Reading 05

ECONOMIC HISPANIZATION
OF NEGROS ORIENTAL IN THE 19TH CENTURY

Caridad Aldecoa Rodriguez1

A STATIC ECONOMY, 1565-1850

Before the 1850s, the state of the economy in Negros had not shown any kind of
progress. The lack of roads and permanent build- ings indicated poor economic conditions.
Its rich soil was almost totally neglected. The natives planted a little palay, corn, camote and
other rootcrops, just enough to meet their necessities. The Spaniards were not encouraged
to stay in Negros, which was thickly covered with forests and whose inhabitants were so
primitive and hostile. The presence of many Negritos was not attractive to the Spaniards who
preferred to live in the bigger and more populous districts in the archipelago. Based on
government reports in the early 19th century, the natives still paid their tribute with forest
products like beeswax, honey, rice and others that they used to trade in the 16th century. No
beneficial crops were produced, for the lands remained uncultivated, and the wealth of
Negros lay potentially in agriculture. The gold in Negros mentioned in an early report did
not materialize.1 According to Fr. Pedro Sanz, "the island was submerged in the most
scandalous misery, scandalous because the misery or poverty was due to negligence and
laziness." To sum it all, Negros from the beginning was a disappointment to the Spaniards.

Cacao was introduced in Negros by a Jesuit priest, Fr. Juan Davila, who was assigned
to the parish of Ilog in the late 17th century.3 Like corn it was one of the crops introduced
from the New World, but it never flourished in Negros as it did in Mindanao. Corn became
the staple food of the natives of Cebu, Bohol and Negros, but what was produced was not
even enough for home consump- tion. Whatever small farms were planted to cover were
regularly plagued by locusts. An order of the Intendant Governor General of the Visayas to
the Alcalde Mayor of Negros required the burning Of fields from Bais to Samac to kill the
larvae of the locusts.4 Typhoons rarely hit southern Negros, but on November 25, 1847, a
typhoon caused a lot of damage to houses and crops from Amblan to Ba- cong.5 The
gobernadorcillo of Amblan reported to the alcalde mayor of the province that the typhoon
brought down the telegraph support in the place called Tandayag.

Before 1845, external trade was mainly the privilege of the alcalde mayor of the
province, by virtue of his right to indulto de comercio. This trade monopoly was to induce
him to stay in the province, otherwise he would prefer to stay in Manila and take part in the
lucrative galleon trade. As the galleon trade had stopped since 1811 and many reports of
abuses by the alcaldes of the province reached Manila (reports by the clergy), the privilege
was abolished. decree of 1844 forbade alcaldes mayores (governors of the provinces) from
engaging in commerce and trade. To make this reform easily acceptable, the salary of the

1
'Professor Of History, Silliman University, Dumaguete City,
provincial governors was increased from P300.00 to Pl ,500 per annum.6 The alcalde mayor
of Negros, Jose Sanz de Vizmanos (1844-1848), complied immediately with this decree.

As the external trade of the province was no longer controlled by the alcalde, attempts
were made to produce more crops. Rice, abaca, and tobacco were exchanged for clothing
material from Ma- nila. Sugar, the first commodity for export, was sold in Bais and
Dumaguete from where they were shipped to Iloilo. Abaca, the second produce for trade, was
monopolized by the Chinese and exported to Cebu and Manila.7 The Chinese also handled the
buying of rice, forest products and fish to be sold in their home port of Cebu. Other minor
commodities were exported to Manila, Cebu and Iloilo. Imported goods that were in demand
in Negros were drinks from Europe, furniture, lamps, glassware, scales, steel for ceilings, and
nails.8 The ladies of the wealthier class cherished the cloth mate- rials from Europe, while
those of the needy class contented them- selves with home-woven abaca and cotton cloth.

No industry in the real sense of the word existed in the province. Fishing had no
importance although it was done in all the towns. Fishes on the Oriental coast were not of
good quality and they were not plentiful. A good number of families engaged in the weaving
of abaca and cotton cloth which were worn only by the field workers and women of the needy
class. In Tanjay, there existed a distillery which produced whisky from nipa sap, and which
had a capacity of 20 arrobas (Spanish unit of weight equal to 25 lbs.) daily. Amblan and
Tanjay made buri bags for the packing of muscovado (brown) sugar. Mats woven from
pandan and ticog were being sold in Ayungon and Tayasan.9 Not one sugar refinery existed
in the province. Sugar cane was squeezed between two rollers, one of which was attached to
a lever pulled round and round by a carabao. The juice was boiled in big cauldrons to
evaporate the water, leaving the brown granules of sugar. Coconut oil was produced through
the process of grating the coconut meat and squeezing the milk out of it. The milk is then
boiled until the oil appeared.

