REG NO: 2019/HD03/26889U

Introduction
Worldwide over 100 million children currently have at least an incarcerated parent, and many
experience parental incarceration at some point in their lives (Seymour, 2001). Since 1991, the
number of children with an imprisoned parent has increased over 50%, and with the
incarceration rate growing at a rate of almost 6% annually, the number of minor children affected
by parental incarceration will continue to increase (Mumola, 2000). In sub-Saharan alone,
approximately 10 million children at least had a parent in prison, jail, on parole, or on probation
between 2010- 2014, (Arditti, 2015).
According to Lili & Ching (2018), the immediate consequence of parental incarceration is the
disruption of the child’s living and caregiving arrangements. This disruption may be more felt by
the child if the incarcerated parent used to be the primary caregiver (Wilson, 2010). It was
estimated that 30% of all incarcerated parents in South Africa were the custodial parents, and
many resided in single-parent households prior to incarceration (Xuma, 2016). Studies have
shown that a stable and safe living environment and bonding between the child and an adult
caregiver can facilitate healthy coping and long-term adjustment in children (Mackintosh, Myers,
& Kennon, 2006; Nesmith & Ruhland, 2011). Ensuring stable and safe living and caregiving
arrangements thus becomes an important means for promoting the well-being of children with
incarcerated parents.
Parents especially mothers in general play a greater role in their children’s live. As a result, their
departure disrupts the daily lives of the children and usually places them in the care of relatives.
Various studies show that there’s stigma associated with parents’ incarceration and hence can
exert negative impact on children’s psychosocial development (Bocknek et al., 2009).

The worldwide familial belief interplays with the retribution principle in punishing criminals,
which then exacerbates the retributive justification of punishing the family of the incarcerated
member as a whole (Manning, 2011). Therefore children of incarcerated parents may not receive
as much sympathy or support from the community as children in other kinds of disadvantage.
Given the large number of children affected by parental incarceration in Africa, systematically
examining their experiences and identifying gaps in services will provide important implications
for child welfare policy and practice (Manning, 2011).
Children of incarcerated parents may also exhibit externalizing behaviors such as anger, a
disregard for authority, and acting-out behaviors (Hairston, 1998; Mazza, 2002). A number of
previous studies report experiences children of incarcerated parents frequently experience
internalizing problems such as anxiety, depression, sadness, and loneliness (Gabel,
1992;Hairston, 1998; Mazza, 2002).
Living and caregiving arrangements of children after parental incarceration differ significantly
across countries and cultures. Examples of caregiving arrangements are family care with
supportive services (Welbourne & Dixon, 2013), foster care, group homes and kinship foster
care (Mulready-Jones, 2011).
Taking in an extra child represents a significant hardship for many caretakers, particularly
grandparents with fixed incomes and, often, deteriorating health. the loss of support from the
incarcerated parent as a significant strain on the family’s finances

The background above indicate considerable variation within the population of children with
incarcerated parents, suggesting that there is no "one size fits all" approach to anticipating and
meeting the needs of children with incarcerated parents. Although the background cannot be
generalized to the entire population of children with incarcerated parents, findings will raise
valuable questions and can provide a launching point for future research on the impact of
parental incarceration.
Some groups were intentionally restricted to either mentors of children with incarcerated mothers
or mentors of children with incarcerated fathers in order to examine how the gender of the parent
influences child outcomes.
Problem statement

Given the high and steady rates of incarceration in Uganda now, it is critical to examine factors
affecting the population. Over the last two decades there has been a tremendous increase in the
number of children affected by parental and particularly Parental incarceration, at the state and
federal level (OKello 2018; Muniola, 2010). At midyear 2017 there were over 65,600 were
incarcerated in various state prisons reported having 147,400 children (Musoke & Okello, 2018).
The number of children with at least one parent in prison has more than doubled since 1991
(Musoke & Okello, 2018). Although there have also been similar increases in the number of
mothers incarcerated at jails at the local level, and it is estimated that there are millions of
additional children who have a mother in jail (Western & Wildeman, 2009), the actual number of
affected children is difficult to estimate as there are no formal procedures in place to collect these
data. Despite the best efforts of caregivers, children often face difficult living situations. Some
caregivers do not have sufficient money or time to raise the children in their care.

Objectives of the study

Major objectives

To examine the lived experiences of children after their parents have been incarcerated a study of
Luzira prison inmates.

Specific objectives

i. To assess the various obstacles faced by children whose parents are incarcerated in luzira
prison
ii. To examine the problems faced by caretakers whose parents are incarcerated in luzira
prison
iii. To assess the coping mechanisms of children with incarcerated parents

Research questions
What were their relationships with their parents prior to incarceration?

What are the family situations of these children?

Who is caring for them now?

How is the parent-child relationship maintained or disrupted during incarceration?

