Indigo Plantation and the Agrarian

Relations in Champaran during the

Nineteenth century*

GIRISH MISHRA,
Kirori Mal College, Delhi.

No systematic work has so far been done on the growth of indigo

plantations in Bihar. The references that one finds to it in works of
history are stray and incidental. In this paper, an attempt has been
made to analyse the endogenous factors, besides the trends in world
market, which led to the development of indigo plantations by European
planters on modern lines and the problems that this development had to
face, in the district of Champaran. Among the endogenous factors, the
role of agrarian relations has been analysed in some detail. The scope
of this paper is confined to the 19th century. The author, however,
proposes to study in another paper, the 20th century developments in
indigo plantations, along with the issues involved in the Champaran
Movement led by Gandhiji and also the overall impact of these develop-
ments on the economy of the district.

(1)

Duringthe last century indigo cultivation and the manufacture of

dye carried on on a large scale and occupied a prominent place in the
were

economy of North Bihar, particularly the district of Champaran.

When the cultivation of indigo first began in North Bihar is not

exactly known. But one thing is certain that indigo was being produc-
ed on a very small scale, long before the arrival of the Europeans.

* I am thankful to my Senior Colleague Sri Arun Bose and to my friend

Sri N. L. Gupta for their helpful comments on the draft of this paper.

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 333

The cultivation of indigo by Euorpean methods began in the latter

half of the 18th century.22 The first factory was founded by a Dutch,
Alexander Niel (who afterwards set up the Niel and Company) at Kanti
in the district of Muzatlarpur in the year 1778. In 1782, Mr. Francois
Grand came as first collector of Sarkar Tirhoot (comprising of the
present districts of Darbhanga and Muzaffarpur). He took a keen in-
terest in the promotion of indigo cultivation. He is said to have built
three factories, though the names of the factories are nowhere
mentioned.33 Although indigo factories rapidly spread in Muzaffarpur
and Darbhanga (here in 1793 the total number of factories had gone
up to 9), no factory was built in the district of Champaran until early
1800’s. The first factory in Champaran was built at Bara (or Barrah
near the Chakia station on the Muzaffarpur-Motihari line). It is not
4
certain when the factory was actually built.4 Soon after, the Rajpur
and the Turkaulia concerns were started by Messrs M. Moran and Henry
Hill respectively. Later in 1845, captain John Taylor built Siraha and
then a number of other factories and outworks came up.

The late start of indigo factories in Champaran is explained by the

fact that, in those days, main interests of the European planters were
in sugar industry. In 1816, the collector did not even mention indigo
in the indigenous products of the district. Only after 1830, we find
a reference to indigo by the collector. Sugar continued to be a flourish-
ing industry until about 1850, and the Revenue Survey of 1947, made
frequent mentions about steam sugar factories scattered through several
Pargallas of the district.5 The Sugar industry suffered a grave set-back
during 1845-50, from which it could not recover for about 60 to 70
years. About the failure of the sugar industry, Minden Wilson wrote,
. &dquo;.... The soil of Bihar is as a rule light, and a cane crop easily exhausts
it. The soil north of the Bhagnattee river.... is stiffer and better for
cane, but the lands there are liable to inundation. In 1845-50, little
or no attempts at manuring were tried. Most factories grew indigo
side by side with sugar-cane, but the valuable &dquo;seeth&dquo; (refuse manure)
was not made use of. In those days saltpetre was a very paying in-
dustry and the &dquo;seeth&dquo; was used for fuel in the Salpetre refineries. Men
who had started sugar industry were utterly ignorant of what was re-
quired to make the industry a success. All they knew was that Tom,
Dick or Harry had put down some bighas of cane. They never con-
sidered that these Bighas were small plots of the very best and richest
lands and that they had got an enormous outturn of what they called
sugar, and they calculated that if .this sugar sold in Calcutta at a certain
figure, fortunes wereDownloaded inier.sagepub.com
well from view. at What was the result?
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of manure or change of lands, the produce per bigha fell yearly from
say, 60 maunds per bigha to 22. The sugar granulated after a fashion,
but after it had been bagged became a sticky mass and. the conse-
quence was that it sold in Calcutta for next to nothing-whether it was
the climate affecting the stuff, or that it was underboiled, no one seemed
to know. The sugar would not show a dry clean grain. Factories had
invested in expensive machinery and plan-principally open pans....
Though.... vacuum pans made good sugar, the lands were exhausted,
and production falling to zero, they had to be shut up&dquo;.~G

Secondly, indigo after 1849-50, became than sugar.

more profitable
After 1849-50, the prices of indigo began to shoot up and the dye sold
at very lucrative prices, so people stoppped bothering their heads about
sugar. ~ .According to O’Malley, in the begining the cultivation of sugar-
cane was very considerable, and many of the indigo concerns were

originally started as sugar factories.8 This led to the transfer of a large

part of capital invested in sugar industry to the indigo plantation and the
dye manufacture.9 The area under the sugar-cane crop at the time of
the survey and settlement of 1892-99 was only 11,000 acres.10 During
1896-97, sugar-cane was grown in 9,300 acres while area under indigo
was 70,000 acres.ll

Thirdly, in the beginning, from the point of view of indigo cultiva-

tion and manufacture of dye, ’Bengal was in full swing’. Bengal had
other advantages too. Calcutta being the main market and port for
the sale of dye and its export, the Bengal indigo factories had to incur
a very small amount of transport expenditure as compared to the factor-
ies in North Bihar, particularly Champaran because it is in the north-west-
ern comer of North Bihar. As a result of troubles and the Report of the

Indigo Commission, indigo plantation was forced more and more out
of Lower Bengal and it had to migrate to North Bihar and to some
extent to the United Provinces. 12 The breakdown of the indigo system
iW Bengal proper led to the transfer of a part of capital invested in Bengal
to Bihar. This further helped the growth of indigo plantation in
~har.13 North Bihar attracted the planters most because it was the
most productive indigo area and also the only tract in which native
manufacturers had not by that time succeeded in establishing themselves
in competition with Europeans. 14 In the year 1857-58, Bengal proper
produced 50,330 maunds (1 md.=800 lbs.) and Bihar produced
18,882 maunds of indigo. But in the year 1888-89, the position was
reversed, The production in Bihar rose to 58,748 maunds. 15

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 335

Lastly, the mutiny of 1857 was more serious in Bihar and the
planters in North Bihar proved to be strong props of the Company’s rule
They fought against the mutineers, guarded Muzaffarpur and helped the
Company restore its rule. As a result of this, the attitude of the gov-
ernment became much more favourable to them. ’The experiences of
the Mutiny and the motives of imperial interest.... dictated the ex-
pediency of creating pockets of European population intended to sup-
port the Empire in times of emergency.&dquo;’, The hands of the planters
were strengthened, they were given magisterial powers, and posts in
the army.

