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International Journal of Consumer Studies ISSN 1470-6423

Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion

conundrum: fashionable consumers and attitudes to
sustainability in clothing choice
Lisa McNeill and Rebecca Moore
Department of marketing, University of Otago, Dunedin, Otago, New Zealand

Keywords Abstract
Behaviour, clothing, consum, eco, fashion,
sustainable. The fashion industry has recently heeded the call for sustainability and ethically sound
production. There has been, however, a reluctant uptake of these products with many
Correspondence consumers and a seeming conflict with existing ‘fast fashion’ desires in this area. This
Department of marketing, University of Otago, study explores the attitudes of fashion consumers toward sustainable products, ethical
Dunedin, Otago, New Zealand. E-mail: fashion purchasing and their subsequent behaviour. The research applies the
lisa.mcneill@otago.ac.nz developmental theory model to a fashion context, finding fashion consumers can be
categorized into one of three groups: ‘Self’ consumers, concerned with hedonistic needs,
doi: 10.1111/ijcs.12169 ‘Social’ consumers, concerned with social image and ‘Sacrifice’ consumers who strive to
reduce their impact on the world. These different groups view fast fashion in conflicting
ways and subsequent implications for marketing sustainably produced fashion products
to each group are, thus, significantly different.

Introduction Fashion consumption

As fashion cycles become increasingly fast paced, some sectors
of the fashion industry have adopted increasingly unsustainable
production techniques to keep up with demand and increase
profit margins. However, in response to a global interest in sus-
tainability and its related ethics, other sectors of the industry
have begun to offer sustainable options in their product lines.
Consumers have, however, been reluctant to adopt sustainable
changes to their consumption choices, a phenomenon common
to many industries offering sustainable products in a market
based on rapid turnover of goods. Many producers in the fash-
ion industry are attempting to change its unsustainable nature,
but this is only feasible in the long term if consumers support
sustainable fashion by purchasing it. Consumers are said to
increasingly care about unethical behaviour, but this attitude
does not always translate to behaviour (Bray et al., 2010), par-
ticularly in regard to fashion items (Joergens, 2006). This
presents a challenge for marketers in an industry defined by
rapid turnover of trends and associated disposal of ‘unfashion-
able’ apparel (Birtwistle and Moore, 2007; Morgan and Birt-
wistle, 2009). The growing strain on environmental and social
welfares caused by non-ethical fast fashion practices, and the
potential to alleviate this strain through sustainable fashion
practice, deems this research necessary. Consequently, the cur-
rent research aims to explore fashion consumers’ attitudes
toward the consumption of sustainable fashion and identify the
impact of the ‘fast fashion’ psyche on these attitudes.
Consumption across many product categories is influenced by
the human desire to express meanings about oneself and to cre-
ate an identity, but this is perhaps particularly the case with
clothing, which is constantly on display (Berger and Heath,
2007). Clothing is used to emanate meanings about the wearer
to others and also to reinforce meanings to oneself (Belk,
1988). Consumers have a desire to create an individual identity
through fashion that fits within the bounds of social norms
(Thompson and Haytko, 1997; Murray, 2002). Given the
importance of identity construction to many consumers, drivers
to be ‘fashionable’ often outweigh drivers to be ethical or sus-
tainable. This paradox highlights the clash of the desire to con-
sume with efforts to limit consumption. Birtwistle and Moore
(2007) whose research focuses on disposal of fashion items,
ultimately assert that this phenomenon is due to lack of knowl-
edge of the negative effects of the fashion industry on the envi-
ronment. Further, Carrigan and Attala (2001) suggest the
discretion between beliefs and behaviour is a result of other
factors playing a more important role in determining purchase
behaviour. These include price, value, trends and brand image,
elements which are particularly relevant to clothing consump-
tion (Solomon and Rabolt, 2004).
Sustainably produced fashion has the potential to provide a
means to alleviate current strain on social and environmental
well-being resulting from increased consumer and financial
pressure to produce more fashion product at an increasingly

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L. McNeill and R. Moore
fast rate. In this way, sustainably produced clothing offers an
ethical purchasing choice for fashion conscious consumers,
while simultaneously meeting the needs that fashion, in the tra-
ditional sense, satisfies; the construction of identity through
consumption. Fast fashion is not a new phenomenon, but a phe-
nomenon that has nevertheless increased pressure on the fash-
ion industry to produce in ways that jeopardise environment
sustainable practises. As early as 1957, Simmel suggested that
the ‘elite initiates fashion and, when the mass imitates it in an
effort to obliterate the external distinctions of class, abandons it
for a newer mode – a process that quickens with the increase
of wealth’ (p. 541). The current state of the industry, coupled
with contemporary concerns for environmental well being, as
well as recent economic trends leaving families and individuals
at financial risk, presents a platform that supports potential for
consumer change. Consumers’ understanding of the conundrum
between the cheap, fast fashion that is available to them and
their altruistic interests in environmental sustainability is key to
effecting change.
Fast fashion
The fast fashion phenomenon has revolutionized the clothing
industry over the past decade. Changing consumer attitudes to
apparel consumption, linked with low-cost production and
sourcing of materials from overseas industrial markets has led
to a culture of impulse buying in the fashion industry, where
new styles of clothing are available to the average consumer
every week (Mintel, 2007). Research suggests that this phe-
nomenon is particularly salient amongst young female consum-
ers, who have little awareness of the social impact of their
fashion consumption, but exhibit the highest levels of demand
for new fashion items (Morgan and Birtwistle, 2009). Retailers
recognize the importance of this segment of fast fashion fol-
lowers to the industry, with major chain stores cited as offering
garments designed to be worn fewer than 10 times (McAfee
et al., 2004) and one in five young female consumers in Mor-
gan and Birtwistle’s (2009) study of clothing behaviour
acknowledging purchasing a new garment every week.
Fast fashion acknowledges the consumer’s ‘insatiable
demand for newness’ (Barnes and Lea-Greenwood, 2006, p.