Prior to 1857, the Philippines had no currency of its own. Money of other countries
circulated on the island. No banks or any estab- lishment of credit and savings existed in the
province as late as the 1890s.10 Private lenders charged from 10% to 20% interest annually,
depending on their discretion and the guaranty that the debtors could offer. The most
common way of borrowing was to get money in advance with the promise to pay in kind at
harvest time. Much higher interest was paid for money borrowed in this manner.

THE BOOMING SUGAR ECONOMY, 1850-1898

The opening of Iloilo to world trade in 1855 and of Cebu in 1860, increased
commercial contacts with Negros and helped to make its agricultural potentials more widely
known.ll Sugar cane planting started in the early 1850s and, by 1855, according to the exact
date taken by each parish priest, the produce had reached 618,120 piculs whose value,
calculated at P3.50 on the average, gives the astonish- ing amount of Sugar cane cultivation
transformed Negros into the most productive island in the whole archipelago. A great deal
of social change came about with the rise of the sugar industry. Immigrants from Panay, Cebu
and Bohol swarmed to Ne- gros as entrepreneurs, laborers, small businessmen and peddlers.
Spaniards and other foreigners migrated to Negros to establish busi- ness and carved
haciendas for themselves. By 1870 the distribution of population in Negros according to
social classes was as follows.13

65 peninsulares
294 Espafioles-Filipinos
4,804 mestizos (Chinese, Spanish and others)
181,802 Indios
165 pure Chinese ------187, 130, Total population

As population increased, tributes also increased. Sugar cane was more widely and
intensively cultivated on the Occidental side than on the Oriental coast, where sizeable
plantations were found only in Bais, Tanjay, Dumaguete and Sibulan. The rest of the towns
pro- duced more abaca, corn and tobacco. In fact, wide plantations of abaca were found in
Nueva Valencia, Sibulan, Ayuquitan, Bacong, Dauin, Samboanguita and Siaton.14 It was even
predicted that in three or four years the production of abaca hemp would surpass that of
sugar cane. Corn was planted in all the towns, especially in Tayasan, Jimalalud and
Guihulngan. Surplus corn from these towns was sold to the sugar cane-producing towns of
Bais and Tanjay. Fiber produced from a tree called dol-dol (kapok) was becoming an
important product. Cacao and coffee were produced in small quantities.

Problems brought about by the new economy started to surface. For instance, a major
problem in the planting of sugar cane was the scarcity of laborers for the haciendas. Many
laborers were needed during the planting and milling seasons. Don Joaquin Montenegro, a
hacendero of Bais complained to Dean C. Worcester, an American visitor in 1890, that the
natives did not like to work since their needs were few. Others, by sheer deceit, got their
salaries in advance then escaped, only to reappear in another hacienda to repeat the same
shenanigan. Don Joaquin preferred to hire laborers who drank, gambled or played the
gallera, for they had more wants than the moral and sober natives and therefore would work
more days in a year. 15

Only in places where intelligent and industrious Spaniards or Españoles-Filipinos,

such as in Dumaguete, Bais, Bayawan and Valle- hermoso, did agriculture develop and
prosper.16 Among the Españoles-Filipinos mentioned was Diego de la Vifia of Vallehermoso,
who, with a handful of hired help, transformed the thickly forestedarea of Bagawinis into
thriving farms devoted to sugar cane, tobacco and other root crops.17 Great stands of
hardwood forests vanished to make way for farms. The Bukidnons inhabiting the area either
submitted to become his field hands or moved to the interior and at- tacked his hacienda at
times. This pattern of transformation of the wilderness was true all over the island and
elsewhere in the world.18 These founding fathers of the Negros sugar industry were
farsighted entrepreneurs who, by shrewd investments and extraordinary ef- forts, acquired
lands and wealth. But they could not have succeeded without the sweat of the laborers and
the assistance of the officials, clergy and military.