Dr. Rajendra Prasad gave another reason for a comparatively faster

spread of indigo plantation in Champaran after the failure of the sugar
industry.’? According to him, the climate of the district was cooler and
for that reason it was liked by the Europeans. This explanation seems
to be superficial. In spite of the cooler climate, the district was a
victim of malaria, goitre and other epidemics. In course of our dis-
cussion, we shall see the main factor responsible for the faster growth
of indigo plantation was the system of land tenures.
1

(2)

The indigo plantation was primarily a European (mostly British)

enterprise. The natives, mostly Zamindars, participated in it in the
periods of an expanding cultivation, but the native enterprise hardly
survived the periods of depression.&dquo;’ In the beginning, in one of the
major factories of Champaran, Rajpore, a Bengali gentleman was a co-
proprietor along with a European, Jeifry Finch.&dquo;) In addition to this,
a number of small concerns were started by the Indians. For exam-
ple, Zammunapore factory was established by Moonshee Jawad
Hosain in 1864-65, but was sold to an Englishman in 1888; Gopalpore
factory was built by Opendro Narain Singh, one of the babus of Chain-
core in 1887 but he sold it to M. Macleod; Latepur was set up in 1870

by Harman for Seere Ram of Patna, but after a few years, it had to
be closed .20 The Indians could not succeed and the Europeans
dominated the scene throughout. The non-participation of the Indian
Zamindars was not the result of any inability to acquire the necessary
technical skill for indigo plantation and dye manufacture; they could
have acquired it by a little perseverence. Since there were a number
of wealthy Zamindars, the problem was not one of want of required
capital either. The real cause seemed to be a lack of enterprise among
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336

the Zamindars who were provided with a secure income by the Perma-
nent Settlement. ’The settlement was being found more and more
workable as it was gradually shedding its early harshness and vigour.
The zamindars naturally preferred building their fortunes on it to going
in for the hazards of the indigo system. 21 Moreover, the feudal values, easy
way of life and lack of support from the government did not favour
their involvement in indigo plantation.

For indigo cultivation

high non-inundated lands were considered
suitable. Deep and thorough
digging was needed for the indigo plant. Af-
ter digging, ploughing was done, five or six ploughs were needed at a
time. After the land was ploughed, clods were broken up and the field
was ploughed up, perhaps three or four times, according to the dryness,

stubborness, or clayiness of the soil. The smaller clods which remain-

ed were then finally broken by hand by a number of men, women and
children in one long row until there was not a lump left bigger than an
ordinary walnut. Sowing commenced in about February. Sowing
involved the use of a drill, a bamboo-instrument and bullocks. By the
time it was a few inches above ground, weeds grew to such an extent
as to necessitate weeding. Weeding had to be repeated several times.
Indigo was ripe near about June. After all arrangements for manu-
facturing were completed, the cutting began and the ryots had to trans-
port the plants to the factories. Indigo sown before the rains had to
be irrigated by artificial means and it was commonly called pataua.
The first cutting was called morhan, the second and the third cutting
were known as klwnti and tira,nti respectively. In Champaran the chief
sowing was phaguni (sown in February) .22

At the outset the indigo factories were established only in places

where the soil was suitable both for indigo and sugarcane cultivation.
But after a few years, some of the planters began to settle in the north-
western parts of the district. Ultimately, the entire district became
’honey-combed’ with indigo factories. 23 Factories were constructed
mainly on the banks of the lakes (the district has 43 lakes), because
they needed ample quantity of water.

During the19th century, the district was owned by a few big pro-
prietors, with a small number of petty revenue-free proprietors, and
with but few subordinate tenures. The greater portion of the district
was held by three very big zamindari estates, namely, Bettiah, Ram-

nagar and 1B1adhuban. Petty proprietors were fairly numerous in the

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 337

Madhuban, Dhaka and Kesariya Thanas, but everywhere the Bettiah

Raj and a few big zamindars predominated. Nearly the whole area
under different estates was in the occupation of the tenants; and the
area held as proprietors’ Zircrt or private land was inconsiderable,
amounting to only 0.3 per cent of the total occupied area. Besides,
2 per cent was in the direct cultivation of proprietors, but it was not
true zirat, only 36,212 acres (net cropped area of the district during
1892-99 was 2262 square miles) were cultivated by the proprietors.
The competition was mainly for the tenants to occupy land, and the
landlords had no incentive to reserve land for their own cultivation 24
because they got a fairly substantial income in the form of rents from
’

the ryots.

A ryot residing in any of the estates was a tenant-at-will, unless

he had secured to himself a right of occupancy by residing in, or culti-
vating for twelve consecutive years, the same piece of land whether the
same be held under hottah or not, such was the dictum of law. The
construction put on that law in practice (vide the judgement of the
High Court, 12th May, 1863) was that, where a tenant held under a
fixed term of years, such leases must be considered as containing a stipu-
lation (within the meaning of section 7 of Act x of 1859), expressly
contrary to the presumption that a tenant holding under it should ac-
quire a right to occupy for any greater length of time than the term,
and, consequently, that at the expiration of the term the lessor had the
power to eject the lesee. Again the High Court had ruled (in the case
of Roy Uditnarain Sing Vs Obekram Singh, 28th August, ,1865 ) that
cultivation by a ryot for twelve years prima facie led to the presumption
of a right of occupancy; but it was qualified by section 7 of Act x of
1859, which excluded all cases in which the land was held under an
express written contract inconsistent with the accruing of a right of
occupancy

Mr. R. P. Jenkins, Commissioner of Patna, wrote to Mr. T. B. Lane,

Offg. Secretary to the Board of Revenue (vide letter No. 136, dated
the 6th May, 1869) that the Calcutta High Court in its judgement
(vide case No. 3147 of 1866 dated 19th June, 1867) had clearly laid
down that a zamindar, on the death of an occupant ryot, was entitled
to let his land to whomsoever he pleased. A distant relation of the
deceased ryot was not entitled to succeed by inheritance, and did not
have the power to set aside the arrangement made by the zamindar
letting the lands to another tenant. The judgement deprived relations
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338

who were by Hindu law allowed to succeed to the rights of their de-
ceased kith and kin from inheriting occupancy rights in lands. The
ryots as a body never believed that they possessed any right of occu-
pancy which the zamindar could not at pleasure deprive them of.26