269) and an increase in the number of recognized ‘fashion sea-
sons’ (up from the traditional four) and enhancement of an
environment where design, sourcing and manufacture decisions
are made with an emphasis on speed rather than sustainability
(Bruce and Daly, 2006) has been the norm. Predictions of
growth in demand for ethical clothing choices are supported by
changes to the sourcing of raw materials in the industry (Min-
ney, 2007 cites a growth rate of approximately 40% per year
for organic cotton fashion products), yet recent research high-
lights continued barriers to engagement in ethical apparel
acquisition, including limited availability and relative expense
of such products (Connell, 2010). Some researchers have
termed this the ‘Fashion Paradox’, where the economic impor-
tance of the fast fashion industry globally has protected it
somewhat from criticism of its inherent obsolescence and waste
(Black and Ekert, 2010, p. 813), thus, slowing an industry-wide
movement toward ethical practice and legitimising the role of
unethical fast fashion in the marketplace.
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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum
Sustainability, consumer ethics and
fashion
Literature devoted to the discussion of consumer ethics has
increased markedly in recent decades. Definitions of the ethical
consumer, however, remain broad, with the notion of ethical
consumption applied to numerous contexts and belief systems
(Shaw and Connolly, 2006). Taking into account these diverse
perspectives, ethical consumers can generally been termed
those who consider the wider impact of their consumption on
other humans, animals or the physical environment (e.g. Bar-
nett et al., 2005). Where discussion of ‘ethical consumers’ has
increased in both academia and industry, research suggests,
however, despite a shift toward sustainable practice in many
industries, consumers have yet to fully embrace sustainable
goods and practices in a number of categories (Brooker, 1976;
Roberts, 1996; Butler and Francis, 1997; Carrigan and Attalla,
2001; Harrison et al., 2005). These studies suggest that while
many consumers have strong convictions toward the consump-
tion of sustainable goods, these convictions do not always
translate into action.
Researchers propose that a central issue related to engage-
ment in ethical or sustainable consumption is that of the
power dynamics inherent in the social practice norms of the
specific market in which the consumption takes place (Shaw
and Riach, 2011). Bourdieu (1984, 2000) proposed the con-
cept of ‘field autonomy’ to explain the apparently conflicting
actions of individuals in different contexts, and Shaw and
Riach (2011, p. 1058) apply this to ethical consumption
behaviour, noting the difficulty of individuals ‘exclusively
inhabiting ethical spaces’. Consumers are said to struggle to
set parameters around their ethical practice and an anticon-
sumption stance is not always a ‘cultural or political feasibil-
ity’ (Shaw and Riach, 2011, p. 1063). This is particularly
relevant in the context of fast fashion, where consumer
awareness of sustainable options is said to be particularly
low (Butler and Francis, 1997; Birtwistle and Moore, 2007)
and the pull of fast fashion being the constant array of new
and more desirable goods (Bruce and Daly, 2006). Even
when consumers seek out products made under ethical condi-
tions or from sustainable fabric sources, the desire for
updated fashion increases waste and disposal of goods
deemed ‘unfashionable’ after only limited use (Morgan and
Birtwistle, 2009).
Alongside the discussion of consumer ethics in relation to
fashion consumption has been a consideration of the ‘slow cul-
ture’ approach to systems change. Like that of the slow food
movement, the slow fashion concept asks consumers to ques-
tion established practices and worldviews, questioning the eco-
nomic models underpinning fashion production and
consumption (Fletcher, 2010). Where slow fashion is a sustain-
able approach to fashion production and consumption, it
focuses greater attention on ‘valuing and knowing the object’
(Clark, 2008, p. 440). This means understanding the process of
raw material to finished product as part of the experience of
consumption. This form of ethical consumption is centred in a
consumer value system that engages with experience values
over self-enhancement values (Manchiraju and Sadachar,
2014).
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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum
Exploring sustainability attitudes
Although research on attitudinal behaviour regarding sustain-
ability and ethics is available, none is specific to sustainable
fashion consumption (the choice of fashion products produced
using ethical processes or fabrics, or reduction/reuse of fashion
items by the consumer). Models of sustainable production in
the fashion industry have been suggested, such as the ‘Consid-
erate Design Framework for Personalised Fashion Products’,
which accepts the pull of mass fashion and centres on develop-
ing (profitable) guidelines for mass customisation of sustainable
fashion goods (Black and Ekert, 2010). Understanding con-
sumer drivers for uptake of such sustainable fashion products
is, however, far more complex and may begin with a closer
examination of ethical values and attitudes more generally (e.g.
Shaw and Connolly, 2006).
The theory of cognitive development refers to the notion that
human’s cognition or thoughts can be categorized into develop-
mental stages, increasing with the progression of psychological
sophistication (Piaget and Rosin, 1978). Kegan (1982) concep-
tualized ego development through developmental theory, and
Robbins and Greenwald (1994) further apply this to environ-
mental attitudes under the assumption that levels of concern for
the environment could be differentiated according to ego stage,
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L. McNeill and R. Moore
Figure 1 Sustainability attitude
stages.
Source: Adapted from Robins and
Greenwald (1994)
with concern for the environment increasing as ‘cognitive com-
plexity to include affective and social components’ increased
(p. 31).
Robbins and Greenwald(1994) suggest that environmental
attitudes amongst women fit into three of the six stages out-
lined in Kegan’s (1982) theory of ego development (refer Fig.