How does parental incarceration affect children emotionally, behaviorally, and developmentally?

What are the needs and challenges of children with incarcerated parents?

How do these needs differ from those of other at-risk children?

Significance of the Study

The findings will help minor children with parents under some form of criminal justice system
control are among the most at-risk, yet least visible, populations of children.

To ascertain the impacts of incarceration and how it tends to be multifaceted and often affects
every aspect of the children’s world

To examine the broad scope of the impact that parental incarceration has on children of prisoners
and to identify outcomes due to the impact of the incarceration and other difficulties these
children experience in their lives
Conceptual framework

Child factors
Age
Gender
Duration in care Prison -related factors
Depression factors Availability of drugs
Counselling Health education
Prescription

Children experiences

Inmate -related factors

Child caretaker-related factors Length of sentence
Age Side effects
Sex Type of offence
Relationship to child Gender
Marital status Challenges and needs
Education level
Occupation/socioeconomic
Religion
Counselling
Time to be spent with minors

Concenptual framework obtained from Arditti, 2005, Seymour, 2001, Dallaire & Wilson,
2010, Gabel, 1992;Hairston, 1998; Mazza, 2002, Bocknek et al., 2009

Figure 1: Conceptual framework showing the factors associated with experiences of

children of incarcerated parents.
Explanation

The conceptual framework above shows insights on the challenges and needs of children of
incarcerated parents. Perhaps the most prevalent of them is the considerable variation within the
population of children of incarcerated parents, particularly between those who experience
Parental incarceration and those who experience paternal incarceration. Children who have a
mother behind bars are likely to have lived with her prior to incarceration and typically
experience substantial upheaval in their lives following her departure. These children are likely
to retain a strong attachment to their mothers, which may enable communication during
incarceration but also result in great emotional distress.
The other factor affecting children is the dynamics of their criminal justice involvement which
highly influences children’s responses. Children with a parent serving a long sentence seem to
fare better in some ways than those with a parent who is constantly cycling in and out of prison.
Children in the former group often lose the need for their absent parent’s support and don’t
experience the inconsistency and repeated traumatization of children whose parents are in their
lives one minute and out the next. Age is also a factor which influences the extent to which
children respond to and internalize the loss of a parent to incarceration, with younger children
less able to understand or process their parent's absence.
Stigma and shame is a common experience shared by most children of incarcerated parents that
distinguished them from other at-risk peers.
 Section two: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Obstacles faced by children whose parents are incarcerated in prison

The effects of imprisonment reach far beyond the constraints of a corrections facility.
Punishments meant for the offender can trickle down and have unintended consequences on their
children Habecker, (2013). Many researchers aver that parental incarceration is both a risk
marker and a risk mechanism to the children (Johnson & Easterling, 2012; Murray & Farrington,
2005). As a risk marker, Parental incarceration indicates the presence of other risk experiences
for a child or family (e.g., low income, low education).

According to Aaron and Dallaire (2010), parental incarceration is associated with adolescents’
risk for delinquency. Other studies by Shlafer, Poehlmann, & Donelan-McCall, (2012), reported
few or no differences between children with and without incarcerated parents on key outcome
variables once socio demographic, environmental and arrest/conviction variables have been
taken into account. Incarceration of a parent leads to great change and uncertainty in nearly every
aspect of a child’s life (Aaron & Dallaire, 2010). Temporary, informal care arrangements may
permanently separate children from their incarcerated parent, family, and friends. Expensive and
uncomfortable visits may limit the contact between parent and child needed to maintain a
relationship during incarceration. Dramatic reductions in parent income and resource-strained
caregivers may result in significant financial hardship. How do children cope with this disruption
and strain? The next section explores the emotional and behavioral correlates of having a parent
behind bars.

Research about children of incarcerated parents, indicate that the problems associated parental
incarceration tend to be intergenerational and vary considerably in complexity and severity for
both children and their families (Phillips, Erkanli, Keeler, Costello & Angold, 2006). An
unsurprising consequence of parental incarceration has been increased vulnerability to the
development of deviant activity among children with a parent in prison, as compared to similar
high-risk children without an incarcerated parent. Therefore, parental incarceration can have a
lasting effect on long-term outcomes for children. Substance Abuse. Children of incarcerated
parents are significantly more susceptible to drug abuse than children whose parents were not
incarcerated (Farrington, 2002). While increases in substance abuse among children of
incarcerated parents may be linked with a multitude of factors, including deficiencies in effective
coping strategies to deal with the added pressures and stresses related to incarceration, children
with incarcerated parents may be more likely to experience problems with substance abuse due
to parental use. Mumola (2000) found that the majority of incarcerated parents were sentenced
due to either drug-related charges or violent crimes. Therefore, these children are likely to have a
greater exposure to drugs and alcohol than other peers, which may de-stigmatize the criminality
of drug use.