The custom in the Bettiah Estate had been, from time immemorial,
to lease all the villages (colloquially at thika) because the areas of the
Estate was about 2,000 square miles and the communication was not
very convenient. So for better management the Estate was divided
into small parts and leased out either to the highest bidders, or to
favourite dependents, as a means of livelihood. The lessees had to look
after the villages leased out to them, to realize rents from the tenants
and to pay their dues to the Estate. This practice obtained in Ram-
nagar and Madhuban estates also. The lease was generally for a period
of seven years. On the expiry of each lease, the tenants had to obtain
from the incoming thikedar by payment of a &dquo;Salamee&dquo; a fresh lease
for a period of seven years; or should they decline to pay the salamee,
they could not get their leases renewed. Thus, the tenants were liable
to be ousted at the thikedar’s pleasure. It was quite clear that the
tenants who upon payment of salamees received written titles termin-
able with their lease, could acquire no right of occupancy. As we
have already seen, it was very difficult for the tenants to acquire occu-
pancy rights because of the defects in the law. In numerous instances
the thikedar was also the village malzajan. The authority of the two,
when blended together, had effectively destroyed the rights of the tenants
which under other circumstances would have guaranteed security of
occupancy. The ignorance of the law and its requirements, dislike of
litigation, subservience to the thikedars and poverty had all rendered
the mass of Champaran peasantry singularly tractable under oppressive
landlords. They showed a great obedience to their immediate landlords,
and regarded themselves as but tenants during the landlord’s pleasure.?7

Thus, the zamindar in the district had, from time immemorial,

looked upon himself, and been looked up to by the ryots, as absolute
owner of the soil, with power to dispossess the ryot of his ’jove’ (hold-

ing), or demand any amount of rent for it. With exception of a few
khoordeah nialicks (small zamindars) no zamindars kept his villages
kham Tuhseel (under own rent colection). The thikedars for the time
being, to all intents and purposes, were landlords of the villages. In
the earlier days all lessees were Indians and they had been there from

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 339

before 1793. Later on Europeans who engaged in indigo and sugar-

cane cultivation began to take lease’3 from the Bettiah and Ramnagar
Estates.211

The European planters began indigo-cultivation as thikedars, and

from 1888 as mokararidars also. The principal intermediate tenure was
known as thikedari in which the holder (thikedar) contracted to hold
the property at a fixed rental either for a certain term of years or until
a sum of money (jarsaman) advanced on usufructuary mortgage was

repaid. A tenure which might be either intermediate or cultivating was

mokarari or tenure in perpetuity at a fixed rent. 29

No sooner than the the scene

European planters appeared on

as thikedars, they replaced The zamin-

most of the Indian thikedars.
dars were interested in getting as much money as they could extort
from the thikedars. It was customary for the zamindars to demand
higher amounts of rents on the renewal of every lease. The new thike-
dars met the demands of the zamindars either by raising the rents
payable by the ryot or by adding fallow or waste lands to his holding.
Later on, salamees were extorted from each and every ryot by a new
thikedar. Planters were not interested in being mere thikedars and
earning an income. They needed the powers of thikedars to force the
ryots to cultivate indigo for them. Their main source of profit was
indigo. They offered to pay higher amounts to the zamindars. In
certain cases, payments to the zamindars by the planters were much
higher than the gross collections from the ryots. Mr. H. Bell, Oflg.
judge of the Court of Small Causes, Motihari wrote to the Secretary
to the Govt. of Bengal (vide letter No. 14, dated the 24th April, 1868)
-&dquo;one gentleman informed us that he collected Rupees 40,000 from
his ryots, and paid 52,000 to the zamindar, thus leaving a loss of
Rupees 12,000 per annum to be made good by the profits on indigo&dquo;.30

In some cases where they could not dislodge the Indian thikedars,
they made up with them. The Indian thikedars assured of their own
profit and saved from the troubles and discomfort involved in the collec-
tions of rent from the ryots, sublet their villages to the planters. The
planters, thus, became what was called at that time, kcrtkinadars.jl

From the above discussion, if follows that the greedy zamindars need-
ed the planters as much as the planters needed the thikedary rights. Both
I

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340

were interested in money. R. P. Jaenkins in February, 1868 forwarded

to the Government of Bengal, amemorandum from the Offg. Magistrate
and collector of Champaran in which the collector had written about
Bettiah Raj: &dquo;The Bettiah estate has been for a long time in an in-
volved condition. The Maharajah himself has been for years addicted
to drinking and careless of his worldly affairs, and hence all kinds of
adventurers and good-for-nothings have been living on the estate, and
have been squandering its income either directly themselves or indirect-
ly by inveigling the Rajah .... Things had gone on from bad to worse
till enormous debts had been incurred, and it became neecssary to turn
about in every direction for money.

&dquo;At this juncture, the European planter appeared on the stage,

ready and desirous of giving higher rents, and even of making large
cash advances for all such farmers as might be given to him. Thus
leased to Europeans&dquo;. Proceedings of Home Deptt. Pub. Branch,
1869, ~’Vo.s. 108-114).

(3)

The main systems of indigo cultivation in the district were two,

namely nij or zirat, i.e., the home-farm system and raiyati or cissamiit,at-,
i.e., cultivation through factory tenants (assan>is).&dquo;2 Under the zirat
systent, the planter himself cultivated certain lands at his own expense
and with hired labour. These were the lands which had been set aside
for a long time for the use of the landlord or his lessee. Additions
could be made to them from fields abandoned or surrendered by ryots,
and as a result of the lapse of the pottah owing to the failure of heirs,:’:’~
and by forcible eviction of the ryots.

Aftertaking the lease of villages, the royts were summoned by the

planter and asked to cultivate indigo on a portion of their holdings
Sattas (agreements) were executed between the planted and the ryot.
The ryot agreed, on receiving an advance to grow indigo on a certain
specified portion of his holding and to pay damages if he failed to carry
out the contract. Given below is the abstract of a Satta :-

&dquo;I, A.B., acknowledge that I have received an advance of Rupees 2

from the factory, and in consideration thereof, I bind myself to culti-
vate for the period of seven years one beegah of indigo. I undertake
to prepare my land in such a manner as shall be approved by the

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 341

factory servants; and after receiving the seed, to sow the land with
indigo in the months of Falgoon (15th February-l5th March), should
the seed, from any cause, not germinate, I further promise to re-sow
the land, or such portion as may be necessary, in Bysac (April 15-
May 5), and again if necessary, in Ashar (June 1 S-July 15). I
further promise, when the manufacturing season commences, to cut the
plant and load it on the factory carts, and I agree to receive, as the
remuneration of my labour, Rupees 8 a beegah, if the crop is a good
one, and Rupees 4 a beegah, if the crop is a failure. I also under
take to pay the rent of the land upon which the indigo is grown, and
If I fail to fulfil any of the terms of this agreement, I bind myself to
pay to the factory damages at the rate of Rupees 16 a beegah&dquo;.-’ 14 The
rent of the land was deducted from the total amount of advance (local-
ly called dadani) payable to the ryot. The lands were changed every
three or five years when they became useless for growing indigo, and
other lands were selected instead. This process called Badlain or ex-
change was a prominent characteristic of the assamiwar system. Suc-
cessive crops of indigo exhausted the soil, so it seemed necessary to
arrange for an exchange of land, and badlain was a practice universally
followed. The satta was generally for the same period as the lease.
Generally, the ryot was required to cultivate three kathas per bigha of
upland (bhit). This was known as tinkathia system. Some factories
demanded a larger portion of the land (five to six kathas) to be devoted
to indigo