1). The stages in Robbins and Greenwald’s research evolve
from Stage 2 (where the individual has no concern for environ-
mental degradation unless the phenomena is concrete was close
to the respondent in terms of geography, time and relevance to
self) through to Stage 4 (where the individual is constantly
aware of nature’s presence and can process abstract ideas such
as environmental effects that are not physically present). It is
important to note, however, that stages are viewed as fluid and
individuals can move through stages as their psychological
sophistication progresses (Piaget and Rosin, 1978). In the con-
text of Robins and Greenwald’s research, participants who
received new information about the environment in a way they
could understand could potentially move into the next stage
(Robbins and Greenwald, 1994). Stages 0 and 1 were included
in Kegan’s (1982) ego development theory, but not in Robins
and Greenwald’s (1994>) environmental contextualisation. The
inclusion of these stages would imply that the individual had
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L. McNeill and R. Moore Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum

Table 1 Depth interview participant profiles

Per Month Fashion

Participant Age Sex Occupation Spend (Avg.$NZ)

P1 22 F Pharmacist 500.00
P2 22 M Tertiary Student 50.00
P3 39 F Teacher 100.00
P4 22 M Marketer 100.00
P5 23 M Self-Employed 80.00
P6 22 F Tertiary Student 20.00
P7 21 F Law 250.00
P8 25 M Physical Education 100.00
P9 23 M Self-Employed 20.00
P10 52 F Early Childhood Educator 150.00

no awareness of the surrounding environment; a criteria that is
virtually impossible to fulfil in today’s society.
Kegan (1982) noted that progression of psychological sophis-
tication led to an increased concern for things and people other
than the self (concern for the environment and well being of
others in relation to use of resources according to Robins and
Greenwald, 1994). Recent research, however, suggests that a
number of barriers impact on the development of positive atti-
tudes toward ‘eco-conscious apparel acquisition’, including a
lack of consumer knowledge, availability, economic resources,
retail environments and societal norms (Connell, 2010, p. 279).
Add to this, the enduring perception that sustainably produced
clothing is unattractive (thus, by definition, unfashionable)
(Tomolillo and Shaw, 2003), and these factors serve to impede
sustainable consumption (Bray et al., 2010).
Two core factors (individual attitude and social norms) are
cited as antecedents of behaviour in Fishbein and Ajzen’s
(1980) Theory of Reasoned Action, with a third factor (control
over the action) later introduced by Ajzen (1988) in the Theory
of Planned Behaviour. Where ethical decisions are considered
in relation to planned behaviour models, a number of authors
have tried to further understanding of the link between ethical
principles and antecedent behavioural factors (e.g. Rest, 1986;
Jones, 1991). Bray et al. (2010) note, however, that these mod-
els do not adequately represent contexts where ethics may be
secondary to other decision factors (such as a perceived conflict
between making sustainable choices and fashionable choices).
As such, these models are said to explore decision making in a
general sense, rather than being specifically concerned with
consumption – in fashion purchasing ‘ethics might have some
influence . . . but colour, style etc. are likely to be more impor-
tant’ (Bray et al., 2010, p. 600).
Exploratory research into consumer attitudes regarding both
fast fashion and sustainable fashion provides a useful contribu-
tion to both fashion and consumption literature. From a practi-
tioner perspective, understanding fashion consumption in this
context can highlight policy development areas in sustainabil-
ity; such as education of consumers, meeting consumer demand
for ethical products and reducing waste and environmental
impact in the fashion production industries. In addition, exam-
ining the ‘pull’ of fast fashion in contrast to the barriers to
uptake of sustainably produced fashion or ethical fashion con-
sumption practice will highlight the apparent contradictions in
attitude and behaviour amongst self-described fashion con-
scious consumers.
Methodology
Stage 1
The research was undertaken from an interpretive perspective,
with understanding rather than quantifying being the main objec-
tive. The qualitative research design used a two-step approach,
where initially a short, open-ended survey was conducted in
order to identify whether the concept ‘sustainable fashion’ exists
in consumers’ minds and if so, what it constituted; Twenty-eight
individuals were intercept-surveyed, on the same day, in the
main shopping high street of a New Zealand city. These consum-
ers were asked about their perceptions of sustainability and
ethics, as well as the concepts relationship to their consumption
choices. Respondents were provided a short, self-response form
that first asked them to indicate what ‘sustainability’ and ‘ethical’
meant, what these concepts meant in reference to consumption,
and how often they considered these factors when purchasing.
Lastly, participants were asked to relate sustainability and ethics
to fashion consumption. Questions were open-ended, and
responses coded into representative themes (refer Table 2).
Stage 2
The exploratory nature of the research question deemed qualita-
tive research of an in-depth nature appropriate in the second
stage of the study. Such a technique enables researchers to gain
a fuller, deeper and more personal understanding of the phe-
nomenon (Hudson and Ozanne, 1988). This allows the
researcher to gain an insider’s perspective of the phenomenon
appreciating idiosyncrasies unique to each individual (Hudson
and Ozanne, 1988). Such an understanding was deemed neces-
sary in this research because attitudes toward fashion and sus-
tainability are likely to differ by individual and each response
is context specific. Additionally, issues of sustainability and
ethics, being at the forefront of public agenda, can evoke atti-
tudes that individuals would be reluctant to divulge in public
situations. In-depth interviews provide a means to overcome
this barrier to some degree.
In all, 10 individuals were selected for the in-depth inter-
views, five females and five males, with varied income levels

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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum
Table 2 Open-ended survey results
Questions
What does the term ‘sustainability’ mean to you,
in regard to the things you buy?
What does the term ‘ethical’ mean to you, in regard to the
things you buy?
How often do you think about sustainability or ethics when
buying things?
When buying fashion clothing, how often do you think
about sustainability or ethics?
What aspects of sustainability or ethics do you consider
when buying fashion clothing?
Table 3 Interview themes
Focus on the self
The importance of fashion
Concern for the environment and social welfare
Perceived barriers to ethical consumption
Motivations to change
and occupations and monthly fashion spend ranging from
$20NZ to $500NZ. Interview participants were selected using a
convenience sampling method and the key selection criteria
were gender, recent purchase of fashion/clothing products and a
range of average monthly spend on fashion products. The sam-
ple also sought to represent a range of ages, with the bulk of
those agreeing to be interviewed falling in the 21–25 years
range (a demographic heavily targeted by mainstream fashion
producers). General profiles of interview participants are found
in Table 1.