By 1892, the state of the economy of Negros Oriental was relatively satisfactory for
the following reasons:19
 1. Good and abundant production of sugar which sold at a high price.
2. Production of abaca increased, for no typhoons destroyed the plantations.
3. No diseases and calamities diminished the cattle.

There were in the province some 9,500 heads of carabaos, 5,980 heads of cattle, 870
horses, 1,800 sheeps, 1,280 goats, and 5,000 pigs. In Tanjay and Bais the number of horses
decreased, for the owners preferred to butcher and eat them to avoid the taxes demanded
by contractors.20

Roads also improved by the 1890s. There were two main roads from the capital. The
one to the north was 183 kilometers long, and that to the south was 137 kilometers long. One
could travel on horsedrawn carriages from Dumaguete to Bais (36 km.) and to Sam-
boanguita (25 km.). The rest of the distance could be negotiated on horseback.21. In 1890,
the segment of road from Manjuyod to Ayungon was redirected to shorten the distance from
30 km. to 25 km. when finished. This new short cut which before was most difficult and
dangerous can be taken without too much risks. 22 Relations between the towns and the
capital were good because of easy commu- nicationland short distances. Except during the
rainy season, traveling between towns could be done quickly and with ease. Municipal
captains looked after the repair of the roads that fell within the jurisdiction of their towns.
Communication with the said island of Siquijor, however, was not so frequent because
sometimes the condition of the sea did not permit travel be seacraft. The roads were along
the coast and it was easier and cheaper for products to be carried by maritime routes to
points of embarcation at Bais, Tanjay and Dumaguete.

Collection of taxes, duties and revenues continued to be a prob- lem in spite of

improved economic conditions. Ihe total collections in 1892 compared to that of 1891 in this
province were as follows:23

Collected in
1892 $ 140,041 (Mexican)
1891 118,300
Difference $ 21,741

The increase of $21,741 (Mexican) was from the five towns of Siquijor, where the
collection of cedulas in 1892 had better results than in the previous year. To facilitate the
collection of taxes, people were prohibited from building their houses in their farms or on
the far away hills. Instead, the natives were obliged to live in the towns, or else they could
build their homes along the roads, but not farther than one kilometer from the town or
barrio. Thus, aside from facili- tating the collection of taxes, they could also be near for the
calls and summons of the agents of justice.24 This caused much inconvenience on the part of
the natives and, in truth, it was a great sacrifice for them to reside in the towns. There were
no crafts, industries, busi- ness, or trade that could give them a means of livelihood in the
towns. Their daily needs were supplied from the farm and their right place was there. The
daily trek to the farm and back to the house took up a lot of the time and energy of those poor
natives, no wonder they could not accomplish much and pay their obligations to the
government. The last Governor P.M. Antonio Ferrer, reported on April 5, 1898 the
following:25

"We have to confess that the collection of cedulas is real- ized very slowly. Previous
orders are continued and frequent reminders are sent so that the cabezas will activate the
collection of cedulas. Sometimes the collection does not enter the treasury." It was difficult
for the government to collect the exact amount of tribute in a locality, for during the harvest
season laborers flocked to the haciendas, and after the harvest they would return to their
towns of origin. Some of them would flee to the mountains and other places far from the
towns to avoid paying tribute. Spanish officials pointed out sharply that, "here (in the
mountains) they live in laziness out of reach of the authorities, all to the disadvantage of the
church and the public treasury."26 So the Spanish authorities re- sorted to strict measures.
They punished the cabezas and gobernardor- cillos, who in turn were forced to inflict
punishment, by flogging, on their fellow natives who did not pay tribute or render forced
labor. In meting out punishment, a big husky native was employed to do the flogging.27 While
some endured the punishment, others escaped to the mountains and became outlaws whose
leaders, in some cases, made themselves dios-dios. Indeed, living in the towns meant being
subjected to exploitation and suffering. It was really disgust and fear, aside from poor
economy, that drove these natives to the mountains for, anyway, their needs were few and
they led simple lives.