The other two systems of indigo cultivation, namely, khuski and

kurtauli, were rarely adopted in Champaran. Under the khuski sys-
tem, the planter entered into agreements with the ryots who were not
the tenants of the factory. The agreements were of a voluntary nature
because the planter had no power or hold over the ryots-living outside
his area. The factory supplied seed and paid for the crop at higher
rates in order to induce the ryots to cultivate indigo. The factory
sometimes gave an advance to the cultivators at a low rate of interest

This system was not encouraged by the planters for it proved to be

much less advantageous in comparision to the Assamiwar system. More-
over, in Champaran, the planters had such extensive tenurial rights that
they could always force their own ryots to cultivate indigo and fulfil
their demand and thus, had no need to negotiate with the ryots holding
land in other estates for the supply of indigo.37 W. W. Hunter gives
another reason for non-prevalence of the khuski system. According

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342

to him, the zamindars opposed it, as they lost the profit gained by
granting leases to planters. 311 On the planters’ part, he had no coer-
cive power to force the ryots of other estates to fulfil their agreement
and as the rate of payment was higher, his profits were less.

Under the kurtauli system which was sometimes called the shikami
system, the factory sublet land from the ryots and itself grew indigo
with its own labour, bullocks etc. From the sum agreed on was de-
ducted the rent due from the ryot to the factory in its capacity as land-
lord ; the factorywas, in fact, a mere under-ryot. It was a device to
increase the land under zirat when there developed troubles regarding
the Assamiwar system. Kurtauli leases were few and far between
except in Motihari thana,3!) because the factories had no great need to go
beyond the Assamiwar system and take on the strenuous task of self-
cultivation. On the other hand, the zamindars thought that Kurtauli
system like the khuski system placed the ryots in too independent as
position and for that reason, they opposed it.4°
In the prevailing tenurial conditions, the planters’ interests lay in
increasing the area under the Assamiwar system. As we have already
seen, as thikedars, they had the necessary coercive power to force the
peasants to grow indigo on their terms so that they could minimize the
cost and risk of cultivation and maximize their profits. The peasantry
had no other way but to submit.

Moreover, the planters had to face three types of difficulties in

extending their nij zirat
or cultivation-difficulties of getting enough
land with a secure right of occupancy, getting that land properly culti-
vated and supervised and making the cultivation fairly profitable. The
supervision over the cultivation was a very difficult problem. The
could not reasonably hope to land in a compact block. The
planters get
proper time for cultivation was spring and sowing entirely depended on
the first suitable rain. It was absolutely necessary that sowings would
be complete within three to four days after the rain. To do it efficient-
ly within a short time, the planter had to move rapidly about his en-
ctire establishment over a wide region. The problem of the supply
of necessary labour and ploughs was not easy to solve. 41 Even for
their own small zirats, the European planters could not get sufficient
labour force and they had to import a large number of Adibasi Oraon
families from Ranchi district, which became a perennial source of good
and cheap labour.4’-’ These Oraons are now usually found near about
the former indigo factories and they are known as Dhanagars.

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 343

Building up a self-sufhcient organization by maintaining bullocks,

ploughs and labourers was tedious and even impossible besides being
costly. For a zirat of 1000 bighas, the planter had to maintain at least
2000 ploughs and this was impossible. Even hiring such a large num-
ber of ploughs was not possible, because very few farmers could have
voluntarily agreed to lend their ploughs during the busy agricultural
season.

Moreover, the zirat system involved payment of cash for all the
items of production but the Assamiwar system in some way, involved
an unpaid or lowly paid labour process. In a general way, the culti-
vation by small peasants on their own holdings was more economical
than by paid labourers on the planters’ lands. The ryot always plough-
ed his own land better and the supervision by the factory servants was
always there. We charged more money from the planter for ploughing
the planter’s zirat and did not do the job whole-heathy.’3 .

We have seen that indigo was a very risky crop. Its successful
growth depended largely on suitable rain, and the entire work of sowing
had to be completed within a short time. Under the Assamiwar sys-
tem, if the crop failed, as it did in very many cases, the entire response-
bility was that of the peasant and he was liable to be charged damages;
while under the zirat system, the planter had to bear the entire risk in-
volved. As a result of all this, the rate of profit was smaller under the
zirat system and the planter had to provide for a sufficient amount of
capital.

Thus, the tendency on the part of the planter was to keep to the
minimum the area under the zirat system of cultivation and maximize
the area under the Assamiwar system.

(4)

The peasantry, since very early times had been free to decide what
to produce,how much to produce and how to produce. The zamin-
dars and the Indian thikedars had never interfered in the affairs of the
peasants or disturbed their crop-patterns. But with the planters as
thikedars of kutkinadars, the situation changed. They began to com-
pel the peasants to cultivate indigo on a portion of their holdings.
During those days, the peasants had minimum needs beyond food,
clothes and housing. They built their own houses and clothes they

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344

bought from the village weavers by giving them a portion of their

produce. They devoted their entire holdings chiefly to the production
of food-grains especially rice and some pulse and oilseeds. The village
was to a large extent a self-sufficient unit and money had not penetrat-
ed very much and production for the market was limited. Compulsion
by the planter on the ryot to promise indigo resulted in the curtailment
of rice production. The peasants thought that if they gave land for the
cultivation of indigo, they could not engage in any other cultivation and
they would die without rice crops. If they gave the labour of one-
and-a-half of their ploughs for the cultivation of planter’s indigo fields,
their boiling pots of rice would go empty. 44 This aroused a feeling of
resentment among the ryots.

As we have already seen, prior to the arrival of the planters, al-

most all the thikedars were Indians. But the planters replaced the
Indian thikedars within a very short time. As a result of this, the dis- ,

placed Indian thikedars lost not only a source of unearned income and
economic power, but vocial status and prestige too. They became
enemies of the planters and began to side with the peasants in their
struggle against the planters. They were backed by the powerful
Maharanee of the Bettiah Estate, who was very shrewd and wielded a
great deal of influence over the Rajah and commanded a good deal of
respect among the people. The Maharanee who was the virtual ruler,
found her powers restricted because of interference from the European
Managers, particularly during the time of the managership of Mr. T.
Gibbon, a former planter. The managers were imposed by the
Government.4&dquo;

But the above were only secondary reasons for the dissatisfaction
of the peasants. The main reasons, however, were economic. The
indigo cultivation did not itself pay the ryot for the labour he expend-
ed on a task which held out to him no direct profits or advantages .4l~
Without any economic gain, he had to undergo unusual troubles and hard
labour and there was a constant call on his energy to carry out the high
system of cultivation requisite for the successful production of the
indigo plant
Minden Wilson, himself a planter, admitted that the rates paid
for ryoti indigo were very low .... and, as ryots often had to pay high
rents, very little remained to the cultivator after paying this.48 In 1868,
a number of villagers submitted a petition to the Lieut-Governor of

Bengal.4&dquo; They submitted.... &dquo;Planters called up your Petitioners and

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 345

ordered them to cultivate indigo on their lands, your petitioners were at

first unwilling to do so, but from fear of the said Planters they began
from the commencement of the year 1272 Fuslee to sow indigo on 4
Kottahs from a Bigah at a rental of 20 Rs. and 8 annas annually while
the cost of your Petitioners was Rs. 17-8 or 18 annually.