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L. McNeill and R. Moore
Themes derived from responses (# of comments, some respondents
indicated more than one theme)
 High product quality (14)
 Lessened environment impact (11)
 Use of renewable resources (8)
 High price directly linked to high quality (5)
 Locally produced (5)
 Good labour conditions (2)
 Sustainability has no relationship to consumption (1)
 Good labour conditions (11%)
 Lessened environmental impact (7%)
 Use of renewable resources (6%)
 Designed to benefit the consumer (1%)
 Ethics have no relationship to consumption (1%)
 Always (14%)
 Sometimes (8%)
 Hardly ever (2%)
 Never (4%)
 Always (7%)
 Sometimes (6%)
 Hardly ever (3%)
 Never (8%)
 Choosing second-hand instead of new (4)
 Choosing renewable fabrics (4)
 Choosing sweatshop ‘free’ products (3)
 Buying the highest quality available (5)
 Recycling my previous purchases first (2)
 Buying locally (country) produced clothing (2)
The extent to which concern for the self takes precedence over concern
for others in consumption and disposal
The role that fashion consumption plays in the life of the individual and its
impact on other aspects of their life
The extent to which the individual is aware of, and considers, the environ-
ment and the welfare of society generally when making consumption
decisions
The extent to which attitudes to ethical fashion consumption are influ-
enced by the perception of barriers to such behaviour
The likelihood of behavioural change and motivations for this in relation to
ethical fashion consumption
Interviews were undertaken in the participants’ homes,
audio-recorded (with participant agreement) and transcribed
verbatim. Following the coding paradigm of Strauss and Corbin
(1990), open or substantive coding to establish initial data
anchors was followed by axial coding to compare and contrast
across categories. The raw data was content analysed by two
researchers, and discussed. Participants took part in a debriefing
process, where interpretations of the raw data were discussed to
ensure accurate interpretation. Data categories were refined
through selective coding and finally identification of emergent
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L. McNeill and R. Moore
themes linked to prior theory. Five core themes were, thus,
identified and are discussed in the results section.
Results and discussion
Survey findings showed an awareness of sustainability and ethi-
cal consumption concepts generally, but a marked drop in
emphasis between general consumption habits and fashion con-
sumption when it came to considering sustainable and ethical
practice. In addition, consumers surveyed did not indicate clear
differences in their understanding of sustainability and ethical
consumption as two distinct concepts, but noted a greater range
of factors as describing sustainability. Where a social desirabil-
ity bias may be present when respondents indicated the extent
to which they considered sustainability or ethics in their con-
sumption, the proportional drop between those who claimed to
always consider this issues in relation to general consumption
vs. fashion clothing consumption is of particular interest, as it
confirms the barrier theory noted in prior literature with regard
to fashion consumption (e.g. Bray et al., 2010; Connell, 2010).
Key themes emerging from the in-depth interview data were
the role of self, the importance of fashion to the individual,
concern for the environment and society, barriers to ethical
fashion consumption and motivation to change fashion con-
sumption behaviours (Table 3). These five themes can be used
to better understand the attitudes of consumers, offering topics
that can be used to further study consumer behaviour in rela-
tion to ethical fashion consumption.
Focus on the self
Interview participants exhibited different foci in relation to
their view of self in consumption decision making, with some
consumers concerned only with personal wants and their own
desire for acquisition, while others felt strongly that personal
wants should always come second to the well being of human-
ity more generally and that consumption should only ever be
need orientated. Those most concerned with personal desires
reflected a tendency to enhance their own self-image and
other’s perceptions of them through fashion acquisition. These
consumers were frequent purchasers of fashion clothing and
saw fashion spending as ‘self’-oriented as opposed to more
practical spending: ‘I do a lot of shopping. I think I have a
problem! I can’t save money and if I do have money, I go and
spend it on something straight away, even if I don’t wear it. I
just have to buy something’ (P1). The same participant notes:
‘I would rather spend money on clothes, than spend money on
things that I need . . . I would rather just spend the money on
myself’ (P1).
At the other extreme, some individuals felt that the self
should not be a focus in consumption, with a general view that
consumption is negative and propagated by capitalism and
profit making. As a result, these two individuals reported pur-
chasing minimal clothing and basing their fashion consumption
generally on need: ‘I feel that clothing is a necessary purchase,
along with food and shelter. Those things should be purchased
sustainably; I do not differentiate between the three. They are
necessary and should be purchased ethically’ (P5). These indi-
viduals were avid shoppers in second-hand stores and seldom
bought new clothing, particularly avoiding brands they deemed
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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum
‘fast fashion’. On occasions where new clothing was purchased,
it was well researched and the garments tended to be made
using sustainable resources. Old clothing was almost always
disposed of by taking to second-hand stores or given to be
reused by others. These individuals represent an existing mar-
ket for sustainable fashion and contrasted in attitude markedly
to the self-oriented participants. Between these two perspectives
fell a set of respondents who cited the category of consumption
as central to whether consideration of the self was a core driver
of their behaviour: ‘I’d only go and buy a household appliance
if I really need it, I’d be more inclined to buy clothes on a
whim because I want that T-shirt rather than I need that
T-shirt’ (P2). One might expect that this relates directly to the
level of importance each individual participant placed on fash-
ion in relation to their lifestyle and consumption perceptions,
but, interestingly, all participants in the study indicated that
clothing was important to them, albeit in different ways.
The importance of fashion
All participants in the study cited fashion and clothing as
having a certain level of importance to them. However, where
some participants noted that fashion was important as, ethi-
cally, they believed all consumption should be meaningful,
others felt that fashion’s importance was centred on ‘fitting
in’ and the social norms of fashion consumption: ‘I just guess
the need to look good because we’re in quite a judgmental
society . . . I feel everyone dresses quite nicely down here. I
guess I just don’t want to look out of place and I want to fit
in’ (P8).