The effects of parental incarceration on children indicate that children of incarcerated individuals
experience a substantially increased risk for negative outcomes and at-risk behaviors in
comparison to children of non-incarcerated parents. Reed (2008) cautions that it is impossible to
draw causal conclusions from these findings due to the researcher's inability to distinguish the
effects of exposure to various other risk factors prevalent in incarcerated populations, which may
also have had significant implications on the children of the offenders. For instance, incarcerated
individuals often deal with substance abuse and mental health issues which could also result in
negative outcomes for their children (Katz, 1998). In one study, Haapasalo (2001) found a strong
correlation between paternal incarceration and alcohol abuse in both mothers and fathers.

2.2 Problems faced by caretakers of children whose parents are incarcerated in prison

Mentors consistently praised those caring for children in a parent’s absence. The caregivers,
typically mothers, grandmothers, or other female relatives, were often described as hard-working
and dedicated to seeking the best for the children in their care. Despite the best efforts of
caregivers, however, children often face difficult living situations. Some caregivers do not have
sufficient money or time to raise the children in their care.

According Comfort, (2016), family members and caregivers of these children also “bear
numerous burdens, including stigma and shame associated with having a family member in
prison, increased financial strain, physical and emotional stress, and lack of external resources,”
according to the center . Most research shows most children of incarcerated parents are being
cared for by mothers, grandmothers, or other female relatives.
Taking in an extra child represents a significant hardship for many caretakers, especially
grandparents with fixed incomes and, often, deteriorating health (Phillips and James, 2017).
Dalley , (2012) noted that the loss of support from the incarcerated parent as a significant strain
on the family’s finances. Even when caregivers are relatively financially stable, they often have
limited time to spend with the children; many mothers of children with incarcerated fathers are
single parents who have to work for long hours to support their families.

Situations are worse when it’s a mother behind the bars since many of these children did not live
with their fathers before, during or after the incarceration (Burnette, 1998). While the specific
composition of households varies, the majority of caretakers are female. Some children may be
at higher risk as a result of both parental incarceration and traumatic childhood events while
others may be at lower risk because they were less exposed to negative developmental
experiences.

2.3 Coping mechanisms of children with incarcerated parents

Incarceration of parents has numerous claims as to the negative outcomes on the children’s
psychological and developmental health and well-being. For example there’s a noted early
delinquent behaviors amongst these children which may lead to the establishment of delinquent
behavioral patterns in the children of incarcerated parents.
Children with incarcerated parents are more likely to be incarcerated themselves. Mumola
(2000), reported that almost half of all incarcerated juveniles had a parent in the correctional
system. Furthermore, specific maternal crimes have been linked with increases in incarceration
rates for children Dallaire (2007) found that regular maternal drug use was linked to future
incarceration rates for children.
Parental incarceration induces household instability, increases the risk of childhood
homelessness, and increases dependence on public assistance Mumola (2000). Incarceration
especially Paternal is indirectly costly for families as well as taxpayers. Paternal incarceration
introduces a cascade of problems. It increases mental health and behavioral problems in children,
reducing school performance and leading to grade retention (Comfort, 2016).
Mental Health. According to one study, children of incarcerated parents exhibited greater levels
of depression and anxiety than their peers as a coping mechanism (Farrington, 2002). In a
separate study, researchers concluded that there may be an association between maternal
incarceration and young girls' perceptions of themselves (Grant, 2006). Although researchers
were not able to decisively conclude how strong of an association there was between the
variables, Children whose parents commit crimes of theft, prostitution or selling drugs are more
likely to perceive their parent's criminal actions as a means of trying to support the family
(Miller, 2006). Therefore, these children are more likely to feel a sense of guilt and responsibility
for their incarcerated parent's actions. Left untreated, these feelings may lead to long-term mental
health issues for these children (Miller, 2006).

Contact with parents during incarceration is mixed, studies have shown that children who have
contact with parents during incarceration, without the addition on intervention techniques, also
experience more behavioral problems than children who do not visit their incarcerated parents
(Pohlmann, Dallaire, Loper & Shear, 2010).

Literature gap

This lack of consistency in the literature highlights the need for investigators to better understand
parental incarceration as a mechanism for risk. Few studies have been deliberately designed to
understand the impact of parental incarceration on children and families; thus, little is known
about how incarceration operates as a mechanism of risk. Most research has used large archival
data sets that are not designed to examine questions related to Parental incarceration (e.g., Aaron
& Dallaire 2010).

Phillips & Zhao (2010), found out that exposure to a family member’s arrest was associated with
more symptoms of posttraumatic stress. They further showed that exposure to the arrest of a
family member was associated with greater exposure to other traumatic events as well as greater
internalizing and externalizing behavior problems.
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