That for the return the said Planters gave your Petitioners in
some year, Rs. 2 and in others Rs. 3 per Biggah and promised to pay
the balance afterwards&dquo;.

The General Administration Report of the Commissioner of the

Patna Division for 1872-73, categorically stated that the crop was not
a paying one to the ryots at the prices ruling at that time. GO The
Magistrate and collector of Tirhut, Mr. F. M. Halliday went into the
question of the profitability of the crop. He calculated the cost of cul-
tivation to the ryot at Rs. 4-11-0 per bigha (7,225 square yards),
so that with the highest rate said to be usually, given, the profit was

only one-ninth, whereas the profit of a rub bee crop on the same land
was calculated by him at Rs. 3, and considering that the best lands
were taken for indigo. ;.1 With this should be taken into account the
strenuous task of indigo cultivation. Moreover, the spring sown crop
had to be attended to at the very time of the principal rice sowings.
According to Dr. Francis Buchanan , the whole produce of the field
did not exceed the rent.

The growers were cheated both in the measure of their land and
in the measure of the plant. ,3

The high prices of foodgrains ruling during those years

had pressed sorely on the resources of the ryots and had no doubt made
them feel that indigo was in no way profitable to them. According to
Wilson, &dquo;The price of bullocks has gone up very much since the year I
first visited Sitamurhi Fair. In 1848, and 1849, you could have got
a splendid pair for Rs. 80, you now pay for the same class of animal
over Rs. 150. Timber, also, has much increased in price, a log that
would have cost Rs. 8, is now Rs. 100&dquo;.;;4

The factories made huge profits from indigo. Wett has given the
following quotation from the Report of the Director, Land Records
and Agriculture in Bengal. The figures of the budget of a factory
in Bihar cultivating 1,500 acres are stated in the Indians Agriculturist
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346

of the 23rd February, thus-the rent payable to the zamindar was

Rs. 69,000, but the amount received from the villages Rs. 70,000, so
that the rent was more than paid by the villagers, and the profit to be
derived from the indigo land was all to the good. Nearly Rs. 1,20,000
was required under various items for working expenses, including es-

tablishment, and everything, and the total working charge for the year
was in round numbers Rs. 4,20,000 (misprint for Rs. 1,20,000 ? ) .
The actual yield, however, was 1,150 maunds (of 82 lbs. ) , which sold
for an average price of Rs. 200 per maund, thus bringing in Rs. 2,30,000
Or, in other words, after allowing 10 per cent on the capital sunk in
the factory, and another 10 per cent as a reserve fund for wear and
tear, the factory yielded nearly cent per cent on its working charge-
These facts, it is added, show what enormous profits can be made out
of the indigo industry-profits so large that the planter can afford to
borrow his capital and pay 22 to 23 per cent for charges and interest&dquo; * 5---
The cost of raw materials, the chief factor in the price of the final pro-
duct, as the conversion cost of Rs. 10 worth of indigo was estimated
in 1860 at only one and half rupees.,,&dquo;- The widespread knowledge
that enormous fortunes were derived from indigo by the factories, and
the natural desire on the part of the ryots that they should obtain at
least some share in the money made by the sweat of their brow, and by
the many inconveniences they had to encounter in that task, caused
resentment against the planters

The planter’s were never ploughed back into the cultiva-

profits
tion of indigo nor wereany facilities given to the peasants for the im-
provement of agriculture. There was a regular transfer of accumu-
lated profits to England. The Magistrate of Muzaffarpur sought to
explain the low price paid to the ryots by the practice of &dquo;frequent re-
tirements from the country of planters who have made their fortnues&dquo;.
The senior planters retired and the junior planters took over. This
change worked to keep the price low. To explain how it happened,
the Magistrate wrote, &dquo;It is difficult to believe that a rich proprietor,
residing in the district and seeing his wealth accumulate year by year
at the expense of his ryots, could refuse to make concessions from time
to time in their favour. But when he quits the country, he ceases to
think of the labourers by whom his wealth is produced, while the
manager (if a junior partner) is eager to pay off the borrowed money
with which he has bought his share and made his own fortune&dquo;.58
According to Benoy Chowdhury, the planters were mere speculators,
&dquo;They borrowed funds, invested them in indigo, sought to make the
most of their deal with the zamindars and the peasants and when for-

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 347

tune were made, went away... - This prevented the normal ac-
cumulation of capital. If the planters had been Indians, the profits
left after a kind of conspicuous consumption would have finally gone
to the cultivation, provided they did not contemplate a complete aban-
donment of the enterprise. But the frequent withdrawal of profit by
the European planters prevented any expansion of the enterprise. The
new partner who took over was similarly prompted by the motives of

getting rich quick. The withdrawal of profit kept the entire base of
production organisation perpetually weak; it remained vulnerable to
any crisis and jolt. A large accumulation of capital, a ready command
over bigger resources could have enabled to tide over tlne crisis. The
immediate consequence of any crisis was that the were further planters
drawn into their creditors’ net. An equally significant consequence
was a greater severity of pressure on the peasants. The cultivation
of indigo was usually organised in such a way as to ensure to the
planters, the largest possible profits, made out of the appropriation of
peasants’ surplus. Crisis in the general system made this process of
appropriation much more ruthless.60

Hiring of and bullock carts from the peasants caused dis-

ploughs
/
satisfaction among them. They got very little or no payment and
their own work suffered. A large number of the peasant>= of Champa-
ran submitted a petition in 1868 to the then Lieut. Governor of Bengal.
In the words of the petitioners-&dquo;Gharries or conveyances are forcibly
taken from the Ryots .... and paid for at 2 annas when the rate fixed
by the Magistrate paid at 9 pie where the rate is 2 annas and plough-
bullocks and 5 pie where 3 annas is the rate.&dquo;61 This ~s corroborated
by the Report of the Committee on the Agrarian conditions of
Champaran (1917).
I
’