Participants one (P1), seven (P7) and ten (P10) spent the
most on clothing and P1 and P7 described purchasing a rela-
tively high volume of cheaper clothing in comparison to other
participants. Fast fashion industry practice (of multiple ‘sea-
sons’ and fast turn-over of styles) was particularly attractive
and, as a consequence, the majority of their spend was on fast
fashion products. These individuals felt that fashion’s impor-
tance to them was reinforced through the behaviour of their
friends and what they saw in women’s magazines (which they
also consumed to a greater extent than other participants).
When disposing of clothing, P1 and P7 did use charity bins,
but both held a relatively negative view of the second hand
clothing market in relation to their own consumption of fash-
ion: ‘I would never take people’s second hand clothing, but if
people can’t afford clothes, then they can have my old ones’
(P1). The second hand clothing industry was only discussed in
relation to cost-saving by these two respondents; they did not
note any ethical or sustainability drivers in relation to the con-
sumption of second-hand clothing: ‘I’ll only buy something in
a second-hand shop if I really like it. Not because I know it’s
good for someone or something else’ (P7). Participant ten
(P10), the oldest participant in the study, did not shop at
second-hand stores or recycle clothing, but considered that pur-
chasing a higher volume of clothing was acceptable as they
tended to buy locally: ‘I like to support New Zealand designers.
I see shopping locally as a means of being sustainable’ (P10).
This participant did not, however, know whether the New Zea-
land designed clothing they owned was indeed manufactured in
New Zealand.
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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum
Four participants (P2; P3; P4 and P8) appeared to struggle
with balancing the importance of fashion and remaining ‘fash-
ionable’ with their attitudes toward sustainability and concerns
for the environment. Much of this conflict was addressed
through a focus on the value in use aspect of fashion items pur-
chased, with individuals citing less guilt over fashion purchases
that could be justified as linked to a physical need (such as
warm jackets or hard-wearing shoes): ‘I don’t see the reasoning
behind charging $70 for a shirt when I know it only cost $16
to make, whereas I can justify paying $750 for a jacket because
it serves a real purpose, like keeping me warm with its Goose
feathers or whatever’ (P2). Of note is that all but one of these
participants is male, potentially indicating the influence of sex
on emphasising the functionality of clothing items, but these
participants also acknowledged the growing urge to consume
less-function based fashion: ‘I guess fashion nowadays has got-
ten a bit out of control; in that it’s gotten less about necessity
and more about going with the trends’ (P2).
These individuals reported a more positive view of second-
hand clothing but also described personal motivations for this
form of fashion consumption: ‘I don’t think I get satisfaction
from second-hand stores because I am recycling clothes, I
don’t think that really comes into it for me. It’s more like a
cost effective thing or sometimes you can find [special] little
odds and ends’ (P4). Social influence was also apparent in
regard to these participants’ use of second-hand fashion: ‘I
always used to buy second-hand clothes, but my girlfriend
doesn’t like it so that influences me and I don’t go to second-
hand shops so much anymore’ (P2). This suggests that these
four individuals would be reluctant to adopt more sustainable
fashion consumption behaviours unless it is perceived to be a
social norm and acceptable to their peers.
Participants P5, P6 and P9 spent the least on clothing and
regarded fashion as strongly related to a more general motiva-
tion toward thoughtful and sustainable consumption choices.
Where clothing was viewed as a necessity by these participants,
they also enjoyed selecting fashion items and spending time
investigating the brands and practices of the items they chose.
One participant (P5) appeared quite excited by his fashion
choices, describing sustainable manufacturing practises as a
strongly positive attribute of the product he chose: ‘After about
two years of exclusive thrift store shopping, I bought some
new board shorts, made by Patagonia. They are 100% recycled
materials and, when I no longer want them, the board shorts
can be sent back to the company to be recycled’. These find-
ings illustrate a clear distinction between the behaviours of
those who see clothing as a purely functional and those who
view clothing as self-representational (fashion). What is also
apparent is that these attitudes (and subsequent behaviour) are
influenced by social pressures (such as what one believes their
peers think about clothing) and level of knowledge about the
products on offer.
Concern for the environment and social welfare
Just as the focus regarding fashion consumption for P1, P7 and
P10 tended to be on the self, the concept of sustainability was
only ever discussed in relation to what they (as an individual)
would benefit from or have to sacrifice when making sustain-
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L. McNeill and R. Moore
able clothing choices. Wider concerns for the environment or
good of society was notably missing from their musings on
fashion consumption and the term sustainability led to discus-
sion on the value they would get from their clothing choices: ‘I
buy [ things] that I know will go with a lot of other things. I
think you save a lot of money that way as well. Like, if you
buy something that’s black you know it’s going to go with a
lot of things and you’re going to get a lot of wear out of it’
(P7). These three individuals did not show particular concern
for the environment regarding their clothing consumption habits
and this indicates that a significant perceptual shift would be
necessary to change these attitudes: ‘I know what it is, but to
be honest I’ve never even thought about it’ (P1). Participant
ten (P10) emphasized this focus on benefits for the self when
prompted about sustainability. Despite earlier claiming that she
preferred to buy locally, P10 stated that she would: ‘look for
quality clothes because they will last longer. I buy from Italy
because I know these are well made’.
The avoidance of personal sacrifice often results in a large
discrepancy between attitudes and actions. This is particularly
apparent in attitudes toward issues such as sweatshop labour
and it is wider impact on society: ‘I’m very anti it, but there’s
different levels of that labour now and some of the people in it
are happy. Like, they really wouldn’t have a job anywhere else.
Well, not happy, but they’ve got to feed their families, so I
guess they’re happy enough. But I think sweatshop labour is
horrible’ (P7). When asked if this influenced the individual’s
own consumption: ‘I mean I’ve heard of companies that have
been accused of it before, Like Nike and Gap and those stores,
but I don’t really think that in New Zealand it reaches this far.
But I guess it probably does, but [no] I don’t think it is some-
thing that influences me to be honest’ (P7).