CONFLICTING VALUES AND PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE

BETWEEN THE NATIVES AND THE SPANIARDS

By the middle of the nineteenth century, the people of Negros Oriental could be
divided into three social classes.28 The first was made up by the big planters who enjoyed a
life of ease and leisure because of their wealth. The second class consisted of those who
possessed small properties yet were honest, industrious, thrifty, hospitable and lovers of
peace and order. They had few necessities and therefore not ambitious. They enjoyed a
position that was quite comfortable. The lowest class was composed of the poor farm
laborers, servants and fishermen. Generally, they were ignorant, fanatical and superstitious.
Their needs were few and so they were not ex- pected to work hard. They could thrive on
corn and salted fish and ate only twice a day. Although all the three classes had passions for
gambling and drinking, yet the idea of saving more was well infused in them.29

The women were usually engaged in the weaving of abaca, cot- ton and pifia cloth.
Some of them did the work of men in the fields, while their husbands were in the house
caressing their fighting cocks, or in the tiangue chatting with friends over glasses of tuba.
Both men and women dressed modestly and economically, and they had little enthusiasm
for feast except religious ones. Even baptisms and weddings were not celebrated lavishly like
in the other provinces.30 In each town there was at least one influential person who owned
a number of carabaos, goats and chickens. His house though made of nipa and bamboo,
would be the biggest in town. His wife might own a gold necklace, and she and her children
had better clothes than the rest, but his harvest of palay may not even be enough to feed his
family. He would be chosen as gobernadorcillo or cabeza and he would belong to the
principalia class or native aristocracy of the province. The only feast was the day of the
patron saint of the town and it was celebrated this way:31 "

In the morning there is one solemn sung mass and sermon, a procession followed in
the afternoon. During the day some divert themselves by witnessing a "moro- moro" or
"encafiaz". In general they pass the day in the cockpit which is their favorite diversion. In the
evening, they light some fireworks and with this, it can be said that the fiesta has ended. It is
very rare that there is dancing in the day or night."

Governor P.M. Victor Espada wrote further:

"If the idea of dignity of work is inculcated in them... with the richness of the soil
where they live, where all crops can grow, they will become good citizens in this
inexhaustible fountain of riches."

It should be noted that all through the reports of Spanish offi- cials and friars of the
province, the common complaint was about the laziness and idleness of the natives. So
irritated were the Spaniards about the lethargy of the people that they resorted to strict
measures and severe punishments. These in turn resulted in deep resentment, if not outright
antagonism, of the natives against the Spaniards.

Here we find the conflicting values and philosophy of life be- tween the natives and
the Spaniards. Environment also played a great part in molding these values. In a place like
Negros in particular, where nature has done so much for the people that they have little
trouble in getting food, clothing and shelter, why should one work so hard? With the rich soil,
almost all crops could grow the whole year round. Clothing and shelter need not be so made
as to keep off the extreme cold and heat, like they have to in temperate countries in general
and Spain in particular. Not knowing any better life, the Negrense's idea of a good life was:
to have a part of his nipa house filled with ears of corn during harvest, to be able to store
some salted fish or dried fish for viand, or to just go to the seashore for shells and oysters
during low tide, since, anyway, his vegetables were just growing wildly in the open fields.
The place was green throughout the year and there was nothing to worry about, except the
cedula or tribute that was required by the Spanish government. On the Oriental coast of
Negros, the perennial calamungay tree continuously supplied him with green tender leaves.
Cooked with coconut milk, or just boiled with fish and tomatoes, it was enough to give him a
hearty meal. Grinding the corn was done by the women with their native stone mills.
Fetching water and gathering firewood, which could be had for free, was part of the women's
daily chores.

After a good meal of the food mentioned above (the same food would be served for
weeks and even months), the contented Ne- grense family man drinks his favorite tuba
(fermented sap of the coconut palm), he happily lies down on the cool bamboo floor, or sits
with his legs on the window sill, and smokes his tobacco, or chews his betel nut and strums
his guitar. Life was good and worth living until the tribute collected and forced-labor agents
get in his way. As soon as the stored corn was consumed he would start digging for camote
or other root crops. He could not find any reason why he should work hard to pay tribute to
the aristocratic and domineering Spaniards, or why he had to give the best food to the friar
in the convent when he could not even afford them himself. Worse still, if one worked so hard
to accumulate money, he would become the victim of tulisanes, Spanish officials and friars
alike. It was more out of fear of the Spaniards and following age-old tradi- tions that many
complied with the paying of tribute and rendered forced labor.

On the other hand, the Spaniards' idea of a rewarding life was: to exploit the land and
all that was around him, to make them productive to the fullest and enjoy the bounty in terms
of abundant food, clothes, entertainment, paved and lighted streets, and permanent
buildings, or at least an easy, convenient, and luxurious life if possible. They saw themselves
as the leaders, the natives only as laborers. Theirs was to run the government and manage
society to their satisfaction with, of course, the support of the natives. There- fore; they were
impatient with the lethargy of the natives and the latter's reluctance to pay tribute.