Absence of sympathywith the ryots evinced by managers of the

the factories as comparedto the more human interest which the old
thikedars showed to his ryots added fuel to the fire. Bihar had a
rather rough set of planters, some of whom had been slave them.62in
drivers
America and carried unfortunate ideas and practices with
Factories had all the goonda elements in their service. The under-
lings of the factories indulged in constant harassing of the ryots. They
indulged in all kinds of oppressions and extortions. On the 5th De-
cember, 1867, Mohasay Singh and some others of village Rijrin, attach-
ed to the Police Station Motihari, submitted a petition the Govem- ~o
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348

ment to the following effect :-

&dquo;That the village has been given in ijara to indigo planters. They
have appropriated all the lands for cultivation of indigo and not a field
has been left for raising corns and other articles which are stuff of life.
All the paddy fields have been entirley left to the mercy of the ’stranglers
(planters). To crown all this misfortune, in every indigo season, and
in fact throughout the entire year, your petitioners and other rayats are
dragged to labour day and night for their oppressors, without even a
hope for a remuneration for all those drudgeries. Their cattle are
forcibly carried away and often made use of for ploughing the indigo
fields. Several applications have been made to the zamindars as well
as the judicial and police officers of the district for obtaining redress
for all those grievances, but all the attempts of your petitioners as well
as of those who shared their misfortune were rendered ineffectual by
the powers and influence of the said planters. Several rayats being
despaired of any hope of release from all troubles have left their home
and fields and fled to other districts where they have found their shelter.
Under these circumstances as well as the tyrany and oppression which
is now being exercised by the planters, life has become almost intoler-
able, and there is no means of obtaining redress from the grievances
other than calling upon your lordship’s interference in the matter. Your
petitioners fervently hope that your Lordship will be graciously pleased
to take notice of these troubles which have reduced almost half the
peasantry of the district of Champaran to the lowest stage of poverty
and pass orders which your Lordship will think just and proper.&dquo;C,3

In other petition in 1868, some other peasants submitted: &dquo;Each

factory has about 200 men ready to destroy and plunder your petitioners’
cultivations.... The Planters now insist upon the whole of your
Petitioners’ lands being cultivated with indigo and are attempting to
plunder the whole of the fruits of your Petitioners’ labours. Parties
who made objections were illegally made defendants both in the civil
and criminal courts by the said Planters. Conditions in the
indigo plantations in Bihar were probably worse than in Bengal.
Lawrence reported that the ryot was no better than a serf and cultiva-
tion was being carried on under a system of pressure and terror.65

A very high percentage of the advances to cultivators was taken

by the lawless and unprincipled bullies carrying out the planters’ ruth-
less policies. That went by the name of dusloree. Such extortions

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 349

were certainly winked at, if not openly recognized, by th ’ planters as

the legitimate perquisites of the amlalis.
The planters regularly a certain sum’ on the ryots in addi-
levied
z
tion to the rent. These unauthorised dues were generally known as
abi4,abs. Though the’ imposition of abwab was forbidc~en by law,
the planters did not care for the law. The abawab realized by the
planters had many names. The iiame-s of the principal abawab were
. Bandbehi (embankment due), Painkharcha (irrigation due) Chiilhiawati
and kolhuawan (taxes on turmeric ovens and sugarcane ol oil presses),
Bapahi putahi (inheritance tax), iWarwalz and Sagahi (tax on marriages
of girls and widows), Hisabannn (accountancy fee), ’fahi (writing
fee), lUl1gla-I samnavasi (fee for writing forest lists), Batchapi (fee
on weights and measures), Dasahra and Chainomi (festival taxes) etc.

The amount of the levy was usually 60 per cent -to 100 cent of the per
rent.’;’!

Lastly, there a complete understanding among the planters

was
themselves. They had secured the monopoly for each concern in its
respective area. By this device the price paid for in igo was kept
stationary, instead of being allowed to progress with increasing value
of all other crops.

(5)
The advance of the industry was seriously threatened in 1867-68,
when there took place a strong demonstration against thel cultivation of
indigo, aggravated in some instances by acts of violence. For the
first time in Champaran, the disturbance broke out in Jokeetyeh, a vil-
large under the Lall Serayeh, factory. The villagers showed determi-
nation to sow no more indigo, by sowing the lands which had been
prepared by themselves for indigo in cold weather crops§ this manifes-
tation of protest was followed by setting the Lall planters’ Se~ayeh
bungallow on fire. The example of Jokeetyeh ryots was followed by
other villages, and the movement rapidly spread through Ithe Purundher
Factory area, the whole of the cultivation of which excepting 50 to 75
bighas, was sown in rubbee. Village after village did the same thing,
the villagers themselves were to be found in groups conspiring. The
peasants’ revolt took place in other districts of North ¡Bihar too. It
was very fierce in Pandual factory area of the Tirhoot di~trict.
I

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350

The disturbances set the Government of Bengal thinking. They

began to look into the matter closely and to devise ways and means to
help improve the situation. ,

The Government officials came to the conclusion that the root

cause of the conflict was the Assamiwar system of cultivation. It was
felt that it would be highly advantageous if the entire assamiwar indigo
cultivation could be made zirat. But there were objections on both
the sides. The ryots who had long been in possession of their lands,
disliked surrendering them and to have their names removed from the
jummabundee (rent-roll). The planters, though they professed that
they would also willingly if possible have all their cultivation under
zirat system, admitted that they might not be able to get the amount
of labour they required at one particular time, if they had not the hold
over the ryot, vrhich the assamiwar contract gave them.677

Mr. R. P. Jenkins, the commissioner of Patna was of the view that

the khuski system would be most wholesome and lasting if planters were
prepared to pay quite a fancy price to induce the royats to cultivate
indigo on a large scale. The zirat cultivation was after all the safest
for the planter, provided he had money, carriage, and labour at his
command; but the great obstacle to it was to be found in the obtaining
of sufficient lands which would be converted into zirats. The peasants
clung to the holdings. they had been born and bred upon, and would
not, save in exceptional instances, change them for other lands, even
though the lands offered might be equally good, if not even better. The
ryots knew, if they gave up their holdings even for a short time (i.e.,
during the planter’s lease) and allowed them to be considered factory’s
zirat, they would never get them back from the grip of the zamindar,
who might take the farms under his personal possession and at once
appropriate such lands to his own purposes.&dquo;-&dquo; .

Thus, the Assamiwar system not only remained, but it was felt
that only the Assamiwar system could thrive and it should be put on
a satisfactory footing by cleansing it of the abuses. The need for giv-
ing really
a remunerative price to the cultivator was impressed on the
planters. The outbreak of famine in 1866 had made the condition of
the peasantry worse. It had led to considerable rise in the prices of
food grains and made indigo cultivation very much unprofitable. The
planters agreed to pay Rupees 12 per bigha instead of Rupees 9 and
that, too, free of all kinds of dustoice. How far this was done in prac-

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 351

tice is a differeut matter. The Commissioner admitted that the in-

creased sum was not sufficient. 69

The demand for appointmeW of a commission of inquiry was

shelved. The administrative orders issued by the Government of
Bengal extented to magisterial interference, punitive police: force, and
the establishment of a Small Cause Court at Motihari.