Even those participants who did express strong levels of con-
cern toward environmental or social issues admitted that their
behaviour did not always reflect these views: ‘I make an effort
to buy Fair Trade coffee if it’s feasible at the time but I prob-
ably wouldn’t walk across the other side of town just to buy
fair trade coffee’ (P8). With regard to fashion purchasing, the
majority of participants in the study tended to favour consump-
tion options which meant they did not have to compromise
their own desire for fashion: ‘I don’t think sweat shop labour
really is that important to me. When I reflect on it, I go
hmmm. . . not really proud of that, but it’s not something
changing my decisions, I still have ten pairs of really cheap
shoes that were made in China, that I don’t really wear a lot’
(P3).
The majority of participants in this study were aware of the
impact of fast fashion and clothing consumption on the envi-
ronment and related social issues, such as labour practices in
manufacturing countries but did not consider these issues in
relation to their own fashion consumption: ‘I don’t think I get
satisfaction from 2nd hand stores because I’m recycling clothes,
I don’t think that really comes into it for me. It’s more like a
cost effective thing’ (P4). Only participants P5, P6 and P9
moderated their fashion consumption in regard to perceived
environmental or social issues: ‘[I] ensure that the producers of
whatever [fashion item] it may be are fairly paid for their
work, which in turn not only helps them and their families, but
the wider community’ (P9).
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L. McNeill and R. Moore Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum

Perceived barriers to ethical or sustainable jacket, if I’d bought it new, it would have been $600 for me to
consumption buy, and I don’t know whether that’s because of the label or if
it’s actually more expensive to produce sustainable clothing, but
When asked about sustainable or ethical options in fashion con-
I could never have afforded it brand new’ (P8). However, it is
sumption, the majority of participants focussed on the second-
questionable whether this is a real or perceived barrier, as, even
hand or thrift-store market. There were few individuals who
respondents suggested that if they really liked an item of clothing
expressed any enjoyment or pleasure in this type of shopping,
they would find a way to purchase it regardless of price: ‘I don’t
with most claiming that second-hand stores ‘smelled old and
see the reasoning behind charging $70 for a shirt when I know it
musty’. When the concept of high fashion second-hand stores
only cost $16 to make, whereas I can justify paying $750 for a
and ‘vintage’ clothing trends were raised, again, the majority of
jacket because it serves a real purpose, like keeping me warm
participants did not engage in this type of fashion shopping,
with its goose feathers or whatever’ (P2). In addition, as noted by
and, of those that did, P7 maintained that she did so for herself
P10, while they feel negative about what they will have to ‘for-
rather than any ethical consumption concerns: ‘I guess I’m
feit in terms of money’, they expect items to ‘last long so I get
pleased with myself that I’ve got my money’s worth. I guess I
my money’s worth’. When fast fashion was discussed, these indi-
sort of do it for selfish reasons. I don’t really think I’m making
viduals did not appear as excited by the concept, describing the
that much of a difference . . . So I’m basically doing it for my
importance they placed on functional value perceptions, in terms
own benefit’ (P7).
of an item’s ability to project a certain image, but also to satisfy
Related to the negative opinions around second-hand clothing
more practical needs. In a fashion context, this meant that these
were the views of some participants that sustainably produced
individuals could justify spending more money on apparel that
fashion items would not look good. There was a perception that
satisfied a ‘real’ need and preferred to seek out these kinds of
fabrics would be harsh, such as canvas, which would last a long
fashion items.
time but not be particularly attractive or indeed fashionable: ‘I
Some participants cited social conditioning as a barrier to
wouldn’t have something out of canvas, because it doesn’t look
ethical or sustainable consumption, noting consumption habits
cool’ (P1). Other individuals mentioned hemp and post-
formed over a number of years as a factor preventing them
consumer recycled fabrics, however, expressed hesitancy to pur-
from changing their consumption activities: ‘I think it hard,
chase this clothing as they perceived sustainable fabrics as less
because with my consumption views, it’s something that I’m
fashionable. During an interview, it was pointed out to an indi-
only just realizing. Whereas I’ve had 22 years of conditioning
vidual that he was wearing a jacket from a brand associated with
in the other direction and so sometimes I’ll think something
the use of sustainable fabrics, and he responded: ‘I didn’t actually
and do it on instinct and then I’ll think: Oh, how does that
know that before I bought it’ (P8). The same respondent went on:
actually work in with me and my beliefs? And I know there
‘It [now] makes me feel good about their company and being
are some contradictory things between what I believe and what
able to wear it and represent it. Yet I think it should be better
I do, but I’m trying to close that gap’ (P4). Others questioned
advertised. I think if people did realise that [it was made from
the relevance of any sustainable or ethical fashion purchase
sustainable fabric] then it would be another plus for them to go
more generally, expressing scepticism around not only the pro-
out and buy it. Whereas I didn’t know that and I still liked the
ducers intent, but their own as consumers: ‘I feel slightly
jacket, but I would have been more inclined to buy it if I knew
empowered [when I purchase sustainable fashion], but I realize
that before-hand. I would have been sold!’ (P8). This suggests
it’s mostly a marketing gimmick. Companies realize there are
that better awareness of sustainable products in relation to their
neo-hippie liberals, like me, out there with pockets full of
quality and fashion would reduce some barriers to uptake
money wanting to make the ‘sustainable purchase’, so they
amongst more hesitant consumers.
develop general standards of sustainability to make me feel jus-
A lack of knowledge around what was sustainable or ethically
tified in purchasing their products. But I realize that any pur-
produced in fashion was a consistent thread through all inter-
chase I make goes against sustainability because purchase is an
views. Participants saw a need for sustainability and ethical pro-
act of consumption and consumption is the antithesis of sus-
duction information to be more explicit: For example, Participant tainability’ (P5). Individuals such as participant four could be
3 (P3) mentioned that she had seen clothes she knew were pro- seen to be more developed in regard to their understanding of
duced under sweatshop conditions but were marketed as an ethi- sustainability issues in fashion, as they show an ability to crit-
cal choice because each sale donated $10 to charity. This ically examine their own motivations and feelings in relation to
supported the feeling of having little impact more widely when such purchasing. A lack of trust, however, in the motivations
making choices as an individual: ‘I think that that is one of the of producers was evident amongst participants, with some call-
biggest issues in sustainability, it’s that whatever decision you ing for better regulation within the industry: ‘[Governments
make, there will always be things that are acting against it. It is must] create an international standard of sustainable fashion
very difficult to evaluate information that is given, because obvi- and enforce that standard’ (P4). This suggests that most indi-
ously there is smoke and mirrors and lots of things in there, so viduals ultimately believe that, in order for the fashion industry
how do you make decisions that are absolute?’ P3. to change, government intervention needs to take place.