NOTES

ICensus of the Philippine Islands. 1903 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1905), Vol.
1, p. 419.

2Pedro Sanz, Plan de Misiones Para la Isla de Negros, (Manila: 1881), pp. 9-10.

3Robustiano Echauz, Sketches of the Island of Negros (Translated by D. V. Hart: Athens, Ohio:
University Center for International Studies: 1978), xvi.

4Ereccion de Pueblo, Isla de Negros, Leg. 109, No. 57, N.A. See also Jose E. Marco, Resefia
Historia de la Isla de Negros (Manila: Imprinta Tipografica de la Vanguardia, 1912), p. 99.

51bid., No. 96.

6Angel Martinez Cuesta, History of Negros (Manila, R.P.: Garcia Publishing Co., 1980), p. 150.
The Provincial governors were also forbidden to own houses, lands, cattle ranches and boats
for pearl fishing, directly or through a third party.

7Echauz, Sketches, op.cit., p. xvii.

8Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892, Report of Governor P.M. Victor Espada, p. 386. N.A.

91bid., p. 385b.

101bid., p. 389.

IIRamon R. Lola, "The Philippine Islands" (New York: Continental Publishing Co., 1898), p.
139. See also Horacio V. de la Costa, Readings in Philippine History (Manila: Bookmark,
1965), p. 145.

12Sanz, op.cit., p. 12.

13Agustin de la Cavada. Historia Geografica, Geologica y Estadistica de Filipinas (Manila:

1876), vol. 2, p. 173.
14Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892, p. 383.

15Dean C. Worcester, The Philippine Islands and Their People (New York: The MacMillan
Co., 1899), p. 162.

16Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892, p. 383.

171bid., p. 355 b.

18Echauz, Sketches, op.cit., pp. xvii-xviii.

19Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892, p. 390.

20Mnnorias de Negros Oriental, 1890, N.A. Report of Governor P.M. Joaquin Tavera.

21Costa Oriental de la Isla de Negros (April 5, 1898). Bundle on Memorias N.A. Report of
Governor Politico-Militar Antonio Ferrer.

22This is called the Himampangon road today.

23Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892, p. 391b.

241bid.
25Costa Oriental de la Isla de Negros, 1892, op. cit.

261bid.

271nterview vith Mrs. Silveria Duran Aldecoa, Dumaguete, May 18, 1981. As related by her
father who was a teniente del barrio,

28Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1905),
vol. 1, p 525.

29Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892, p. 374.

301bid.

311bid., p. 379.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

1. Unpublished documents from the National Archives:

Provincia de Negros Oriental Memorias. 1890. Written by Goberna- dor Politico-Militar

Joaquin Tavera. A handwritten pamphlet.

Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892. Written by Gobernador P.M. Victor Espada. A

handwritten pamphlet.
Costa Oriental de la Isla de Negros. April 5, 1898. Report of Gobernador P.M. Antonio Ferrer
y Puyoles. A handwritten pamphlet.

Ereccion de Pueblo. Isla de Negros. Selected entries: Leg. 109, Nos. 57 and 96.

Interview with Mrs. Silveria Duran Aldecoa, daughter of a teniente

del barrio and polistat on May 18, 1981 at Dumaguete City.

2. Printed Sources

Cavada, Agustin de la. Historia Geografica, Geologica y Estadestica de Filipinas. Manila:

1876.2 vols.

Sanz, Pedro. Plan de Misiones para la Isla de Negros. Manila: Esta- blecimiento Geografico de
Ramirez y Geraudier, 1881.

Worcester, Dean C. The Philippine Islands and their People. New York: The MacMillan co.,
1899.

Census of the Philippine Islands 1903, Taken under the direction of the Philippine
Commission in 1903.4 vols. Washington Government. Printing Office, 1905.

Secondary Sources

Cuesta, Angel Martinez. History of Negros. Manila: R.P. Garcia Publishing Co., 1980.

Echauz, Robustiano. Sketches of the Island of Negros. (Translated by Don V. Hart). Athens,
Ohio: University Center for International Studies, 1978.

Lola, Ramon R. The Philippine Islands. New York: Continental Publishing Co., 1898.

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