The planters began to extend their zirat cultivation wherever and

whenever possible and not cumbersome to make indigo independent
of the ryots’ likes and dislikes. As the terms for the cultivations of
indigo proved to be too onerous and oppressive to the ryots, a large
number of them crossed the frontier into Nepal. 6!!a Their holdings
then became factory zirat. Partly by land becoming thus deserted, and
partly by interchange of holdings, each factory became possessed of
large contiguous holdings suitable for cultivation. In these days, a
traveller journeying from Muzaffarpur to Motihari, a distance of 52
miles saw a connected link of the zirats.6!!b The problem of labour
supply was solved partly by the import of tribal families and partly by
improverishing the peasants and depriving them of all their possessions
except their capacity to labour.

Planters’ calculations were shrewd enough. If the peasants gave

the planters much trouble, the proper remedy, according to the planters,
was not a reformed system by which the peasants could be admitted
to a share in the profits of indigo, but a determined drive to dispossess
the peasants of their land. The right to land implied a right to choose
the crops that suited them most, a right to prefer food and other remu-
nerative crops to unremunerative indigo. Moreover, the right to land
also implied the possibility of a fight to uphold it against an intruder
who contested it. If the planters could oust the peasants from land,
and the peasants sunk into the position of landless labourers, the situa-
tion would be ideal for them.

The zirat system, in fact, was built upon the unpaid or nominally
paid labour of the landless. The primary instrument for making the
system work was the power of the planter as a thikedar and the sup-
port from the zamindar.’°

As a result of the dispossession of land, the peasant had to enter

the labour market to sell his labour and the labour of his bullocks.711

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352

The manager of the Rajpore factory admitted that he compelled the

peasants to take only 5 annas for the cart while the market rate was
12 annas. 72=

The situation could not be really improved. Frequent outbreak

of famines and the abnormal rise in food prices led to disturbances now
and then.

The special officer enquiring into the Famine of 1874-75 wrote

that the area devoted to indigo cultivation was more fertile and if those
holdings had been devoted to the production of food grains, the district
had not suffered from the Famine of 1874-75. 73 The ryots’ refusal to .

grow indigo resulted in riots, plunder and ejections.

As the mood of the Government became favourable to the ap-

pointment of an enquiry commission, the planters formed their associa-
tion in 1877-78 and gave an undertaking ~to the government to behave
themselves.

But there took place a very significant turn in the situation. The
financial embarrassment of the Bettiah Raj put the indigo plantation on
a firm footing. Hitherto the planters had been able only to secure
temporary leases of land, but circumstances then arose which gave them
a more permanent and secure hold on the soil. By 1876, the Bettiah
Raj, owing to the extravagance of the Maharaja and the mismanage-
ment by his employees, had become heavily involved in debts, and Mr.
T. Gibbon was appointed manager to set the affairs of the estate right.
One of the first steps of Gibbon was to ensure financial equilibrium.
In 1885, in order to pay off the debts, a loan of ~, 2,45,000 was nego-
tiated in London with Guilliland House, bearing interest of :’) per cent
on a sinking fund, a sum off 28,000 was to be paid annually tt- the
loan trustees in liquidation of the debt, which was to be paid off by
1925. Thus, the Guilliland House floated a sterling loan of nearly _

Rs. 95 lakhs, on the sole condition of substantial European security.

To satisfy that condition and cover the interest on the loan, permanent
leases of villages were granted to the planters. Permanent rights in
the land being assured, the planters extended the cultivation of indigo.
Ramanager estate was taken under the Court of Wards (like the Behhiah
Raj in 1898). Permanent leases were known as mokarrari.

By the end of the 19th century there were 21 factories at the time

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 353

with 48 outworks in the district. The area under indigo at the time
of the settlement of 1892-99 was 98,000 acres which was 6.6;5 per cent
of the net cropped area. About one-third of this area was cultivated
by the indigo-concerns in their zirats and the rest by the ryots. The
planters exercised land-lord rights over 46 per cent of the district.&dquo;4

The oppressions of the ryots were intensified. The rapid rise in

the prices of food grains (the mean price of staple food grains rose
from 23-1[5 seers during the four years 1870-73 to 17-2~ 15 seers during
the five years 1891-95 i.e., by 30.6 per cent )7i-,, added fuel to the fire.
The antagonism was aggravated.

In the meantime the indigo industry received a shock. In 1896,

Germany cheap synthetic dye into the world market and
introduced it’3
the natural indigo industry of Bihar received a setback. Its price fell
from Rs. 250 to Rs. 150 a maund. The planters were hard hit and
the land growing indigo was diverted to the production of tobacco and
sugar. They tried to save the industry from extinction by adopting
scientific methods, new varieties of seeds etc., but they failed. During
the first world war, however, the natural indigo temporarily flourished
again because of the stoppages of the flow of synthetic indigo to the
world market. The indigo industry and plantation died a nat.ural death
during the 20’s of the twentieth century. The planters triedl to extort
as much as they could from the peasants on seeing the impending death
of the indigo industry and the peasants fought them bitterly.

1. George Watt, described "Northern Bihar .... as the head quarters

of the indigo industry.’’ See George Watt, Pamphlet on Indigo, page 17. (The
cover page on the copy of the book in the National Archives is missing, hence
I have no information about the exact year of publication).

2. Indigo was imported into England from West Indies and the southern
American colonies and was used in the textile industry and for colouring the
British naval costumes. But as a result of the French Revolution, the emanci-
pation of the Negro slaves in the French colonies, especially in Santo Domingo,
production declined sharply. About the year 1747, most of the planters in West
Indies, particularly in Jamaica, gave up the cultivation of Indigo as a result of
the high duty imposed on it. A large number of planters came to India and
production of indigo by them on a large scale began in India.
See: D. H. Buchanan: The Development of Capitalistic Enterprise in India,

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354

New York, 1934, page 36.

George Watt: The Commercial Products of India, 1908, page 668.

3. Minden Wilson: History of Behar Indigo Factories etc., Calcutta, 1908,

Pp. III-IV and page 5.

4. According to Wilson, The Barah factory was built by Mr. Steward in

about 1820 (Wilson: History of Behar Indigo Factories, etc., Calcutta, 1908,
p. 72), while Shyam Narayan Singh in his book, History of Tirhut, Calcutta,
1922, page 241, says ".... in 1813.... colonel Hickey founded a factory at
Bara." Mr. Singh is supported by Mr. L. S. S. O’Malley, I.C.S. (see, Bengal
District Gazetteers: Champaran, Calcutta, 1907, page 108).