When discussing barriers to sustainable consumption, a reoc-
curring theme amongst participants who did claim to engage in
such behaviour was cost. Participants P2; P3; P4; P8 and P10 Motivations to change
expressed a desire to become more sustainable in the future, but Because participants P1, P7 and P10 were generally uncon-
perceived a high financial cost to doing so: ‘I mean, with this cerned with the nature of manufacturing in the fast fashion

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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum
industry, they saw no need for it to change. When asked what
changes she would like to see in the production of fast fashion
products, one participant replied, ‘I’m happy with it how it is’
(P1). The prospect for these individuals to transform is low as
there appears to be no real motivation for change. Because of
this, individuals P1, P7 and P10 show limited potential as a
market for sustainable fashion products. Participants P2, P3, P4
and P8, however, often described a preference for locally made
products over fast fashion and related this to their perceptions
of sustainability in fashion purchasing. They tended to justify
this preference through a perception that these goods were
more sustainably produced and avoided the cost (both monetary
and environmental) of having to be transported. A personal
connection to the product or a value-based assessment of the
production process was apparent in responses by this group of
participants: ‘my jacket is [$750], it may seem expensive but
the difference is it’s a Kiwi brand made by a lady in Wanaka.
So I’ve met the lady who makes them, and I know that each
individual hood is hand crafted by the person who owns the
brand, so it’s not just one off a line of clothing and it’s not
made by any sweatshops’ (P2). Another participant noted a per-
ception of control over their fashion decision making as related
to locally made items: ‘I like the feeling that they haven’t been
made in a sweat shop. Like you feel like you’ve got some kind
of control’ (P3).
Participants P5, P6 and P9, however, showed a heightened
awareness of issues such as sweatshop labour in relation to fast
fashion consumption when compared with other participants:
‘one of the things I hate most about capitalism is how we
exploit 3rd world countries and get richer and richer, with
wealth that we don’t need, and they get poorer and poorer,
while we get fatter. That’s probably one of the things that dis-
gusts me most about our world at the moment, so if I found
out a brand that I wore was produced using sweatshop labour,
I’d never purchase from them again. Ever, No matter how
much I liked them. Like, that’s something I really wouldn’t
budge on’ (P6). This statement describes an attitude that
reflects a particular political ideology, a characteristic of
socially aware individuals prominent in Robbins and Green-
wald’s (1994) research into environmental action. One of the
key differences between this group of participants and others is
the notable lack of concern for personal benefit – a prime
example being that these individuals never discussed saving
money on purchases, or not being able to afford sustainable
fashion, instead focussing on the impact of their consumption
on the wider community.
Research participants that showed overt concern for sustain-
ability or ethics in their fashion purchasing also exhibited
strong views surrounding consumption more generally: ‘Shop-
ping makes me realise the gross inequality that exists in the
world. In an American supermarket, you can choose from over
100 different salad dressings. Who needs that many choices?’
(P5). This also supports Robbins and Greenwald’s (1994) find-
ings, as it demonstrates the individual’s ability to grasp and
interpret abstract concepts, such as the impact of consumption
on mankind, and suggests a drive to limit personal impact
related to this. In relation to this, while participants P5, P6 and
P9 claimed to be concerned with appearing fashionable, and
enjoyed the concept of ‘fashion’, their actual fashion consump-
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L. McNeill and R. Moore
tion was almost exclusively need based and they did not differ-
entiate between sustainability in fashion consumption and other
purchasing: ‘Sustainability is a general term that speaks to the
preservation of human life on earth in the healthiest means pos-
sible. Without consideration of sustainable practices, the toxic
degradation of the earth’s ecosystems will undoubtedly
increase, making the planet fairly uninhabitable . . . If humanity
continues to consume the earth’s resources, without considera-
tion for sustainability, there will be no future for humanity’
(P5).
Conclusions
The findings of this study suggest that fashion consumers’ atti-
tudes toward sustainability in their fashion purchasing is deter-
mined by their general level of concern for social and
environmental well being, their preconceptions toward sustain-
able fashion and their prior behaviour in relation to ethical con-
sumption actions. Given the recent global focus on ethics and
sustainability, many fashion designers are beginning to take
onboard these concepts in their in their clothing manufacture.
Fast fashion has been criticized as non-sustainable, however,
knowledge regarding actual sustaibaility practices in fashion
production seems limited. many fashion producers now utilise
sustainable fibres (e.g. hemp, organic cotton, bamboo, post-
consumer recycled fabrics), encourage second hand clothing
channels, and support ethical labour practices. Many consum-
ers, however, are hesitant to support these changes or see bar-
riers to the acceptance of sustainably produced products.
When linking attitudes to behaviour, this study indicates an
important relationship between perceptions of fashion as func-
tional or self-representing, the influence of peer groups and lev-
els of consumer knowledge about fashion products. Fast
fashion is a manufacturing response to consumer demand for
newness (Barnes and Lea-Greenwood, 2006). As such, fast
fashion products are particularly attractive to consumers who
prioritise constant change in their fashion consumption behav-
iour and subscribe to a culture of impulse buying (Mintel,
2007). Consumers who view fashion as vital to their self-
identity and ‘newness’ in fashion as promoting this (the ‘Self’
group) show little prospect as a market for sustainable fashion,
as their priorities in fashion lie elsewhere. These individuals
show little concern for the environment and social issues, con-
sistent with the findings of Birtwistle and Moore’s 2007 study
of predominantly younger fashion consumers, which found that
those who consume the most fast fashion are the least inter-
ested in environmental concerns.
Extending this, the current research shows that these ‘Self’
consumers hold unfavourable or neutral views toward sustain-
able fashion and that their behaviour is consistent with these
attitudes; displaying no drive to seek out sustainable fashion
products and particularly positive attitudes toward fast fashion
cycles. The consumers in this exploratory study did not exhibit
a connection between interest in sustainability and their choice
to shop in a second hand store, rather second-hand shopping
was done for reasons such as saving money or finding some-
thing unusual or ‘cool’ vs. any level of ethical concern. These
individuals are also less likely to be swayed by others opinions
of their choices and are thus the most difficult market for
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L. McNeill and R. Moore
sustainable fashion products. The most discouraging aspect for
marketers of sustainable fashion in relation to this group is that
‘Self’ consumers are likely to prioritise price and speed of
turn-over of items to any other concerns. The research does,
however, highlight instances where attitude and behaviour may
diverge. For instance, where a consumer may tend to view
clothing as a functional necessity, the pressure of others may
lead to the purchase of items for ‘fashion’ purposes over func-
tion. In addition, where a consumer may claim to resist pur-
chasing clothing only for ‘fashion’ purposes, knowledge of
sustainable production processes or similar my help them to
justify such behaviour.
Some consumers, however, are beginning to show increasing
concern around environmental issues and social well being,
hence developing favourable views toward sustainable fashion
products (the ‘Social’ consumer), but their behaviour is often
inconsistent with these attitudes. These individuals display some
sustainable fashion behaviour, but perceived many barriers to
fully embrace sustainable fashion. Consumers with emergent sus-
tainable fashion consumption behaviour tend to be particularly
socially aware and are thus concerned with norms of behaviour
and opinions of their peers, further driving sustainable consump-
tion. These individuals could be seen to hold the most potential
as a market for sustainable fashion. Models designed to merge
the ethics of sustainable production with the benefits of fast fash-
ion, such as the Considerate Design Framework (Black and
Ekert, 2010) may go some way toward overcoming the percep-
tual barriers of these individuals in choosing sustainable fashion
alternatives. These models, centred on developing profitable
guidelines for sustainability in mass fashion may reduce some
production costs of sustainable goods whilst maintaining the
‘newness’ principles of fast fashion – the ultimate solution to tar-
geting the bulk of fashion consumers.
The current study suggests that the ‘Social’ consumer seg-
ment shows burgeoning interest in sustainable fashion alongside
a movement away from traditional fast fashion. A number of
perceived barriers currently prevent the widespread adoption of
sustainable fashion within this group, including unawareness, a
perceived lack of social acceptance for sustainable fashion and
perceived very high prices. Because of the large population and
the focus these individuals have on social norms, mass and
social media could prove to be a valuable medium to create
awareness amongst this market. In addition, targeting opinion
leaders is likely to pay dividends here, as ‘Social’ individuals
are extremely concerned with how they are perceived by their
peers. Price appears less of a concern in reality, as these indi-
viduals have relatively few reservations paying large sums of
money for items of clothing they strongly desire (unlike ‘Self’
consumers).
The last group of consumers, (‘Sacrifice’ consumers), exhib-
ited very high levels of concern for the environment and were
adept at cognitively processing complex social issues related to
ethics and social well being. As such, these consumers were
particularly negative toward fast fashion and would avoid prod-
ucts and brands they deemed as representing fast fashion. The
‘Sacrifice’ group’s behaviour was consistent with these atti-
tudes, but a conflict remains between the desire to be fashiona-
ble and the desire to reduce consumption overall. These
consumers, unlike other groups, were the least likely to
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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum
perceive barriers to the purchase of sustainable fashion products
and are thus a useful market to lead the uptake of sustainable
products in this industry. One of the negative aspects of this
group for manufacturers of sustainable fashion products is the
way in which these consumers prioritise a reduction in con-
sumption over any fashion desire drivers. The impulse buying
culture of the fashion industry has little impact on these con-
sumers and the marketing of ‘fashion seasons’ is unlikely to
increase or change their buying habits. In this way, demand is
as uncertain within this market as within the fast fashion con-
sumer group.
Where the ‘Sacrifice’ group of individuals are already estab-
lished consumers of sustainable clothing, action could be taken
in order enhance their overall spending on such fashion. The
primary barrier for wholly embracing the sustainable fashion
movement is a pronounced scepticism of industry motives.
Gaining these individuals’ trust should be a primary goal of
sustainable fashion manufacturers, as this will minimise doubts
and encourage the individual to make repeat purchases within
the brand. These individuals are active information searchers so
extensive information and external audits of sustainable produc-
tion elements should be made available on company websites
to support this.
The current study is limited by its small, convenience sam-
ple. The findings are, therefore, not generalizable to wider pop-
ulations, but the exploratory nature of the research offers
several key topics worthy of future investigation. The study
notes the importance of self in understanding the likelihood of
sustainable clothing consumption and future research should
measure the relationship between perceptions of self and ethical
purchasing behaviours. A number of barriers to sustainable
clothing consumption are identified by participants. It would be
useful to measure the relative importance of these barriers to
uptake, again in the context of perceptions of self. Further, a
longitudinal approach to examining sustainable clothing con-
sumption is needed, as this study indicates that, as per Piaget
and Rosin’s initial theory of Ego Development (1978), partici-
pant behaviours and attitudes are likely to change over time
(and in relation to development of self-identity). Fishbein and
Ajzen (1980) identify an individual’s attitude and relevant
social norms as the key driving factors of behaviour (and thus
behaviour change). The current study supports this, where par-
ticipants discuss the conflict between their prevalent attitude to
sustainable consumption and that of society (e.g. the consumer
who ‘can’t be bothered’ with recycling, but does so due to the
social visibility of the act). This relationship should be further
explored in order to understand how the behaviour model is
constructed in relation to clothing purchase, and the role of
self-identity in this construction.
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