5. Shyam Narayan Singh: Op. Cit., page 241.

6. Wilson, Op. Cit., Pp. 61-62.

7. Ibid, Pp. 62-63.
8. L.S.S. O’Malley, Op. Cit., page 72, page 102 and page 108.

9. Benoy Chowdhury: Growth of Commercial Agriculture in Bengal, (1757-

1900), Vol. I, Calcutta, 1964, page 121.
10. L.S.S. O’Malley, Pp. Cit., page 72.

11. Agricultural Statistics of the Lower Provinces of Bengal, For 1896-97,

Calcutta, 1898.
12. George Watt, The Commercial Products of India, 1908, Pp. 668-669.
13. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., page 121.

14. George Watt. Pamphlet on Indigo. page 17.

15. D. J. Reid, Indigo, page 85.

16. B. B. Misra, Select Documents on Mahatma Gandhiji’s Movement in

Champaran (1917-18), Government of Bihar, Patna, 1963, page 8.
Shyam Narayan Singh, Op. Cit., pages 241 and 246.
17. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Satyagraha in Champaran, Ahmedabad, 1949, p. 5.
18. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., page 80.
19. Wilson, Op. Cit., page 79.

20. Ibid, pages 79 and 81.

21. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., page 81.
22. Sir George A. Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, Patna, 1926, Pp. 243-244.
23. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Op. Cit., Pp. 11-12.

24. L.S.S. O’Malley, Op. Cit., page 127.

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 355

25. Proceedings of the Government of India, Home Department, (Public),

July, 1869. page 4304.
26. Ibid, Pp. 4304-4305.
27. Ibid, Pp. 4304-4305.
28. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Op. Cit., p. 11.

29. Grierson, Op. Cit., Pp. 325-326.

30. See, Proceedings of Home Department Publication Branch, consulta-
tation 1869, Subject Public Part A, 9th January, Nos. 108-114.

31. Ibid, (See the letter of H. L. Dampier Offg. Secretary to the Govern-
ment of Bengal to A. P. Howell, Offg. Secretary to the Government of India,
No. 5581, dated the 17th October, 1868).

32. O’Malley, Op. Cit., Page 115.

33. W. W. Hunter, Op. Cit., Pp. 268-269.

O’Malley, Op. Cit., page 115.

34. See the letter from H. Bell, Offg. Judge of the Court of Small Causes
Motihari to the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, No. 14, dated the 24th
April, 1868, (Proceedings of the Home Department, Publication Branch, consul-
tation, 1869, Subject Public, Part A, 9th January, Nos. 108-114).

35. O’Malley, Op. Cit., pp. 115-117. W.W. Hunter, Op. Cit., pp. 268-269.
Grierson, Op. Cit., Page 224. Bayle, Commissioner of the Patna, Division, The
Annual Administration Report for 1873.

36. O.Malley, Op. Cit., Page 116.

Grierson, Op. Cit., Page 224.
37. O’Malley, Op Cit., Page 116.
38. Hunter, Op. Cit., Page 269.
39. O’Malley, Op Cit., Page 116.

40. Wilson, Op Cit., Pages 129-130.

41. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., pp. 126-128.

42. P. C. Roy Chaudhury, Bihar District Gazetteers: Champaran, Patna,

1960, Page 220.
43. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., Page 129.
44. Dinabandhu Mitra, Nil Durpan, or The Indigo Planting Mirror,
(translated by Michael Madhusudan Dutt. Published by Sri Debi Prasad Mukho-
padhya, Eastern Trading Co., Calcutta. (Year not given) Pp. 3-6.
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356

45. See the letter from C.T. Metcalfe, Offg. Magistrate of Champaran
to R. P. Jenkins, Offg. Commissioner of the Patna Division, dated camp Bettiah,
the 15th December, 1887, ( Proceedings of the Home Department, Public Branch
consultation, 1869, Subject Public, Part A, 9th January, Nos. 108-114).
—

46. See the letter of R. P. Jenkins to the Secretary to the Government of

Bengal No. B; dated camp Champaran, the 26th February, 1868 ). Ibid
(
47. Ibid.

48. Wilson, Op. Cit., Page 128.

49. Procredirrgs of the Home Department Public )
Agriculture for April
(
th, 1868, Nos. 158-159, Part B.
11
50. Govt. of Bengal, General (Misc.) Department, A, Proceedings Nos.
100-113 of Nov., 1873.

51. Ibid.

52. Quoted by R. C. Dutt in his book The Economic History of India

under Early British Rule (1757-1837), Delhi, 1963, Page 170.

53. Ibid.

53. Ibid.

54. Wilson, Op. Cit., Page 125.

55. Watt, Op. Cit., Page 56.
56. Parliamentary Papers, 1861, XLV, Page 86.
57. Proceedings of Home Department, Public Branch, consultation 1869,
Subject Public, Part A, 9th January, Nos. 108-114.
58. Report of the Magistrate of Muzaffarpur, June 1877, included with
Annual Report of the Commissioner of the Ptana Division, 1876-77, No. 170,
Para 100.

Wilson, Op. Cit., Pp. 72-87, (Wilson shows how quickly the ownership of
the factories changed hands).
59. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., Page 123.
D.H. Buchanan, Op. Cit., Page 37.

(Planters seldom came out from Europe with capital. They raised it by
borrowing from Indians, European Servants of the company and from Agency
Houses in Calcutta. The rate of the interest was as high as 10-12
per cent
besides 2-12 per cent of commission from the planters).

60. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., Page. 124.

61. Home Department, Public ).

Agriculture
( Proceeding for April 11
th,
Nos. 158 159, Part B.

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 357

62. D. H. Buchanan, Op. Cit., Pp. 37-38.

63. Quoted by Dr. K. K. Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar,
Volume One, Patna, 1937, Pp. 173-174.

(Dr. Datta has not given the source of the document).

64. Home Department, Public (Agriculture) Proceedings for April 11th,

Nos. 158-159, Part B.
65. Quoted by S. Gopal, Britislt Policy in India, 1858-1905; Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1965, Page 34.
66. Report of the Committee on the Agrarian condition in Champarall,
1917, Chapter 111.
67. Proceedings of the Home Departntent, Public Brartclr, consultation, 1869,
Part A, 9tlr January, Nos. 108-114.

68. I bid.
69. lbia.
69a. Ibid (In the absence of reliable information, it is not possible to
asses the extent of migration, but if we travel from Bhikhanathoii to Gaur Bazar
in Nepal tarai and enquire about the time of migration of the families
from India, we shall be convinced of the validity of the statement.)
69b. Judicial Deptt. Proceedings, October No. 216, 1868.
70. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., Page 137.
71. Divisional Commissioner’s Annual Report for 1882-83.

72. Benoy Chowdhury, Op. Cit., Page 140.

, 73. Proceedings of the Bengal, General (Miscellarteous). Nos. 1-4, July, 1876.
74. Final Reports on the Survey and Settlement in Champaran, 1892-99,
by Stevenson Moore, Calcutta, 1900, Para 53.
7’. 0 Malley, Op. Cil., Page 94.

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